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^merican ^rc|)itie0:
CONSISTING OF
A COLLECTION OF AUTHENTICK RECORDS, STATE PAPERS, DEBATES, AND LETTERS AND
OTHER NOTICES OF PUBLICK AFFAIRS,
THE WHOLE FORMING
A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY
OF
THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES;
CAUSES AND ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
AND OF
THE CONSTITUTION OF GOVERNMENT FOR THE UNITED STATES,
THE FINAL RATIFICATION THEREOF.
IN SIX SERIES.
FIRST SERIES.
From the Dirscovery and Settlement of the North American
G)lonies, t6 the Revolution in Eng-land, in 1688.
4 SECOND SERIES.
From the Revolution in England, in 1688, to the Cession of
Canada to Great Britain, by the Treaty at Paris, in 1763.
THIRD SERIES.
From the Cession of Canada, in 1763, to the King's Mes-
sage to Parliament, of March 7th, 1774, on the Proceed-
ings in North America.
FOURTH SERIES.
From the King's Message, of March 7th, 1774, to the Decla-
ration of Independence, by the United States, in 1776.
FIFTH SERIES.
From the Declaration of Independence, in 1776, to the De-
finitive Treaty of Peace with Great Britain, in 1783.
SIXTH SERIES.
From the Treaty of Peace, in 1783, to the final ratification
of the Constitution of Government for the United States,
proposed by the Convention, held at Philadelphia, in 1787.
PREPARED AND PUBLISHED UNDER AUTHORITY OF AN ACT OF CONGRESS.
i4i
^
^
AMERICAN AR€HITE8t
dPourtj) giertcs.
CONTAINING
A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY
OF
THE ENGLISH COLONIES IN NORTH AMERICA,
FKOM
THE KING'S MESSAGE TO PARLIAMENT, OF MARCH 7, 1774,
TO
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
BY
THE UNITED STATES.
VOLUME I.
PUBLISHED BY M. ST. CLAIR CLARKE AND PETER FORCE,
UNDER At;THOBlTY OF AN ACT OF CONGRESS, PASSED ON THE SECOND OF MARCH, 1833.
«ie<tmjJJ>e
WASHINGTON, DECEMBER, 1837.
«l^«
£
m
PEEFACE
We noAv submit to the People of the United Stales, the first fruits of our long
and arduous lahoui'S. We oflier the present Volume as a specimen of tlie manner in
Mhich our Work will he accomplished. The undertaking in which we have embarked
is, emphatically, a J^ational one : National in its scope and object, its end and aim.
The tendency of the present age has been justly and philosophically designated as
historick. At no former period of the world has this characteristick been so strikingly
manifested. The learning, the industry, and the sagacity of the most profound intellects
have been devoted in exploring the deepest recesses, and in gathering the most widely
scattered rays, for the purpose of pouring their concentrated lights upon the history
of the past. The Annals of the remotest ages, and the most distant countries, have
been examined with equal diligence and learning, and new and valuable lights have
been thrown even upon the antiquities of Egypt, of Greece, and of Borne.
The same tendency has been exhibited in developing the early history of existing
Nations. Ancient records have been disinterred from tlie dust of ages, the most
obscure receptacles of historick materials have been explored, almost obliterated records
have been restored, scattered documents have been collected, and forgotten writers have
been republished. A combined and vigorous effort appears to be making, throughout
tlie civilized Avorld, together, to preserve and to scrutinize all the memorials w Inch can
rescue the history of the past from the obscurity in which time has en^ eloped them.
Nor has this important subject been allowed to depend, exclusively, upon individual
means and private enterprise. In England, and in France especially, the Government
has long since perceived and recognized the truth, that the national character and the
national interests, are intimately connected Avith the success of these undertakings. 'I'he
Publick Offices have been laid open and their rich treasures submitted to the inspection
of the inquirer after historick truth. With a liberality deserving of the highest com-
mendation, this privilege has been extended as well to foreigners as to natives, and
Brequigny and Von lieaumer aie not the only instances in which the records of one
Nation have been employed by the historian of another. This liberty has, in several
instances, been accorded to our own citizens, and the Publick Offices in London have
been opened, and Documents allowed to be transcribed, for the purpose of verifying the
general history of the United States.
Nor has this publick interest been confined within these limits. Large pecuniary
expeuditm'es have been made with the view to promote these objects, and to aid in publi-
cations for the completion of w hich the resources of individuals were inadequate. In some
instances Governments have, themselves, undertaken the work, and by the instrumentality
of their own agents, and the employment of their own means, have laboured in the dis-
semination of such information as was calculated to illustrate their past history. The
Record Commission of England, and that oi-ganized in France, under the supervision of
the Minister of Publick Instruction, in conformity with the recommendation of 31. Gni-
zot, are too well known to require more than this general allusion to them.
If in Europe there exist sufficient motives to prompt to such undertakings, how infi-
nitely more weiglity and more efficient ought they to be among us. These inquiries, ori-
ginating in the liberal and inquisitive cliaracter of the age, may be expected to be most
zealously pursued in those countries where freedom prevails. Designed, as they are, to
exhibit the fundamental principles of government, tlie^^ might naturally be expected to be
the most warmly cherished, where free institutions exist. Independently of this, all our
historical memorials are of comparati> ely recent date, they are written in a language fa-
miliar to all, they tend to illustrate existing institutions, and a bistorj^ w hich still retains all
its personal interest. A complete collection of the materials for a history of this country
would not only be a proud monument to the memory of our ancestors, w hose deeds they
commemorate and whose opinions they embody, but would serve as an invaluable guide
to us and to our posterity, by exhibiting the vital spirit w hich has pervaded the past, the
PREFACE
true foundations upon m liicli our institutions rest, and the essential principles upon which
their existence and perpetuity depend. It would furnish an ample vnidication of those
Mho have preceded us upon this sta-e,from the imputations Mhich ignorance and prejudice
have lal)oure(l to cast upon their motives and their acts ; and our free institutions, hy hav-
ing their foundations laid open to the world, and the whole plan of their structure exhi-
bifed, will recommend tliemselves, more and more, to the philosophical inquirer, and to
the aflVction and imitation of mankind.
If history he philosophy teaching hy example, how infinitely instructive must be the
history of such a country as this. The example which it presents is the purity of prin-
cipk', the singleness of effort, the stern adherence to constitutional right, the manly sub-
ordination to law, tile indignant hostility to usurpation, which are manifested in every page
of our past history ; the philosophy it inculcates is — that the same purity of motive, the
same respect for lawful authority, the same opposition to tyranny, the same vigilance in
detecting the first insidious approaches of despotism, the same stem resolution in resist-
ing its progress, which made us a Nation, are equally essential, as the means of preserving
those liberties our fathers beciueathed to us, and those institutions which they framed.
Even to this day much ignorance and much misapprehension prevail as to the princi-
ples of the American Revolution, and the true character and tendency of our institutions.
Nor is this ignorance altogether confined to foreigners, it exists, to a great extent, among
ourselves. By many superficial persons, it is supposed that the American Revolution
began with the battle of Lexington, and terminated with the evacuation by the British
Troops of these Unileil Stales. It seems to be the opinion of such, that the whole his-
tory of that IJevolution is to be found in the narrative of the campaigns of that War.
Widely diflerent from this is the truth, as developed by history; widely different was the
opinion of those who mainly aided in severing the connexion with Great Britain. " What
do we mean by the American Revolution ?" asks one of the most prominent actors in
those days : " Do we mean the American War? The Revolution was effected before the
" War commenced. The Revolution was in the mind and heart of the people. The
"i-adical change in the principles, opinions, sentiments, and affections of the people was
" the real American Revolution."
Even this language may, without due reflection, be understood in a sense not contem-
plated by its illustrious author. A full and careful examination of the history of the
times will abundantly show, that so far as regards the nature and extent of their rights,
and the foundations upon which they were claimed, there was, substantially, no revolution
or change in the principles of the American People. The first emigrants to these shores
brought with them, in their full vigour, in their original purity, and in their complete deve-
lopment, the principles of the American Revolution. They abandoned their native homes,
they crossed the ocean, braved the horrours of an inhospitable clime, encountered the
perils of the tempest, of war, and of famine, to escape the burthen of governmental op-
pression. They braved all, and encountered all, in the same cause for wliich their sons
sul)sequently fought and bled. From the moment they placed their feet upon the soil
of this Western Hemisphere, they asserted and maintained their independency of the
Parliamentary power of taxation, and denied, to that extent, the authority of a Legisla-
ture in which they Avere not, themselves, represented. Although the Colonies were, ori-
ginally, settled by individual enterprise, and by insulated rather than combined efforts,
yet the Colonists, at a very early period, perceived the advantages of union in repelling or
resisting a common foe.
The Colonial history is replete with evidence of the truth of the preceding remarks.
- u deeply rooted and how Avidely diffused,
even at these remote periods, were the true and essential principles which, subsequently
expanding into maturity, produced the fruits of the American Revolution. In 1696 a
pamphlet was published, recommending the imposition of taxes in the Colonies by au-
thority of Parliament. It did not escape the notice of the vigilant friends of American
Liberty. Two answers to this publication appeared, which seem to have attracted gene-
ral attention, and in which the docu-iuewas broadly asserted and maintained, that no
such right existed in Parliament, because the Colonies were not represented in that body,
riie idea of combining their efforts in matters of common interest to all may be traced
iKick to a period nearly as remote. In 1690 a communication was addressed by the
General Court ot\MassucliU8elts to the Governours of the neighbouring Colonies, desiring
them to appoint Commissioners "to meet, advise, and conchide upon suitable methods
PREFACE.
in assisting each other, for the safety of the whole land." Such a meeting was, accord-
ingly, held, and evidence exists inducing the belief, tliat it was styled by the now familiar
and revered name of Congress.
Nor did the principles for which the Colonists contended originate on this side of the
Atlantick. The doctrine that representation and taxation -were essentially and indissolu-
bly connected, was claimed as a portion of English Liberty, as interwoven in the very
structure of the English Constitution, and as recognised among the most ancient and
firmly established principles of the Common Law. It was no innovation, serving as a
cloak for rebellion and revolution. It was drawn from the most ancient and pure foun-
tains of Liberty, and sanctioned by the authority of the most eminent judicial characters
in the British Parliament.
It is a source of honest pride, in reverting to the contemporaneous history of England,
to contrast the characters of the individuals who, at times, it is true, with some modifica-
tions, yet concurring in the great and essential principles upon which our ancestors placed
themselves, sustained the doctrines which were designated as .fimerican, with those Avho
originated and defended those measures of the Ministry which drove the Colonists first
to resistance, and, finally, to a dissolution of the political connexion by which tbey had
so long been bound to the Mother Country. Such an examination will conduct to the
conclusion, that had the questions upon Avhich the controversy turned, assumed a judicial
instead of a political character, and been carried for decision before the English Courts,
tlie same eminent Judge, who first decided against the legality of general warrants, a\ ould
have pronounced it to be the law of the land that tliese Colonists were not subject to the
taxing power of Parliament.
The Work, of which the present volume is a specimen, will cleai'ly imfold and develop
the whole foundation of American principles, and will exhibit to the Avorld the most conclu-
sive evidence that they were, without exception, grounded in strict right, based upon con-
stitutional Law, and upon the well settled doctrines of the English Government : that there
was no taint or tinge of anarchy, of insubordination to all authority, no novelty, no inno-
vation. The important, practical truth will be clearly deducible from these premises,
that if such be the foundations they must ever constitute the support of our institutions.
Their beautiful simplicity, their fair proportions, their majestick symmetry, and their
stable grandeur, will equally recommend them to our love and veneration, and to the
respect and imitation of others.
In the examination of the contents of these Volumes, a casual observer may, perhaps,
at the first view, be struck with the character of much of the material which Ave have col-
lected. A more mature consideration will satisfy, we apprehend, every mind, that al-
though much of it has been drawn from perishable and ephemeral sources, no faithful
portrait of the times could be presented, formed from other ingredients.
A distinguished foreign jurist has said, that laws are not to be created, but must create
themselves ; and the observation is equally true in its application to all that comes within
the scope of legislation, whether political or municipal in its immediate character. Biirlie
has, with his accustomed philosophical sagacity, remarked, that " to follow, not to force,
"the publick inclination, to give a direction, a form, a technical dress, and a specifick sanc-
" tion to the general sense of the community, is the true end of legislation."
If this be true in any country, and under any institutions, most emphatically is it true,
and ever has been true, among us. Without concurring altogether in the observation of
De Tocqueville, iha.i the journals are the only historical monuments of the United States^
it may, without fear of contradiction, be asserted, that there exist no sources of histori-
cal information in a free and enlightened country, so rich and so valuable, as its publick
journals, and the proceedings and debates of its publick bodies and associations. It is
peculiarly the case, at such times as those comprehended within the scope of our Work.
Constitutions were to be formed, the whole frame of Government to be constructed, legis-
lative bodies to be organized, and in this preliminary action, as well as in the movements of
tlie machine when brought into life, publick opinion was to be the efficient and vital prin-
ciple. This publick opinion must, necessarily, be created, as well as manifested, through
the instrumentality of the means which have been indicated.
It was urged on more than one occasion and by high authority in England, that the Ame-
rican contest originated in, and was sustained by, the selfish or ambitious designs of a few
leading individuals. That personal interest gave it birth, and sustenance, and support. This
was only one of the palpable misrepresentations and gross delusions of the times. The pre-
sent Work will show, beyond the possibihty of future rational doubt, that the roots of Ame-
rican freedom had penetrated into every corner of our land and drew their active and living
nourishment from every family fountain. Every reader of this compilation will perceive as
PREFACE.
oue of the most distinctly marked facts which it establishes, that the American Revolution
was the act of the whole American People, and that all our institutions are the w^ork of the
same creator. This we esteem as one of the most precisely taught lessons of our history, and
if properly appreciated and applied, the most valuable which it inculcates. We shall learn
that unless the People, as such, had worked out their own rescue from the oppression, which
was rather seen in perspective than actually endured, all the personal influence and intellect
of the great men of the day would have failed to accomplish this result. Happy will it be
for our beloved country, if, drawing the obvious inference from this history of the past, every
American citizen shall be impressed with the conviction that as he is individually interested,
in the blessings which freedom confers, so there is imposed upon him the personal duty and
sacred trust of vigilantly watching and manfully sustaining that liberty which has been trans-
mitted to him.
It would be unnecessary, on this occasion, to enter into a minute detail of the sources from
which we have drawn the materials of this compilation. It may not be unnecessary, how-
ever, to observe that, in the prosecution of eur labours, we have, personally, examined the
publick records in each of the thirteen original States. We regret to say, that we have found
these, in some instances, in a lamentable state of deterioration, confusion, and decay ; many
important documents and publick proceedings appear to be irretrievably lost. We have,
however, the satisfaction of believing, that the inquiries and examinations we have instituted,
have, in some instances, been instrumental in rescuing many of inestimable value from the
very jaws of destruction : and, in others, in awakening a feeling of interest in the memorials
of our past history, which promises to result in a more persevering search for such as may
still remain in existence, and a more careful preservation of such as have survived the haz-
aids to which they have been exposed. No doubt is entertained, but that there still exist,
not only in publick places of deposite, but in family archives, papers of great importance as
illustrating the history of the times, and we would earnestly press upon individuals, in whose
possession such documents may be found, a minute examination among them, and a careful
preservation of such as possess general interest ; more particularly, the correspondence of
the members of the various Committees, Conventions, Assemblies, and Congresses. Any
communication made to the Editor of copies of such documents, or a notification of their
existence, with the liberty of inspecting and using them, will confer not only a personal
favour, but promote the general good. Papers belonging to the period of time embraced by
the present Volume, which may be obtained hereafter, will be inserted in a Supplement to
this Series of the work.
Washington, December, 1837.
CONTENTS.
PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT ON THE KINGS MESSAGE OF
THE 7th OF MARCH, 1774.
1774.
March
7.
11,
16,
23,
30,
April
14,
15,
House of Lords.
The King's Message relating to the Disturbances
in America, and requesting Parliament to make
provision for better securing the execution of
the Laws, and the just dependence of the Col-
onies upon the Cron-n and Parliament, -
Papers, relating to the Disturbances in America,
laid before the House by the Earl of Dart-
mouth—
From Massachusetts Bay,
From New- York,
From South Carolina,
From New-Hampshire,
From the Admiralty,
From the War Office,
From the East India Company,
From the Treasury,
Address to the King ordered.
More Papers submitted by the Earl of Dartmouth,
Papers relating to the Disturbances in America,
to be considered on the 17th,
Consideration postponed to the 24th,
Consideration further postponed,
Committee ordered to inquire into the Proceed-
ings of Massachusetts Bay,
Papers relating to the Disturbances in Massachu-
setts Bay referred to the Committee,
Lords who formed the Committee, •
Address to the King for all Papers relating to
Disturbances in Massachusetts Bay, received
from Officers in his Majesty's service there,
from July 7, 1766, which have not already
been laid before the House,
Papers called for in the Address of yesterday,
sent by the King's command.
Referred to the Committee appointed on the 30th
11
11
March
14,
of March, ....
.
12
20, Report of the Committee,
-
12-31
House of Commons.
larch The King's Message,
-
32
7, Papers presented by Lord North,
•
32
Lord North's Speech on presenting the
Papers,
222
Motion for an Address to the King,
-
32
Debate — Lord Clare,
.
33
Mr. Dowdeswell,
33
Governour Pownall,
-
33
Mr. E. Burke, - ' •
.
33
Mr. Solicitor General,
.
34
Mr. E. Burke,
-
34
24,
Lord George Germain,
.
■ 34
General Conway,
-
• 35
25.
Colonel Barre,
.
• 36
Address ordered, - . . .
-
• 36
ON THE BOSTON PORT BILL.
House of Commons.
March The King's Message, and Papers presented this
day, to be considered on the 1 1th,
Papers presented by Lord North,
Message and Papers considered, and ordered for
further consideration on the 14th, -
Petition from William Bollan, Agent for Massa-
chusetts, presented, . - - . .
Gallery of the House cleared, . - . .
Message and Papers considered,
Speech of Lord North,
Fourth Series.
7
11
14,
35
35
35
35
36
37
37
18,
21,
23,
Motion by Lord North for leave to bring in Bos-
ton Port Bill,
Debate — Mr. Grosvenor,
Governour Johnstone,
Lord North,
Mr. Dempster,
Mr. Sawbridge,
Mr. Byng,
Mr. R. Fuller,
Mr. Dowdeswell,
Mr. Henry Cavendish,
Captain Phipps,
Lord George Cavendish,
Colonel Barr^,
Motion agreed to,
Committee to bring in the Bill,
Further consideration of Message and Papers re-
ferred to Committee of the Whole House, on
Friday next, the 18th, . . . .
Lord North presented the Bill,
Read the first time,
Second reading ordered on the 21st, -
Motion to print the Bill rejected.
Consideration of Message and Papers postponed
to the 23d,
The Bill read the second time,
To be considered in Committee of the Whole, on
the 23d,
Order for Committee of the Whole on the Mes-
sage and Papers discharged.
Message and Papers referred to Committee of the
Whole on the Bill,
House in Committee of the Whole on the Bill,
Debate — Mr. Fuller, .....
Mr. Herbert,
Lord North,
Mr. Gascoigne, ....
Mr. Montague, ....
Mr. Byng,
Mr. Stanley,
Mr. Dempster, ....
Lord North,
Mr. Ward,
Mr. Jenkinson, ....
General Conway, . - - -
Mr. Fuller, - - - - • -
Mr. Charles James Fox, -
Captain Phipps, ....
Lord North,
Colonel Barr^, ....
Bill reported to the House, . . - -
Third reading of the Bill ordered for to-mor-
row, ..--•--
Petition from William Bollan, Agent for Massa-
chusetts, offered by Mr. Crosbie, -
House refuse to receive it, . . . -
Notice of the rejection of this Petition, (Note,) -
Petition of several Natives of North America,
against the Bill, presented and read.
Bill read the third time, - - - - -
Motion of Mr. Charles James Fox, to strike out
a clause of the Bill, - - - - -
Rejected -------
Motion of Mr. Charles Fox to strike out another
clause of the Bill,
Rejected, - - - ' .,, "
(Question on the passage of the Bui,
Debate — Mr. Dowdeswell, - • - -
Mr. Welbore Ellis, - - - -
Mr. Edmund Burke,
39
39
39
39
39
39
39
39
39
39
39
39
40
40
40
40
40
41
41
41
41
41
41
41
41
41
41
41
42
43
43
44
44
44
44
44
44
45
45
45
45
45
Mr. Van, 45
46
46
46
46
46
46
47
47
48
48
48
48
49
49
49
50
XIX
1774.
May
11.
CONTENTS.
XX
Speech
51
5'2
52
5-2
52
52
52
53
57
07
57
56
58
58
59
59
59
60
60
60
60
60
60
60
60
60
61
Debate — Mr. Grey Cooper, -
Mr. Anthony Ikcon,
Governour Pownall,
Lord John Cavendish,
Mr. T. Towmshend, -
Mr. Sawbridge,
Lord Norili,
Governour Johnstone,
Mr. Sawbridge,
Lord North,
The Bill passed, " ' " ,
Remarks ou Governour Johnstone's
(Note,)
House of Lonls.
March Boston Port Bill received from the Commons, •
26, Read the first time, - - - " "
Second reading ordered on the 28th, and the
Lords summoned, ''''.'
28, Petition of Suphrn Sayre and others. Natives of
America, presented by Lord Wycombe, -
Papers relating to the Disturbances in America,
read, -------
Bill read the second time, . . - -
Motion to commit the Bill, after long debate,
agreed to,
Committed to a Committee of the Whole House
for to-morrow,
29, Considered in Committee of the Whole, -
Reported to the House,
Third reading ordered to-morrow,
30, Petition of William Bollan, Agent of Massachu-
setts, presented by the Earl of Stair,
Mr. Bollan heard at the Bar of the House against
the Bill, -
Bill read the third time,
Passed, ....---
31, Royal assent to the Bill,
Petition of Natives of North America, to the
King, against the Bill, . . . -
" An Act to discontinue in such manner, and for
such time, as are therein mentioned, the land-
ing and discharging, lading or shipping, of
Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, at the Towti,
and within the Harbour of Boston, in the Prov-
ince of Massachusetts Bay, in North Ame-
rica," 61-66
ON THE BILL FOR BETTER REGULATING THE GOVERNMENT
OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
House of Commons.
March Committee of the Whole House ordered on the
25, King's Message of March 7, and Papers pre-
sentwi by Lord North, - - - - 65
Papers presented November 28, and December 7,
1768, January 20, 1769, and May 7, 1770, re-
lating to his Majesty's Colonies in North Ame-
i ■ rica, referred to the Committee, - - - 65
Massachusetts Bay Charter, granted by King
William and Q,ueen Mary, presented to the
House on the 22d of January, 1740, referred
to the Committee, 65
28, House in Committee on the Message and Pa-
pers, --..-.-65
Lord North's Speech, 65
His motion for leave to bring in a Bill for better
regulating the Gtovemment of Massachusetts
Bay, 66
Debate — Mr. Byng, 66
Sir. F. Norton, (Speaker,) ■ - - 67
Lord North, 67
Mr. Stephen Fox, - - - - 67
Lord George Germain, - - - 67
Lord North, 68
Mr. Pownall, 68
Lord North's motion agreed to, ... Qg
Committee to prepare and bring in the Bill, - 68
April The Bill presented by Lord North, - • - 68
15, Debate — Lord North, 68
Mr. R. Fuller, 69
Mr. Dempster, 69
Lord North, 69
Mr. Dowdeswell, - - - - 69
Governour Pownall, - - - 69
The Bill read the first time, - - • - 70
Second reading ordered for the 22d, - - • 70
Bill ordered to be printed, - • • - 70
1774.
April
19,
21.
25,
27,
28,
Address to the King, for copies of Acts of the
General Court of Massachusetts Bay, for sum-
moning, returning, and regulating the choice
of Grand and Petit Jurors, and copies of all
other Acts of the said General Court, for the
regulation of Townships and Town Meetings,
Address to the King, for Letters and other Pa
pers,
The Letters and other Papers presented by Lord
North, "
C)rdor of the Day, for the second reading of the
Bill, read,
Debate— Mr. Fuller,
Sir George Savile, -
Mr. Wel'bore Ellis, -
General Conway,
Lord North,
Sir George Yonge, -
Governour Johnstone,
Mr. C. Jenkinsoii,
Mr. Harris,
Sir Edward Astley, - • ■
Mr. Ward,
Governour Pownall,
Mr. Rigby,
Governour Pownall,
Mr. Charles James Fox,
Sir Gilbert Elliot, -
Sir Richard Sutton, -
The Bill read the second time.
To be considered in Committee of the Whole
House, on the 27th,
Acts of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, pre
sented to the House pursuant to the Address to
the King, of the 19th,
House in Committee on the Bill,
Report of Committee to be received to-morrow,
Petition of William Bollan, Agent for Massachu
setts Bay, offered by Mr. Dowdeswell,
Debate — Mr. Dowdeswell,
Sir George Savile,
Lord North, ....
The House refuse to receive the Petition, -
Entries in the Journals of the House, of 9th of
November, 1696, 19th of March, 1722, and 22d
of March, 1722, read,
Motion the Report of the Committee of the Whole
House be received this day four months,
Rejected,
Report of the Committee of the Whole House re-
ceived, .......
Bill ordered to be engrossed, . - . -
Third reading of the Bill ordered for Monday
next,
May 2, Petition of several Natives of America, presented
by Sir George Savile,
Motion for the third reading of the Bill,
Debate — Mr. Dunning, -
Sir William Meredith,
Mr. Stanley,
Mr. T. To\vnshend, -
Colonel Barre, -
Mr. Stephen Fox,
Marquis of Carmarthen, -
Mr. St. John, -
Mr. Byng,
Mr. Rigby,
General Conway,
Lord George Germain,
Mr. Charles Fo.x,
Mr. Attorney General Thurlow,
Mr. Edmund Burke,
Lord North,
Sir George Savile,
Bill read the third time, and passed, -
House of Lords.
May 3, Bill for the better regulating the Government of
Massachusetts Bay, received from the Com-
mons,
Read the first time,
Read the second time.
Considered in Committee of the Whole,
Reported, with Amendments, -
Amendments agreed to, -
Third reading ordered for to-morrow.
Petition from several Natives of America pre-
sented,
29,
6,
9,
10,
11,
70
70
70
71
71
71
71
72
72
73
73
73
74
74
74
74
76
76
77
77
77
77
77
77
79
79
79
79
80
80
80
81
81
81
81
81
83
83
84
84
85
85
87
87
87
88
88
89
89
90
90
90
91
91
91
92
92
92
92
92
92
92
92
w
XXI
1774.
May
11.
CONTENTS.
XXIt
10,
19.
20,
Petition from William Bollan, Agent of Massa-
chusetts Bay, presented, ....
Motion that Mr. Bollan be called in, and heard
at the Bar,
After debate, Rejected,
Bill read the third time, and, after long- debate,
passed, .......
Protest,
Notice of the proceedings of the Lords on the
Bill, (Note,)
Amendments agreed to by the House of Com-
mons, on the 13th,
Petition from Natives of America, in London,
against the passage of the Bill, presented to
the King, --....
The King's assent to the Bill,
Speech of the Bishop of St. Asaph, intended to
have been spoken on the Bill,
"An Act for the better regulating the Govern-
ment of the Province of the Massachusetts
Bay, in New England," - - - 104-112
92
92
93
93
93
93
96
9G
96
97
ON THE BILL FOR THE IMPARTIAL ADMINISTRATION OP JUS-
TICE IN THE PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS DAY.
House of Commons.
March The King's Message of March 7th, and sundry
28, other Papers, to be considered in Committee
of the Whole, on the 13th of April, - - 111
April Order for Committee of the Whole postponed to
13,
21.
the 15th, Ill
Papers presented by Lord North, - - - 1 1 1
House in Committee on the Message and Papers, 1 12
Lord North's Speech, 112
His motion for leave to bring in a Bill for the
Impartial Administration of Justice in Massa-
chusetts Bay, 113
Debate — Colonel Barr^, - - - - 113
Mr. Solicitor General Wedderbum, - 115
Captain Phipps, - - - - 116
Mr. T. Townshend, - - - 116
Mr. Dowdeswell, - - - - 117
Lord Carmarthen, - - . - 117
Lord North, 117
Captain Phipps, - - - . - 117
General Conway, - • - - 117
Mr. Van, 118
Lord North's motion agreed to, - - - 118
Committee appointed to prepare and bring in
the Bill, 118
25,
The Bill presented by Lord North, - • - 118
Debate — Mr. Sawbridge, - - - - 118
Lord North, 118
Sir Thomas Frankland, - - - 1 19
Mr. Byng, 119
Lord Beauchamp, - - - - 119
Mr. Sawbridge, - - - - 1 19
Second reading of the Bill ordered on the 25th, - 119
The Order, for the second reading of the Bill,
read, 120
Debate — Mr. Dowdeswell, - - - - 120
Mr. Dyson, . . . , . 120
Lord North, 120
Mr. Cavendish, - - - - 120
Colonel Barre, - - - - 120
The Bill read the second time, - - - 120
Committee of the Whole House on the Bill, or-
dered for the 29th, 120
The Bill considered in Committee of the Whole, 120
Report of the Committee to be received on Mon-
day next, (May 2,) 120
May 2, Petition of several Natives of America, presented
by Sir George Sa-vdle, - . - - 120
Report of Committee of the Whole postponed, - 120
Report of Committee of the Whole received, - 120
Amendment proposed by Mr. Wallace, - - 120
Debate — Mr. Dunning, - . . - 121
Mr. Wedderbum, - . . - 121
Mr. Edmund Burke, - - -121
Mr. W.Burke, - - . - 121
Mr. Stanley, 121
Mr. T. Townshend, - - . . 122
Mr. Cornwall, 122
Mr. Moreton, 122
Mr. Phipps, 122
Mr. Skynner, 122
Sir Richard Sutton, - - - -123
29,
4,
177-1.
May
4.
Debate — Mr. Charles Fox, - . - - 123
Captain Phipps, - - - - 123
Sir George Savile, - - - - 123
Mr. Sk}-nner, 123
Motion to amend, by Mr. Wallace, wthdrawn, - 123
Standing rule for exclusion of strangers strictly
enforced, (Note,) 123
Engrossment of the Bill ordered, - - - 124
Motion to print the Bill negatived, - - - 124
Third reading of the Bill ordered for the 6th, - 124
G, Order read, for third reading of the Bill, - - 124
Debate — Mr. Dempster, - - . - 124
Mr. Grey, 125
Mr. Paulet, 125
Mr. Sawbridge, - - - - 125
Colonel Barr6, - - - - 125
Bill read the third time, - - - - 126
Amendment adopted, on motion of Mr. Pultney, 126
Debate — Mr. Fuller, 126
Mr. H. Cavendish, - - - - 126
The Bill passed, 126
House of Lords.
May 9, Bill for Impartial Administration of Justice in
Massachusetts Bay, received from the House
of Commons, 126
Read the first time, 127
13, Read the second time, 127
16, Considered in Committee of the Whole, - - 127
Third reading ordered for the 18th, and the
Lords summoned, 127
17, Papers presented by the Earl of Dartmouth, - 127
18, The Bill read the third time, - - - - 127
Petition from William Bollan, Agent for Massa-
chusetts Bay, presented, .... 127
Motion, that Mr. Bollan be heard at the Bar, af-
ter debate, rejected, 127
Motion, that the Bill do pass, - - - - 127
Debate — Earl of Buckinghamshire, - - 127
Lord Shelburne, - - - - 127
Duke of Manchester, - - - 127
Marquis of Rockingham, - - - 127
Duke of Richmond, - - - - 128
The Bill passed, 128
Protest, 128
Notice of the Debates on this Bill, (Note,) - 128
20, The King's assent to the Bill, - - - - 128
"An Act for the Impartial Administration of
Justice in the cases of Persons questioned for
any acts done by them in the Execution of the
Law, or for the Suppression of Riots and Tu-
mults, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
in New England," .... 129-132
ON THE MOTION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE PUTY ON TEA.
House of Commons.
April Mr. Fuller's motion for a Committee of the Whole
19, to take into consideration the Repeal of the Du-
ty of three pence per potmd on '
Debate— Mr. Fuller,
rea.
- 133
- 133
Mr. Pennant, -
- 133
Mr. Rice,
- 133
Captain Phipps,
- - 133
Mr. Stephen Fox,
- 134
Mr. Cornwall,
- 134
Mr. Edmund Burke,
- 135-163
Mr. Wedderbum,
- 163
Mr, E. Burke.
- 164
Mr. Charles Fox, -
- 164
Lord Beauchamp,
- 164
General Burgoyne, -
- 164
Mr. T. Townshend,
• 164
Lord Clare, -
- 165
Mr. Buller, -
- 165
Mr. Frederick Montague
- 165
Colonel Barr^,
- 165
Lord North, -
- 166
Mr. Dowdeswell, -
- 166
Mr. Fuller's motion rejected, -
- 166
ON THE BILL FOR QUARTERING TROOPS IN AMERICA.
House of Commo-ns.
April Leave granted, and Committee appointed, to pre-
29, pare and bring in a Bill providing suitable
Quarters for Troops in America, - - 165
ilfay 2, The Bill presented by Lord Barrington, - - 165
Read the first time, 165
XXIII
1774.
May 4, Read the second time, . - - •
5, Considered in Committee of the Whole, -
6, Report of Committee of the Whole received,
9, Bill read the third time, and passed,
CONTENTS.
XXIV
165
166
167
167
Home of Lords.
Jfay9,Bill for Guartering Troops in America, received
from the House of Commons, • - - 167
Read the first time, 167
12, Read the second time, 167
16, Considered in Committee of the Whole, • - 167
Third reading ordered for the 18th, - - 167
18, Third reading postponed to the 26th, - -167
26, Rf>ad the third time, 167
Lord Chatham's Spi>ech against the passage of
the Bill, 167
The Bill passed, 169
J»»e 2, The King's assent to the Bill, - - - 170
" An Act for the better providing suitable Quar-
ters for Officers and Soldiers in his Majesty's
service in North America," - • • 170
ON THE BILL FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF QUEBECK.
Hoiist of Lords.
May 2, Bill for the government of Quebeck, presented
by the Earl of Dartmouth, - - - 169
Read the first time, 169
3, Address to the King for copies of Instructions
to Governours in America, ... 170
4, Second reading of the Bill ordered, and the
Ijords smmnoned, 170
6, Copies of Instructions to Governours of Cluebeck,
Nova Scotia, New- Hampshire, New- York,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Georgia, East Florida, and West Florida, laid
before the House, 171
12, Bill read the second time, - - - - 171
13, Considered in Committee of the Whole, - - 171
16, Report of Committee of the Whole received, • 171
17, Bill read the third time, - - - - 171
, Amendment to limit the duration of the Act, of-
fered and rejected, 171
Bill passed, 171
House of Commons,
May Bill for the government of Quebeck, received
18, from the House of Lords, - - - - 171
Read the first time, 171
Ordered to be printed, 171
20, Address to the King, for copies of the Proclama-
tion of 1763, and General Murray's Commis-
sion, 172
26, Presented by Lord North, - - - - 172
Proclamation, of October 7, 1763, - - 172
Greneral Murray's Commission as Captain Gen-
eral and Governour of Quebeck, - - 175
Order read, for second reading of the Bill, - 180
Debate— Mr. T. Townshend, - - -180
Lord North, 181
Mr. Dunning, - • - - 182
Mr. Attorney General Thurlow, - 183
Colonel Barr^, - - - - 184
Lord John Cavendish, - - - 184
Mr. Serjeant Glynn, - - - 184
Mr. Solicitor General Wedderbum, • 184
Mr. Charles James Fox, - - - 184
Mr. Dempster, - - - - 184
Mr. Sawbridge, - - - - 185
The Bill read the second time, - - - 185
Committed to a Committee of the Whole House,
on the 31st, 185
31, Petition of Thomas Penn, on behalf of himself
and John Penn, true and absolute Proprietors
of the Province of Pennsylvania, and the
Three Lower Counties on Delaware, present-
ed by Mr. Baker, 185
Petitioners to be heard by their Counsel, if they
think fit, 186
Petition of Merchants of London trading to Que-
beck, presented by Mr. Mackworth, - - 186
Mr. Mack worth's motion for copies of Reports
from Major General Carleton, Governour,
William Hey, Chief Justice, and Francis Ma-
seres, late Attorney General, of the Province
of Quebeck; and from his Majesty's Advo-
cate General, Attorney General, and Solicitor
General, relating to the said Province, - 186
1774,
May
31,
Debate— Lord North, 187
Mr. T. Townshend, - - - 187
Colonel Barre, - - - - 187
Mr. Altorney General Thurlow, - 1 87
Mr. Edmund Burke, - - - 187
Mr. Mackworth's motion rejected, - - - 188
Address to the King for copies of Reports from
the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plan-
tations, relating to the Province of Cluebeck, 1 88
House in Committee on the Bill, - - - 188
The Committee addressed by Mr. Mansfield,
coiuisel for the Petitioners, against the Bill, 188
Edward Watts examined before the Committee, 188
Samuel Morin examined, - - - -188
June 1, Copies of Representations of the Lords Commis-
sioners for Trade and Plantations, of Septem-
ber 2, 1765, and July 10, 1769, and Repre-
sentation of the Board of Trade, of January 9,
1765, presented by Lord North, - - 188
Copies of Memorials from Quebeck, presented
by Lord North, - - - - - 189
2, Petition from the Inhabitants of Quebeck to the
King, presented by Lord North, - - 1 89
House in Committee of the Whole on the Bill, 189
Examination of General Carleton before the Com-
mittee, 189
Examination of Mr. Maseres, late Attorney Gen-
eral of Quebeck, - - - - -191
Examination of Mr. Hey, Chief Justice of the
Province of Quebeck, - - - - 193
3, Petition of the Common Cotmcil of the City of
London, against the Bill, presented at the Bar
of the House, by the Sherifl^s of the City, - 194
House in Committee on the Bill, ... 194
Examination of M. De Lotbiniere, . . 194
Examination of Dr. James Marriott, his Majes-
ty's Advocate General, .... 195
Motion by Mr. Baker, that General Murray,
late Governour of Canada, do attend the Com.
mittee, 202
Debate— Mr. T. To^\-nshend, - - - 203
Lord North, 203
Mr. T. Townshend, - - - 203
Colonel Barre, .... 203
Captain Phipps, .... 203
Mr. Charles Fox, . - - - 203
Lord North, . - - .203
Mr. Baker's motion rejected, ... 203
6, House in Committee on the Bill, ... 203
Governour Johnstone's objections to the Bill, - 203
Mr. E. Burke's motion to amend, fixing the
Boundary between Canada and New. York,
agreed to, ...... 204
Further Debate on the Boundaries of Quebeck, 204
7, The Bill further considered in Committee of the
Whole House, 204
8, House in Committee on the Bill, ... 205
Debate — Mr. Burke, 205
Lord North, 205
Mr. T. Townshend, . - .205
Mr. Edmund Burke, - • . 205
Colonel Barre, .... 205
New form of oath proposed by Mr. Jenkinson, to
be inserted in the Bill, . - - . 205
Agreed to by the Committee, ... 205
10, The Bill reported to the House, from the Com-
mittee of the Whole, .... 207
T. Penn, Esq., declined being heard by Counsel
on his Petition, presented on the 31st of May, 207
Amendment to the Bill, in relation to the South-
ern Boundary of Canada, ... 207
Mr. Mackworth's motion, to provide for Trials
by Jury in Canada, ..... 207
Debate — Lord North, 207
Mr. Serjeant Glynn, - . . 208
Mr. Attorney General Thurlow, - 208
Mr. Dunning, .... 208
Mr. Solicitor General Wedderburn, 209
Mr. Byng, 209
Governour Johnstone, ... 209
Mr. T. Townshend, - . . 209
Mr. Edmund Burke, . . .209
Mr. Mackworth's motion rejected, . - 211
Motion by Mr. T. Townshend, to make tempo-
rary that part of the Bill which relates to the
Legislative Council, rejected, - . .211
Motion by Mr. Dempster, for establishing rules
to be observed in making Ordinances, rejected, 211
XXV
1774.
June
10,
13,
CONTENTS.
XXVI
June
17,
22,
Motion by Mr. Charles Fox, to secure to tlie
Religious orders, their rights and properties,
rejected,
Motion by Mr. Dempster, to give the Canadians
claiming it, the benefit of Habeas Corpus and
Bail, rejected, ------
Bill read the third time, - - - -
Mr. Cooper's motion that the Bill do pass.
Debate — Mr. Charles Fox, ....
Mr. Cooper,
Mr. Ho^vard, .....
The Bill passed,
House of Lords.
Motion to agree to the Amendments made by the
House of Commons, - - . . -
Debate — Lord Chatham, . . . -
Lord Dartmouth, ....
Lord Lyttelton, ....
Amendments agreed to, -
Lords in the minority, ....
Petition of the City of London to the King,
against the Bill, .....
The King's assent to the Bill, - . - -
The King's Speech to both Houses of Parlia-
ment,
" An Act for making more effectual provision for
the government of the Province of Quebeck, in
North America,"
" An Act to prevent the E.xportation to Foreign
parts of Utensils made use of in the Cotton,
Linen, Woollen and Silk Manufactures of this
Kingdom,"
211
211
211
211
211
211
211
211
211
211
212
212
214
214
215
216
216
216
220
1774
MISCELLANEOUS CORRESPONDENCE.
March Letter from Mr. Bollan, Agent, to the Hon. John
1 1, Erving, and others. Committee of the Council
of Massachusetts. The King's Message of
March 7 — the publication of his late Petition
to the King — prepares a Petition for the Hotise
of Commons — General Conway and Sir
George Savile decline presenting it — the Lord
Mayor consents to present it, - - - 225
15, Letter from Mr. Bollan to the Committee. His
Petition presented by Sir Joseph Mawbey.
The right of Parliament to Tax the Americans
denied by Lord Camden, - - - - 227
17, Letter continued. Lord North's policy in re-
gard to the Colonies. — Interview with Lord
Camden, 228
18, Letter from Arthur Lee, London, to Richard
Henry Lee. Order of the House of Com-
mons for leave to bring in the Boston Port Bill.
Recommends prudence and firmness to the Co-
lonies. Lord North's declaration, that he would
not listen to complaints from America, until
she was at his feet. Character of Lord North, 228
22, Letter from Mr. Bollan to the Committee. Re-
fused a hearing by the House, on hi.s Petition.
The Port Bill read a second time. The Lord
Mayor and Sir Joseph Mawbey offer to pre-
sent another Petition, .... 229
23, Letter from Mr. Bollan to the Committee. Has
prepared his second Petition. Sir Jos. Maw-
bey took it to present to the Hou.se. Objec-
tions of the Speaker and Clerk. The presen-
tation deferred, 230
31, Letter from a Gentleman in London to his friend
at Annapolis, Md. Encloses the Boston Port
Bill. Little opposition to it in the House of
Commons. The rise or fall of America now
depends on the deliberations of a General Con-
gress from the Colonies. A suspension of
Exports and Imports recorMnended. If Bos-
ton acquiesces the whole will be forced to sub-
mission, 230
April Letter from Mr. Bollan to the Committee. After
2, various difficulties his Petition to the House
of Lords was presented, and he was called in
and heard in support of it. General Gage
appointed Governour of Massachusetts Bay, 231
Letter from Mr. Bollan to the Committee. Re-
sumes his account of the proceedings on the
Port Bill. His second Petition to the House
of Commons presented by Alderman Crosby.
Large majority against receiving it. The Bill
passed by the House of Commons. Interview
with Lord Temple. The Earl of Stair the first
who spoke in favour of the Colonies in the
House of Lords. Lord Stair refers him to the
Duke of Richmond to present his Petition. —
The Duke of Richmond refers him to the
Earl of Dartmouth. Interview with the Earl
of Dartmouth. Petition presented by Lord
Stair. Mr. Bollan heard at the Bar of the
House, in support of his Petition. The Lords
pass the Bill, 231-235
April Letter from Dr. Franklin, London, to Thomas
2, Cushing. After his treatment at the Council
Board he had ceased to act as Agent. Greater
opposition to the Boston Port Bill in the House
of Lords than in the House of Commons. Pe-
titions of the Natives of America dravvTi up
by Mr. Lee. Encloses a Letter from Leeds,
dated March 20 — alarm of the Manufacturers
— Emigrations to America, - - - 235
2, Letter from Arthur Lee, Loudon, to Francis L.
Lee. Punishment of Boston first step towards
reducing all America to an acknowledgement
of the right of Parliament to Tax the Colonies,
and to a submission to the exercise of that right.
General Gage appointed Governour of Mas-
sachusetts to reduce the people to entire obedi-
ence. Recommends a General Congress of
the Colonies, at Annapolis, and a suspension
of Exports and Imports, .... 237
4, Letter from Samuel Adams, to Arthur Lee. Pro-
ceedings of the Assembly, in relation to the
Judges' salaries. Judge Oliver refuses to re-
nounce the salary from the Crown — Contro-
versy between the Governour and the Assem-
bly. Policy of the British Government, if
persisted in, will bring about the entire separa-
tion and Independence of the Colonies, - 238
5, Importance of the Commerce of the Colonics
to the Trade and Manufactures of Great Bri-
tain. Value of Exports from the West India
Islands and the Northern Colonies compared.
Troops furnished by the Colonies in the last
war, 240
5, Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. The wisdom and firmness of the Uni-
ted Continent of America must be summoned
to support their liberty. If Boston is not sus-
tained, all the rest will fall the easy victims of
Tyranny. The Sheriffs of London headed the
Petitions to Parliament; they were the first
in proposing, and active in getting them uj), 24 1
7, An Apology for the late conduct of America, 241-245
9, Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Governour
Gage. Sends his Commission, as Captain-
General and Governour-in- Chief of Massachu-
setts Bay, with his Instructions ; He must en-
force due obedience to the Boston Port Bill — if
necessary, must use the King's Troops with
effect. The Governour to reside in Salem, and
the General Court to be held there, until the
King shall authorize their return to Boston.
His Majesty expects the offenders (in the de-
struction of the "Tea) to be punished, - - 245
March Copy of a Minute of the Treasury Board, (en.
31, -.••'■ • X .. V T . ..
April
27,
closed in the foregoing Letter.) Listructions
to the Officers of the Customs, on removing the
Port from Boston to Salem, - - -
Letter from London. Advises the Colonies to
imite in defence of American Liberty. Power
of the Ministry — their hatred of liberty. Lords
Chatham, Camden, and Rockingham, are
friendly to America, . - - - .
May 4, Letter from Lieutenant Governour Colden to the
Earl of Dartmouth. Destruction of Tea at
New- York, ------
Account of the Proceedings at New- York, on
the arrival of Captains Chambers and Lock-
yer, with the Tea, (enclosed in the preceding
Letter,)
Account of all the Proceedings in New- York, in
relation to the Tea, (Note,) - - 251
April
28,
May
12,
- 246
248
248
249
-256
COTJNCII, OF PENNSYLVANIA.
March Governour submits a Letter from Lord Dim-
16, more, 252
3, Letter from Lord Dunmore, Governour of Vir-
ginia, to Governour Penn. Claims Pittsburgh,
XXVil
1774.
CONTENTS.
XXVIII
252
March
31,
24,
April
11.
8,
7.
11,
21,
9,
21,
22,
261
261
OS within the County of Augusta, to be under
the jurisdiction of Vi'rsriniu— Refuses to revoke
the Commissions to Officers he has appointed
there — Di>mands ample reparation for the in-
sult on his Majesty's CJovernment in Virginia,
in the imprisonment of Mr. John Connollj', a
Magistrate appointed by him, . . -
Answer of Governour Penn, to the Earl of Dun-
more. Review of the respective claims of
Pennsylvania and Virginia, in regard to the
disputtxl Botmdary. Claims Pittsburgh to be
within the Charter limits of Pennsylvania-
justifies the conduct of Mr. St. Clair, in impri-
soning Connolly, ... - 255-260
Letter from Jonathan Trumbull, Esquire, Gov-
ernour of Connecticut, to Governour Penn. —
Connecticut Umds West of the River Dela-
ware— requests Governour Penn to prevent
settlements under claim of the Proprietaries of
Pennsylvania. Has employed persons to take
the lautudes of certain places beyond the Dek-
^\•are, ...----
Letter from Governour Penn to Governour
Trumbull, ■written by advice of the Council.
Denies the claim of Connecticut to Lands be-
yond the Delaware. Protests against the send-
ing of persons to take latitudes of places with-
in the jurisdiction of Pennsyh'ania, and denies
the authority of the Assembly of Connecticut
to do so.
Letter from William Crawford, Westmoreland
County, to Mr. Penn. Connolly sworn in a
Magistrate of Augusta County, Virginia : he
was furnished with blank Commissions for
several gentlemen near Pittsburgh. A num-
ber of Militia Officers appointed there by
Lord Dunmore. Several musters of Militia
have been held. Connolly constantly sur-
rounded with a body of armed men — and
obstructs the execution of legal process under
the authority of Pennsylvania. Disturbances
there — arrest and confinement of Pennsylvania
Magistrates — Connolly surrounds the Court
House with Troops— places Centinels at the
door — has a private interview with the Magis-
trates. Further disturbances. Persons arrest-
ed by Connolly. Mr. Crawford recommends to
the Governour to fix a temporary Boundary
line, ...----
Dr. Connolly's Address to the Magistrates of
Westmoreland County, at his interview with
them, referred to in the preceding Letter,
Answer of the Magistrates of Westmoreland
County to the foregoing Address,
Deposition of Henry Read, relative to the Distur-
bances made in Westmoreland County by the
Virginians, ..----
Governour advised by the Council to take no steps
in relation to the Disturbances, until the return
of an Express sent to the Earl of Dunmore, -
Express sent to Virginia returned without any
Answer from the Governour, . . -
Letter from ^Eneas Muckoy, Pittsburgh, to the
Governour. Taken prisoner by Dr. Connolly,
and, on refusing to give bail, ordered to be sent
to Staunton, ......
Letter from Devereux Smith, Pittsburgh, one of
the Magistrates of Westmoreland County, ar.
rested on a King's Warrant issued by Dr. Con.
nolly. Will go to Jail at Staunton this day.
The Council, after considering the foregoing Let-
ters, advise the Governour to send Commis-
sioners to the Governour of Virginia to con-
fer with that Government on the means of re-
storing peace and good order, and the establish-
ment of a temporary line of jurisdiction.
Letter from Governour Penn to /Eneas Mnckay,
Devereux Smith, and Andrew M'Farlane. —
Will apply to Lord Dunmore for their enlarge-
ment— and has instructed Colonel Wilson to
give bail, to release them from Prison at Staun-
ton, .......
Letter from Governour Penn to William Craw-
ford, and his Associates, of Westmoreland
County. Will send Commissioners to expos-
tulate with Lord Dunmore on the behaviour
of the persons he has invested with power to
disturb the peace of the country. As the Gov-
1774.
262
263
263
263
264
264
264
264
265
265
crnment of Virginia has the power to raise
Militia, and there is no such in Pennsylvania,
it will be vain to contend with them in the
way of force. The Magistrates are, therefore,
advised to conduct themselves \vith caution,
and not to proceed with criminal prosecutions
asrainst persons acting under the authority of
Virginia, - - - - * "
Jan'ry Letter from Arthur St. Clair, Ligonier, to Jo-
15, seph Shippen. Petition for a Court House
and Jail, in Westmoreland County,
Feb'ry Letter from Arthur St. Clair, Ligonier, to Gov
2,
23,
April
4,
4,
7,
13,
ernour Penn. Dr. Connolly arrested by his
orders, for requiring the Militia to meet. R-iot-
ous conduct of persons under arms. Mr. Con-
nolly has a Military Commission from Lord
Dunmore, and his Subalterns are appointed.
Paper enclosed in the foregoing Letter, read to a
party assembled in arms, after Connollys arrest
by the Magistrates of Westmoreland County,
Letter from Arthur St. Clair, Ligonier, to Jo-
seph Shippen, Junior. Disturbances are in-
creasing. The People, principally, in favour
of Virginia. Intends to remove his office to
Pittsburgh,
Letter from Joseph Spear to Arthur St. Clair.
Virginians have had several musters \ait\y,
one at Red Stone, Old Fort. Connolly has just
gone to Red Stone, . . - - -
Letter from TEneas Mackay, Pittsburgh, to Gov.
Penn. Since Comiolly's return from Virginia,
on the 28th of March, Pittsburgh has become a
scene of confusion. Connolly arrested on the
24th of January, and in prison a few days,
when he prevailed upon the Sheriff to let him
out to see his friends; instead of returning to
Jail, as he had promised, he assembled a party
of armed men, who guarded him from Red
Stone to the frontiers of Virginia. Connolly, on
the 30th of March, read to the Militia, assem-
bli:>d at Fort Pitt, Letters from Lord Dunmore,
approving his conduct, and promising him as-
sistance. The men were assembled in obedi-
ence to Lord Dunmore's positive orders, to hear
the Letters read. Connolly arrested the Sheriff
the next day, by a King's Warrant, and has
had, ever since, armed parties in pursuit of the
Deputy SherifT and the Constables; he is now
in acUial possession of the Fort, with a guard,
invested with Ci\'il and Military power to en-
force the laws of Virginia — Lord Dunmore has
enclosed him Commissions to fill up, at his dis-
cretion, for Militia Officers. Indians alarmed
at seeing parties of armed men daily.
Letter from GJeorge Croghan to David Sample
has long been convinced that Fort Pitt, and its
dependencies, are without the limits of Penn-
sylvania— will no longer submit to the laws of
tiiat Province ; Virginia having, last Winter,
extended the laws of that Government to this
part of the country,
Letter from Thomas Smith to Joseph Shippen.
Disturbances in Westmoreland County. Con-
nolly's proceedings — Officers appointed by
him, under Lord Dunmore's authority,
Representation of the Commissioners and Asses-
sors of Westmoreland County to Gov. Penn,
Letter from Tliomas Smith, Bedford, to Joseph
Shippen, Jun. Continued outrages of the Vir-
ginians. Three Magistrates of Westmoreland
County arrested by Connolly, and now on their
way to Augusta Jail, ....
266
266
266
267
269
. 269
- 270
271
271
273
273
VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY.
May 5, Virginia Assembly, convened by the Governour, 274
Speech of Lord Dunmore to CTeneral Assembly, 274
Address of the Council to Lord Dunmore, . 274
Address of the House of Burgesses to Lord Dun-
more, 275
12, Information, by Express, of skirmishes with the
Shawanese, ...... 275
1 3, Petition from the Inhabitants on the Waters of the
f )hio, to the Governour and Assembly. Prefer
the Government of Virginia to that of Peim-
sylvania. State their grievances, their fears of
the neighbouring Indians, and request the As-
sembly to extend to them relief, ... 275
XXIX
1774.
May
13,
CONTENTS.
XXX
Address of the House of Burgesses to the Govern-
our on the foregoing- Petition. Disapprove the
imprisoning Officers by either Government.
Recommend a temporary boundary until the
King shall direct a proper line to be fixed upon.
Request the Ciovernour to exercise the powers
he is invested with to suppress the Indian dis-
turbances, ...--. 276
March " A Virginian," approving the conduct of Lord
3, E>unmore,(Note,) 277
26, Letter from Pittsburgh. No disturbances with the
Indians this Winter. More to be dreaded from
the Pennsylvanians than the Indians, (Note,) - 277
"Virginius" to Lord Dunmore. An Indian war
inevitable. Urges the Governour to make pro-
vision for the security of the frontier inhabi-
tants, and be ready to meet the Indians, (Note,) 277
Connolly will be at Pittsburgh till the middle of
June to dispose of lots in a new Town, to be
laid out, at the Falls of the Ohio, (Note,) - 278
24,
April
7,
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA.
May 7, Mr. Tilghman and Mr. Andrew Allen appointed
Commissioners to treat \vith Virginia, on the
Disturbances in Westmoreland County, - 277
7, Commission to Mr. Tilghman and Mr. Allen,
Commissioners to Virginia, ... 278
7, Instructions to the Commissioners, ... 279
7, Letter from Governour Penn to Lord Dimmore.
Informs him of the appointment of the Commis-
sioners, and expresses his hopes that tranquil-
lity may be restored between the Governments, 280
1 8, Letter from Doctor Richard Peters to Henry Wil-
mot, London. History of the purchsise, by
Pennsylvania, imderthe Indian Deed of 1754,
of the Lands west of the Delaware, claimed
by Connecticut. The Pennsylvania purchase
made openly in Council ; the Susquehannah
purchase, by private individuals, from Connec-
ticut, made secretly. The Indians, in Council,
refused to sell any land to Connecticut, and re-
fused to sell the Wyomink Country to either
Pennsylvania or Connecticut. Treaty at Fort
Stanwix, in 1768, 280
April Letter from Arthur St. Clair, Carlisle, to Ben-
28, jamin Chew. Colonel Stephens censured by
the Council of Virginia, in 1 764, for sending
the Militia out of that Government, when he
sent relief to Fort Pitt, then besieged by the
Indians, 282
May 5, Letter from iEneas Mackay, Staunton, to Gov-
ernour Penn. Interview with Lord Dunmore
in relation to the claim of Virginia to Pitts-
burgh, and the proceedings of Connolly. Lord
Dunmore justified Connolly, who acted by his
authority. Gave Mr. Mackay a Letter to the
Sheriff of Augusta, directuig the discharge of
the Pennsylvania Magistrates imprisoned by
Connolly, 282
April Letter from Lord Dunmore, Williamsburg, to
26, Daniel Smith, Sheriff of Augusta, directing
the discharge of the Pennsylvania Magistrates, 283
25, Lord Dunmore's Proclamation — Directs the Mi-
litia of Pittsburgh, and its dependencies, to be
embodied to repel any attacks from Pennsylva-
nia, or the Indians ; and orders all the inhabi-
tants to pay quit-rents, and all publick dues, to
Officers appointed by Virginia, - - - 283
30, Extract of a Journal of the United Brethren's
Mission, on Muskingum — Shawanese Chief
killed by the Whites, on the Ohio — Indian war
expected ; Virginians, on the Ohio, threaten to
fall on the Shawanese settlements, and destroy
their Towns. White people on the Ohio had
killed nine Mingoes. At Pittsburgh it is not
believed this was done by authority of the Gov-
ernour of Virginia. Indian Council at Geke-
lemuckepuck: Shawanese and Mingoes left it
dissatisfied, and threatened to kill all the White
people they met. Messenger from Mr. Crogh-
an, at Pittsburgh, to the Delawares, Shawa-
nese, and Mingoes, advising them to be quiet.
The people there will endeavour to apprehend
the Whites who committed the murder. Hopes
entertained of a continuance of peace, - 283
May Letter from a Missionary — More Traders arriv-
21, cd, 284
1774.
Maij
24,
27,
24,
29,
Litter from David Zeisburgcr, Missionary at
Schonbrunn. Movements of the Indians: Pre-
paration for war with the Whites, - - 285
Letter from Mr. Zeisburger. Two parties of the
Shawanese gone against the settlements. The
Shawanese at Woaketameka, only want war.
Lower Shawanese peaceable yet, - - 285
Letter from the Cosh, alias John Bull. Three
Cherokees have killed a trader. Mingoes kil-
led by Virginians under Cresap, at the mouth
of Yellow Creek. The day following they
killed a Shawanese and a Delaware. Same
party killed a Shawanese woman, and a Shaw-
anese Chief; soon after fled, and left the settlers
victims to the Indians. Indian Council at
Woaketameka — Delaware Chief informed the
Shawanese and Mingoes that the Delawares
would not assist them, .... 285
Letter from Arthur St. Clair, Ligonier, to Gov-
ernor Penn. The Shawanese inclined to peace
with the Pennsylvanians. The Virginians
have struck them and they will have satisfac-
tion. Met several Chiefs of the Delawares and
the Deputy of the Six Nations, at Pittsburgh;
they gave assurances of their desire for peace.
Number of Indians killed by Cresap and (Jreat-
house, thirteen. Cresap lately at Pittsburgh,
with intention to pursue the blow he had
struck; but Connolly forbid his attempting any
thing against the Indians. Cresap declares
what he did before was by Connolly's orders.
An Indian war, if not a Virginia plan, is cer-
tainly Connolly's plan. Country about Pitts-
burgh harassed by the Virginia Militia. Sev-
eral at Pittsburgh have associated and raised,
and pay a company of one hundred Rangers.
Inhabitants of Pittsburgh propose to stockade
the Town. Delaware Indian killed by John
Hinckson, and others, .... 286
Speech of the Shawanese, directed to Alexander
McKee, George Croghan, and the Comman.
dant at Pittsburgh, Captain John Connolly, . 288
Speech to the Chiefs of the Delawares and a few
of the Six Nations, by Arthur St. Clair, at
Pittsburgh, May, 1774, . - . .283
MISCELLANEOUS CORRESPONDENCE.
May Letter from General Haldimand, New- York, to
15, the Earl of Dartmouth. The accounts receiv.
ed, had made known the plan of operation in-
tended to bring Boston to a sense of order and
decency, so that when General Gcage arrives
they will know what to expect if they prove
refractory. Many believe in New. York, that
the people of Boston vnU. acknowledge their
fault, and pay for the Tea, ...
April Extracts of private Let ers from London, printed
7,
May
16,
on the back of the Boston Port Bill, and circu-
lated in New- York, on the 1 4th of May, en-
closed to the Earl of Dartmouth, in the prece-
ding Letter,
A " British American," New- York, proposes to
raise by subscription money to pay for the Tea,
ready to be tendered to General Gage, on his
arrival. Hostile opposition to the Naval and
Military Force coming out with General Gage,
absurd, (Note,)
KEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE.
May
16,
17,
ir,
19,
289
289
289
20,
New- York Committee of Correspondence, - 293
Committee nominated at a Publick Meeting at
the Exchange, ....
Meeting called for the 19th, to approve of the
Committee nominated on the 1 6th,
Express from Boston, with Letters from the Com-
nrittee of Correspondence there, suggesting the
suspension of all Exports to, and Imports irom.
Great Britain and the West Indies, (Note,)
Meeting of the Inhabitants at the Coiiee House,
Address of Mr. Low to the meeting.
The nomination of the fifty gentlemen for a Com-
mittee, on the 16th, confirmed, and Francis
Lewis added, ..----
Address to the People, urging them to sustain
Boston, (Note,) ....
Dialogue on the Boston Port Bill— Conduct of
. 293
294
293
294
294
295
- 295
XXXI
CONTENTS.
XXXII
1774.
May
23.
23,
24,
30,
30,
31,
31,
June
I,
3.
the Bostonians justified— Procerdings of the
Ministry condemned — Non-Importation Agree-
ment recommended, f Note,) - - -
Isaac Low chosen Chairman of the Committee ;
John Alsop Deputy Chairman, - - -
LeUer from Jonathan Blake, Chairman of the
Committee of Mechanicks, exprcssinsrtheir con-
currence in the appointment of the Committee,
Letters from Boston Committee of the 13th, and
a Letter from the Philadelphia Committee read,
Committee appointed to prepare an Answer to the
Boston Letter, and to report this evening.
Letter to the Boston Committee reported and ap-
proved. EHfficult to determine what course
ought to be pursued. Cannot give a decisive
opinion. Congress of Deputies from all the
Colonies ought to be convened without delay.
The Committee cannot express any opinion on
the exp.<lient proposed by the Boston Com-
mittee, "
Copy of this Letter ordered to be sent to Philadel-
phia, ackjiowledging the receipt of a copy of
their Letter to Boston, and approving the sen-
timents contaim-d in it, - - ' .*
Letter from Mr. Low, Chairman, to Philadelphia
Committee, " * " ' j i'
Rules of proceeding for the Committee adopted,
Joseph Allicocke appointed Secretary,
Committee appointed to write a Circular Letter to
Supervisors of Counties, recommending the ap-
pointment of persons to correspond with this
Committee, - - - - ■
Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Lon-
don. Many of the principal people of the Co-
lony are sorry for embarking in the cause so
far, and are ready to join the friends of the
Ministry. The Minister, with a few Ships-of-
War, could carry his designs into execution,
(Note,)
Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Lon-
don. General Gage hissed at a publick dinner
in Boston, for giving Governour Hutchinson as
a toast. Respect shown to General Gage on
his landing, all hypocrisy. The Presbj-terian
Junto, or self-constituted Committee of Sons of
Liberty of New- York, who have stood ever
since the Stamp Act, offered the assistance of
this City to Boston, in resisting the Parliament ;
in consequence of this Letter the gentlemen of
property met and formed the new Committee of
Fifty. There is little doubt but all will be
quiet in the Colonies in a short time ; the most
bitter pill will be the acknowledgement of the
right of Taxation in the Parliament. The
Presbyterians are to blame for all the violent
American Proceedings. The Government at
home, can only rely upon the professors of the
Church of Englandi. The Ministry have only
to put an entire stop to smuggling, and make an
example of some of the factious ringleaders in
every principal city ; then America will give
but little trouble, (Note,) ... -
Letter received from Charles Thomson, Phila-
delphia, in behalf of the several Congregations
in that city, dated May 29, ...
Copies of Mr. Thomson's Letter furnished to
the Clergymen of New- York, . - -
Letter from Isaac Low, Chairman, to Charles
Thomson, ...--.
Letter from the Committee to the Supervisors of
the Counties,
Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Scot-
land. The power thrown into the hands of the
Mob at the Stamp Act, was not extinguished by
the repeal of that Act. It was the leaders of
the Mob. who associated to prevent the landing
of the Tea here, and for returning it — which
they deliberately effected. The Committee of
Fifty was elwAed in opposition to these leaders,
with some difficulty. The management of
affairs is now in the hands of men opposed to
precipitate measures, and the Ministry will meet
with little opposition, unless the Bill for the
Administration of Justice in Massachusetts Bay
should be passed, (Note,) - . . .
Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Eng-
land. The pretensions of Great Britain will be
treated with resentment and disdain throughout
295
295
295
295
295
- 297
298
298
298
299
299
299
1774.
June
6,
4.
7,
10,
3,
10,
11,
11,
24,
299
300
300
300
300
20,
27,
29,
Juhj
302
302
302
303
303
304
304
305
305
306
the Continent. The strongest determination
exists through all America to maintain and
defend their rights, (Note,) . . -
The Committee order a Letter to be written to
the Boston Committee, . . - -
Anniversary of his Majesty's birth-day. Cele-
brated by the King's Officers. Few of the
people participated in the rejoicing, (Note,) -
Letter from the Committee to Boston Committee
of Correspondence. In their former Letter did
not propose a suspension of Trade. Left that
and every other resolution for the discussion
of the proposed General Congress — adhering
to that measure as most conducive to promote
the grand system of politicks we all have in
view. Ready to meet at any time and place that
may be appointed, giving sufficient time for
Deputies as far south as the Carolinas to as-
semble, ..-----
Letter received from the Committee of Correspon-
dence for Connecticut, dated June 4, -
Copy of a Letter from the Connecticut Commit-
tee to the Boston Committee, enclosed in the
preceding Letter to New- York. A Congress
absolutely necessary — Should meet by the first
week in August — New- York a convenient
place, but prefer Fairfield or Norwalk,
Committee direct Letters to be written to the
Committee at Hartford, and to the Committee
of South Carolina, - . - - -
Letter to the Conunittce of Connecticut — Ap-
prove of the Congress, chosen to speak the
sentiments, and to pledge themselves for the
conduct of the Colonies they represent,
I^etter to Mr. Bernard Lentot, of Branford,
Letter from the Committee of Correspondence of
the Assembly of New- York, to the Connecti-
cut Committee. A Congress the best means
of restoring peace and harmony with Great
Britain ; but this Committee have no power to
take any steps in relation to the subject. If a
Congress should meet in or near New- York,
will assist with their advice, . . -
Appointment of the Committee by the Assem-
bly of New- York, (Note) - - - -
Mr. Allicocke, for particular reasons, resigned,
and John Blagge appointed Secretary to the
Committee in his place, - . . .
Letters received from Easthampton, dated June
17; from Philadelphia, dated June 21; and
from Boston, dated Jime 16, ...
Mr. M'Dougall's motion on the most eligible
mode of appointing Deputies to the Congress,
debated and postponed to the 29th,
Letters from Tryon County, dated June 22, and
from Southampton, dated June 22, received. -
Mr. M'Dougall moved, and was seconded by Mr.
Broome, that the Committee proceed imme-
diately to nominate five Deputies for the City
and County of New- York, to represent them
in a Convention of the Colony, or in the Gen-
eral Congress, and that their names be sent to
the Committee of Mechanicks for their concur-
rence; to be proposed to the Inhabitants on
Tuesday next, for their approbation,
Postponed to Monday next, July 4, ' •
4, Letters from Annapolis, dated June 26, with Re-
solves ; from Shelter Island, dated June 7, with
Resolves; from Suffolk County, dated June
25 ; from the Committee of Mechanicks of
New- York, dated July 4 ; also from Dutchess
County, dated June '29, received,
Mr. Booth's motion, seconded by Mr. De Lancey,
for the Previous Question on Mr. M'Dougall's
motion, referring the nomination of Delegates
to the Committee of Mechanicks for their con-
currence, ......
Yeas and Nays on the question, ...
Mr. Bache moved, seconded by Mr. De Lancey,
that the Committee now proceed to nominate
five persons as Delegates to meet in General
Congress, ...... 308
Captain Sears moved, seconded by Mr. P. V. B.
Livingston, that Isaac Low, James Duane,
Philip Livingston, John Morin Scott, and
Alexander M'Dougall, be nominated, - - 308
Yeas and Nays on the Previous Question, on
Captain Sears's motion. .... 308
306
306
307
307
307
307
307
307
308
308
308
xxxin
1774.
Jidyi, Mr. De Lancey moved, seconded by Mr. Booth,
that the Committee immediately proceed to
nominate five persons to be held up to the City
and County, proper to serve them as Delegates
in a General Congress, .... 308
Philip Livingston, John Alsop, Isaac Low, James
Duane, and John Jay, nominated, - - 308
A Publick Meeting ordered to be called at the
City Hall, on the 7th, to concur in the nomina-
tion, or to choose others in their stead, - 309
5, Address to the Publick. ©bjections to a Con-
gress— Advises an humble Address from each
General Assembly to the King, for permission
to send some of their own bodies to England
to fi.x upon a Constitution, (Note,) - - 309
Answer to the foregoing Address, (Note,) - 309
7, Letter from Jacob Lansing, dated Albany, June
29, received, 309
Committee appointed to meet a Committee of the
Mechanicks to-morrow, to take the vote of the
City on the five Delegates nominated by this
Committee, and the five nominated by the Com-
mittee of Mechanicks, .... 309
Mr. Thurman's motion, to disavow the Proceed-
ings of the Meeting held in the Fields, yester-
day, of which Mr. M'Dougall was Chairman,
as evidently calculated to throw an odium on
the Committee, and to create jealousies and
suspicions of their conduct, - - - 310
Mr. M'Dougall moves for the Previous Ques-
tion on Mr. Thurman's motion, - - - 3 II
Yeas and Nays on Mr. M'Dougall's motion, - 311
Yeas and Nays on Mr. Thurman's motion, - 311
Mr. Lewis's motion, for a Committee to prepare
Resolutions to be submitted to the People, - 312
Committee appointed, - - - - - 312
Mr. M'Evers's motion, for the publication of the
Proceedings on the motion of Mr. Thurman, 312
Yeas and Nays on this question, - - - 312
6, Resolutions adopted by the Meeting in the Fields,
referred to by Mr. Thurman. 1. That Boston
is suffering in the common cause of the Colo-
nies. 2. An invasion of the rights of one Col-
ony is an attack upon the liberties of all. 3.
The shutting up an American Port, to exact a
submission to Parliamentary Taxation, is un-
constitutional. 4. Suspension of Trade with
Great Britain till the Boston Act is repealed,
will save America. 5. Delegates from New-
York to the General Congress instructed to
unite in a Non- Importation Agreement. 6.
The Meeting will support every measure of
the Congress for securing the objects mention-
ed in these Resolutions. 7. Provincial Con-
vention recommended to choose Deputies to the
Congress. 8. That Subscriptions be immedi-
ately set on foot for the relief of the Poor of
Boston. 9. The City Committee instructed to
carry these Resolutions into execution, - 312
8, Address of Francis Lewis and other Members of
the Committee to the Inhabitants — their reasons
for opposing Mr. Thurman's and Mr. M'Evers's
motion. Withdraw from the Committee, - 313
9, Answer of " One of the Committee" to the fore-
going Address — Defence of the Committee, - 314
Mr. M'Dougall declines a nomination to the Con-
gress, (Note,) 315
Publications relative to these Proceedings,( Note,) 3 1 5
13, Committee, appointed on the 7th instant, report
Resolutions, - - - - - -315
Ordered to be printed and distributed in handbills
for the consideration of the Publick, who are
requested to meet at the Coffee-House on the
19th, to express their opinion on them, - 315
The five Gentlemen nominated by the Committee
as Delegates to the General Congress, to be
proposed to the Citizens for their approbation,
at the same time and place, - - - 315
19, Letter from Charlestown, South Carolina, dated
July 8, with Resolves, received, - - - 315
At the Meeting this day at the Coffee-House, a
small portion of the Citizens only attending,
the sentiments of the majority not ascertained
on the Resolutions, - - - - - 315
Committee appointed to take the sense of the Free-
holders, Freemen, and Tax Payers in each
Ward, on the Resolutions and the nomination
of the Delegates, 315
FOUBTB SeBIES.
CONTENTS-
XXXIV
1774.
July
20.
20.
25,
30.
26.
27.
27.
28.
26,
Resolutions adopted by the Committee: 1. The
King of Great Britain is our rightful Sove-
reign ; it is our duty to support his Crown and
dignity. 2. All Acts of Parliament for taxing
the Colonies, unjust and unconstitutional, par-
ticularly the Boston Port Act. 3. Enforcing
the Taxation in the Colonies, the true motive
and main design of that Act. 4. It is the
duty of all the Colonies to assist any one ao
oppressed. 5. The meeting of the proposed
Congress the most prudent measure in this
alarming crisis. 6. It is premature for one
Colony now to resolve what ought to be done
by the Congress, who should be left free to de-
cide on what they think best 7. Nothing but
dire necessity can justify the Colonies in uni-
ting on any measure that may injure our
brethren in Great Britain. 8. If a Non- Im-
portation Agreement should be adopted, it
ought to be general, and faithfully observed.
9. The Delegates to Congress should be so
chosen as to pledge themselves for the good
conduct of the People they represent, - - 315
Mr. Jay's motion, to provide for the distresses of
the Poor of Boston. 316
Committee to consider of the means for their re-
lief and to report with all convenient speed, - 317
Committee to prepare Answers to the Letters re-
ceived, - - - - - - -317
Committee appointed to request the Committee of
Mechanicks to appoint persons to join those
appointed by this Committee, to take the sense
of the Inhabitants on the Resolutions and the
Delegates, - - - - - -317
Address of Mr. Alsop, Mr. Low, and Mr. Jay,
to the Publick. The sense of the City so un-
certain, that they do not consider themselves,
or any others, duly chosen as Delegates to the
Congress, - 317
Address of Mr. Moore, Mr. Low, Mr. Remsen,
and Mr. Jay, to the Publick. After the rejec-
tion of the Resolutions offered by the Commit-
tee of Correspondence to the Meeting at the
Coffee-House, on the 19th, they were appoint-
ed on another Committee to prepare new Re-
solutions. Their appointment irregular, and
decline serving. They approve, with few ex-
ceptions, of the rejected Resolutions, - - 317
Letter, dated Boston, July, 1774, received, - 318
Mr. Remsen's motion, that a Poll be opened in
each Ward, on the 28th, for the election of five
Deputies to the Congress, - - - - 3 1 8
Unanimously agreed to, - - - - 318
Committee to carry it into effect, - - - 318
Amendment of the third Resolve, - - - 318
Queries from Ulster County, (Note,) - - 318
Note from the Committee, at Mr. Marriner's. to
the Delegates nominated, desiring a pledge
that they will support a Non-Importation
Agreement in the Congress, until the Ameri-
can Grievances are redressed, ... 319
Reply of Mr. Livingston, Mr. Low, Mr. Alsop,
and Mr. Jay. They believe a general Non-
Importation Agreement would prove the most
efficacious means to procure a redress of Grie-
vances, - - - - - - -319
In answer to this Reply, the Committee, at Mr.
Marriner's, agree to support the nominated
Delegates, 319
Letter from Charles Thomson, Philadelphia,
dated July 25, with Resolves, received, - 320
Publication of Proceedings of yesterday, ordered,
to correct a mistake in Mr. Holt's Paper, - 320
The Publication of Mr. Holt, referred to by the
Committee, (Note,) 320
Philip Livingston, Isiac Low, John Jay, John
Alsop, and James Duane, mianimously elected
Delegates to the Congress,
Committee on the distresses of the Poor in Bos-
ton will report at next meeting of the Com-
mittee, .-.----
Letter to the Committee of Correspondence at
Charlestown, South Carolina. Resolutions of
South Carolina much approved of Nothing
but a strict union among all the Colonies
can effect a restoration of the just rights of
America. Will concur in every constitutional
measure for obtaining a redress of Grievances.
- 320
320
XX XT
CONTENTS.
XXXVI
1774,
July
28.
23,
29,
Augt
7,
22.
29,
Sept.
5,
19,
29,
30.
Oct.
7
Three sets of Resolutions published in New-
York, that si|?n«l by ilie Chairman, adopt»>d.
Letter to the Committee of Correspondence at
Philadelphia. After various contests on the
appointment of Delegates, regular polls have
been opened in each Ward in the Guy, which
has given imiversal satisfaction. Letters sent
to the several Comities of the Province re-
questing their co-operation. Resolves and
Instructions of the Provincial Committee of
Pennsylvania, much approved, -
Letter to Matthew Tilghman, Chairman of Com-
mittee for Maryland. Resolutions of Mary-
land much approved. The 1st of September
proposed by Massachusetts for the meeting of
Congress, agreed to by Eastern Colonies,
except New- Hampshire, from whence no com-
mmiication has been received on the present
state of affairs, . . - - -
Letter sent to the Committee or Treasurer of the
different Counties in the Province. Suggests
the e.xpediency of electing Delegates to Con-
gress m the several Counties speedily ; or to
express their confidence in the Delegates elect-
ed in the City, . . . - -
Letter from Elizabethtovvn. dated August 5th.
received, . . . - -
Conmiittee appointed to answer a Letter from
Boston, ancf to wait on the Chairman of the
Mechanicks' Committee, to request the Boston
Letter to them, . . - . -
Committee appointed to procure Collections to
relieve the poor of Boston ; and to request the
assistance of the Coumuttee of Mechanicks in
making the subscriptions, ...
Election of Delegates in Orange and Albany
Counties, (Note,) . - - - -
Letter to the Committee of Correspondence, of
Boston. Explain the cause of their omission
to write, and express their regret that the rec-
titude of their intentions are doubted. Appeal
to their Acts, Letters, and Resolves, to show
their attachment to the general cause. Defend
the Merchants against the charge of want of
patriotism, made against them, in the Letter to
the Committee of the Mechanicks. Request
to be furnished with copies of the Letters that
have given rise to the suspicions. The dis-
tresses of the Poor of Boston have engaged
the earnest attention of tlie Committee,
Letter to the several Counties of the Province.
Urges them to contribute for the relief of the
Poor of Boston. The interest and welfare of a
whole Contment requires that provision should
be made for all sufferers in the common cause.
Letter from Suffolk County, dated August 11,
received. Colonel William Floyd elected a
Delegate for that County, -
Busine.ss of the ensuing Congress discussed, in
presence of the Delegates, (Note,)
Letter to Zephaniah Piatt, Dutchess Coimty.
Delegates chosen in the City approved.
Letters received from Kingston, August, 19 ;
New- Windsor, August 26; Bedford, August 9;
Mamaroneck, August 7 ; and White Plains,
August 27 ; approving the Delegates chosen
for the City,
3. Reported attack on Boston, on the 2d, (Note,)
Letters from Albany, August 27, and Pough-
keepsie, August 31, approving the Resolves
and Delegates for New- York, - • .
Letter from Isaac Low, Philadelphia, received.
Committee appointed to write to Richmond, Kings,
Q.uefns, and Tryon Counties, requesting them
to send Delegates to the Congress now sitting,
or to approve of those now tliere, for the
Province of New- York, - - . .
Representation from a number of Inhabitants,
signed by Joseph Totten, their President,
Conmiittee call a Meeting of the Inhabitants at
tlie City- Hall, this day, to consider Mr. Tot-
ten's Representation, - - - .
Conduct of the persons complained of in the Re-
presentation, condemned, -
5, Meeting of Importers called to consider advances
upon Goods imported,
ImportiTs agree not to put unreasonable advances
on Goods, from the apprehension of a Non
320
1774.
- 321
321
- 322
- 322
Importation : will discourage all Engrossers;
and will dtcline dealing with all who attempt
to defeat their Resolutions, . . -
iVw. 7, Committee appointed to inquire what progress
has been made in Collections for the Poor of
Boston, - - - - - -
Meeting of the Citizens called to appoint Com-
mittees of Inspection, agreeably to the Conti-
nental Association, . - - - -
Committee appointetl to write to the several
Counties, recommending the appointment of
Committees of Inspection, . . -
14, Letter to Daniel Dmiscomb, Chairman of the
Committee of Mechanicks. Requests a Con-
ference with that Committee on the appoint-
ment of Committees of Inspection,
Contributors for the Poor of Boston, in the seve-
ral Counties, requested to transmit their Do-
nations as speedily as possible to New- York,
15, Committee, after their Conference with the Com-
mittee of Mechanicks, consider their body dis-
solved on the election of a Committee under
the Association of Congress, . . -
Election of new Committee of Sixty ordered, on
the 22d instant, . . - . -
The new Committee of Sixty elected.
322
322
322
323
323
- 324
- 324
324
325
325
326
326
326
- 326
326
- 327
- 328
22,
May
10,
13,
13,
14,
16,
17,
18.
17,
18,
19,
17,
18,
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
The Port Bill received at Boston, (Note,)
General Gage arrived at Boston, (Note,)
To\vn Meeting in Boston — Advise the stoppage
of all Imports from, and all Exports to, Great
Britain and the West Indies, till the Port Bill
is repealed, ...-.-
This vote ordered to be sent to 11 the Colonics,
Committee appointed to consider what measures
are proper for the Town to adopt, in the pre-
sent emergency, . . . - .
Committee appointed to consult with Salem and
Marblehead, ......
Paul Revere despatched with Letters to the
Southern Colonies, (Note,) ...
Election of Committee of Fifty at New- York, to
correspond with the Colonies, on all matters of
moment, ......
General Gtage landed in Boston. Sworn into
office as Governour, and invited to a publick
entertainment at Faneuil Hall, (Note,)
Meeting at Faneuil Hall, Boston, recommend
to the People patience, fortitude, and a firm
trust in God, -
Votes passed at this Meeting, ...
Letter received in Boston from Philadelphia.
Boston need not expect general support from
the other Colonics. In Pennsylvania they
will find none, .....
Letter from Samuel Adams, Boston, to Arthur
Lee, London. Injustice and barbarity of the
Port Bill. The Inhabitants view it with in-
dignation. Have resolved upon a Non-Im-
portation. Calmness, courage, and unanimity
prevail. Suspect studied insult in the appoint-
ment of General Gage,
Letter from General Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. Occurrences at Boston, on his arrival.
The Committee from Boston to Salem and
Marblehead received little encouragement. —
The Port Bill has staggered the most presump-
tuous. The Assembly may be more inclined
to comply with the King's expectation at Sa-
lem, where they will be moved after the first of
June, --.....
TowTi Meeting at Providence, Rhode- Island. —
Will unite with the other Colonies in measures
for protecting and securing their rights. Re-
commend a Congress of all the Colonies and
Provinces, for establishing the firmest union
between tliem. All the English American
Colonies equally interested in the Proceedings
of Parliament against Boston. Recommend
the stoppage of all Trade with Great Britain,
Ireland, Africa, and the West Indies, -
Meeting at Chestertown, Maryland, on the i»r-
portation of Dutiable Tea in the Geddes. No
Taxes or Duties can be constinitionally im-
posed without our consent. The Duty on
328
328
329
329
329
329
330
330
330
331
331
331
331
331
331
331
293
331
331
332
332
332
333
333
xxxni
CONTENTS.
XXXVIII
1774.
May
18,
19,
19,
19,
20,
20,
21,
20,
20,
20,
20,
21,
337
337
Tea unconstitutional. Whoever imports, buys,
or sells it, stigmatized as enemies to America, 334
Address to the Freemen of America. Conduct
of Great Britain towards America, a system of
oppression. Life, liberty, and property, are
now but names in America. New- York,
Philadelphia, and Charlestown, cannot escape
the fate of Boston. An union of the Colonies
will render harmless British vengeance and
tyranny. Virtue, unanimity, and persever-
ence, are invincible, - - - - 335
Pablick Meeting at Farmington, Coimecticut. —
Liberty Pole erected, and Boston Port Bill
burnt by the common hangman, - - 336
Letter from the Committee of Correspondence, at
Westerly, to the Committee of Boston. Treat-
ment of Boston by Great Britain worse than
that of Carthage by Rome. The attack upon
Boston, an attempt upon the whole Continent.
The other Colonies will unite with the friends
of liberty, in Boston, in support of the common
cause, .-.--.- 336
Letter from the Committee of Portsmouth, New-
Hampshire, to the Boston Committee. The
British Ministry are endeavouring to disunite
the Colonies, that they may put down their op-
position. A firm union of all the Colonies
will prevent the cruel effects of the Port Bill,
Letter to Lord North, attributed to Edmund
Burke. The rights of the Crown, and the
rights of the Colonies, under various Charters
and Grants, ..-.-.
Letter from a Member of the Virginia Assembly,
Williamsburg, to his Correspondent in Lon-
don. Resentment in Virginia, on account of
die War sent to Boston. It is the universal
determination to stop the principal Exports to,
and all the Imports from. Great Britain. The
Assembly, now in session, will agree on mea-
sures to be adopted, before they adjourn, - 340
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Philadelphia. —
Committee of Correspondence appoint^!, - 340
Letter from the Committee of Philadelphia to the
Boston Committee. It is difficult to collect the
sense of the People, or to advise what ought to
be done, on this crisis. The general sense of
this Province, and of all the Colonies, should
be obtained. If satisfying the East India Com-
pany for the Tea would end the controversy,
there would be no hesitation on what ought to
be done. A Congress from all the Colonies,
preferred by the People of Pennsylvania, to a
Non-Importation and Non-Exportation Agree-
ment. Will endeavour to collect the sense of
Pennsylvania, and the neighbouring Colonies,
on these important points, - - - - 341
Cluestions and Answers, on paying for the Tea,
(Note,) 295
Letter from Gouverneur Morris, New- York,
to Mr. Penn, Philadelphia. Proceedings in
New- York, on the appointment of the Com-
mittee. His opinions on the state of parties in
New- York. A safe compact for re-union
with the parent state, is to leave internal Tax-
ation to the Colonics, and to vest the regula-
tion of Trade in Great Britain. His reasons
for this as the only possible mode of re-union, 343
To^^^l Meeting at Newport, Rhode- Island. —
The Boston Port Bill subversive of American
Liberty. The same authority may destroy
the Trade of every other Colony. Will unite
with the other Colonies, in all proper mea-
sures, to place the rights of each on a perma-
nent foundation, and particularly in a stoppage
of all Trade with Great Britain and the West
Indies, 343
Company at Ne\vport for carrying on Woollen
Manufactures in the Colony. Wool enough
raised to clothe all the Inhabitants, (Note,) - 344
Letter from General Gage to Governour Trum-
bull. Informs him of his appointment as
Governour of Massachusetts, and expresses
his readiness to co-operate for the good of his
Majesty's service, . - - . . 344
Letter from the Boston Committee, in reply to
one from sundry Gentlemen in New- York.
Thanks for their unsolicited offer of assistance.
Letters countermanding orders for Goods sent
1774.
May
23,
23.
23,
24,
24,
24,
24,
24,
May
24,
26,
27,
29,
30,
by a vessel yesterday for London. The friends
of Government, in Boston, procuring signers
to an Address to Governour Hutchinson, and
are endeavouring to raise money to pay for
the Tea, 344
Intelligence received at Philadelphia from Pitts-
burgh. On the 26th of April, two Indians
killed on the Ohio, near Wheeling. Michael
Cresap believed to be concerned in the murder.
Cresap had previously declared he would kill
every Indian he met on the River ; and if he
could get a sufficient number of men, he would
mark a Village on Yellow Creek. Another
party of Indians attacked by Cresap. Great-
house and Baker cut off a party at Yellow
Creek, 34.5
Letter from the New- York Committee to the
Boston Committee. Advise a General Con-
gress of all the Colonies, to be assembled
without delay; and some unanimous resolution
formed, not only respecting the deplorable cir-
cumstances of Boston, but for the security of
our common rights, .... 297
Address of the Episcopal Ministers and Wardens,
in Boston, to Governour Hutchinson, - 346
Governour Hutchinson's Answer, - - 346
Address of the Justices of the Court of General
Sessions of the Peace, for the County of Suf-
folk, Massachusetts, to Governour Gage, - 346
The Governour's Answer, - - - . 347
Letter from Philadelphia to the Boston Commit-
tee. The cause of Boston the cause of all the
Colonies. Must be supported against the
whole strength of Great Britain. By sea
they will beat us ; by land they will not at-
tempt us. We must suspend all Trade with
Great Britain and the West Indies, and with-
hold Flax-seed from Ireland. Stopping our
Ports entirely, contemplated. We shall try to
convene a Congress as soon as possible, - 347
Meeting at Talbot Court House, Maryland, to
consider the distresses of Boston. Determined
to pursue every constitutional measure to avert
the evils threatened by the Boston Port Bill ;
to support the common rights of America, and
to promote union and harmony between Great
Britain and the Colonies, ... - 347
Letter from the New- York Committee to the
Philadelphia Committee, - . - . 298
Letter I, to the Inhabitants of the British Colo-
nies in America, on the present disputes with
Great Britain, 348
HOUSE OF BURGESSES OF VIRGINIA.
Resolution of the House of Burgesses of Virgi-
nia, setting apart the first day of June to be ob-
served, by the Members of the House, as a day
of Fasting, Humiliation, and Prayer, - 350
Assembly of Virginia dissolved by Lord Dun-
more, - - 350
Association agreed to and signed by eighty-nine
Members of the late House of Burgesses of
Virginia, ...... 350
Members of the late House of Burgesses remain-
ing in Tovm convened by Peyton Randolph ;
who, on considering the important Letters re-
ceived this day, by express, from Boston, Phil-
adelphia, and Annapolis, ordered the other
Members near the City to be called together, 35 1
Twenty-five Members met, and unanimously
agreed to postpone the further consideration of
the subject to the first of August ; when it is
expected a Non- Importation Agreement will
be entered into, and Resolutions to suspend, at
some future day, Exports to Great Britain, - 35 1
Juru 1, Divine Service, at Williamsburg, in compliance
with the Resolution of the Burgesses, of the
24th of May, (Note,) - - - - 351
May
29,
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Letter from Lord Dunmore, Williamsburg, to
the Earl of Dartmouth. Resolution of the
House of Burgesses to deny and oppose the
authority of Parliament offered by Robert
Carter Nicholas, Treasurer of the Province.
Dissolved the Assembly, with the unanimous
XXX IX
1774.
CONTENTS.
XX.
consent of the Council. Will not call another
till he hears from the Earl of Dartmouth. Ma-
ny of the dissolved Members state that if the
full force of the Resolution had been adverted
to, it would have met with strong opposition, 352
May Meetiiip; at Annapolis, Maryland. The suffer-
26, inp of Boston, the common cause of America.
A stoppage of Trade with Great Britain will
preserve North America and her Liberties.
Gentlemen of the Law in the Province should
bring no suit for the recovery of a debt due to
Hn Inhabitant of Great Britain, until the Boston
Port Act be repealed. The Inhabitants of
Annajiolis will, and the Province ought, im-
mediately to break offall Trade with the Colo-
ny or Province which shall refuse to adopt
similar Resolutions with a majority of the
Colonies. Committee appointed to unite with
others of the Province, to effect an Association
to secure American Liberty, . . - 352
2G, Objections to the Proceedings at the Meeting at
Annapolis, on the 24th, ... - 353
27, Another Meeting, held at Annapolis, confirmed
the Resolutions passed on the 24th, - - 353
30, Protest of a number of Inhabitants of Annapolis
against the Resolution adopted on the 27th,
asrainst bringing suits for debts due to Persons
residing in Great Britain, ... - 353
Letter from Daniel Dulany, Jim., Annapolis, to
Arthur Lee. Notice of the Proceedings on
the 24th. He opposed one of the Resolutions.
The Resolutions are not to be obligatory until
they are agreed to by a majority of the Colo-
nies, and the several Counties of this Province, 354
Resolutions adopted by the House of Representa-
tives of the English Colony of Connecticut, 355
1 . The King of Great Britain recognised as their
lawful Sovereign, - . . - . 355
2. The Lihabitants of the Colony have all the
rights and privileges of Subjects bom within
the Realm of England, .... 355
3. The Assembly of the Colony the only lawful
Representatives thereof, .... 356
4. It is the right of the Inhabitants of the Col-
ony to be governed only by their own Assem-
bly, in Taxing and Internal Police, - - 356
5. Admiralty Courts, with extraordinary powers,
destructive of the rights of the People of the
Colony, 356
6. Carrj-ing Persons beyond the Sea, for Trial,
unconstitutional, and subversive of the rights
of the Colony, -.--.. 356
7. A Port can only be shut up by the Legisla-
ture of the Colony in which it is situated, - 356
8. Closing the Port of Boston, by Act of Parlia-
ment, inconsistent with the rights and liberties
of the Colonies in America, ... 355
9. Whenever his Majesty's service shall require
the aid of this Colony, it wll be granted, - 356
10. The well-being and security of the Colony
depends on its connection with Great Britain, 356
11. It is our duty, by all lawful means, to defend
and preserve our rights and liberties, - - 357
25, Meeting of Assembly of Massachusetts, - 357
Counsellors elected, ..... 357
26, Counsellors rejected by the Govemour, - - 357
Govemour's Speech to both Houses. Informs
them that after the first of June, in compliance
with the King's particular commands, the Gen-
eral Court will be held at Salem, - - 357
25, Address presented to Govemour Hutchinson, by
sundry Gentlemen of Marblehead, - - 358
Govemour Hutchinson's Answer, - - - 358
JuHC 3, Declaration of Marblehead, relative to the Ad-
dress from sundry Inhabitants of the Town to
Govemour Hutchinson; unanimously voted at
a legal Town Meeting, .... 359
NEW-HAMPSHIRE ASSEMBLY.
May Assembly of New-Hampshire authorize the en-
27, listment of three Men, to be posted at his Ma-
jesty's Fort, William and Mary, under the com-
mand of one Officer, .... ^qq
Message from Govemour Wentworth to the As-
sembly. He does not think it safe to entrust so
important a Fortress to the care and defence of
three Men and one Officer, , . . 350
1774.
May Committee appointed by the Assembly of New-
28, Hampshire, to correspond with the Committees
in the other Colonies, - - - - 361
The Speaker directed to answer such Letters as
he may receive from the other Colonies rela-
tive to the Difficulties between Great Britain
and the Colonies, and to assure them that this
Assembly will join them in all measures for
saving the rights of America, - - - 361
The Govemour authorized to enlist five Men for
Fort William and Mary, - - - - 361
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
May Address of Merchants and Traders of the Town
28, of Boston, presented to Govemour Hutchinson, 361
Answer of Govemour Hutchinson, - - 362
24, Protest of the Merchants and Traders of the
TowTi of Boston, unanimously votfd, at a full
Meeting, against a Paper called an Address
to Govemour Hutchinson, handed about, and
signed, in a private manner, - - - 362
29, Address presented to Govemour Hutchinson, by
several Gentlemen of the Law, . . - 363
Answer of Govemour Hutchinson, - - 363
30, Letter from Bedford, Pennsylvania. Alarms on
the Frontiers on account of the Indians. A par-
ty of the Shawanese out, it is supposed to at-
tack some part of Virginia, ... 364
30, "Join or Die!" An Appeal to the People to unite
in resisting the Parliament, and supporting Bos-
ton, 364
30, Address from the Magistrates of Middlesex Coun-
ty, Massachusetts, to Govemour Hutchinson, 364
Mr. Hutchinson's Answer, .... 365
30, A Meeting of a number of Persons of all societies,
in Philadelphia, determine to suspend all busi-
ness on the first of June, the day the Boston
Port Bill takes effect, (Note,) - - - 365
30, Committee of the Society of Quakers inform the
Publick that no person was authorized to repre-
sent them at the Meeting for suspending busi-
ness on the first of Jime, .... 365
June 1, People of Philadelphia, except the Friends, sus-
pend all business ; nine-tenths shut up their
houses. The Bells were rang muffled; and
Vessels in the Port had their Colours half
hoisted, (Note,) 365
6, Rector of Christ's Church, Philadelphia, ac-
quaints the Publick that the Bells of that
Church were not rang, on the 1st, with his
knowledge or approbation: he specially di-
rected there should be no observance of that
day in any of the Churches under his care,
(Note,) 365
May Queen Anne County, Maryland, Resolutions. The
30, cause of Boston, the common cause of America ;
all legal means should be adopted to procure
the repeal of the Boston Port Bill. All com-
mercial intercourse with Great Britain should
be stopped until that Act is repealed, and the
right assumed by Parliament, for taxing Ame-
rica, in all cases whatsoever, be given up. Com-
mittee of Correspondence and Intercourse ap-
pointed, 366
30, Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Lon-
don, (Note,) 299
31, Bakimore County, Maryland, Resolutions. The
duty of every Colony in America to' imite to
obtain a repeal of the Boston Port Bill. This
County will join with the Province to stop
Trade with Great Britain and the West Indies.
Provincial Ccngress recommended; to be held
at Annapolis. Maryland should break offall
intercourse with any Colony who shall refuse
to come into similar Resolutions with a ma-
jority of the Colonies. Committee of Corres-
pondence appointed, 365
31, Letter from Govemour Perm to the Earl of
Dartmouth. An Express despatched to Phil-
adelphia, from Boston, with a proposal to stop
all "Tradi' with Great Britain. In consequence
of this a Meeting was held, where the matter
was considered and debated. It was resolved
to petition the Govemour to convene the Gen-
eral Assembly on the occasion. Should so af-
frontive an application be made, will treat it as
it deserves, 367
xr.i
1774.
Miy Letter from Governour Franklin, Burlington, to
31, the Earl of Dartmouth. Difficult to foresee
what will be the consequences of the Boston
Port Act. The Merchants of New- York and
Philadelphia, though inclined to co-operate
with Boston, unwilling to enter into a Gen-
eral Non-Importation and Non-Exportation
Agreement. A Congress has been proposed,
but whether it will take place is uncertain, - 368
31, Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Lon-
don, (Note,) 299
3 1 , Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. Doubtful whether the other Colonies
will give Boston any thing but good words.
The violent seem to break, and the People to
fall off from them. The Assembly hurrying
through their business, to avoid meeting at
Salem, were suddenly adjourned by him to meet
there on the 7th of June. The Officers of
the Customs leave Boston to-morrow, and the
Admiral has stationed his Ships. No design
has yet appeared of opposing the Act. Many
wish for the arrival of the Troops ; People will
speak openly then, which they now dare not
do, 368
31, Letter from John Scollay, Boston, to Arthur Lee.
Injurious effects that will be felt by the whole
Province from the Boston Port Bill. Although
it was intended to ruin the Town, yet out of
this management of Lord North's, instead of
despotism and tyranny over the Colonies, a
foundation for peace and harmony with Great
Britain will be laid. The Colonies do not
wish for Independence, and they are too valu-
able for the Crown to part with, - - 369
31, Information of the Boston Port Bill received
with indignation at Charlestown, S. Carolina, 370
31, Letter from the Norfolk, Virginia, Committee, to
the Committee at Charlestown, South Carolina.
The time has come when the closest union is
necessary. The Boston Port Bill is an attack
upon the liberties of us all. We look to Charles-
town as among those to take the lead in the gen-
eral establishment of the rights of the Colonies.
Fear Boston will sink under the weight of
their misfortunes. Approve of the expediency
of a Congress. If, after all, the India Com-
pany must be reimbursed, every freeman will
cheerfully join in the general expense, - 370
June 1, Letter from Lieutenant Governour Colden, New-
York, to the Earl of Dartmouth. At the
time the Boston Port Bill was received in
New- York, the men who called themselves the
Committee, were, many of them, of the lower
rank, and all the warmest zealots of those called
the Sons of Liberty. The principal Inhabi-
tants, at a meeting held after the Port Act was
published, dissolved this Committee and appoint-
ed a new one, of the prudent people of the city.
No Resolutions have yet been adopted by this
Colony, 372
1, Letter from Major General Haldimand, New-
York, to the Earl of Dartmouth. Since the
late vigorous measures of Parliament, the loyal
Inhabitants fear not to disapprove the rash pro-
ceedings of their Countrymen. This has pre-
vented the passage of Resolutions to stop Trade
with Great Britain and the West Indies, - 373
1, Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Scot-
land, (Note,) - 302
I, Fredericksburg, Virginia, Resolutions. Will
concur in every proper measure adopted by
the Colonies respecting Boston. Committee
of Correspondence appointed, - . . 373
I, Letter II, to the Inhabitants of the British Colo-
nies in America. An examination of the Acts
relating to America, - - - - - 374
1, An Address to all the English Colonies of North
America. Effects and consequences of the
Boston Port Bill, 377
2, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Kent County, Ma-
ryland. Committee of Correspondence ap-
pointed. Delegates to the Provincial Con-
gress at Annapolis, chosen. Collections made
for the suffering Poor of Boston, - - 379
2, Letter from a Member of the Assembly of New-
Jersey. Meeting of a Committee at New-
Brunswick. Will do whatever may be gen-
CONTENTS.
XLII
1774.
erally agreed on. Have requested the Govern-
our to convene the Assembly before the first of
August, 380
June 2, Letter received in Philadelphia from a Gentleman
in Boston. Closing the Port. Proposition to
pay for the Tea. General Gage ordered the
removal of the Province Money from Boston
to Salem. Treasurer refused to comply, - 380
2, Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Eng-
land, 302
2, Letter from the Committee of Norfolk, Virginia,
to the Baltimore Committee. The late Acts of
Parliament viewed as fatal to the liberties of
the Colonies, and as a publick robbery of our
rights. The policy of attacking a Town or
Province singly, will never so delude, as to dis-
unite us from a joint and universal opposition
of all British America, - - - - 371
3, Letter from the Committee of Norfolk, Virginia,
to the Boston Committee. Are not indifferent
spectators of the distresses of Boston, under the
cruel exertion of British power. Observed the
first of June as a day of fasting and prayer.
Consider Boston as suffering in the common
cause, and feel bound by the most solemn and
sacred ties to support them in every measure to
regain their rights and privileges, - - 371
3, Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to General
Gage. Encloses Acts for the better govern-
ment of, and the administration of Justice in,
Massachusetts Bay. The King has nominated
thirty-six persons for the Council of Massachu-
setts. Mr. Oliver, of Cambridge, appointed
Lieutenant Governour. Instructions. Vio-
lences must be resisted with firmness. The Acts
of Parliament must he obeyed throughout the
whole Empire, ..... 38O
3, Letter from the Committee of Correspondence for
Connecticut to the Committee of Correspond-
ence for Boston. The Assembly at their ses-
sion, which closed this day, came to Resolu-
tions relative to their rights and privileges.
Resolves of Colonies will have more weight
than those of the Merchants of separate Towns;
and measures recommended by the whole
tmited Colonies will have still greater weight
and influence, - . . - . 304
4, Letter from the Committee of Correspondence for
Connecticut to the New. York Committee, en-
closing a copy of the preceding Letter, which
they have also sent to Rhode-Island and New-
Hampshire, ...... 304
4, The King's birth-day. Not a house illuminated
at Charlestown; no demonstrations of joy,
(Note,) 382
4, Address to the People of Charlestown, South
Carolina, 382
4, Anne Arundel County, Maryland, Resolutions.
Duty of all the Colonies to unite for obtaining
a repeal of the Boston Port Bill. A stoppage
of Trade with Great Britain and the West
Indies the most effectual means to obtain a
repeal. Provincial Congress recommended;
Members for Anne Arundel County appointed, 384
Questions submitted to the consideration of the
Committee for Anne Arundel County, (Note,) 385
4, Letter received at New-York from a Gentleman
of Philadelphia. Some of the friends of Bos-
ton here are too warm, and wish to push all
things into confusion. Our Letter, (of May
21,) moderate, yet warm and firm enough, - 386
4, Letter from Joseph Johnson, an Indian of the
Mohegan Tribe, to Jonathan Trumbull, Gov-
ernour of Connecticut, .... 386
6, Letter from the Earl of Dunmore, Williamsburg,
to the Earl of Dartmouth. Cannot tell to what
lengths the People of Virginia will be indu.
ced to proceed. Members of the late House of
Burgesses, after the arrival of the Boston mes-
senger, called a meeting of the People, and pro.
posed to them to agree to the violent measures
adopted at Annapolis, which, that they may be
more solemnly entered into, have deferred the
execution of it to the first day of Aiigust,
when all the Members of the late House of
Burgesses are required to attend, . - 387
G, Meeting of the Freeholders, Merchants and
other Inhabitants of the County of Prince
XLIII
CONTENTS.
XLIV
1774. William, and Town of Dumfries, in the Colony
of Virginia, •*"■.'"
June 6, Letter from Philadelphia to a Gentlenwn in Bos-
ton. Reasons why Boston should not pay fof
the Tea, --■■.•"
6, Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
Township of Lower Freehold, in the County
of Monmouth, in New-Jersey, . - -
6, Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town of Nor-
wich, in the Colony of Connecticut, legally
wamtxl and convened, ....
7, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Essex County,
New- Jersey, called, . - - - -
7, Letter from the Committee of New- York to the
Committee of Correspondence in Boston,
7, Offer by the Merchants and Traders of Marble-
head, of their Stores and Wharves, to their op-
pressed brethren of Boston, during the opera-
tion of the Boston Port Bill, . . -
8, Petition of sundry Inhabitants of the Province of
Pennsylvania to Governour Penn, to call to-
gether the Assembly, on occasion of the late
Act of Parliament respecting the Town of
Boston, ... - ■ ". .*
Answer of the Governour. Does not think it
expedient or consistent with his duty, -
8, Meetmg of the Freeholders and other Inhabit-
ants of the County of Frederick, in Virginia,
and Grentlemen practising at the Bar, held in
Winchester, ...---
8, Letter from Governour Wentworth to the Earl
of Dartmouth. Took pains to prerail upon
tlie Assembly not to enter into extra Provincial
measures ; yet Committees of Correspondence
were appointed. They were adjourned imme-
diately, and, since then, kept under short ad-
journments, in hopes to obtain a suspension of
their votes. Dissolved the Assembly this day,
8, Message from Governour Wentworth to the As-
sembly of New-Hampshire. Measures en-
tered into by the House inconsistent with his
Majesty's service. His duty to prevent any
detriment that might arise from such Proceed-
ings ; therefore dissolves the Assembly,
8, Expressat Williamsburg from Pittsburgh. Shaw-
anese have declared war against the Whites,
8, Letter III, to the Inhabitants of the British Col-
onies in America, .....
Letter to the Author of the Letters to the Inhab-
itants of the British Colonies in America,
8, Address of the Boston Committee sent to the Peo-
ple of every Town in the Province, with the
Covenant, ......
Form of the Covenant sent to every Town in
Massachusetts, .....
8, Address of Merchants, Traders, and others, of
Boston, presented to Governour Gage, at Sa-
lem, .......
CJovernour Gage's Answer, ....
8, Resolutions of the House of Representatives of
Massachusetts. Convening the General As-
sembly at any other place than Boston, uime-
cessarily, a great Grievance,
9, Answer of the House of Representatives to the
Speech of Governour Gage, at the opening of
the Session, ......
9, Answer of the Council to the Governour's
Speech, .......
13, Committee of the Covuicil presented the Address
to the Governour. The Chairman not permit-
ted to read it through, ....
13, Messageof Governour Gage to the Coimcil. His
reason for refiising to receive the Address.
Considers it an insult to the King, and an af-
front to himself, .....
1 1, Address of Merchants and others, Inhabitants of
Salem, to Governour Gage, ...
Answer of the Governour, ....
11, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Harford County,
Maryland, ......
11, Meeting of the Freemen in the lower part of
Frederick County, Maryland, ...
11, Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the County of Essex, New-Jersey,
11, Letter from the New- York Committee to the
Committee of Correspondence for Connecticut,
1 1 , Letter from the New- York Committee to Bernard
Liutot. The hints he has furnished very pro-
388
388
390
390
- 391
303
391
391
- 391
- 392
393
394
394
394
395
397
397
398
399
- 399
400
400
401
401
1774.
Jvne
13.
13,
13,
13,
13,
13,
13,
14.
14,
15,
15,
15.
16,
16,
17.
17,
17,
17,
17.
17.
401
402
18,
402
18,
403
18,
305
18,
18.
per for the consideration of a General Congress
of Deputies from the different Colonies ; what
can or will be done, must be submitted to the
wisdom of their united Councils, - - 306
Letter from Norwich, in England, to a Gentleman
in New- York. Distresses of Manufacturers
in England, in consequence of the measures of
Parliament towards America, ... 404
Intelligence at W'illiamsburg, Virginia. War
with the Indians, 405
Meeting of Mechanicks at Philadelphia, held on
Thursday evening, the 9th, - - - 405
Letter from George Clymer, Philadelphia, to
Josiah Quincy, Jim. New- York and Penn-
sylvania object to the suspension of Tr.ide pro-
posed by Boston. Pennsylvania appears de-
terminetl on the Congress. General Subscrip-
tion opened for relief of Boston, - - 406
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Parish of
Soutifi-Haven, in the County of Suffolk, New-
York, - - - - - - - 407
Meeting of the General Committee, Charlestown,
South Carolina. General Meeting of the Col-
ony called, to consider of the steps proper to
be taken in consequence of the late hostile Act
of the British i'arliament against Boston, - 408
Letter from CharlestowTi, South Carolina, to a
Gentleman of New- York. Merchants now
generally in favour of Non- Importation, - 408
Letter from Charlestown, South Carolina, to Phil-
adelphia. Charlestown will join in whatever
New-York and Philadelphia may adopt, - 408
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Charles County,
Maryland, 409
Letter IV, to the Inhabitants of the British Colo-
nies in America, - - - - - 4 1 0
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Borough of
Lancaster, Pennsylvania, - - - - 415
Resolutions of the General Assembly of the Eng-
lish Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence
Plantations. Firm and inviolable union of all
the Colonies absolutely necessary for the pre-
servation of their rights and liberties. Dele-
gates to the Continental Congress appointed —
Instructions to the Delegates, ...
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabit-
ants of the County of Dunmore, Virginia, -
The British American, No. 4, ...
Writs for an election of a new Assembly ordered
by the Governour and Council of Virginia, -
Address to the Gentlemen, Freeholders, and
others, in the County of New-Castle, upon
Delaware. Enumeration of Grievances. Meet-
ing of the Inliabitants of the Coimty recom-
mended, ......
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town of East-
Hampton, in the County of Suffolk, New-
York, .......
Resolutions of the House of Representatives of
Massachusetts. A Congress highly expedient
and necessary, to consult upon the present
state of the Colonies. Delegates on the part
of the Province appointed. Discontinuance
of the use of India Teas, and of the use of all
Goods and Manufactures imported from the
East Indies and Great Britain, recommended.
Encouragement of American Manufactures,
recommended, - - - - - 421
The General Assembly dissolved by Governour
Gage, ....... 422
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabit-
ants of the Town of Boston, ... 423
None at the Meeting in fiivour of paying for the
Tea, (Note,) 423
All the Colonies in motion. Subscriptions for
support of Boston Poor, (Note,) - - 423
Address of Merchants and Freeholders of Salem,
to Governour Gage, .... 424
Answer of the Governour, .... 425
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Caroline County,
Maryland, ...... 425
Meeting of the Freeholders and Freemen of the
City and County of Philadelphia, - - 426
SpeecL of the Reverend William Smith at the
Meeting, - .... 407
Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the County of Chester, Pennsyh-ania, - - 428
Letter from Governour Franklm, Burlington, to
416
417
418
419
419
420
1774.
CONTENTS.
XLVI
June
19.
19,
20,
20,
20,
20,
20,
21,
21,
22,
22,
22,
22,
22,
22,
23,
23,
23,
24,
24.
the Earl of Dartmouth, Transmits a copy
of the Resolutions adopted at the Meeting in
Essex County. Has refused to convene the
Assembly in August. The other Counties are
expected to follow the example of Essex ; but
it is doubtful whether they will agree to a gen-
eral Non-Importation. Their principal aim
seems to be a Congress, ....
Letter from Fort Pitt to Philadelphia. Connolly
refused protection to three Shawanese who had
escorted the Traders in with their Peltry;
Sent a party to cut them off. Logan returned
to the Shawanese Towns with thirteen Scalps,
Letter from Boston to New- York. Attempts
to procure an Agreement to pay for the Tea,
defeated, ......
Address to the Lrhabitants of the Province of
South Carolina, . . . . -
Letters from southern parts of North Carolina.
Inhabitants there, recommend that Collections
be set on foot throughout the Continent for re-
lief of the most distressed in Boston,
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Frederick Coun-
ty, iVIaryland, - . . - -
Letter from Jolm Dickinson, Fairhill, to Josiah
Quincy, Jun. The Colonies very unanimous
in favour of a Congress, ....
"An American." On the means of obtaining
relief, .......
Letter from Cave Cumberland. Indian War
caused by Cresap and Greathouse,
Meeting of the Justices, Gentlemen of the Bar,
and principal Inhabitants of Northampton
County, Pennsylvania, ....
Letter from England to a Gentleman in New-
York. State of affairs in England,
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabit-
ants of the County of Westmoreland, in Vir-
ginia,
Maryland Convention. Delegates to the Con-
vention. Resolutions. — Duty of every Colony
to unite against Boston Port Bill. Should
stop Trade with Great Britain if the Act is
not repealed. Instructions to Deputies to the
Congress. Subscriptions to be opened in the
several Counties for distressed Inhabitants of
Boston. Deputies to the Congress appointed.
Will break off Trade with the Colony, Prov-
ince or Tovra, that shall refuse to unite in such
measures as may be adopted by the Congress,
Reflections on appointing Delegates to the Gen-
eral Congress. Different modes of appointing
examined. The appointment by Provincial
Conventions recommended, ...
Letter from the General Association of Congre-
gational Ministers in Connecticut, to the
Clergymen in Boston, ....
Answer to the preceding Letter ; prepared but not
sent, through the confusion of the times.
Address of the Justices of the County of Wor-
cester, in Massachusetts, to Governour Gage,
Answer of the Governour, ....
Letters from Fort Pitt. White Inhabitants killed
by the Indians,
Extract from the Proceedings of the Town of
Windham, in Connecticut. Addresses to Gov-
ernour Hutchinson, an insult to the Town of
Boston, .......
Letter from Richard Henry Lee to Samuel
Adams. His Resolutions prepared to be of-
fered the day before the Assembly was dissolv-
ed by Lord Dunmore. After the dissolution,
proposed to the Members the plan of a Con-
gress. Indian War has compelled the Govern-
our to call a new Assembly. When they
meet, will adopt measures for redress of Griev-
ances,
Letter from Samuel Adams to Richard Henry
Lee. Inhabitants of Boston encouraged to
persevere by intelligence from every part of
the Continent. Lord North has made no pre-
paration for the effects of such an union.
Address to the Publick, from the Committee of
Charlestown, South Carolina, appointed to re-
ceive and forward Donations for the Poor of
Boston,
Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
Spottsylvania County, Virginia, -
428
428
430
430
433
- 433
434
434
435
435
436
437
438
441
442
443
444
445
445
445
445
447
448
448
June
27,
17,
May
23,
24,
25,
26,
27,
June
28,
28,
28,
May
29,
June 3
449
306
450
1774.
June Extracts of Letters received in Philadelphia, from
24, Pittsburgh. Connolly's proceedings against
tl»e Pennsylvanians, ....
24, Letter from the Committee of Correspondence
appointed by the Assembly of New- York, to
the Committee of Correspondence for Connec-
ticut, - -
25, Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the County of Bergen, in the Province of
New-Jersey, ---...
26, Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The General Court dissolved by Proc-
lamation outside of the door. Several Gentle-
men, encouraged by the late Resolutions of
Government, are endeavouring to procure a
compliance with the Boston Port Bill. Nei-
ther New- York, Philadelphia, nor Boston will
agree to a Non-Importation, though a Con-
gress of some sort may be obtained. The ar-
ri\'al of Troops has given spirits to the friends
of Government, .....
27, Peace Talk from the Creek Indians sent to Au-
gusta, Georgia. General Meeting of all the
Warriors of the Creek Nation called. The
Cherokecs have engaged to join the Creeks
in case of War, .....
27, Meeting of the Committee of Correspondence of
Norfolk and Portsmouth, in Virginia, - 45 1
27, Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the County of Morris, in the Province of East
New-Jersey, - ..... 452
27, Letter from Huntington, to a Gentleman in New-
York. Enclosing Resolutions unanimously
adopted in Tovvti Meeting, ... 453
21, General Town Meeting of the Inhabitants of
Huntington, in Suffolk Coimty, New- York, 453
27, Letter from Captain John Connolly, Pittsburgh,
to a Gentleman in Philadelphia. Has sent a
detachment to protect the Settlements about
Red Stone from the Shawanese, - - - 454
450
451
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Meeting of the Council, at Philadelphia, - 454
Report of James Tilghman and Andrew Allen,
Commissioners appointed by the Honourable
John Penn, Esq., Governour of Pennsylvania,
to treat with the Right Honourable the Earl of
Dunmore, Governour of Virginia, on sundry
publick matters, - - - - - 454
Letter from James Tilgliman and Andrew Allen,
Williamsburg, to Lord Dunmore, - - 455
Letter from Lord Dunmore, Williamsburg, to
James Tilghman and Andrew Allen, - 456
Letter from James Tilghman and Andrew Allen,
Williamsburg, to Lord Dunmore, - - 457
Letter from Lord Dunmore, Williamsburg, to
James Tilghman and Andrew Allen, - - 459
Letter from James Tilghman and Andrew Allen,
Williamsburg, to Lord Dmimore, - - 461
Letter from Governour Penn, Philadelphia, to
Sir William Johnson. Requests his interposi-
tion and influence to induce the Six Nations to
become mediators between Pennsylvania and
the Shawanese and Delawares, - - - 461
Letter from Governour Penn to Lord Dunmore.
Danger of a general Indian War, unless Peim-
sylvania and Virginia prevent further progress
of hostilities. Conduct of Doctor Connolly;
his Military operations dangerous to the peace
of the Colonies in general. Hopes Lord Dun-
more does not encourage Connolly in the out-
rages laid to his charge, - - - - 46 1
Letter from Governour Penn to Arthur St. Clair.
Measures should be taken to prevent the re-
moval of the White Inhabitants from the Fron-
tiers, and to induce those who have gone to re-
turn. Has convened the Assembly, who will
adopt measures to afford effectual relief; in the
mean time he will send further supplies of Am-
mmiition, 462
Letter from Arthur St. Clair, Ligonier, to Gov-
ernour Penn. Alarm among the People. A
company of one hundred Rangers formed for
defence of Frontiers, .... 453
, Letter from John Montgomery, Carlisle, to Gov-
ernour Penn. People in Westmoreland Coun-
JXVII
1774.
CONTENTS.
XLVIII
June
3,
5,
10,
12,
12,
10.
14,
16,
19,
20,
22,
- 4G3
4G4
464
4G5
465
ty in great conftision ; in want of Arms and
Ammunition; unless specxlily furnished they
must leave the Country, * " ' .
Letter from John Montgomery, Carlisle, to Wil-
liam Allen. Distresses of the Country. Dela-
ware Indians well disposed, but Shawanese de-
ttrmint-d on war. Chie hundred Men raised to
ran^e from Fort Pitt to Ligonicr. Other pre-
parations for Defence, . . . -
Indian Intellis'ence. Traders on the Muskingum
safe ; the ShawTinese had taken preat pains in
protecting them. Shawanese quiet. A party
of Mingoes out; gone agamst that part of
Virginia where their friends were killed,
Letter'from Arthur St. Clair, Liiurel Hill, to Gov-
ernour Penn. Has hitherto thought there
would be no war, now thinks otherwise,
Letter from Arthur St. Clair, Ligonier,to Govem-
our Penn. Encloses Letter from Mr. Crogh-
an, ..-.-.-
Letter from George Croghan to Arthur St. Clair.
Employing the Rangers, in Pennsylvania, has
alanned Connolly. Measures of Connolly to
prevent settlement of disputes, ... 465
Letter from Ale.xander M'Kee, Agent for Indian
Affairs at Fort Pitt. Hostilities between In-
dians and Virginians. Indians have given
proof of their pacifick disposition. Reason to
tear the war will become general, - - 466
Letter from Arthur St. Clair, Ligonier, to Gov-
ernour Penn. Inhabitants of the Frontiers
alarmed, and retire to the Forts, or leave the
Country. In the Valley they still make a
stand. The intention of the Indians will soon
be known, ...... 466
Letter from Devereux Smith, Pittsburgh, to Gov-
ernour Penn, ...... 467
Letter from Devereux Smith, Pittsburgh, to Dr.
Smith. Extension of the Virginia Settlements
the cause of the dissatisfaction of the Indians.
Account of the origin and progress of the In-
dian hostilities. Connolly determined on a
war with the Indians. His violent proceedings
against the Pennsylvania Magistrates, - - 467
Letter from .(Eneas Mackay, Pittsburgh, to Gov-
ernour Penn. - - - - • -471
Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn.
A further account of the proceedings of Con-
nolly, and of the Indian War. Delawares still
friendly to Pennsylvania, - - . - 47 1
Letter from William Thompson, Cumberland
County, to Governour Penn, ... 473
Letter from Lord Dunmore, at Williamsburg, to
Captain John Connolly. Approves his build-
ing a Fort at Wheeling, and of marching into
the Shawanese Towns. Ad\nses him to make
prisoners of as many Women and Children as
he can; and not to make peace mitil the Indians
are effectually chastised, .... 473
Letter from Arthur St. Clair, at Ligonier, to Gov-
ernour Perm. Two of the principal Traders
arrived safe at Pittsburgh, under protection of
Sliawanese Chiefs. Connolly ordered out a
party to make prisoners of the Shawanese
Chiefs. Those about Fort Pitt, (now Fort Dun-
more,) intent on a war. Has had a meeting with
some Six Nations and some Delawares, and
made them a present, in the name of the Gov-
ernour. Logan returned with thirteen Scalps
and one Prisoner, and says he will now listen
to the Chiefs, ...... 473
18, Proclamation by John Connolly, at Fort Dun-
more. Prohibits intercourse with the Indians, 475
Extracts from Mr. M'Kee's Journal of Indian
Transactions, ..... 475-483
JMay 1, Message to King Custologa, Captains White
Eyes, Pipe, and other Chiefs,
3, Conference, at Colonel Croghan's, between seve^
ral Chiefs and Captain Connolly, and others,
4, Arrival of several Delaware Chiefs,
."i. A Condolence held with the Six Nations, Dela-
wares, Shawanese, Munsies, Mohegans, and
Twightwees, ....
9, Speech delivered by several Chiefs, Six Nations
and Delawares, to the Governour of Viririnia,
16, Message from Custologa, by five principal Men
of the Delawares, ..... 473
17, Answer to Custologa's Message, ... 473
- 475
475
476
- 476
477
1774.
May
21,
21,
25,
Message received from the Delaware Chiefs at
Newcomer's Town, ....
Answer to the Message of the Delaware Chiefs,
Answer of the Delawares to the Condolence
Speeches, . . . . -
Answer of the Shawanese to the Condolence
Speeches, ......
Speech of Arthur St Clair to the Six Nations
and Delawares, ....
Speech to the Delawares, on receiving their An-
swer to the Condolence Speeches,
Reply of Captain White Eyes, . . -
June 1, Arrival of Moravian Indians, ...
5, Messengers from Newcomer, with intelligence.
Answer sent by the Messengers, ...
Answer of Lord Dunmore, at Williamsburg, to
the Speech of the Six Nations and Delawares,
at Pittsburgh, May 9th,
Ja-«« 9, Message sent with Lord Dunmore's Speech to
the Six Nations and Delawares,
Letter from William Thompson, in Cumberland
Coimty, to Governour Penn, ...
Letter from Arthur St. Clair, at Ligonier, to Gov-
ernour Penn. Connolly has sent in pursuit of
the Shawanees who escorted the Traders,
Memorial from the Inhabitants of Pittsburgh, !»
Governour Penn. Request relief from their
sufferings under the arbitrary proceedings of
Doctor Connolly, . . . . -
Statement of the Grievances of the People of
Pittsburgh, occasioned by the tyrarmical con-
duct of Doctor Connolly, ...
26,
26,
May
29,
22,
26,
25,
25,
478
478
- 479
479
- 480
480
481
481
481
482
482
483
483
483
483
484
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
June Letter from the Committee of Correspondence of
28, the Assembly of Pennsylvania, to the Commit-
tee of Correspondence of Massachusetts Bay.
The great cause of American Rights should
be left to the Representatives in every Colony.
Until this shall be fairly tried and fail, no other
mode should be attempted. A Congress, con-
stitutionally chosen, to ascertain our rights, and
establish a political union between Great Bri-
tain and the Colonies, would effectually secure
to Americans their future rights and privileges, 485
Remarks on the preceding Letter, (Note,) - 486
27, Address to the People of Boston, on paying for
the Tea, 487
27, Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabit-
ants of the Town of Boston, at Faneuil Hall.
Correspondence of the Committee ordered to be
produced and read. Motion to censure and an-
nihilate the Committee. Gentlemen in favour
of the motion patiently heard ; at their request
the Meeting adjourned tmtil to-morrow morn-
ing. The qtiestion then taken, and the mo-
tion rejected by a vast majority. Conduct of
the Committee approved, .... 439
29, Protest against the Proceedings of the Town
Meeting in Boston, held on the 27th of June;
against the doings of the Committee of Cor-
respondence, and against the Solemn League
and Covenant, ..... 499
29, Proclamation by Governour Gage, for discour-
aging of certain illegal Combinations. The
League and Covenant an unlawful instrument,
and the Letter of the Committee accompany-
ing it, scandalous, traitorous, and seditious.
All persons cautioned against signing the Co-
venant, - - - - . - -491
Remarks upon the Proclamation, (Note,) - 492
29, Meeting of the Freeholders and Freemen of the
County of Richmond, in Virginia, - - 492
Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
Prince George's County, Virginia, - - 493
30, The British American, No. 5, ... 495
July 1, Letter from London, received in Philadelphia.
Men in power in England wish for an Indian
war, as a means of humbling and reducing the
rebellious Colonies. Policy of Great Britain
in regard to the Colonies, is to divide and con-
quer. Nothing but an union of the Colonics
to stop Trade will save America, - - 498
1, Meeting of the Freeholders of James City Coun-
ty, Virginia, ---... 499
1, Tea, at Portsmouth, in New- Hampshire, re-ship-
ped by order of the Town, - . , 499
XL IX
CONTENTS.
1774.
CONSTITCTIONAL POST omCB.
Jvly 2, Mr. Goddard's Proposal for establishing an Ame-
rican Post Office has been warmly patronized
in the Eastern Colonics, and preparations have
been made for the conveyance of the Mail, - 500
Plan for the establishing a new American Post
Office, 500
lU'ry Letter to Lord North. Dismissing Dr. Frank-
5, lin from the Post Office one of the most for-
tunate events for America. The Americana
will set up a Post Office of their own, and put
aji end to the precedent, so often referred to, for
Taxing them, (Note,) - . . . 500
28, Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Bos-
ton. Our tame submission to the Post Office
Establishment has been constantly urged as a
precedent for all other unconstitutional Acts.
If we oppose it now, with manly firmness, we
cannot fail of success. Mr. Goddard's Plan is
well calculated to save the cause of Liberty,
«■ .,J^°'®') 500
March Mr. Goddard at Boston. He has received the
17, greatest encouragement from all the Colonies
through which he has passed. At a Meeting
in Boston, it was determined to unite with the
Southern Colonies in support of this measure
for the recovery of American Liberty, (Note,) 500
Heads of a Subscription Paper, for the establish-
ment of an American Post Office, laid before
the Committee of Correspondence at Boston,
(Note,) 501
29, Mr. Goddard at Salem, on the subject of estab-
lishing a Post Office independent of the un-
constitutional Laws of a British Parliament,
(Note,) 501
April Mr. Goddard at Portsmouth : At a Meeting of
15, the Committee of Merchants, Traders, and
other Inhabitants, a Subscription to support the
American Post Office, unanimously agreed
upon, (Note,) 502
21, Letter from Philadelphia to a Gentleman at Wil-
liamsburg. The Post Office as established is
an infringement of American Liberties ; but the
new one proposed can scarcely succeed under
Mr, Goddard. The Merchants of Philadel-
phia have preferred Mr. Bradford for the pri-
vate Post set up between that place and Phil-
adelphia, (Note,) 502
21, Mr. Goddard at Boston, with Letters from To\vns
to the Eastward, expressing their concurrence
in the establishment of a Post Office, on consti-
tutional principles, throughout the Continent.
The removal of Dr. Franklin from the Post
Office has added fresh spirit to the promoters
of this salutary plan, (Note,) ... 503
May 5, The Subscription for establishing an American
Post Office has been liberally patronized. —
Mr. Goddard will return homeward, rejoicing
in the great success which has attended his en.
deavours to rescue the channel of publick and
private intelligence from the horrid fangs of
Ministerial despotism, (Note,) ... 503
19, The report that the Constitutional Post Rider
between Philadelphia and Baltimore, with a
large sum of money entrusted to his care, had
absconded, is untrue, (Note,) - - - 503
June 2, Mr. Goddard at New- York, with important de-
spatches for all the Southern Colonies, the plan
for establishing a Constitutional American Post
Office having met with the greatest success in
all the great Commercial Towns ia the North-
ern Colonics, (Note,) .... 503
16, Information of the proceedings in the Colonies for
the establishment of an American Post Office
received in London. When General Gage ar-
rives in America, he will stop the career of the
new Post Riders and their employers, (Note,) 503
July 6, Letter from Philadelphia to a Gentleman in Wil.
liamsburg. Objections to Mr. Goddard. At a
Meeting of the Mechanicks, they refused to
hear read Letters relating to the establishment
of the Post Office, as the Americans had enough
to do already, (Note,) .... 503
16, The Deputy Postmasters General of North Ame^
rica alarmed at the progress making to establish
a new Post Office, (Note,) ... 504
25, Letter from Baltimore to a Gentleman in Wil.
liamsburg. A complete plan of establishing a
FouETH Series.
1T74.
new American Post Office has been executed
throughout the New England Governments.
Mr. Goddard will leave here for Williams-
burg, to lay his plan before the Convention,
(Note,) 504
Aug. Mr. Goddard's Plan for establishing an Ameri.
1 1, can Post Office was agitated at the Convention
in Virginia, \vho considered it worthy the at-
tention of the General Congress, and, as such,
particularly recommended it to the Delegates
from Virginia, (Note,) . - . -504
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
July 3, Letter from Boston, received in New. York.
Distresses of the People there ; their patience,
resolution, and firmness. The League and
Covenant very generally signed, notwthstand-
ing the Governour's Proclamation, - . 505
4, Letter from Carlisle, received in Philadelphia.
Connolly's attack on the Shawanese, who pro.
tected the Traders. Letter of thanks from
Ijord Dunmore to Cresap, who first began the
quarrel with the Indians, .... 505
4, Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
Orange To\vn, in the Province of New. York, 506
4, Opinions in London of the state of affairs in the
Colonies. The faction in Boston composed of
Smuggling Companies, Mechanicks, Mer-
chants indebted in England, and those who
are fascinated with the extravagant notion of
Independency. Seditious Committees appoint-
ed to influence the other Colonies. From Let-
ters and other intelligence, it is evident that no
permanent or vigorous measures of resistance
can be adopted to support the Boston Rebels, 507
4, Address to the Inhabitants of the Province of
South Carolina, about to assemble on the 6th
of July, 508
4, Letter from Governour Wentworth, in New-
Hampshire, to the Earl of Dartmouth. Twen-
ty-seven chests of Tea landed and stored at the
Custom- House. The Consignee agreed with
the Committee of Portsmouth to re-ship it.
Mob prevented from destroying the Tea. Ves-
sel with the twenty.seven chests sailed for Hali-
fax, June 30, 512
5, Letter from a Gentleman in London, to his Cor-
respondent in Philadelphia, . - - 513
5, Letter from Governour Penn, Philadelphia, to
the Earl of Dartmouth. Temper of the Peo-
pie very warm. They consider Boston as suf-
fering in the common cause,
5, Address to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies
in America, (Note,) - - . - .
Reply to the preceding Address, (Note,) .
5, Letter from Governour Grage, at Salem, to the
Earl of Dartmouth. A number attended the
late Town Meeting, to make a push to pay for
the Tea, and annihilate the Committee of Cor-
respondence, but were out-voted by a great
majority of the lower class. Has done all in
his power to spirit up every friend to Govern-
ment ; and there is now an open opposition to
the faction. The terrour of Mobs is over, and
the Press is becoming free, ...
6, Address of the Justices of the County of Ply.
mouth, to Governour Gage, ...
The Governour's Answer, ....
6, Letter from Governour Wentworth to the Earl of
Dartmouth. Went with the Council and the
Sheriff and dispersed an illegal Meeting, held
for the purpose of appointing Delegates to a
General American Congress, ...
6, Letter from Lieutenant Governour Golden to the
Earl of Dartmouth. After a continual strug-
gle of many weeks in the New. York Commit-
tee, they have carried the nomination of Depu-
ties to the Congress. These transactions are
dangerous and illegal, but cannot be prevented.
The Province every where, except in the City
of New- York, perfectly quiet, - - - 517
6, Meeting of the Inhabitants of the City of New-
York, convened in the Fields, - - - 312
6, Letter from Alexandria, in Virginia, to a Gen-
tleman in Boston. Subscriptions for the relief
of the Poor in Boston, - - - - 517
- 514
300
399
514
515
516
516
lA
1774.
July
6.
6.
CONTENTS.
Ui
7,
7.
8,
8.
8.
8,
8.
518
Mminffofthe Freeholders, Merchants. 1 raders,
and other U»habitants of the County and Bo-
rouffh of Norfolk, in Virginia, - -
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Governour
Ponn Requires him to exert every power the
Constitution has placed in his hands to defeat
any attempt to insult the authority of Great
Britain, - • - ",',.'
Letter from the Earl of Dartmftuth to Lieutenant
Governour Golden. Hopre the People of IN ew-
York will not, by their rash proceedings, ex-
pose themselves to the just resentment of l^r-
liament, --•""""
The British American, No. 6, " , -^.
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the County of Culpepper, in Virginia, -
Proclamation of Lord Dunmore. Prorogues the
Assembly from August U, to first Ihursday
in November, - - - " "
Letter from Governour Hutchinson, I^ndon, to a
Friend in Boston. Urges the payment for the
Tea, by the Town of Boston, ' , '^ "
Resolutions unanimously adopted by the Free-
holders and Inhabitants of Hunterdon County,
in the Province of New-Jersey,
Letter from Charlestown, in South Carolina, re-
ceived in New- York. Account of the Meet-
ing held in Charlesto^vn, on the 6th, - -
Resolutions unanimously entered into by the In-
habitants of South Carolina, at a CJeneral Meet-
ing held at Charlestown, in said Colony, on
Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, the 6th.
7th, and 8th days of July, - - - ■
British Subjects in America owe the same allegi-
ance to the CrowTi, and are entitled to the same
rights with Subjects born in Great Britain, -
No Taxes can be imposed on the People, but by
their own consent, ""'","
It is a fundamental right of his Majesty s Sub-
jects, that no Man shall sufTer, in person or pro-
perty, without a fair trial, - - ' . , ."
Sending a person beyond the Sea to be tried is
oppressive, illegal, and highly derogatory to
British Subjects, . - - - " . , "
The Statute of Thirty-fifth of Henry Eighth, for
Trial of Treasons committed out of the IGng's
Dominions, does not extend to the Colonies, -
The Boston Port Act, and the Acts relating to
the Government of Massachusetts Bay, are of
the most alarming nature to all America,
though levelled immediately at the People of
Boston, """""■]
It is the duty of all the Colonies to assist and
support the People of Boston, by all lawful
ways in their power, - - - -
Delegates to the General Congress appointed,
and instructed, . . . - -
While the oppressive Acts relative to Boston are
enforced, will contribute towards their relief.
Will, by all means, endeavour to preserve har-
mony and union amongst all the Colonies,
Committee of Ninety-Nine appointed, as a Gene-
ral Committee of Correspondence,
Names of the Committee for Charlestown,
Address of Francis Lewis, and other Members of
the Committee, to the Inhabitants of tlie City
and Coimty of New- York, ...
Reply to the Address, by " One of the Commit-
tee," -
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of Esaex County, in Virginia, . - .
General Meeting of the Freeholders of the Coun-
ty of Fauquier, in Virginia, ...
General Meeting of the Freeholders and Liliabi-
lants of the County of Naiisemond, iu Virginia,
Letter from Charlestown, in South Carolina, to a
Correspondent in Boston. Proceedings on the
Resolutions adopted in Charlestown,
Account of the Meeting held in Charlestown, on
the 6th. 7th, and 8th days of July, (Note,)
Death of Sir William Jolmson, (Note,) -
Letter from MiUs Brewton, Charlestown, South
Carolina, to Josiali Q,uincy, Jun. Massachu-
setts will not fall for want of friends ; if Boston
does but persevere, her sisters will work out
her salvation without the Musket. A Sloop
load of Rice sent to Boston, and will soon send
more, .......
1774.
July
U'.
12.
13.
519
510
519
522
523
524
524
525
525
525
525
525
525
525
526
526
526
526
526
526
5'26
8,
9.
9.
9,
II,
11,
11,
12,
313
314
527
528
529
531
531
645
14,
14,
14,
14,
14,
Committee of Inspection appointed at Portsmouth,
in New-Hampshire, ",',,■ * 7
Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants ol
the County of New-K.nt, in Virginia -
Letter from Governour Wentworth to the ii-arl
of Dartmouth. The Meeting of Representa-
tives at Portsmouth, dispersed. At a private
meeting a Convention cnlled to meet at Exeter,
on the 21st, to appoint Delegates to the Con-
gress, - - ■ T, .',,■" *r
Express at Williamsburg, with intelligence of
skirmishes with the Indians. Militia ordered
out by the Governour, - - ," , , . '
Meeting of the Freeholders, and others, Inhabit-
ants of Chesterfield County, Virginia, -
General and full Meiting of the Inhabitants ol
Gloucester County, Virginia, - ' '
General Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabit
ants of Caroline County, Virginia,
The British American, No. 7, - • '
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA.
. 534
535
536
536
537
- 538
539
541
545
545
546
546
546
July
14 Meeting of the Council at Philadelphia,
June Letters laid before the Board, containing favour-
29, able accounts of the disposition of the Indians,
Conclusion of Extract from Mr. M'Kee's Journal
of Indian AfUiirs, (see page 483.) Conference
with the Indians at Pittsburgh. Address from
the Chiefs of the Delawares. Speech of Cap-
tain White Eyes,
30, Letter from John Montgomery, at Carlisle, to
Governour Penn. Shawanese seem well dis-
posed. Logan returned with thirteen scalps.
Says he is now satisfied, and will set still until
he hears what the Long Knife will say,
July 2, Letter from Richard Lee, President of the Mary-
land Council, to Governour Penn,
4, Letter from Arthur St. Clair, at Ligonier, to Gov-
ernour Penn. Large body of Virginians m
motion. Colonel Henry Lewis ordered to
Kenhawa; Major M' Donald to Wheeling;
Cresap. and three others, to raise Ranging
Companies, ''"''',
8, Letter from .^neas Mackay, Joseph Spear, and
Devereux Smith, at Pittsburgh, to Joseph
Shippen, Junior. Captain White Eyes has
returned, with assurances of friendship from
the Shawanese, Delawares, Wyandots, and
Cherokees. Dr. Connolly continues his au-
thority. The persons of the Magistrates are
daily insulted, their property forcibly taken,
and their lives threatened. Various instances
of his outrages, .... - 547
12, Letter from Arthur St. Clair, at Hanna's Town,
to Governour Penn, 548
17, Letter from Arthur St. Clair, at Ligonier, to
Governour Penn. Virginians determined to
put a stop to the Indian Trade with Virginia.
Connolly and two others have an exclusive
privilege to carry it on, on the Frontiers of
Virginia. The laying out of a new Town
proposed. ......
547
549
534
July
14,
14,
15,
15,
15,
15,
15,
15,
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Province of
Georgia called, to be held at the Liberty Pole,
at Savannah, on the 27th, . . -
Chiefs of the Six Nations on their way to hold a
Congress with Sir William Johnson,
Meeting of the loyal and patriotick People of the
County of Henrico, in Virginia,
^""••"j — *- --, -, ,
Meeting of the Freeholders of the County of Mid-
dlesex, in Virginia,
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the County of Din
widdie, in Virginia, . - . -
Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
County of Middlesex, in New-Jersey, .
Delegates to the General Congress of Commis-
sioners of the English American Colonies, ap-
pointed by the Committee of Correspondence of
ConiKclicut, ......
Three of the Delegates having resigned, others
appointed on the 3d August, ( Note,)
Proclamation by General Gage. Deserters who
return by the 10th of August, to be pardoned ;
on failure of so doing, to expect no mercy,
549
550
550
551
- 552
55J
. 554
554
555
LIII
1774.
July Provincial Meeting of Deputies, chosen by the
15, several Counties in Pennsylvania, held at Phil-
adelphia, July 15, and continued, by adjourn-
ments, to the 21st,
List of the Members, .....
Letters from Boston, of May 13th, read and con-
sidered, .--..--
Alleg-iance to the King of Great Britain acknow-
ledged, -------
Unconstitutional Independence on the parent state
is abhorrent to our principles ; and our desire
is, that harmony may be restored.
Inhabitants of the Colonics entitled to the same
rights that British born Subjects are.
The power assumed by Parliament to bind the
Colonies, in all cases whatsoever, imconstitu-
tional, -...-.
The Acts of Parliament relating to Massachu-
setts, unconstitutional, oppressive, and danger-
ous : and the People of Boston are suffering
in the common cause, . . . -
A Congress should immediately assemble, to
form a general plan of conduct for all the
Colonies, -..-..
Suspension of Trade will be agreed to by this
Province ; but a statement of Grievances and
claim for Redress, in the first place, would be
preferred, ......
If any proceedings of Parliament shall, in the
opinion of the Congress, render other steps
necessary, this Province will adopt and carry
them into execution, . - - .
Venders of Merchandise ought not to take advan-
tage of a Non- Importation ; but sell for the
same prices as heretofore, - - - -
People of this Province will break 03*311 dealing
of any kind with any Colony that shall not
adopt such general plan as may be agreed to
in Congress, --...-
Subscriptions for the distressed Inhabitants of
Boston to be set on foot throughout the Prov-
ince, .......
Thanks to Mr. Dickinson, - . . -
Mr. Dickinson's Reply, (Note,) - - -
Instructions from the Convention to the Repre-
sentatives in Assembly, - - . -
Argumentative part of the Instructions,
16, Meeting of a respectable body of the Freeholders
and other Inhabitants of the County of Surry,
in Virginia,
16, Contributions from Maryland, for the relief of
Boston, - -
1 5, Meeting of a number of Freeholders and Inhabit-
ants of the County of Sussex, in New-Jersey,
16, Letter from the Committee of Boston to the Com-
mittee of Baltimore, - - . .
1 8, Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of York County, in Virginia, - - -
IS, General Meeting of the Freeholders and other
Inhabitants of the County of Fairfax, in Vir-
ginia, .......
PENNSYLVANIA ASSEMBLY.
July Assembly, convened by the Governour, met this
18, day, -
Message from the Governour. State of Indian
affairs, -.-....
19, Committee of Correspondence lay before the
House Letters from Massachusetts Bay,
Rhode-Island, and Virginia, . . -
Letters to be considered on the 21st,
The Convention now sitting, may be admitted, to
hear the debates of the House, on that day, -
Petition from Northumberland County,
Ninth Resolution of the Convention laid before
the House, ------
Governour's Message considered, . - -
20, Letters from Benjamin Franklin, with some
papers on publick affairs, communicated to the
House by the Speaker, - .. - -
Payment of the Rangers raised by the Magis-
trates of Westmoreland County, authorized,
21, The Convention waited on the House, and sub-
mitted their Resolves and Instructions,
22, Letters from Massachusetts Bay, Rhode- Island,
and Virginia, considered in Committee of the
Whole,
CONTENTS.
555
555
555
555
555
556
- 556
550
556
556
556
557
557
557
557
558
564
593
593
594
594
595
597
602
602
603
604
604
604
605
605
605
605
606
606
1774.
July
22,
21,
23,
July
19,
19,
19,
19,
20.
20.
20,
21,
21,
21,
Resolution, that there is an absolute necessity for
a General Congress, to consult together on the
state of the Colonies, unanimously adopted.
Delegates to the Congress appointed.
Committee to prepare Instructions for the Dele-
gates, -...---
Paper signed " a Freeman," handed about among
the Members of the House on the 21st, against
the appointment and proceedings of the Con-
vention, (Note,) . . . -
Letter received from Major Hamilton, command
ing officer of the Barracks, - . -
Committee to examine the Barracks,
Instructions to the Delegates appointed to attend
the Congress, --.--.
Letter to the Speakers of the several Assemblies
of the Colonies, . . . . .
Answer to the Governour's Message,
Adjourned to Monday, the 19th September,
LIV
606
607
607
- 607
607
608
608
609
609
610
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Resolutions adopted and published by the New-
York Committee, - - - - - 315
Meeting of a majority of the Committees from
the several Townships in the County of Mon-
mouth, of the Colony of New- Jersey, - 610
Address of the Justices of the County of Suffolk,
in Massachusetts, to Governour Gage, - 613
The Governour's Answer, - - - - 613
Address of the Freeholders and Tradesmen of
Easton, in the County of Bristol, to Govern-
our Gage, ------ 613
The Governour's Answer, - - - - 614
Letter from a Gentleman in Bristol, England, to
his friend in Philadelphia. Publick opinion
in England strong against America. No-
thing but firmness on the part of the Ameri-
cans will ensure them the victory, - - 614
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of
Dartmouth. Merchants have not repeated
their attempts to comply with the Port Bill,
with the spirit he hopal for. Some disaffected
persons in Charlestown, have sent some Rice
for the support of Boston ; and a few Sheep
have been sent from some other places. When
the Congress assembles, the Boston Faction . .
will probably pay the other Colonies the com-
pliment of taking their advice. The virulent
party at New- York is routed. Philadelphia
is moderate. The Fast Day appointed by the
Faction was kept as generally in Boston, as if
it had been appointed by authority, - - 615
Meeting of the Freeholders of Hanover County,
Virginia, -....- 615
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of Stafford County, Virginia, - - - 617
General Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Dis-
trict of Wilmington, in the Province of North
Carolina, - - - - - -618
Circular Letter from the Wilmington Committee
to the Freeholders of the several Counties of
the Province of North Carolina, - - 619
The British American, No. 8, - - - 620
General Meeting of the Committees of the several
Counties in the Province of New-Jersey, at
New-Brunswick, on the 21st, 22d, and 23d
days of July, -.-..- 624
The Inhabitants of New-Jersey are firm and
unshaken in their loyalty to the King, and
detest all thoughts of an Independence on the
Crown, --.... 624
The claim of the Parliament to make Laws to
bind the King's American Subjects in all cases
whatsoever, unconstitutional, and oppressive,
and we are bound to oppose it by all constitu-
tional means, ------ 624
The late Acts of Parliament relative to Massa-
chusetts, subversive of the rights of his Ma-
jesty's American Subjects, - . - 624
The most eligible method to procure a redress of
Grievances, is to appoint a Congress from all
the Colonies, empowered to pledge, each to the
rest, the honour and faith of their constituents,
inviolably to adhere to the determinations of the
Congress, --..-- 624
General Non- Importation and Non-Exportation
Agreement recommended, ... 624
LV
1774.
July
21.
21,
21,
23,
23,
20,
20,
5,
10.
July
25,
25.
25,
26,
26,
26,
27,
27,
27,
27,
27,
CONTENTS.
LVI
27.
Collections to be made throughout the Proriuce,
for relief of Boston, ... - 625
Delegates to the General Continental Congress
appointed, and instructed, ... - 626
Proclamation by Governour Gage, for the en-
couragement of Pirty and Virtue, and for pre-
venting and punishing Vice, Profanity, and
Inamoraliiy, ------ 625
Address to the worthy Inhabitants of the Town
of Boston, -..--- 626
Letter from London to a Gentleman in Philadel-
piiia. The storm against Doctor Franklin
much abated. Opinions in England on the
late measures against America. Many per-
sons in favour of the Colonies. Granville
Sharp warmly on their side, ... G28
Letter from Governour Gage to Governour
Trumbull. Encloses him affidavits relating
to the treatment of Mr. Green. Expects tlie
accused persons will be apprehended and
brought to trial, 629
Affidavit of Caleb Scott, - - - - 629
Affidavit of Francis Green, - - • - 630
Representation of Hezekiah Bissell, Benjamin
Lothrop, Timothy Liirrabee, and Ebenezer
Backus, to Governour Trumbull, of the treat-
ment of Mr. Green, - - - - 631
Letter from Governour Trumbull to Governour
Ghige. Has inquired into Mr. Green's com-
plaint and finds others put a very different face
upon the transaction. Full provision is made
by Law for such offences, and Mr. Green may
obtain the satisfaction his cause may merit, - 633
Letter from Governour Sir James Wright to the
Earl of Dartmouth. Carolina in great wrath
about the Acts of Parliament relative to Mas-
sachusetts Bay; and have come to some very
indecent Resolutions. There are in Georgia
some malecontents and Liberty People, whose
conduct he cannot answer for, . - . 633
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabit-
ants of the County of Elizabeth City, and
To\vn of Hampton, in Virginia, - - 634
Reflections on the measures proper to be adopted
by the Congress ; and suggestions for the con-
sideration of the Delegates, . . - 634
Town Meeting in Boston. Circular Letter to
the Tovms relative to the Bills for vacating
the Charter of Massachusetts, - - - 637
Meeting of the Freeholders of the County of
Albemarle, in Virginia, . . - . 637
Letter from the New- York Committee, to the
Committee of Correspondence, at Charlesto wn.
South Carolina. 320
Letter from Governour Grage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, 638
General Meeting of the Inhabitants of Georgia,
held in Savannah, . . - . . 638
Account of the Meeting, (Note,) - . . 639
Paper by Josiah Martin, in behalf of the Sugar
Colonies, (Note,) 639
Meeting of a very respectable body of the Free-
holders and other Inhabitants of the County
of Accomack, in Virginia, ... 639
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabit-
ants of the County of Princess Aime, in Vir-
ginia, - 640
Letter received in Philadelphia from London.
Resolutions of Philadelphia, Maryland, and
Virginia, esteemed very inoffensive, and as the
mere ebullitions of a set of angry men. Mr.
Hutchinson is much courted by the Adminis-
tration. Americans, both at Court and in Lon-
don, daily ridiculed. The Congress must
agree not to purchase or use the Manufac-
tures of Great Britain until the Acts are re-
pealed, as the only means of preserving the
Liberty of the Coimtry, - . . - 64 1
Address to the Inhabitants of New-Jersey. De-
fence of the measures of Parliament, a denial
of the authority of Great Britain to impose a
Duty on Tea, absurd. Cautions the People
against the madness of some men, who are
inflaming their minds and hurrying them into
an open rupture with the Mother Comitry;
when, involved in the horrours of a Civil War
to the ruin of their liberty, they may be com-
pelled to submit by force, .... Q42
1774.
July
28,
28,
22,
Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabit-
ants of the County of Buckingham, in Vii'
28,
28,
28,
28,
28,
28.
28,
28,
29,
30,
30,
30,
30,
31,
gmia,
- 643
AU!^.
Proclamation of the Governour of Pennsylvania,
for the apprehension of John Hinckson and
James Cooper, - . . -
Letter from Guy Johnson to Governour Penn.
Death of Sir William Johnson. Has had a
Conference with the Si.x Nations, who will send
Deputies to the southward to accommodate
matters, ....---
Account of the death of Sir William Johnson,
on the 11th instant, (Note,) - - -
Governour Penn advisinl by the Council to write
to the Earl of Dartmouth, and inform him of
all the late proceedings in Pennsylvania, by
the Committees and the Assembly,
Letter from Boston, received in New- York. —
Firmness of the People there. Encouraged to
persevere from all the Colonies, - - -
Address to the Gentlemen of the General Con-
vention of Virginia. Stoppage of Trade with
Great Britain will not procure a redress of
Grievances. It is better to throw aside all tem-
porizing methods. Let the Congress demand
a ratification of our claims from the King and
Parliament. If denied, we shall be prepared
for the ahernative. With the Sword our fore-
fathers obtained their rights — by the Sword it
is our duty to defend them, . . -
The British American, No. 9. If Great Britain
should attempt to enforce the legislation of Par-
liament in America, the Americans must draw
their Swords in a just cause, and rely on that
God who assists the righteous. Thomson Ma-
son avows himself the author of these Letters,
Address to the People of Pennsylvania. Rea-
sons why the Tea should not be paid for.
Letter from the Committee of Correspondence, of
New-Jersey, to the Committee of Boston,
A Brief Examination of American Grievances :
being the heads of a Speech at the General
Meeting at Lewestown, on Delaware, -
Letter from the Committee of New- York to the
Committee of Correspondence at Philadel))hia,
Letter from the New- York Committee to Mat-
thew Tilghman, Chairman for Maryland,
Letter from the New- York Committee, to the
Committee or Treasurer of the different Coim-
ties, -.---..
Letter from Governour Penn to the Earl of
Dartmouth. The Resolutions of the Assem-
bly rather a check, than an encouragement, to
the Proceedings of the Convention,
Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. The prevailing opinion in England is,
that the Colonies mean nothing — they must
be divided by the arts of the Administration.
Their opposition should be early and vigor-
ous, .-..-.
Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. Fears there will be a want of union
among the Colonies. Without this, any expe-
dients they may adopt will avail little,
Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. A general suspension of Commerce,
until our grievances are redressed, is the only
safe and sure measure. I'he Ministry believe
that the terror of their measures will make all
America silent and submissive, . . -
Queries relatitig to the Resolutions of some
Gentlemen, styling themselves a Committee
of the City of New- York, (Note,)
Letter from Lieutenant Governour Bull to the
Earl of Dartmouth. An universal spirit of
jealousy is raised against Great Britain. Ex-
emption from Taxation is claimed, but by their
own Representatives. This spirit of opposi-
tion to Taxation so violent and universal, that
it will not be soon or easily appeased, -
1 , Convention of the Representatives of the Freemen
of the Government of the Counties of New-Cas-
tle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, meet at
New-Castle, ---...
List of the Members, . - . . ,
Resolutions adopted at a General Meeting of the
Freeholders and Inhabitants of the County of
New-Castle, on Delaware, on the 29th of June,
- 644
645
645
645
646
647
648
654
657
658
321
321
322
661
- 661
661
662
318
663
663
663
664
LVIt
1774.
July
20.
CONTENTS.
LVIII
1,
2,
2.
3,
Resolutions adopted at a Meeting of the Free-
holders and other Inhabitants of Kent County,
on Delaware, on the 2()th of June,
Resolutions adopted at a General Meetings of the
Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the Coun-
ty of Sussex, on Delaware, on the 23d of July,
Letters from the Committees of Correspondence
of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, the
Dominion of Virg^inia, the Colonies of Rhode-
Island, South Carolina, and Maryland, read,
Grievances of the Colonies, under the Acts of
Parliament, ...--.
Deputies to the Cong-ress appointed,
Instructions to the Deputies, . . - -
Aug. 1, Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. Act of Parliament prohibiting the
shipping of Utensils used in the manufacture
of Cotton, Wool, or Silk, - - - .
Condition of the Town of Boston, - - .
Letter from Lieutenant Governour Golden to the
Earl of Dartmouth. The Deputies from New-
York, to the General Congress, moderate men.
Though great pains have been taken in the
several Colonies to uiduce the People to enter
into Resolves, they have succeeded only in Suf-
folk Coimty, -----
Letter from Wilmington, in North Corolina, to a
Gentleman in Boston. Subscriptions for the
relief of Boston. At a meeting of six Counties
in Wilmington, it was unanimously resolved
to assist Massachusetts by every legal mea-
sure, .....--
Letter from Wilmington, in North Carolina, to a
Gentleman in Boston. Two thousand Pounds
subscribed for Boston : very considerable will
be contributed at Newbem and Edenton; Sub-
scriptions on foot in every County. The Ves-
sel, with a load of Provisions for Boston, goes
freight free, and the Master and Mariners navi-
gate her without receiving one farthing wages.
South Carolina Assembly meet at eight o'clock
in the morning, . . . . -
Ratify and confirm the Proceedings of the Gene-
ral Meeting of Inhabitants on the 6th, 7th, and
8th of July,
Message from the Assembly to Lieutenant Gov-
ernour Bull. Request him to distribute among
the poor Settlers. Arms and Ammunition to
protect them against the Indians,
Assembly prorogued by the Lieutenant Govern-
our at half past eight o'clock, - - .
Notice of the Proceedings of the Assembly at the
Session held yesterday, . - - .
Letter from Lieutenant Governour Bull to the
Earl of Dartmouth. The Assembly met pri-
vately and punctually at eight yesterday morn-
ing. I immediately went fo the Council Cham-
ber and prorogued them to September 6, but
they had, previously, passed their Resolutions,
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieuten-
ant Governour Colden. Encloses an Order
in Council disallowing certain Acts,
Representation of the Board of Trade to the
King, of the 12th of May, with reasons for dis-
allowing certain Acts passed by the Assembly
of New- York,
Order in Council, of the 6th of July, declaring
the Acts void, and of no efiijct,
- 664
665
666
667
667
667
668
669
- 669
2,
3,
3,
3,
COUNCIL OP PENNSYLVANIA.
670
670
671
- 671
671
672
672
672
- 672
673
- 673
Aug. Letters and Papers submitted to the Council, by
4, the Governour, ..... (374
New Town to be laid out at Kittaning, for accom-
modation of Traders and Inhabitants of Pitts-
burgh, 674
6, Letter from Governour Penn to Arthur St. Clair, 674
Message from Governour Penn to the Chiefs and
Warriors of the Shawanese Indians, - - 675
Message from Governour Penn to the Chiefs and
Warriors of the Delaware Indians, - - 676
July Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn.
22, Friends of Pennsylvania determined to abandon
Pittsburgh. Kittaning most suitable place for
a new Town, --.-.. 677
13, Deposition of William Wilson, a Trader, taken
by one of Connolly's parties, ... (577
19, Letter from John Connolly to Arthur St. Clair,
1774.
Complains of the depredations of the Indians.
Will no longer be a dupe to their amicable pro-
fessions, but will pursue every measure to offend
them, 678
July Letter from Arthur St. Clair to John Connolly.
22, Ample reparation ought to be made to the In-
dians, and an honest intercourse established
with them ; this would be a more cheap and
easy manner of re-establishing peace than any
offensive operations whatever, - . . 078
26, Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn.
Further account of Indian affairs. No pros-
pect of accommodation between the Shawa-
nese and the Virginians, . . - . 679
24, Deposition of David Griffey. Indians near
Hanna's Town, 680
23, Speech of the Delawares to Mr. Croghan, - 680
Intelligence from Captain White Eyes, - - 681
Address from Mr. Croghan to Captain White
Eyes, 681
Answer of Captain White Eyes to Col. Croghan, 68 1
25, Letter from iEneas Mackay to Arthur St. Clair, 682
Aug.%, Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn.
Favourable accounts from the Indian Nations
about the Lakes. Most of them disposed to
continue in friendship with the English, - 682
25, Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn.
It is impossible to tell what will be the conse-
quence of the Virginia operations. Lord Dun-
more must soon see the necessity of a peace.
Goods seized by Connolly's orders, and per-
sons confined in the common Guard-House, 683
27, Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn.
Mr. Butler was not only made a prisoner, but
treated with insult and abuse. I'his has been
done by Mr. Campbell, Connolly having gone
to meet Lord Dunmore, - - - - 685
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Aug. Address to the People of Virginia. Urged to
4, unite their utmost endeavours, by all means in
their power, to prevent the ruin they are threat-
ened with, ...... 685
I, Convention of Delegates from the different Coun-
ties in the Colony and Dominion of Virginia,
begun at Williamsburg, on the 1st day of Au-
gust, and continued, by adjournments, to the
6th, 686-690
After the first day of November, will import no
Goods, Wares, or Merchandise, from Great
Britain, nor British Manufactures from any
other place; nor purchase any that may be
imported, ...... 637
Will neither import any Slave, nor purchase any
that may be imported after the 1st November 687
No Tea to be imported hereafter ; and that which
is on hand, not permitted to be used, - - 687
No Tobacco to be exported after the 10th of
August next, unless American Grievances are
sooner redressed ; and the Inhabitants of the
Colony advised to refrain from the cultivation
of it, 687
The breed of Sheep to be improved, and their
number increased, to the utmost extent, - 687
Merchants are not to take advantage of the scarci-
ty of Goods, but to sell at the present prices, 688
No Merchant or Trader to be dealt with, after
the first of November ne.xt, who will not sign
this Association, - - - . . 688
If any person shall, after the 10th of August
next, export Tobacco, contrary to this Asso-
ciation, he shall be considered an approver of
American Grievances, .... 688
All alterations of these Resolutions that may be
made by the General Congress, with the con-
sent of the Delegates for Virginia, shall be
binding upon the Colony, ... 688
The Inhabitants of the Colony requested to make
liberal Contributions for the relief of the dis-
tressed in Boston, ..... 688
Instructions for the Deputies appointed to meet in
General Congress on the part of the Colony of
Virginia, ...... 689
A Summary View of the Rights of British Ame-
rica, set forth in some Resolutions intended for
the inspection of the present Delegates of the
People of Virginia, now in Convention, - 690
1774.
Aug.
5.
9.
9.
10,
CONTENTS.
m>
10,
10,
10,
10,
11,
12,
12,
13,
13,
13,
14,
14,
16,
Proclamation by Governour Sir James Wright,
doclaring the Meeting of the Inhabitants of
Georgia, proposed to be held at Savannah, on
the lOlh inst, under the pretence of consulting
together for redress of grievances, or imaginary
grie^-anccs, unconstitutional, illegal, and pun-
ishable by law,
Letter from the New- York Committee to the
Boston Committee of Correspondence,
Letter from the New- York Conunittee to several
Counties of the Province, - - - -
Resolutions enterwl into at Savannah, in Georgia,
at a General Meeting of the Inhabitants of the
Province, assinibled to consider the state of the
Colonies in America, . . . -
His Majesty's Subjects in America owe the same
allegiance, and are entitled to the same rights,
with their ft^Uow-subjects in Great Britain, -
As protection and allegiance are reciprocal, the
Americans have an indisputable right to peti-
tion the Throne on every emergency.
The Boston Port Act is unconstitutional.
The Act for abolishing the Charter of Massachu-
setts Bay, is subversive of American Rights,
The British Parliament has not the right to Tax
his Majesty's American Subjects,
It is contrary to the Law of the Land to take any
person to Great Britain, to be tried for an of-
fence committfxl in any of the Colonies,
Will concur with the other Colonies in every
constitutional measure to obtain a redress of
Grievances, ...---
Committee of Correspondence appointed.
Letter from London to a Gentleman in Boston.
The Ministry, by their emissaries, will try to
bring about disunion when the Congress meets.
It is not prudent to rely on any support in
England ; the Colonies must depend on their
o\\n» unanimity and steadiness. Massachusetts
should not enter into any violent measures
without concert with other Colonies, particu-
larly Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas,
Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
Poughkeepsie Precinct, in Dutchess County,
New- York. Refijse to comply with the re-
quest of the New- York Committee of Corres-
pondence, to elect Delegates, . . -
Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
Township of Rye, in West-Chester Comity,
New- York,
Meeting of the Committee of Charles County,
Maryland. Tea shipped in the Mary and Jane,
Captain George Chapman, now lying in St.
Mary's River, to be returned to London,
Meeting of the Committee for Frederick County,
in Maryland. Resolutions in relation to the
Tea stripped in the Mary and Jane,
Town Meeting at Providence, in Rhode-Island.
Instructions to the Deputies from the Town in
the General Assembly, ....
Comicil of North Carolina. Address of Govern-
our Martin. Considers it his duty to advise
with the Coimcil on the measures to be taken
to prevent the assembhesof the People,
Proclamation of Governour Martin. Requires
all persons, as far as in them lies, to prevent the
meeting of certain Deputies, appointed to be
held at Newbern, on the '25th, ...
Letter from Colonel William Preston, atFincastle,
in Virginia. Incursions of the Indians. A
number of the Inhabitants on the Frontiers
killed,
Letter from Governour Sir James Wright to the
Earl of Dartmouth. Two meetings of the Li-
berty Folks have been held in Savannah. Ho
will transmit all the particulars,
Letti'r from a Gentleman, in London, to his Cor-
respondent in Williamsburg. Policy of the
Ministry to attack one Colony at a time. Ame-
rica has no friends in Great Britain. Nothing
but an Association strictly observed and enfor-
ced, to stop Exports and Imports, will procure
a repeal of the Acts, - . . - .
John Hancock, Colonel of the Company of Cadets,
having been dismissed by Governour Gage,
tlie Company agreed to return their Standard
to the Governour and disband themselves,
Letter from Silas Deane to Governour Trumbull,
699
323
323
700
701
702
703
- 703
704
705
705
70G
707
708
1774.
Aug.
14,
18,
15,
Oct.
13.
Nov. 3,
Oct. 1,
700
Nor.
29,
Dec. 6
700
700
Aug.
17,
700
700
18,
700
18,
701
701
20,
20,
708
709
710
20,
20,
22,
22,
23,
23,
25,
24,
- 711
712
713
714
714
715
715
716
716
717
- 718
722
724
. 724
The Rev. Samuel Peters of Hebron, Connecticut.
Account of an attack on him by the Sons of
Liberty, .....
Statement of Mr. Peters's affair, by the Bolton
Committee, ......
Resolves drawn up by Mr. Peters,
Mr. Peters's Declaration, . . . -
Letter from Thaddeus Burr, in Boston, to Govern-
our Trumbull, .....
Further account of Mr. Peters, " ." '
Letter from the Reverend Samuel Peters, in Bos-
ton, to his mother, in Hebron, " ." "
Letter from the Reverend Samuel Peters, in Bos-
ton, to the Reverend Doctor Auclimuty, at
New- York,
Saul Aylford and others, to Governour Trumbull,
on Mr. Peters's affair, ....
Hezekiah Huntington and others, to Governour
Trumbull, on Mr. Peters's affair,
Address to the People of Pennsylvania. The
opposition in the Colonies to the measures of
Parliament condemned. The principal diffi-
culties have been caused by the influence of the
Smuggling interest in the Colonies,
Letter from a Gentleman, at Red Stone, to Wil-
liamsburg. Wagatomica and five other Shaw-
anese Towns on the Muskingum, destroyed in
July, by four hundred Virginia Troops, under
the command of Major M'Donald,
Courts at Great Barrington prevented from pro-
ceeding with business, . . . -
Letter from Matthew Griswold to Governour
Trumbull. Account of an attack on Mr. In-
gersoU, of Great Barrington,
Letter from Josiah Quincy, Jun., to John Dick-
inson. Defends Massachusetts on the charge
of breaking the line of opposition. At the re-
quest of many warm friends to the country, he
will soon embark for England, in the hope that
he may do some good the ensuing Winter, at
the Court of Great Britain, ...
Letter from John Dickinson to Arthur Lee. The
Colonists now know what is designed against
them. All classes arc united in sentiment. The
People in general look forward to extremes
with resolution, . . - . -
Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
Borough Town of West-Chester, in New.
York, - - - - - - -
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Norfolk, Virginia,
on information received that nine chests of Tea
were imported in the Mary and Jane,
Letter from the Committee of Correspondence of
Boston, to the Committee for New- Jersey,
Address to the inhabitants of New-Jersey. This
Country was settled for the sole purpose of
Trade ; and an absolute submission to the Laws
of the Mother Country was one of the terms
under which our forefathers settled. Under
these terms they lived and prospered; and we
have grown rich and lived happily. Should
the Congress listen to the folly of the times,
and think the Colonies were not planted nor
protected for the extension of Commerce, but
for a new Empire, then will our Country be-
come a scene of blood and distraction; we can
have no recourse but in Arms, ...
Proclamation of Governour Gage, to prohibit all
persons from attending a Town Meeting at
Salem, on the 2.5th,
Town Melting at Salem. Governour Gage or-
ders the Meeting to be dispersed, and brings
Troops to the Town. Members of the Com-
mittee of Correspondence arrested, for calling
the Meeting without the permission of the Gov-
ernour, .
Letter from Governour Sir James Wright to the
Earl of Dartmouth. Every thing was done
that could be thought of to frustrate the at.
tempt of the Liberty People in Georgia, but
could not totally prevent it. If the meetings
are suffered, there will be nothing but cabals
and combinations in the Province. The Ex-
ecutive power is too weak to rectify such
abuses. Prosecutions would only be laughed
at. No Grand Jury would find a Bill of In.
dictment ; and persons attempting it would,
probably, be insulted and abused, - .731
725
726
726
727
728
728
729
7,30
Lxr
1774.
Aug.
25,
24,
25,
CONTENTS.
24,
25,
26,
Abijah Willard, one of the Mandamus Counsel-
lors for Massachusetts, compelled to resign, - 731
List of the Mandamus Counsellors appointed by
the King, (Note,) - - - - - 731
Letter from Taunton, in Massachusetts. Daniel
Leonard, a Mandamus Counsellor, fled to
avoid the friendly cautions of his incensed
neighbours, ...... 732
Letter from Taunton, in Massachusetts. Two or
three thousand person* will be assemblixl to-
morrow to request Colonel Gilbert not to ac-
cept the office of High Sheriff, under the new
Act ; and to desire Brigadier Ruggles, a Man-
damus Counsellor, to quit the Coimty imme-
diately. It is more dangerous being a Tory
here than in Boston, - - - - 732
Proceedings of the first Provincial Convention of
North Carolina, held at Newbern, - 733-737
List of the Delegates to the Convention, - 733
Letters from the Committees in the other Colo-
nies, with the Answers, presented by Mr.
Hewes, and considered by the Convention, - 733
Three Delegates to General Congress to be ap-
pointed, ------- 733
Allegiance is due to the King of Great Britain,
as the rightful Sovereign of this Province, - 734
We claim no more than the rights of English-
men, and it is our duty to maintain those
rights, 734
To be taxed without our own consent, is a gross
violation of the Grand Charter of our Liber-
ties, 734
As the British Subjects in North America cannot
be represented in Parliament, any Act of Par-
liament to Tax them is illegal, - - - 734
Duties imposed by Act of Parliament for raising
a Revenue, illegal and oppressive, - - 734
The cause in which the Inhabitants of Massa-
chusetts now suffer, is the cause of every honest
American, -...-- 734
The Boston Port Act is a cruel infringement of
the rights and privileges of the People of Bos-
ton, 734
The Act of Parliament for regulating the Police
of Massachusetts, is an infringement of the
Charter of that Province, . - . 735
Trial by Juries of the vicinity, is the only lawful
Inquest that can pass upon the life of a British
Subject, 735
No British or East India Goods permitted to be
imported after the first of January, 1775. No
Slaves to be imported after the first of Novem-
ber next ; and no East India Tea to be used
after the 10th of September next, - - 735
No Tobacco, Pitch, Tar, Turpentine, or any
other article, to be exported to Great Britain,
after the first of October, 1775, unless Ameri-
can Grievances are redressed before that time, 735
Venders of Merchandise are not to raise the
prices of their Goods in consequence of their
Resolves for Non-Importation, - - . 735
The People of North Carolina will break off all
Trade with any Colony on the Continent,
which shall refuse to adopt and carry into ex-
ecution such general plan as may be agreed
to in the Continental Congress, - - -,. 735
Deputies to the Congress appointed, - - 735
The attempts made by the Minister upon the
Town of Boston, a prelude to a general attack
upon the rights of the other Colonies, - 736
Committees to be appointed in the several Coun-
ties, to see that the Resolutions of this Conven-
tion are properly observed, - - - 73(3
Instructions to the Deputies appointed to meet in
General Congress on the part of North Caro-
lina, 736
Proceedings signed by the Members of the Con-
vention, 737
E.tpressat Williamsburg, from Pittsylvania Coun-
ty. Lidian Intelligence. Lord Dunmore, with
fifteen himdr(;d Men ; and Colonel Lewis and
Colonel Preston, with twelve hundred, against
the Indians, 737
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Govemour
Penn. Directs him to desist from extending
the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania up to the new
Maryland line, during the minority of the Heir
of Lord Baltimore, , - - . . 733
1774.
May
16,
21.
Sept.
26,
Aug.
26,
27,
27,
27,
29,
29,
27,
29,
30,
31,
30,
30,
30,
30,
31,
LXII
Letter from Govemour Penn to Governour Eden.
Mr. Harford's Guardians have refused to give
any instructions on the subject of the Boundary
run and marked by the Commissioners; he
will, therefore, issue a Proclamation himself,
extending the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania, - 738
Letter from Governour Eden to Governour Penn.
The Guardians of the Proprietor of Maryland
having declined signing the Return of the
Commissioners, can do nothing in relation to it, 738
Letter from Governour Penn to Richard Lee.
Has made official notification of the lines run
by Mason and Dixon: and the jurisdiction of
Pennsylvania will be extended to those lines, 739
Letter from General Brattle, at Cambridge, to
General Giage. Military preparations in the
Province. Minute Companies. Medford Pow-
der removed from the Arsenal, - . - 739
Letter from Colonel Adam Stephen to Richard
Henry Lee. Ordered to the Ohio, by Lord
Dunmore, which prevents his attending the
General Congress. Procuring a supply of
Arms and Ammunition of the utmost impor-
tance.— This should be privately considered
by the Congress, 739
Resolutions adopted by the Inhabitants of Pala-
tine District, Tryon County, New- York, - 740
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of
Dartmouth. The whole Province in commo-
tion ; popular fury never greater than at pre-
sent. In Worcester they keep no terms, and
openly threaten resistance, - - - 741
An account of the manner in which the Donations
for the support of the Poor of Boston has been
applitd, --..--. 743
Letter from Boston. The new Counsellors
driven into Boston. The Judges at Great
Barrington turned off the Bench. The Pro-
testers and Addressers to Mr. Hutchinson have
fled to Boston for refuge. The Province will
soon be declared in open rebellion, and the
King's Standard hoisted, - - - . 744
Timothy Paine, a Mandamus Counsellor, com-
pelled to resign, 745
Letter from Governour Wentworth to the Earl
of Dartmouth. Delegates to the Congress,
from New- Hampshire, elected. State of affairs
in the Province, 745
Town Meeting at Providence, in Rhode-Islandl
Arms for the County to be made fit for use.
Providence ought not to become an asylum for
persons who have made themselves obnoxious
to the people in any other part of America. —
The Town Council requested to remove and
eject all such persons, . - - - 745
Town Meeting at Providence, in Rhode- Island.
Magistrates required to preserve the Peace of
the Town, 747
County Court, at Springfield, sign an engagement
not to do any thing whatsoever, under any au-
thority, derived or pretended, by the Act of Par-
liament, for the better regulating the Govern-
ment of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 747
On the meeting of the Superiour Court at Bos-
ton, Chief Justice Peter Oliver on the Bench,
the Jurors refuse to be sworn, - - - 747
Reasons of the Grand Jurors for refusing to be
sworn, ...-.-. 748
Reasons of the Petit Jurors for refusing to be
sworn, ..-.-.. 749
Meeting of the Committees from every Town and
District, in the County of Middlesex, and Prov-
ince of Massachusetts Bay, - - - 750
Committee appointed to consider the Act for the
better regulating the Government of the Prov-
ince of Massachusetts Bay, ... 7.50
Report of the Committee, - - . - 750
Adopted by the Meeting, - - . - 752
Towns in the County recommended to elect Dele-
gates to a Provincial Congress, to meet at Con-
cord, on the second Tuesday in October, - 752
Address to the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania. —
Petitions and Remonstrances to the King and
Parliament will have no effect. We should
not implore, but demand our liberty, - - 754
Address to the Delegates appointed to meet in
the General Congress, - - . . 754
Queries proposed to the People of America, - 755
liXin
1774.
Sept.
1,
CONTENTS.
LXIV
1,
2,
2,
7,
2,
5,
759
761
762
763
763
764
764
S.
Address to the People of America. Considera-
tions on — 1st, A Petition to Parliament, with
a firm declaration of the rights of Americans.
2d, A suspension of Trade with Great Britain,
till the Acts be repealed. 3d, A suspension of
all our Trade with Great Britain, Ireland, and
the West Indiis, till the Acts be repealed, ^ - 756
Letter from a Virginian to the Members of Con-
gress at Philadelphia. The Colonics have
advanced from one extravagant claim to ano-
ther. Their most zealous advocates are asham-
ed to plead a cause which all others condemn.
Parliament has a right to Tax the Colonies,
and cannot depend upon the uncertain mode of
Requisition, ------
Letter from Governour Martin to the Earl of
Dartmouth. The People of North Carolina
have followed the rest of the Continent in ca-
balling and forming Resolutions upon the late
measures of Government Docs not know
what the Committees have done, but whatever
measures may have been taken, the combina-
tion is assuredly, at least, indecent and inglo-
rious, - - - - " " . "
Powder taken from the Charlestown Magazine,
by order of General Gage, . . -
Judge Danforth and Judge Lee, Mandamijs
Counsellors, compelled to resign.
Colonel Phips, the High Sheriff of the County,
gives a pledge not to execute any precept un-
der the new Acts of Parliament for altering
the Constitution of Massachusetts Bay,
Lieutenant Governour, Thomas Oliver, compel-
led to resign his seat as a Mandamus Counsel-
lor,
Mr. Oliver's statement of the circumstances un-
der which he resigned, - - - -
Letter from St. John's Parish, in Georgia. Ac-
count of the Meeting at Savannah, on the 10th
of August. Contributions from St. John's
Parish for the Sufferers at Boston, - - 766
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. State of the Colonies much changed
since Mr. Hutchinson left America. Several
of the Counsellors have been obliged to seek
protection under the Troops in Boston. Some
have been maltreated; many have resigned.
He intended to send Troops to Worcester, to
protect the Superiour Court and the Coun-
sellors, but ascertained that no Court could
proceed on business there. In Boston the
Judges met, but could get no Juries. The
Counsellors were afraid to proceed to Salem ;
he was, therefore, compelled to assemble them
in Boston. Proposes to send to New- York,
Philadelphia, and Quebeck, for the Troops
there. Civil Government is near its end. —
He will avoid any bloody crisis as long as
possible, ------ 767
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart
mouth, 769
Letter from a Member of Parliament to Colonel
Charles Lee, .--... 769
Letter from a Gentleman, in London, to his Cor-
resjwndent in New- York. Disputes of the
New- York Committee published in all the
London papers, and have been disadvantageous
to tlie cause of the Colonies. The Ministry
are waiting anxiously to hear the result of the
Congress; they still expect the Colonies will
beg for mercy, 771
Letter from London to a Corrospondcnt in Bos-
ton. The measures of the Colonies should be
calm and temperate. None of their Resolves
should contain reflections on Great Britain. —
The East India Company should be indemni-
fied by the Bostonians, and submission made
for tlie insult offiTcd to Govemmrnt, - - 772
Letter from Governour Penn to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The Congress met this morning.
The detcnnination to oppose the Boston Acts,
and the power of Parliament to Tax America,
universal throughout the Colonies ; there is,
however, great diversity of opinions as to the
proper modes of opposition, - . . 773
Rpport of an attack on Boston, by the Men-of-
War and Troops, on the 2d, received in New-
York by express, 325
1774.
Sept.
7,
8,
8,
5,
C,
9,
10,
10,
9,
15,
10,
11,
7,
12,
13,
Letter from Georgia to a Gentleman in New-
York. Those in favour of an immediate Non-
Importation Agreement there, are far in the
minority. As the Colony is situated, it would
be highly ungenerous for Georgia to meddle
with the disputes in which the rest of the Col-
onies are engaged, ----- 773
Letter from Lieutenant Governour Colden to the
Earl of Dartmouth. The populace are now
directed by men ofoproperty, and the former
demagogues have lost their influence. Men
now speak in favour of Government with
greater freedom than for years past, - - 773
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Govern-
our Penn. The appointment of Deputies, by
the different Colonies, to meet in General Con-
gress, has given the King great concern. An
humble representation to the King from each
Colony would have greater weight than one
from the Congress, 774
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to the Earl
of Dunmore. E.xpresses the King-'s dissatis-
faction at the ill treatment of the Indians on
the Ohio by the People of Virginia, and of the
proceedings of Connolly, under a commission
from the Government of Virginia, - - 774
The County Courts, in Virginia, will do no
business previous to a Session of the General
Assembly. At the next General Court there
will be no Trials, except in Criminal Cases, - 775
The Selectmen of Boston inform General Gage
of the alarm of the People at his preparing to
erect a Fortification on the Neck, - - 775
Address of the Selectmen of Boston to General
Gage, on his fortifying the entrance to the
Town, and the abuse and assaulting of the Peo-
ple passing in and out of the Town, by the
Guards, ------- 775
Answer of the Governour, - - - . 775
Resolutions adopted at a Meeting of the Dele-
gates of every Town and District in the
County of Suffolk, in Massachusetts, - - 776
Committee appointed by the Delegates in Suffolk
County, to wait on Governour Gage, and in-
form him of the alarm of the People at the
Fortifications making on Boston Neck, - 779
Address of the Committee to Governour Gage, 779
Answer of the Governour to the Committee, - 779
The Answer of the Governour not satisfactory.
Another Address unanimously voted to his Ex-
cellency, ...--. 780
The Governour declined receiving the second
Address, 781
Thanks to the Merchants of New- York for re-
refusing to let their Vessels transport Troops
and Ammunition to Boston, - . - 782
Thanks to Mechanicks of New- York, for refus-
ing to make Chests for transportation of Arms,
or to contract for building Barracks at Boston, 782
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant
Governour Colden. The Contraband Trade
between New- York and Holland deserves his
particular attention. The number of Vessels
from Holland for that Province is evidence of
the extent of that illicit Commerce; which is
now particularly alarming, in consequence of
the large quantities of Gunpowder shipped
there for New- York, . . - - 782
Letter from Israel Putnam to Captain Trumbull.
Tea arrivetl at Salem, ... - 783
Letter from William Cooper to Israel Putnam,
Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence
for Brooklyn, in Connecticut, - - - 783
Letter from William Cooper, in Boston, to a
Gentleman in New- York. Explaining the
manner in which the Donations made for the
Poor of Boston are applied, . . - 784
Committee appointed by the Town of Boston to
receive the Etenations and employ the Poor
Sufferers by the Port Bill, - - - 785
Letter from Governour Wentworth to the Earl
of Dartmouth. Proceedings at Portsmouth,
in New-Hampshire on the arrival of thirty
chests of Tea there, on the 8th inst. Vessel
sailed with the Tea for Halifax, on the 1 1th.
I'hough this Province has so far been moderate,
yet the union of the Colonies, in sentiment, is
not divided or lost in New-Hampshire, - 736
LXV
1774.
Sept.
14,
14,
CONTENTS.
LXVI
15,
15,
15,
17,
17,
17,
19,
19,
Sept.
19,
20,
21,
26.
28,
29,
Sept.
20.
21.
21,
21.
Letter from Fredericksburg, in Virginia. Fur-
ther Indian Intelligence. Liberal contribu-
tions made in Fredericksburg, for relief of the
Poor in Boston, . - . - .
Letter from Joseph Spencer to Grovernour Trum-
bull. Doctor Beebe, a Tory, tarred and
feathered by the friends of Liberty, in East
Haddam, has applied to him for a surety of the
peace against some of those concerned in it. —
He has declined, and asks the Governour's ad-
vice on the subject. He believes if one should
be granted it would not be executed to advan
tage,
An Army of Observation for the Colonies pro-
posed in Connecticut, . . . .
Resolutions adopted at a Meeting of Delegates
from the Towns in the Counties of Hartford,
New- London, and Windham, and a part of the
County of Litchfield, in Connecticut,
Proclamation of Governour Penn, establishing
the Lines of Jurisdiction between the Prov-
ince of Maryland and the Province of Peim-
sylvania, and Counties of NeAV-Castle, Kent,
and Sussex, on Delaware, ...
Proclamation of Lord Dunmore, requiring all his
Majesty's Subjects, west of Laurel Hill, to pay
entire obedience to the Laws of Virginia, and
forbidding the exercise of any authority there,
by the Province of Pennsylvania,
General Carleton arrived at Q.uebeck,
Address of the Clergy to Guy Carleton, Govern-
our of Gluebeck, .....
Address of his Majesty's Subjects, in the City of
Quebeck, to Governour Carleton,
Letter from Caesar Rodney to Captain Thomas
Rodney. Action of the Congress on the Re-
solves of Suffolk County, Massachusetts,
Letter from Samuel Adams to Dr. Chauncy.
The Suffolk County Resolves read in Con-
gress with great applause. America will sus-
tain Boston to the utmost, ...
Letter from Caesar Rodney to Captain Thomas
Rodney. On the late false report of the attack
upon the Town of Boston, by the British Ships
in the Harbour, fifty thousand Men, from Con-
necticut and Massachusetts, well armed, were
on the march for the relief of the Town,
PENNSYLVANIA ASSEMBLY.
The Assembly met, pursuant to their adjourn-
ment, on the 23d of July, ....
Letter from Dr. Franklin, dated London, May 7,
laid before the House, ....
Governour has no business to lay before the House,
Message from the Governour. The Indian Dis-
turbances not yet at an end. The Governour
of Virginia is still prosecuting an Expedition
against the Shawanese. The Troops on the
Frontiers should be continued in pay.
One hundred Rangers to be kept in pay until the
14th of October, .....
The Treasurer ordered to pay the Overseers of
the Poor of Philadelphia, one hundred Pounds
for tlie support of the French Neutrals,
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The Country People are exercising
in Arms, in Massachusetts, Connecticut, and
Rhode- Island, and threaten to attack the
Troops in Boston, to which place the friends
of Government are daily resorting for proteo
tion. The Commissioners of the Customs
afraid to remain in Salem, have come to Bos-
ton, where the Governour is also obliged to
reside, .---...
Resolutions adopted at a Convention of Commit-
tees for the County of Worcester, Massachu-
setts, held by adjournment on the 29th of Au-
gust, and continued, by adjournments, to the
ii 1st of September, ....
Meeting of Freeholders in Boston. Instructions
to Delegates in Provincial Congress,
Convention of the several Towns of the County
of Cumberland, in Massachusetts,
Sheriff of the County required to attend the Con-
vention, --..---
787
- 787
787
1774.
Sept.
21.
788
789
790
791
791
792
792
793
793
794
794
794
794
794
795
795
- 795
798
798
799
He subscribes a Declaration that he has not acted
under the late Acts of Parliament ; and that ^
he will not, without the general consent of the
County, 799
Committee appointed to draw up the sentiments
of the Convention, - . . . . 799
22, Report presented by the Committee, and unani-
mously accepted, - - . . 799-802
24, Meeting of the Selectmen and Committee of Cor-
respondence of Boston. Consider it inexpe-
dient for the Mechanicks, or other Inhabitants
of the Town, to assist the Troops, by furnish-
ing them with Artificers, Labourers, or mate-
rials of any kind to build Barracks, - - 802
24, Letter from J. Warren to the Publick, with an
E.xtract of a Letter from Samuel Adams, dated
September 9th. Gentlemen of the establish-
ed Church of England, among the most reso-
lute defenders of the rights of the People of the
Continent, 802
24, Declaration of Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
To^\Ti of Rye, in West- Chester County, New-
York. They have not been concerned in any
Resolutions entered into in regard to the dis-
putes with the Mother Country. Disapprove of
the hot and furious proceedings, in consequence
of the disputes, and declare they will live and
die peaceable Subjects of George the Third, 803
Apology of Abraham Miller and others, for sign-
ing the above Declaration, ... 803
Apology of Timothy Wetmore, another sub-
scriber, (Note,) 803
Letter from the Committee of Mechanicks of Bos-
ton, dated September 8th, to the Committee of
Mechanicks of New- York, - - - 803
24, Resolutions of the Committee of Mechanicks of
New- York, on receiving the foregoing Letter, 804
25, Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The Carpenters in New- York refuse
to come to Boston to build the Barracks, but
the Boston Artificers have undertaken the
work. Nothing but e.xtravagances and milita-
ry preparations heard of from Boston to New-
York. The support Massachusetts receives
from the other Colonies, is beyond conception.
The disease is now so universal that there is
no knowing where to apply a remedy, - 805
26, Accoimt of the transactions at a Meeting of the
Freeholders of the County of Middlesex, in
England, 805
Engagement signed by John Wilkes and John
Glynn, at tlie Middlesex Meeting, - - 806
26, Inhabitants of Worcester, in MassachuseUs, from
the age of sixteen to seventy, form themselves
into Military Companies, and choose Officers, 806
27 Application of Doctor Warren to General GSage,
for information as to his intentions in erecting
Fortifications and purchasing Military Stores, 806
Answer of General Gage to Doctor Warren, - 806
27, Meeting of the Committees of Boston and the
neighbouring Towns. Resolve that any person
who may supply the Troops at Boston with
any thing for the annoyance of the Inhabitants,
shall be deemed an inveterate enemy of the
People, 807
27, Letter from the Joint Committees of Boston and
the neighbouring Towns, to every Town and
District in the Province, .... 807
28, Letter from Colonel William Preston, at Fincas-
tle, in Virginia. March of Virginia TrOops
to meet Lord Dunmore at the Great Kenhawa. ;
Attacks of the Lidians on the White settle-
ments, ....... 808
28, Letter from Maryland to a Gentleman in Lon-
don, 809
28, Handbill published at New- York. Supply of
the British Troops, 809 ;|i
28, Proclamation by Governour Gage. In conse-
quence of the disordered state of the Province,
will not meet the General Court at Salem, on
the 5th of October, and discharges all persons
elected as Representatives from giving their
attendance, ..-.-- 809
29, Letter from the Committee of Correspondence of
Boston, to the Continental Congress. Account
of the attack upon the House of Joseph Sco«,
upon the discovery of his selling Cannon to
General Gage, 810
FocBTH Series.
LXVII
1774.
Sept.
29,
Oct 1,
1,
3,
CONTENTS.
l.SVIIl
3,
3.
5,
6,
7,
7,
8.
8,
Meeting of the Inhabitants of New- York, con-
vent by the Committee, at the request of Jo-
seph Totten, - - - " , " „ "
Proclamation by the King, for dissolving the Par-
liament, and calling another, " '. '
(Considerations on the propriety of adopting a
general Non-RemitUince, as one of tli<> means
of obtaining a repeal of the Boston Bills,
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The other Colonics have espoused the
cause of Massachusetts with great viohnce,
though some arc more moderate than others.
The Congress is still sitting, but much good is
not to be expected from their deliberations.
The Boston Artificers have refused to work on
the Barracks. A Provincial Congress will
soon meet, when it is supposed measures will
be taken for the government of the Province,
Letter from Governour Penn to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The Congress is siuing, but as they
have agreed to keep their Proceedings secret,
he can furnish no account but what is found in
the Newspapers, ....
Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. The opinions of the People have be-
come more favourable to tlie Americans. As
the issue of the Congress would probably re-
quire \'igorous measures, the Parliament has
been dissolved, and a new one ordered.
Proceedings at a Meeting of the Livery of Lon-
don, at Guildhall. The Candidates pledged,
if elected to Parliament, to endeavour to pro-
cure a repeal of the American Acts,
Letter from Lieutenant Governour Colden to the
Earl of Dartmouth. Several of the Counties
in the Province refused to unite with the New-
York Committee in sending Delegates to the
Congress. Almost the whole of the Inhabitants
of the Counties wish for moderate measures.
At a meeting held last week the conduct of
the persons who attempted to prevent the Mer-
chants from sending Supplies to Boston, was
highly disapproved, . - - - -
Handbill received at New- York from Boston,
Memorandums for a Report, on providing perma-
nent Barracks for the Troops at Boston,
Address to the Inhabitants of New- York,
Meeting of Importers of Goods from Great Bri-
tain, in the City of New- York,
Meeting of the Lihabitants of the Town of Stam-
ford, in Connecticut, - - i -
Letter from London. Reasons why the Ameri-
cans should persevere, and oppose with vigor-
ous measures the Tyranny of the British Go-
vernment, ......
Letter from James Lovell to Josiah Cluincy, Jim.,
PttOVINCIAL CONGRESS OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Oct. 5, Members elected to serve in the General Assem-
bly of Massachusetts, meet at Salem,
7, Their Resolutions on the refusal of the Govern-
our to admit them to the usual oaths.
Provincial Congress formed, ...
Names of the Delegates from the several Towns,
Adjourn to meet at Concord, ...
1 1, The Provincial Congress meets at Concord,
■■ John Hancock electwl President, and Benjamin
Lincohi Secretary,
12, Committee appointwi to take into consideration
the state of the Province,
13, Address to tho Governour reported by the Com.
mittee, read and accepted, with one dissenting
voice only, ......
Committee to present Address to the Governour,
1 4, Constables, Collectors of Taxes, Deputy Sheriffs,
and Sheriffs, directed not to pay over Money ;
but to retain it in their hands, subject to the
order of the Towns, Provincial Congress, or
General Assembly, .....
17, Answer of Governour Gage to the Address of
the Provincial Congress, - - * .
Referred to the Committee on the state of the
Province, .....
iietters said to be wTote by the Rev. Mr. Peters,
referred to the same Coinmittoe, ...
18, The Galleries ordered to be cleared, and the
doors of the House to be kept shut during the
IXbattg in tile Congrvss, . , . ,
327
810
811
814
- 815
1774.
Oct.
18,
19,
20,
21,
815
817
819
820
821
821
328
827
828
948
829
829
830
830
834
834
834
- 834
835
83G
836
837
- 837
837
22,
24,
25,
26,
27,
837
28.
838
838
838
838
838
- 839
A Reply to be made to the Answer of the Gov-
ernour, ....-•-
Reply to the Governour reported, read, and re-
committed; reported again, considered, and
laid on the table, - - - - -
Report from the Committee appointed to inquire
into the state and operations of the Army,
Committee to consider what is necessary for the
defence and safety of the Province,
Report relative to Pa\-ment and Collecting of out-
standing Rates and Taxes, ...
Resolution relative to the Counsellors and others,
who have acted in obedience to the late Act of
Parliament, for altering the Government of
Massachusetts Bay, ....
Committee to publish the names of the Mr.ndaraus
Counsellors and others, who have acted under
commissions derived from the Act of Parlia-
ment, ..-...- 839
Committee to report a Non-Consumption Agree-
ment relative to British and India Goods, - 839
Committee to examine Rivington's Newspaper, 840
Resolution adopted, recommending the total dis-
use of India Tea, - - - - - 840
Report of Committee, on Defence of the Province,
read, and deferred, 840
Consideration of the Report resumed, and recom-
mitted, - - 840
Consideration of the propriety of sending Agents
to Canada, referred to the next meeting of the
Congress, - 840
Day of Publick Thanksgiving throughout the
Province recommended, .... 840
Report on the Safety and Defence of the Province,
amended, and recommitted for further amend-
ment, - - - - - - -841
Committee to consider of the most proper time to
provide a stock of Powder, Ordnance, and Ord-
nance Stores for the Province, - - - 841
Committee on Non-Consumption Agreement di-
rected to report forthwith, - - - 841
Debates of the Congress to be kept secret, tmtil
leave shall be given to disclose the same, - 841
Committee report that now is the proper time to
provide a stock of Powder, Ordnance, and
Ordnance Stores, - - - - - 841
Committee to determine what Quantity shall be
provided, and an Estimate of the expense, - 841
Consideration of Report on the Safety and De-
fence of the Province resumed, and recommit-
ted for further amendments, - - - 84 1
Committee on Non-Consumption Agreement or-
dered to sit forthwith, .... 842
Committee to inquire into the state of the Stores
in the Commissary General's Office, - - 842
Report on the quantity of Powder and Ordnance
Stores necessary for the Province, - - 842
All matters which shall come under the consi-
deration of the Congress, to be kept secret, - 842
Report on the Safety and Defence of the Prov-
ince, 842
Report considered and adopted, ... 843
Committee to consider what Military Exercise
will be best for the People of the Province to
adopt, 845
Committee of Safety appointed, ... 845
Five Commissaries appointed, ... 845
Three General Officers appointed, - - 845
Committee, to sit during the recess of the Con-
gress, appointed, ..... 845
Receiver General to be appointed to.morrow ;
and Members particularly enjoined to attend, 845
Reply to the Governour's Answer recommitted
for amendments, . , , . . 845
Receiver General appointed, ... 846
Report of Coinraittee on the state of the Prov-
ince, relative to the removal of the Inhabitants
of the ToOTi of Boston from thence, read, and
recommitted, ...... 846
Report relative to Collecting and Paying out-
standing Tuxes, read, and adopted, - - 846
Committee to report a Resolve relative to a Non-
Consumption Agreement, ... 847.
Committee to report on an equal Representation
of the Province in Congress, at tlie next meet-
ing, 848
Constitutional Coimscllors invited to attend Con-
gress at the ne.\t meeting, , , . . 848
LXIX
1774.
Oct.
28.
CONTENTS.
liXX
29.
The Resolve for a Non-Consumption Agreement,
presented and adopted, . - . . 848
Report on the Warlike Stores in the Commissa-
ry General's Office, .... 848
Report on a System of Military Exercise for the
Province, ...... 848
Consideration of the state of the Executive Courts
of the Province, referred to the next meeting
of the Congress, . . . - - 849
Committee of Safety directed to write to the Con-
tinental Congress, showing the grounds and
reasons of the proceedings of this Congress, 849
Reply to the Governour's Answer agreed to,
unanimously, and a Committee appointed to
present it, ...-.- 849
Committee to publish certain parts of the Pro-
ceedings of the Congress, passed on the 26th
and 28th, ......
Two Members added to tlie Committee of Safety,
Adjourned to the 23d of November,
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Oct. 9, Letter from Montreal, to a Gentleman in New-
York. Opinions of the Inhabitants of Canada
relative to the Quebeck Act, ...
General Meeting of the English Inhabitants of
Montreal,
10, Letter from Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman,
and Silas Deane, to Governour Trumbull. —
Proceedings of the Congress, ...
1 1, Account of the arrest and imprisonment of Sam-
uel Dyre, of Boston, . . . -
12, Proclamation of Governour Penn. Inhabitants
and Magistrates of the country west of Lau-
rel Hill required to pay due obedience to the
Laws of Pennsylvania, without the least re-
gard to the Proclamation of Lord Dunmore,
12, General Committee of South Carolina recom-
mend the non-importation of India Tea, and
the non-exportation of any Arms or Ammu-
nition whatsoever, - - . . .
13, Letter from Sir James Wright to the Earl of
Dartmouth. Protests and Dissents of the
People in different parts of the Province, show
that they are against any Resolutions; and
that those attempted by a few in Savannah, are
held in contempt, .....
14, Address from the County of Worcester, in Mas-
sachusetts, to Governour Gage,
AnsTier of the Governour, ....
851
853
853
853
853
854
855
856
857
867
868
869
OrA.
13,
CONNECTICUT ASSEMBLY.
Meeting of the General Assembly of the Eng-
lish Colony of Connecticut, . . .
To«Tis in the Colony ordered to provide double
the quantity of Powder, Balls, and Flints, they
were before obliged by Law to provide.
Cannon at New-London to be mounted, and kept
fit for service, with a proper supply of Pow-
der and Balls, ....
Fifteen thousand Pounds, in Bills of Credit, to
be bsued, ......
Ta.xes levied on the Polls and rateable Estates in
the Colony, ......
Instructions and Regulations to the Overseers ap-
pointed by the Assembly for the Mohegan In.
Qiaiis, .......
Memorial of Zebulon Butler and Joseph Sluman,
Agents for the Town of Westmoreland,
Memorial of Ebenezer Hazard, of New. York,
858
- 858
- 858
858
858
859
859
861
PENNSYLVANIA ASSEMBLY.
OcM4, New Assembly meets, .... 869
List of Members, 860
Edward Biddle chosen Speaker, ... 869
Approved by the Governour, ... 870
15, John Dickinson added to the Deputies from Penn-
sylvania to the General Congress, now sitting, 870
Entertainment to be provided for the Members of
the Congress, on Thursday next, - - 870
17, Message from the Governour. Recommends
keeping the Rangers a longer time in Service, 87 1
19, The Rangers to be kept in Pay until the first of
November, ...... 871
Answer to the Governour's Message, • .871
21, Adjourn to the 5th of December, ... 371
1774.
Oct.
14,
16,
16,
18,
17,
17,
19,
19,
20,
20,
20,
20,
20,
21,
22,
24,
24,
24,
25,
26,
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Express from Lord Dunmore arrived at Wil-
liamsburg, with the Speeches at his Conference
with the Indians, .....
Speech of Captain White Eyes,
Answer of Lord Dunmore to the Delawares and
Six Nation Chiefs, .....
Intelligence from Captain Pipe, at a Conference
with several Delaware and Mohawk Chiefs, -
Speech of the Mohegans to the Shawanese,
Answer of the Shawanese, ....
Reply of the Mohawk and Delaware Chiefs to
Lord Dunmore, .....
Speech of the Big Apple Tree, a Mohawk Chief,
Answer of Lord Dunmore, ....
Reply of the Delawares, ....
Speech of Edmund Burke, on offering himself a
Candidate to represent the City of Bristol in
Parliament, ......
Letter from Dr. Samuel Cooper to John Adams,
Proclamation of Governour Penn. Officers of
the Customs prevented by a Mob from seizing
a quantity of foreign Sugar that had not been
entered at the Custom House, nor the Duties
paid. All Civil Officers required to bring the
Offenders to justice, .....
Letter from Captain Arthur St. Clair to Joseph
Shippen, Jun., ......
Speech from Captain Pipe to the Governour, in
answer to his Messages sent to the Shawanese
and the Delawares, ....
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of
Dartmouth. Additional Troops expected from
Quebeck, New. York, and Newfoundland.
Despairs of any overtures for paying for the
Tea, unless recommended by the Continental
Congress, ......
Circular Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to
the Governours of the Colonies,
Order of the King, in Coimcil, prohibiting the
exportation of Gunpowder, or any sort of
Arms or Ammunition from Great Britain,
General Committee of South Carolina recom.
mend Merchants and others, as they prize the
tranquillity and happiness of America, not to
take advantage of the publick distresses by rais-
ing the prices of imported Goods,
Address to the People of Halifax County, in
Virginia, .....
Tea at Annapolis, in Maryland, imported in the
Brig Peggy Stewart, from London. Acknow-
ledgement of the Owners of the Tea, that they
had committed a Inost daring insult, and an
act of the most pernicious tendency to the Li-
berties of America ; they ask pardon of the
People, and voluntarily burn the Vessel with
all her Sails and Colours flying, -
Thanks to the Merchants of New- York, who
assisted in providing Barracks for the Troops
at Boston, ......
Address to the Inhabitants of New. York. Rea-
sons for their paying obedience to Great Bri-
tain, and the advantages they will derive from
submission, ......
Resolutions of sundry Inhabitants of Frances
Town, in New-Hampshire, ...
Letter from Silas Deane, at Philadelphia, to Go-
vernour Trumbull. The greatest unanimity
has prevailed through the whole of the Pro-
ceedings of the Congress, - - . .
Proclamation of Governour Wright. Grants of
Land in Georgia, .....
Proclamation of Governour Wright. Treaty
with the Creek Indians, at Savannah, on the
20th inst. Trade with the Indians renewed.
Letter from Quebeck to a Gentleman in Boston,
Instructions to the English Gentlemen of the
Committee of Montreal, from the Canadian
Farmers, - ' -
Association signed by the Ladies of Edenton, in
North Carolina,
Letter from Joseph Reed, at Philadelphia, to
Josiah Quincy, Jun., London. Instead of divi-
ded counsels and feeble measures in the Colo-
nies, all now is union and firmness. The Mem-
bers of the Congress part with each other on
terms of the utmost friendship,
871
872
872
874
874
874
875
875
875
876
876
878
878
879
- 879
880
881
- 881
- 882
885
886
886
888
888
889
1137
891
891
891
- 892
LXXI
1774.
Sept.
5.
CONTENTS. LXXii
12,
14,
17,
19,
22,
24,
26,
27,
28,
CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.
Meeting of ihe Delegates chosen and appointed
by ihli several Colonies and Provinces, in North
America, to hold a Congress at Philadelphia,
Members present from the several Colonies,
Peyton Randolph elected President,
Credentials read and approved, . - -
For New-Hampshire, . . - -
Massachusetts,
Rhode-Island,
Connecticut,
New- York,
New-Jersey,
Permsylvauia, . - - - -
EKdaware, . . - - -
Maryland,
Virginia,
South Carolina, . . . -
Richard Henry Lee, from Virginia, attended, -
Rules of Order adopted, - - - -
Reverend Mr. Duchd requested to open the Con-
gress with Prayers, - - - - -
Thomas Jolmson, Jim., from Maryland attended.
Committee appointed to state the Rights of the
Colonies, the instances in which they are vio-
lated, and the means most proper to obtain a
restoration of them, - - - - -
Committee appointed to examine and report the
several Statutes which affect the Trade and
Manufactures of the Colonies, - - -
President authorized to adjourn, from day to day,
when there is no business, ...
Matthew Tilghman, a Delegate from Maryland,
attended, -------
William Hooper and Joseph Hewes, from North
Carolina, attended, - . - - -
Henry Wisner, from Orange County, in New-
York, attended, . . - - -
George Ross, from Pennsylvania, and John Al-
sop, from New- York, attended, -
Delegates from Massachusetts presented the Pro-
ceedings of the Joint Committees of the Towns
in the County of Middlesex, at Concord, on
the 30th and 3 1st of August, ...
Richard Caswell, from North Carolina, attended,
Resolutions of the County of Suffolk, Massachu-
setts, on the 6th inst, laid before the Congress,
Resolution of the Congress, approving of the
Suffolk County Resolutions, ...
Contributions from all the Colonies for supplying
the Sufferers in Boston, should be continued, -
Report of the Committee appointed to examine
the Statutes, brought inJand laid on the table.
Referred to the Conamittee appointed to state tlie
Rights of the Colonies, ....
Merchants and others in the several Colonies re-
quested not to send to Great Britain any orders
for Goods, . . - . -
Report of Committee on the Rights of the Colo-
nies, brought in and read, - . . .
Copy of the Report made out for each Colony, -
The Report considered, ....
Congress will now consider only such Rights as
have been infringed since 1763, postponing
the consideration of the General Rights of
America to a future day, ....
Conmjittee appointed to state the Rights, brought
in a Report of the Infringements and Viola-
tions of American Rights,
Consideration of the Report deferred,
Congress, in the meanwhile, to deliberate on the
Means to be pursued for a restoration of our
Rights,
John Herring, from Orange County, New- York,
attended, ......
Consideration of the Means for restoring Rights,
resiune'd, ......
Further considered, .....
Importation of all Goods, Wares, and Merchan-
dise, whatsoever, from Great Britain, or Ire-
land, prohibited after first of December next,
None exported from Great Britain, or Ireland,
after that day, shall be used or purchased in
the Colonies, ......
Resolution offered by Mr. Galloway, declaring
the Colonics hold in abhorrence the idea of
being considered Independent Communities, -
893
893
893
893
893
894
894
893
896
896
896
897
897
897
898
898
898
899
899
899
900
900
900
900
901
901
901
901
901
904
904
904
904
- 904
904
904
905
905
905
905
905
905
905
905
905
905
905
1774.
Sept.
28,
29,
80,
Oct.l,
3,
4,
5.
7,
8.
10.
Mr. Galloway's Plan for a proposed union be-
tween Great Britain and the Colonies, - 905
Meansof restoring the Rights, considered, - 906
Further considered, ..... 906
Further considered, ..... 906
Exportation of all Merchandise whatsoever, from
the Colonies to Great Britain, Ireland, and the
West Indies, prohibited after the 1st of Sep-
tember, 1775, unless American Grievances are
redressed before that time, ... 906
Committee to prepare a Plan to carry into effect
the Non- Importation, Non-Consumption, and
Non-Exportation resolved on, - - - 906
Simon Boerum, from King's County, New- York,
attended, ^06
Means of restoring the Rights, further considered, 906
Committee to prepare an Address to the King,
requesting a Redress of Grievances, - - 907
Instructions to the Committee on the Address, - 907
Matters proper to be contained in the Address
considered, ...--- 907
Further considered, 907
Further considered, - - - - - 907
Instruction to the Committee on the Address, - 907
Address from William Goddard received, - 907
Means for restoration of American Rights fur-
ther considered, 907
Letter from the Boston Committee of Correspond-
ence laid before Congress, ... 907
Letter to be considered to-morrow, - - 908
Consideration of means for restoration of Rights,
resumed, - - - - - -908
Instruction to Committee appointed to prepare the
form of an Association, .... 908
Letter from Boston Committee considered, - 908
Committee to prepare a Letter to General Gage, 908
Letter from Boston further considered, - - 908
Opposition of the Inhabitants of Massachusetts to
late Acts of Parliament approved by Congress.
If the Acts are attempted to be enforced by
Arms, all America ought to support them in
their opposition, - ... - 908
Letter from Boston further considered, . - 908
Removal of the People from Boston, so impor-
tant in its consequences as to require the utmost
deliberation. If absolutely necessary, they
should be recompensed by all America, - 90S
People of Massachusetts advised to submit to
a suspension of the administration of justice,
where it cannot be procured under the Charter, 909
Any Person who shall act under any authority
derived from the Act of Parliament, altering
the Government of Massachusetts, to be held
in detestation, as a wcked tool of the despo-
tism, which is preparing to destroy the Rights
of America, ...... 909
11, Letter from the Congress to General Gage, - 909
People of Boston advised to conduct themselves
peaceably towards General Gage and the
Troops, 909
Committee to prepare a Memorial to the People
of British America; and an Address to the
People of Great Britain, - - - - 910
12, Plan for carrying into effect the Non-Importa-
tion, Non-Consumption, and Non-Exportation
Agreement, reported by the Committee, - 910
Consideration of the Rights and Grievances of the
Colonies resumed, - - - - - 910
13, Further considered, 910
14, Further considered, - - - - -910
Resolutions declaring the Rights and Grievances
of the Colonies, 910
Letter from several Gentlemen, in Georgia, read, 912
15, Plan of Association further considered, - - 912
17, John Dickinson, from Pennsylvania, attended, 913
Plan of Association further considered, - - 913
1 8, Plan further considered, amended, and ordered to
be transcribed, to be signed by the Members, 913
Address to the People of Great Britain reported, 913
19, The Address considered, amended, and recom-
mitted, 913
Memorial to the Inhabitants of the Colonies re-
ported, 913
20, The Association read and signed, - - - 9 1 3
Fac simile of the Signatures to the Asssocia-
tion, - - . . . Opposite 916
Memorial to the Inhabitants of the Colonies fur-
ther considered, 916
LXXIII
1774.
Ckt.2l, Address to the People of Great Britain, - - 917
Memorial to the Inhabitants of the Colonics, - 921
Committee to prepare an Address to the People
of Q,uebeck, and Letters to the Colonies of St.
John's, Nova-Scotia, Georgia, and East and
West Florida, 928
Committee to revise the Minutes of Congress, 928
Address to the King considered, recommitted,
and Mr. Dickinson added to the Committee, 928
The seizing a Person, in America, to transport
him beyond the Sea, for Trial, declared to be
against the Lavsr, and ought to meet with re-
sistance and reprisal, .... 928
22, Peyton Randolph unable to attend the Congress,
Henry Middleton chosen President, - - 928
Address from Christopher TuUy received, - 928
Journal ordered to be printed, ... 928
A Congress to be held on the 10th of May next,
unless redress of Grievances should be sooner
obtained, recommended, .... 928
Letter from Congress to the Colonies of St.
John's, &c., 929
24, Address to the People of Q,uebeck reported, con-
sidered, and recommitted, .... 929
Address to the King reported, ... 929
25, Address considered, approved, and ordered to be
engrossed, ...... 929
To be sent to the Colony Agents, to be presented
to his Majesty ; and the Agents requested to
call in the aid of such Noblemen and Gentle-
men as are firm friends to American Liberty, 929
Committee to prepare a Letter to the Agents, - 929
Thanks of Congress to the patriotick Advocates of
Civil and Religious Liberty who have espoused
the cause of America, both in and out of Par-
liament, 929
26, Letter to the Colony Agents, - - - 929
Address to the Inhabitants of the Province of
Quebeck, 930
Address to the King, ..... 934
List of the Colony Agents, .... 933
List of the Delegates who attended the Congress, 938
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Oct. Letter from Govemour CJage to Peyton Ran-
20, dolph, in reply to the Letter from the Con-
gress, of the 10th of October, ...
Letter to Peyton Randolph, late President of
the American Continental Congress, from an
Inhabitant of Massachusetts, against the Pro-
ceedings of the Congress, and defending the
conduct of General Gage, ...
Letter to General Gage, from Williamsburg, in
Virginia, ......
Letter from John Dickinson to Arthur Lee. The
Colonies have taken such grounds that Great
Britain must relax, or involve herself in a Civil
War. A determined and unanimous resolu-
tion animates the Continent,
Letter from John Dickinson to Josiah Quincy,
Jun. The most peaceable Provinces are now
animated ; and a Civil War is inevitable, unless
there be a quick change of British measures.
Letter from Colonel Charles Lee to the Duke
of — . All orders of men, throughout the Col-
onies, are enthusiastick in the cause of Free-
dom. The People have Arms, and are expert
in their use, ......
Letter from Govemour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The Provincial Congress, it is report-
ed, had in agitation the embodying of fifteen
thousand Men, to be ready, at a moment's warn-
ing, and to be supported by the neighbouring
Provinces. It is the intention of the Congress
to assemble the old Council at the next meet-
ing, to form as complete a Government as pos-
sible for the Province, ....
Letter from Josiah Quincy to Josiah Gluincy, Jun.,
Letter from Govemour Penn to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, .......
NavA, Address of the Grand Jury for the County of Es-
sex, in New-Jersey, to Frederick Smith, Chief
Justice of the Province, ....
Letter from a Gentleman, at Bladensburg, Mary-
land, to his brother, in Glasgow. Virginia is
raising a Company of Men in every County.
Maryland has begun to raise Men in every
CONTENTS.
27,
27,
28,
29,
30,
989
939
945
- 947
947
949
31,
31,
1.
950
951
952
967
1774.
Nov.
2,
2,
3,
2,
2.
2,
2,
3,
4,
5,
5,
6,
6,
LXXIV
County also. To the Northward they have
large Bodies ready for the field. Regulation
of prices of imported Goods, ... 953
Circular Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to
the Governours of the Colonies. Requires
Returns every three months of the state of
their respective Councils, .... 953
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant
Governour Coldcn. Requires him to be par-
ticularly attentive to prevent the importation of
Gunpowder ; he has every day intelligence of
the Americans purchasing large quantities of
Arms and Ammunition in the different Ports
of Europe, 953
Council of Pennsylvania authorize the laying out
a King's Highway, from the Wind Gap, on the
North side of the Blue Mountain, to Wyoming, 954
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Governour
Penn, dated August 26. Requires him to de-
sist from extending the jurisdiction of Pennsyl-
vania to the line run by the Commissioners of
that Province and Maryland, ... 954
Proclamation of Governour Penn, requiring Ma-
gistrates and others to desist from exercising
jurisdiction beyond those places where it has
been heretofore exercised, until his Majesty's
pleasure shall be known in the premises, - 955
Letter from Governour Penn to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. Explanation of his motives for issuing
the Proclamation for extending the jurisdic-
tion, 955
Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn.
Report of the Battle between the Indians and
Colonel Lewis, ..... 955
Address of the Committee to the Freeholders and
Electors of the City and County of Philadel-
phia. Recommend the election of a new
Conwnittee, under the Association of the Con-
gress, - 956
Letter from Lieutenant Governour Golden to the
Earl of Dartmouth. The Congress broke up
last week. Their measures do not meet with
applause in New- York ; on the contrary, the
City is rather dissatisfied. The Merchants
dislike the Non-Importation, and the Farmers
will not bear the Non-Exportation. A great
majority in the Province disapprove of the
dangerous measures of the New England Go-
vernments, ...... 957
Letter from an Officer at Boston, to his friend in
Edinburgh. The Faction at Boston is very
low. All ranks of People are heartily tired
of disorder ; and as soon as the determination
of Great Britain to despise their Resolves and
Petitions, is known, all will be quiet, - - 957
Letter from Doctor Chauncy to Josiah Gluincy,
Jun., London. The Colonies are united in
their resolution to defend their Liberties. All
wish for a restoration of harmony, and dread a
bloody conflict; yet this they will universally c'
go into, rather than submit to the tyrannical
measures imposed on them, ... 953
Letter from Governour Perm to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, 958
Charge of William Henry Drayton, one of the
Judges of the General Sessions of the Peace,
for the Districts of Camden and Cheraws, in
South Carolina, on his Circuit, the fifth and fif-
teenth days of November, to the several Grand
Juries, ...--.. 959
Presentments of the Grand Jury for the District
of Camden, - - - - - -961
Presentments of the Grand Jury for the Cheraws
District, %2
Address of the Petit Jury of Cheraws District, to
Judge Drayton, ..... 962
Resolutions adopted at a Meeting of the Officers
under the command of Lord Dunmore, con-
vened at Fort Gower, .... 962
Sheep not permitted to be sent from New- York
to the West Indies, 963
Letter from Joseph Reed to Josiah Gluincy, Jun.
The Quakers have directed their members not
to serve on the Committee for carrying into
effect the Association of Congress ; yet, in Phil-
adelphia, there is no fear that any discontented
spirit dares oppose the measures necessary for
the publick safety. There is more fear for
1774.
Ntm.
7,
7,
7.
CONTENTS.
1.XXVI
7.
7,
7.
8,
8,
9.
10.
10,
11,
11.
12,
12,
14,
14,
15,
15.
15,
15,
15.
16,
16,
New- York, where there has been a strange
delinquency the whole Summer,
Meeting of tlie Inhabitants of York, in Virginia,
and Procec-ding-s of the County Committee, on
the arrival of Tea, - :,',,',.
Meeting of the Committee and other Inhabitants
of Gloucester, in Virginia, on the arrival of Tea,
Concession of John Prentiss to the York and
Gloucester Committees, for importing Tea, -
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the City of Phila-
delphia, to make arrangements for electing a
Committee, - - - ■ " . "
New- York Committee recommend the election
of a Committee of Inspection, for the purposes
expressixi in the Association of Congress,
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston,
Leuer 'from New- York to a Correspondent m
London, - • - " ' *
Meeting at Marblehead, in Massachusetts. Ap-
pointed a Committee to execute the Associa-
tion ; and fixed a day for choosing Militia Of-
ficers, - - - - " ■ *
Meeting of the Committee for Westmoreland
County, in Virginia. Resolutions relative to
David Wardrobe, . . - ■
Letter from David Wardrobe to Archibald Pro-
van, of Glasgow, dated June 30,
Proclamation of Governour Eden,
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Anne Arundel
County, and the City of Annapolis. Com-
mittee of Observation and Committee of Cor-
respondence appointed, . - - -
Address of the Merchants, Traders, and others, of
Williamsburg, to Pej-ton Randolph and the
other Delegates, . - - - -
Answer to the Address, - - ■
Proclamation of Governour Gage, against the
Resolves of the Provincial Congress,
Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Commerce,
concluded on the 20th of October, between
Georgia and the Creek Indians,
Concession of Nicholas Austin, to the Committee
of Correspondence of Rochester, in New-
Hampshire, ..----
Proclamation of Lieutenant Governour Bull.
Trade opened with the Creek and Cherokee
Indians. Revokes all Indian Trade Licenses,
and requires new ones to be taken out.
Committee of Observation for Baltimore County,
in Maryland, appointed, . . . -
Political Observations, without order, addressed to
the People of America. . - - -
Reply to the foregoing. . . - .
Another Reply. - - - - - -
Letter from the New- York Committee to Daniel
Dunscomb. Chairman of the Committee of
Mechanicks. . . - -
New- York Committee having agreed to dissolve,
appoint a day for the election of a new Com-
mittee, ....---
Letter from a Gentleman at Amsterdam, to a
friend in Philadelphia. A Vessel there load-
ing with Ammunition and Arms, stopped by a
Cutter sent from Dover, . - . .
Letter from Nathaniel Appleton to Josiah Quin-
cy, Jun. It is the universal voice of the Peo-
ple, that they will sacredly observe the recom-
mendations of the Grand Congress,
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The Proceedings of the Continental
Congress astonish and terrify all considerate
men. Though many of their Resolves neither
can nor will be observed, it is to be feared they
will be generally received. Barracks have
been provided for the Troops ; and by various
means. Provisions for six months have been
obtained, ......
Letter from Grovcmour Wentworth to the Earl
of Dartmouth. Violent proceedings in some
parts of New-Hampshire. No hopes of a
legal establishment of the powers of Govern-
ment in the Province, until they are efTectually
restored in Massachusetts, - . . .
Proclamation by the King. Copper Coins for
Virginia, .....
Meeting of Inhabitants of Calvert County, Ma
ryland. Committees of Observation and Cor
respondence appointed, . . . ,
9G3
9G4
9G5
965
- 965
967
908
969
970
. 970
971
972
972
973
973
- 973
974
974
975
- 975
976
977
978
- 329
330
- 979
980
1771.
Nor.
16,
17,
18.
18,
18,
19,
21.
21
981
- 981
r
- 982
982
21,
22,
22,
22,
23,
23,
983
985
985
- 986
987
987
987
989
Rt-^olutions of the County Congress of the County
of York, in Massachusetts,
Meeting of the Freeholders of Henrico County,
Virginia. Committee of Observation appoint-
ed, .....--
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Charles County,
Maryland. Committees of Observation and
Correspondence, and Delegates to the Conven-
tion appointed, . . . . -
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Frederick County,
Mainland. Committees of Observation and
Correspondence, and Delegates to the Conven-
tion appointed, .....
Address of the Committee of Mechanicks, of New-
York, to the Delegates who represented the
City in the General Congress, . . -
Answer of the Delegates, . . . -
Address to the People of New- Jersey. Condemns
the Resolutions of the Congress. There are
no instances of Laws so severe, or any regula-
tions so inimical to Liberty, as their Resolves,
Tomi Meeting at Providence, in Rhode-Island.
One hundred and twenty-five Pounds voted for
the distressed Inhabitants of Boston,
Letter from Dr. Joseph Warren, to Josiah Quin-
cy, Jun. It is the united voice of America,
to preserve their Freedom, or lose their lives
in defence of it. The Resolutions of the Con-
gress are not the effect of inconsiderate rash-
ness, but the sound result of sober inquiry and
deliberation. If the Acts of Parliament are
not repealed the wisest step for both Countries
is to sejiarate, and not spend their blood and
treasure in destroying each other,
Maryland Convention, - . . - -
Several Counties not being represented the Con-
vention adjourned to the 8th of December,
Meeting of the Freeholders of Elizabeth City
County, Virginia. Committee of Observation
appointed.
Letter from an -Officer in the Army at Boston.
As to the Colonists taking Arms to resist the
Force of England, it is mere bullying. Any
two Regiments here ought to be decimated, if
they did not beat in the field the whole Force
of the Massachusetts Province, ...
Committee of Sixty Persons elected in New-
York, for the purposes mentioned in the Asso-
ciation of Congress, .....
Address of the Magistrates of Frederick County,
Maryland, to the Deputies from the Province
to the late Continental Congress,
Address of the Grand Jury of Frederick County,
Maryland, to their Deputies in the Congress,
Letter from Lieutenant Governour Bull to the
Earl of Dartmouth, ....
Committee of Observation, for Warwick County,
Virffinia, ...... 994
Nov.
23,
24,
990
991
- 991
- 991
991
- 992
992
993
993
993
993
993
993
993
25,
26,
28,
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.
The Provincial Congress meets, agreeably to
their adjournment, on the 29th of October, -
Walter Spooner, one of his Majesty's Constitu-
tional Council, desired to attend the Congress,
John Adams and Robert Treat Paine, of the
Continental Congress, desired to attend.
Members of the Continental Congress required
to report their Proceedings, ...
Dr. Appleton appointed Chaplain, ...
Proceedings of the Continental Congress reported,
read, and committed, .... 993
Petition from Officers of the Minute Men, in the
Northwest part of Worcester County, read
and committed, ..... 994
Commiuee to prepare a Plan for the Defence and
Safety of the Government, required to set forth-
with, 994
Committee to publish a list of the Mandamus
CoiiiiselloMkand others now in the Town of
Boston, fortnwith to prepare a Report, - - 994
Committee to ascertain the number of Constitu-
tional Counsellors now in To\\ti, - - 994
Committee to devise means of keeping up a Cor-
respondence with Montreal and Quebeck, - 995
Committee to prepare Form of an Order with
respect to the Treasurer's Bond. - - 995
Committee to take into consideration the state of
Lxxvn
CONTENTS.
LXXVIII
1774.
Nov.
29,
the Manufactures, and how they may be im-
proved in the Province, . . - .
Committee to make an estimate of the loss and
damage of every kind, occasioned by the Acts
of Parliament since the operation of the Port
Bill, -
Committee to state the amount of the Sums which
have been extorted from us since 17G3, under
certain Acts of the British Parliament,
30, Members to attend the Continental Congress
on the 10th of May next, to be appointed to-
morrow, ......
Letters from Doctor Franklin to Mr. Gushing,
read and referred to the Provincial Committee
of Correspondence, . . . . -
Dec. 1, Report of Committee on Proceedings of Conti-
nental Congress, read, considered, and recom-
mitted, .......
Thanks of the Congress to the other Colonies, for
their Donations to the Town of Boston,
Committee to call upon the Secretary for a list
of the Mandamus Counsellors, . . .
2, Report of Committee on the state of the Prov-
ince, .......
Members to represent the Province in Continental
Congress, chosen, .....
3, Report of Committee on the state of the Prov-
ince, considered, .....
5, Committee to prepare an Address to tlie Clergy,
desiring them to exhort the People to sustain
the Congress, ..-.--
Report on the Proceedings of the Continental
Congress adopted, .....
6, Committee to correspond with the Inhabitants of
Canada appointed, . . . . -
Brief to be circulated through the Province, to
promote Donations for the Sufferers in Boston
ajid Charlestown, . . . . -
Address to the Clergy, . ....
Mandamus Counsellors who have published a
renunciation of their Commissions,
7, Committee to prepare a true state of the number
of Inhabitants, and of the Exports and Imports
of the Colony, .....
8, Resolutions reconmiending the encouragement of
Manufactures in the Province, . . ^
Two General Officers chosen, ...
9, Committee on an Address from the Baptists to
the Congress, ......
Report of Committee relative to Publick Moneys
in the hands of Constables and others, adopted.
Committee on a Plan of Military Exercise pro-
posed by Captain Pickering, ...
Report of Committee on Address from the Bap-
tists, adopted, ......
Committee on Letter from the Town of Hard-
wick, .......
10, Report on Letter from Hard wick,
Address to the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the Towns and Districts of Massachusetts
Bay,
Report of Committee on the state of the Province
relative to assuming Civil Government, consi
dered, and laid on the table,
Returns of the Officers and Men, of the Minute
Men, and the Militia to be made.
Report of Committee on the state of the Province,
E.xpense of transmitting the Address to the Cana.
dians to be paid by this Government,
The Congress dissolved, ....
Nov.
25,
25,
26,
28,
30,
995
995
995
996
996
996
996
997
997
997
997
997
997
999
999
1000
. 1000
1001
1001
1002
1003
1003
1004
1004
1004
1004
. 1005
e
. 1006
OORUESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Meeting of a great number of the Freeholders of
Chesterfield County, Virginia. County Com-
mittee appointed, .....
Meeting of Freeholders of James City County,
Virginia. Committee of Observation appoint,
cd.
Committee for the upper part of Frederick Coun-
ty, Maryland. Punishment of John Parks,
Address of Committee of Correspondence to the
Freeholders of the County of Essex, in the
Province of New- Jersey, - - . .
Addrr-ss of the Committee of Philadelphia to the
Publick, ......
Committee of Observation for Philadelphia Coun-
ty.
1774.
Nov.
30,
Dec. 1,
2,
1008
1009
1009
1010
1010
4,
4,
5,
5,
5,
5,
Queries addressed to the Committees of Observ-
ation, on the Pamphlet, " A Friendly Address
to all Reasonable Americans," - . .1011
Meeting of Freeholders of Prince George's Coun.
ty, Maryland. Committees of Observation and
Correspondence, and Delegates to the Conven-
tion appointed, . . . . -1012
Meeting of Freeholders of Elizabethtown, Essex
County, New- Jersey. Committees of Observ.
ation and Correspondence appointed, . .1012
Letter from Governour Wentworth to the Earl
of Dartmouth. The measures recommended
by the Continental Congress received, impli.
citly, by the People, as matters of obedience.
Exportation of Sheep prevented, by order of
the Committee, . - . . .1013
Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn.
Attempt of Mr. Connolly to enforce the juris,
diction of Virginia, at Pittsburgh. Mr. Scott,
a Pennsylvania Magistrate, arrested by Con-
nolly, on the 12th of November, and brought
before Lord Dunmore, at Fort Burd, - - 1013
Lord Dunmore arrived at Williamsburg, from his
expedition against the Indians, having brought
them to terms, and made a Treaty with them, 1014
Letter from Red Stone. Causes of the Indian War
traced from the Treaty made by Colonel Bou-
quet, with the Shawanese, in 1764, to the at-
tack of Captain Michael Cresap upon a party
of Indians, in April, 1774, . . .1015
Letter from the Camp, on Point Pleasant, at the
mouth of the Great Kenhawa, dated October
17th. Account of the Battle at that place, on
the 10th, 1016
Letter from Staunton, in Virginia, of November
4th. A further account of the same Battle, 1017
List of killed and wounded Virginians in the Bat.
tie at Point Pleasant, on the 10th of October,
(Note,) 1018
Message from Logan, an Indian Warrior, to
Lord Dunmore, 1020
Speech of Logan, a Shawanese Chief, to Lord
Dunmore, (Note,) ..... io2C
Address of the City of Williamsburg to Lord
Dunmore, ...... 1019
Answer to the Address, . . . - 1019
Address of the President and Professors of Wil-
liam and Mary College to Lord Dunmore, . 1019
Address of the Borough of Norfolk to Lord Dun-
more, 1019
Answer to the Address, .... 1020
Meeting of the Freeholders of Richmond County,
Virginia. Committee of Inspection appointed, 1021
Committee of New.Castle County, Etelaware.
Approve the Continental Association. Recom.
mend to the Inhabitants, from si.xteen to fifty
years of age, to form themselves into Military
Companies, ...... 1022
Meeting of the Inhabitants of Reading, in Berks
County, Pennsylvania. Committee of Obser.
vation appointed, ... . io23
1006
8,
1007
9,
1008
10,
1008
15,
20,
1007
23,
ASSEMBLY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Dec. 5, The Assembly meets, 1023
Report from the Members deputed, in behalf of
this Province, to attend the General Congress,
Resolutions of the Congress considered, .
Further considered, and unanimously approved.
Deputies to the Congress, to meet on the 1 0th of
May next, appointed, ....
Committee to prepare Instructions to the Depu.
ties appointed, .....
Message from the Governour. Recommends re-
pair of Barracks in the Northern Liberties,
Answer to the Governour's Message. The House
does not think expedient to repair the Bar^
racks, ......
24, Instructions to the Deputies considered, and the
further consideration postponed to the next
Session, ......
Adjourned to the 20th of February next, -
1023
1023
1023
1023
1024
1024
. 1024
1024
1025
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Dec. 6, Letter from London to a Gentleman in ^ew.
York. First information of the Resolves of
the Congress of the States of America, - 1025
■a
LXXIX
1774.
Dec.
6.
CONTENTS.
I.XXX
6,
7,
Mcetino' of the Freeholders of Essex County, Vir-
ginia. Committee of Obserration appointed,
Committee of Isle of Wight County, Virgmia,
6 Meeting of Freeholders of Princess Anne Coun-
ty, Virginia. Committee of Observation ap-
pointed, - - - -• ", ,"
C Re-^ulations, for the sale of Goods imported after
The first day of December, adopted by the
Philadelphia Committee, - " , , y^ "
6, Letter from Governour Penn to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. Philadelphia and several of the Coun-
ties have appointed Committees to enforce the
Association, --■"■'
Meeting of Freeholders and other Inhabitants of
Jamaica, in Queen's County, New- York. Ap-
prove the Resolutions of tKe Congress. Com-
mittee of Correspondence and Observation ap-
pointed, - - - - " , " "
Meeting of Freeholders of Ne^rark, m Esses
Countj', New-Jersey. Committee of Observa-
tion appointed, - - ' , " -■
Address of the Committee to the Delegates for
New-Jersev, in the Continental Congress, -
dueries of the' Committee relative to Rivington's
Newspaper, - - - " ,, " , '
T, Letter from Lieutenant Governour Colden to the
Earl of Dartmouth. Proceedings in New-
York on the Resolutions of Congress. Dis-
pute between the smugglers and fair traders
will probably defeat the Association. Men op-
posed to the Congress on the Committee ; they
at present support the measures of the Con-
gress, to prevent dangerous men from taking
the lead, ..----
8. Meeting of the Freeholders of Caroline County,
Virginia. Committee of Observation appoint-
ed, ■""""" 1
8, Meeting of the Deputies appointed by the several
Counties of the Province of Maryland, at the
City of Annapolis, by adjournment, on the 8th
of December, and continued till the 12th,
Proceedings of the Continental Congress unani-
mously approved, . . - • -
Woollen, Linen, and Cotton Manufactures recom-
mended, ....--
Advances on the prime cost of Goods regulated.
Suits not to be brought in any case for any Per-
son who violates the Continental Association,
None but Members of Committees to meddle with,
or determine, any question under the Associa-
tion, . - - - -
Will support, to the utmost of their power, any
Colony where an attempt shall be made to
carry into execution, by force, the assumed
power of Parliament to Tax the Colonies,
Inhabitants of the Province, from sixteen to fifty
years of age, to form themselves into Military
Companies, ......
Ten thousand Pounds to be raised by the Coun-
ties for the purchase of Arms and Ammuni-
, tion, .....--
Committee of Correspondence for the Province
empowered to call a Meeting of the Conven-
tion on the 24th of April next, -
Contributions for the Suffering Poor of Boston to
be continued, ------
Committee of Correspondence appointed.
Delegates to the next Continental Congress ap-
pointed, -------
Colonies and Provinces generally requested to
enter into such Resolutions as have been
adopted by this Province, for mutual defence
and protection, .....
9, Letter from Savannah, to a Gentleman of Phila-
delphia. Meeting at Savannah, on the 8th.
Georgia will unite with the other Colonies.
Large Donations made for Sufferers in Boston,
9, Meeting of the Freeholders of Prince William
County, Virginia. Committee of Observation
electee. Resolutions adopted on tire 21st to
enforce the Continental Association,
10, Circular from the Earl of Dartmouth to the
Governours of the several Colonics. The
Resolution of Parliament to sustain the King
in carrying into execution the Laws of tho
-fast Session, will put an end to the expecta-
tions of the Colonies of receiving support in
their unwarrantable pretensions,
1026
1026
1774.
Dec
10,
1026
1026
10.
1027
10.
10,
1027
- 1028
r
- 1029
- 1029
- 1030
- 1030
1031
1031
1031
1031
1032
- 1032
- 1032
1032
1032
1033
1033
1033
1033
1033
1033
1034
12,
12,
12.
12,
12,
13.
13.
14,
14,
1034
14,
16,
16,
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieuten-
ant Governour Colden. Does not think the
assistance of the King's Troops to quell^ the
disturbances at Bennington, under the Ne\y-
Hampshire Grants, ought to be called for until
every other effort has been foimd insufficient;
and hopes these disputes may be settled without
the risk of bloodshed, ....
Meeting of Freeholders of Ne\vtown, in Queen's
County, New- York. Committee of Observa
tion appointed, . . . -
Letter from London, to a Gentleman in New-
York. Advantages to the Colonies from an
union with England. Parliament cannot
make the first advances towards reconcilia-
tion, ■ "
Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. The American writers, by their pro-
tensions to Independence, and their claims to
exemption from Taxation, have ruined the
cause, ....---
Meeting of the Freeholders of King and Queen
County, Virginia. Committee of Observation
appointed, - - - - - -
Meeting of Henrico County, Virginia, Commit-
tee. The Resolutions of Congress to be con-
sidered by the Committee as the sole rule of
their conduct, respecting their present engage-
ments. Committee of Correspondence appoint-
ed, ...-.--
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town of Dan-
bury, in Connecticut. Resolutions to support
the Congress. Committee of Observation ap-
pointed. The Inhabitants requested to contri-
bute liberally. Money or Provisions for Boston
Sufferers,
Letter from Boston to a Gentleman in New- York.
It was moved on the 10th instant, in the Pro-
\incial Congress, that Arms be immediately
taken up against the King's Troops; a Mem-
ber stated such a move was infamous, as the
Members knew that neither Connecticut, nor
any of the Southern Colonies, meant to op-
pose his Majesty's Arms. At PljTiiouth they
are now beating up for Volunteers to attack
the Troops, ..---.
Letter from Captain Wallace to Vice Admiral
Graves, dated on board his Majesty's Ship
Rose, at Newport, Rhode- Island. The King's
Cannon upon Fort- Island carried off by the
Inhabitants, ...---
Letter from Sir James Wright to the Earl of
Dartmouth. Attempt to raise a flame again in
Georgia, since the return of the Carolina Dele-
gates from the Congress, whose Resolutions
and Proceedings have sanctioned Rebellion,
Letter from Arthur Lee to Richard Henry Lee,
Letter from Newport, in Rhode- Island, to a Gen-
tleman in New- York. The People there
have declared themselves openly against Gov-
ernment. The Publick Authorities have dis-
mantled the King's Fort, and moved the Can-
non and Stores to Providence, - - .
Letter from Governour Wentworth to Governour
Gage. This day about four hundred Men
proceeded to his Majesty's Castle, William and
Mary, and carried off by violence one hundred
barrels of Powder, belonging to the King ; to-
morrow, it is expected, they will carry off the
Cannon and Arms. Tho persons who took the
lead in this enormity are well kno\Mi,
Letter from Captain Cochran, Commander of
Fort William and Mary, to Governour Went-
worth. Informs him of the storming of the
Fort, and the seizure and removal of the Pow-
der, - "
Letter from Governour Wentworth to Governour
Gage. Last night many Cannon, and about
sixty Muskets, were taken from the Fort.
Portsmouth is full of armed Men, who appear
determined to dismantle the Fort entirely.
Letters from Portsmouth, in New- Hampshire, to
a Gentleman in New- York. Further ac-
counts of the seizure of the Powder and Can-
non at Fort William and Mary,
Address of the Council of Virginia to Govern-
our Dunmore, ...
The Govemour's Answer, - - -
- 1035
- 1035
1035
- 1036
1037
1037
1038
1039
1039
1040
1040
1041
1041
1042
1042
- 1043
1043
1044
K
1774.
2>fc. 13, Meeting of the Freeholders of Northampton
County, Virginia. Committee of Observation
appointed. The Association to be considered
the sole rule of the Committee's conduct in
every emergency, .... - 1044
Letter from the People of Northampton County,
Virginia, of the 30th August, to the Coimnit-
tee of Donations, at Boston, ... 1044
Reply from David Jeffries, of the Committee of
Donations, Boston, of the 30th of September,
to John Harmanson, and others, of Northamp.
ton, Virginia, ...... 1045
15, Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of
Dartmouth, 1046
16, Committee for Caroline County, Virginia. Re-
commend to the People of the County, as they
would avoid being considered enemies to Ame-
rican Liberty, not to have any dealings with
certain Merchants, charged with violating the
Association, -.-... 1047
16, Meeting of Freeholders of York County, Penn-
sylvania. Committee of Observation ap-
pointed, 1048
17, Meeting of the Freeholders of Charles City
County, Virginia. Committee of Observation
appointed, 1049
17, Town Meeting at Providence, in Rhode-Island.
Committee of Correspondence appointed, - 1049
17, Letter received in London from an Officer in
Boston. It is beheved, from certain circum-
stances, that General Gage means to strike
some stroke of importance soon, which the
Americans are little aware of, - - - 1049
18, Letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governour Penn, 1050
19, Letter from Lieutenant Governour Bull to the
Earl of Dartmouth, .... 105O
19, Philadelphia Committee order the Association of
the Butchers, in the City and Suburbs of Phil-
adelphia, to be printed, .... 1050
19, Meeting of Committee for Fairfax County, Vir.
ginia. Irish Linens imported in the Ship
Hope, from Belfast, directed to be sold agree,
ably to the Tenth Article of Association, - 1051
19, Meeting of the Committee of Observation, for
Gloucester County, Virginia. Committee of
Correspondence appoint^, - . t 1051
19, Committee of Observation for Elizabethtovm,
in New-Jersey. Resolution relative to Riv-
ington's Gazette, ..... 1052
20, Letter from London to a Gentleman of New-
York. Efforts of the Ministry to accomplish
their designs on the Colonies, ... 1052
20, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Chester Comity,
Pennsylvania. Committee of Observation ap-
pointed. Provincial Congress recommended, 1052
20t United Colonies extremely active and zealous in
the common cause, ..... 1053
20, Letter from a Gentleman in Boston to Mr. Riv-
ington. Account of the proceedings at Ports-
mouth, in New. Hampshire, and the capture of
Fort William and Mary, .... 1053
21, Meeting of Committee for Halifax County, North
Carolina. No dealings permitted with An-
drew Miller, who has refused to sign the Asso-
ciation, 1055
21, Meeting of the Committee for Prince George's
County, Maryland. Eight hundred and thir-
ty-three Pounds to be raised by subscription,
and ten Companies to be enrolled in the Coun-
ty, 1056
22, Meeting of Freeholders of Orange County, Vir-
ginia. Committee of Observation elected, - 1056
23, Circular Letter from the Committee of Corres-
pondence of Philadelphia, to the Committee of
Inspection of the several Counties in Pennsyl-
vania, .--.... 1056
22, Letter from Timothy Ruggles to the Printers of
the Boston Newspapers, .... 1057
Association proposed by Mr. Ruggles, to be sign,
ed by the People of Massachusetts, to oppose
the Congress, and support the King, - - 1057
22, Letter from Arthur Lee to Richard Henry Lee, 1058
23, Meeting of Inhabitants of Williamsburg, in Vir-
ginia. Committee of Observation appointed, 1059
23, Meetmg of Freeholders of Accomack County,
in Virginia. Committee of Observation ap-
pointed, 1059
23, Meeting of Gentlemen, Freeholders, and others,
FOCETH SeEIES.
CONTENTS.
LXXXII
1774.
of St. Mary's County, Maryland. Commit-
tees of Observation and Correspondence, and
Delegates to the Convention, appointed, - 1060
Dec.23, Meeting of Committee for Anne Arundel Coun-
ty, Maryland, 1060
24, Committee for Anne Arundel County, Maryland.
Resolution relating to Thomas Charles Wil-
liams, and Mr. Williams's acknowledgement, 1061
24, Letter from Governour Dunmore to the Earl of
Dartmouth. Every County in Virginia has
its Committee, and is, besides, raising an Inde-
pendent Company, for the avowed purpose of
being employed against Government, if occa-
sion requires. There is not a Justice of the
Peace in Virginia that acts, except as a Com-
mittee-man. The Association will defeat it-
self The Non-Exportation Agreement will
produce distress ; and Manufactures cannot,
advantageously, be carried on in Virginia, - 1062
24, Meeting of the Inhabitants of King's District,
Albany County, New- York. Will, at the
risk of their lives, suppress every Meeting,
Association, or Combination, which may, in
any wise, obstruct the due Administration of
Justice, under the King, in the Province, - 1063
24, Address from " A Watchman," to the Inhabit-
ants of British America, - . - . 1063
24, Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York, 1065
24, Letter from Philadelphia to a Member of the
British Parliament. A Manufactory of Gun-
powder begun in Pennsylvania, where there
are Gunsmiths enough to make one hundred
thousand Stand of Arms in a year, - - 1066
26, Letter from Philadelphia to a Member of the
British Parliament. The Ministry who be-
lieve the military preparations in the Colonies
have been recommended and taught by Gene-
ral Lee, are entirely mistaken. The Ameri-
cans were determined to seal their love of Li-
berty with their blood, long before they heard
the name of that Officer, .... 1066
26, Letter from London to a Gentleman in Vir-
ginia. The Petition of the Congress favour-
ably received in England. Lord Chatham
commends both the Petition and the other Pro-
ceedings in the highest terms, - - - 1 067
26, Letter from London to a Gentleman in Virginia.
The universal approbation the Proceedings of
the Congress meets with in England, has dis-
concerted the Ministry, who appear unwilling
to retract, and unable to proceed, - - 1067
26, Letter from Arthur Lee to Richard Henry Lee, 1068
26, Letter from an Officer in the Army, at Boston, to
a Gentleman in Edinburgh. The Army is
in high spirits, and the Town is quiet. "The
back settlements, in general, disapprove of the
Non-Importation Resolves, ... 1068
26, Letter from Governour GSage to the Earl of
Dartmouth, 1069
26, Proclamation of Governour Wentworth, for ap-
prehending and bringing to condign punish,
ment those who were guilty of the treason-
able insults and outrages at his Majesty's Cas-
tle, William and Mary, on the 14th and 15th
of this month, ..... 1069
27, Account of the seizure of Powder and Arms, at
New. York, 1070
28, Humble Petition and Memorial of the Assembly
of Jamaica, to the King's Most Excellent Ma-
jesty, in Council, 1072
28, Address to the Inhabitants of North America, in
general, and those of the Province of New-
York, in particular, in defence of the Con-
gress, 1074
29, Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town of Fair--
field, in Connecticut. Approve the Associa-
tion, and appoint Committee of Observation.
Committee to attend a County Congress, and a
Committee of Correspondence, appointed, - 1 075
30, Letter from Governour Eden to the Earl of
Dartmouth. The People of Maryland will
undergo any hardship, rather than submit to
the Tax on Tea ; and will support the Asso-
ciation, even if it causes the total ruin of their
Trade, 1076
30, Meeting at Oyster Bay, in Queen's County,
New- York, called to choose a Committee. —
UCXXIII
1774.
CONTENTS.
LXXXIV
The Meeting determined to be illegal, and ad-
joumed without transacting any business, - lOTo
De«.30, Letter from Joseph Trumbull to Govemour
Trumbull. A supply of Ammunition should
be procured, at tlie Colony's expense, as early
as possible, • - - ■ " "'
30, Mectijig of Freeholders and other Inhabitants of
Boston. Report on the Letter from General
Gage to Peyton Randolph, President of the
Congress, adopted, and to be forwarded to Mr.
Randolph. Thanks to the Colonies, for their
liberal Donations. Delegates to the Provmcial
Congress appointed, - - - - 10/7
30, Letter from Thomas Gushing to Josiah Qumcy,
Junior, ." '0^0
31, Letter from a Mercantile House at Yorkshire,^ m
England, to a Gentleman in New- York. The
Resolves of the Congress will have no effect in
England. Parliament cannot take notice of
them. Manidactures in England in a flour-
ishing condition, and Trade scarcely ever so
goodVfore, '080
3 1 , Letter from Govemour Penn to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. A general disposition every where to
adhere to the Resolutions of the Congress. In
Philadelphia the Committees have undertaken
to regulate the disposition of all British Goods
imported since the first of December, - - 1081
3 1 . Lihabitants of Maryland forming Military Com-
panies, ...•'•.•■- 1081
1775. ^ ^
Jan. 2, Meeting of the Freeholders of Richmond Coun-
ty, Virginia. Delegates to the Colony Con-
gress appointed. Instructions to the Delegates, 1021
2, Meeting of Inhabitants of Charles County, Mary-
land. Delegates to the Convention, and Com-
irdttees for general Subscription in each Coun-
ty, appointed. Members added to the Commit-
tee of Observation, - - - - - 1081
3, Meeting of the West India Merchants, in Lon-
don. Letter from the Planters. General
Meeting of Merchants and Planters called, - 1082
3, Letter from London to a Merchant in New-
York. Proceedings of the Congress has
alarmed Lord North, ... - 1083
3. Meeting of the Freeholders of Middlesex Coun-
ty, New-Jersey. Committees of Observation,
for the several Districts of the County, ap-
pointed, - - - - - - 1083
16, Meeting of the General Committee of Observa-
tion for Middlesex County, New- Jersey. Pro-
ceedings of the Congress approved. Commit-
tee of Correspondence appointed. Ministerial
writers endeavouring to effect a disunion of the
Colonies, condemned, .... 1083
4, Circular Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to
the Governours of the several Colonies, direct-
ing them to use their utmost endeavours to pre-
vent the appointment of Deputies to the Con-
gress, in May next, .... - 1085
4, Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. The Manufacturing Counties begin to
suffer, ,....-. 1085
4, Letter from London to a Gentleman in Virginia.
Meetings of Merchants and Planters. The
West India Planters fear ruin, if the American
Acts are not repealed, .... 1085
4, Meeting of the Merchants and others concerned
in the American Commerce, at the King's
Arms Tavern, London, .... 1086
Speech intended to have been spoken at the
Meeting of the North American Merchants,
at the King's Arms Tavern, ... 1087
6, Letter from London. Account of the Meeting of
the Amciican Merchants, at the King's Arms
Tavern, -- 1087
9, Letter from Leeds to the Printer of the London
Evening Post, contradicting the representa-
tions in a Letter from Leeds, referred to by Mr.
Barclay, at the Meeting, on the 4th, - - 1088
16, Letter from David Barclay, enclosing the Letter
from Leeds, referred to by him at the Meeting,
on the 4th, ,...,. 1089
21, Letter from Samuel Elam, at Leeds, avowing
himself the writer of the Letter to Mr. Bar-
clay, and sustaining the representations there
made, of the effects of the American Associa-
tion on British Manufactures, . , , ^089
'^'''' Letter from Manchester to a Merchant in London,
enclosing a copy of a Letter from a Merchant
in New- York, countermanding orders for
Goods, - - 1091
Jan. 4, Meeting of Committee for Charles City County,
Virginia. Direct the sale of Goods recently
imported, ...... 1091
4, Letter from Lieutenant Govemour Golden to the
Earl of Dartmouth. If he finds there is not
a majority of the Assembly, which meets on the
1 1th, in favour of prudent measures, will pro-
rogue them. There is still a majority of the
respectable people in the City, who promote
peace and discountenance violence, - - 1092
4, Town Meeting at Barnstable, in Massachusetts.
Refuse to purchase Arms or Ammunition, en-
courage Minute Men, or send Delegates to the
Provincial Congress, .... 1092
5, An Epistle from the Meeting of Sufferings of the
Quakers, held in Philadelphia, for Pennsylva-
nia and New- Jersey, .... 1093
5, Address from a FreehoWer of Essex, in New-
Jersey, to the Committee of Essex County,
condemning the Resolutions of Congress, - 1094
5, Reply to the Address to the People of New- Jer-
sey, dated November 19th, - - - 1096
Address of the Committee of Correspondence of
Albany, in New- York, to the Publick, - 1097
5, Letter from the Albany to the New- York Dele-
gates in the Continental Congress, - - 1098
5, Letter from the Committee of Correspondence, at
Newport, in Rhode- Island, to the Philadelphia
Committee. The Association strictly adhered
to by the Merchants of the Colony, - - 1098
6, Letters at CharlcstowTi, from West Florida, with
information of the state of Indian affairs there, 1099
6, Meeting of Freeholders of several Towns in
Ulster County, New- York. Approve the As-
sociation, and all the other measures, of the late
Congress, - - - - - .1100
6, Letter from the Boston Committee of Donations,
to the Philadelphia Committee, - - - 1 100
7, Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant
Govemour Coldcn. The affairs of the Colo-
nies have come to a crisis, and will be taken
up by Parliament immediately after the holi-
days, 1101
Memorial of Colonel Thomas Ord, for a location
of five thousand acres of Land in New- York,
for his services, enclosed in the foregoing
Letter, - 1101
7, Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. The Resolves of Congress have pushed
matters to an extremity, and render a complete
decision of the dispute inevitable. The ques-
tion now is. Whether America shall be inde-
pendent of, or subordinate to, the Parliament, 1101
7, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Woodbridge, in
Middlesex County, New- Jersey. Committee
of Observation appointed. Determination to
carry into effect the Association, - - 1102
9, Letter from a Merchant in London to a friend in ' •
Virginia. There is no disposition in the Cabi-
net to give America any redress. The Colo-
nies should preserve their union, and provide
themselves with Manufactures, Arms, and Am-
munition, for it is more than probable they will
have occasion for them, - . - - 1104
9, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Epsom, in New-
Hampshire. Pedlars to be tarred and feather-
ed, and forfeit their Goods, ... 1105
2, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Exeter, in New-
Hampshire. Unanimously adopt the Associa-
tion, appoint Committee of Observation, and
Delegates to the Convention, to meet on the
25th, - - - - - - - - 1105
9, Meeting of the Freeholders of Morris County,
New- Jersey. Unanimously agree to abide by
the Association. Order the election of Commit-
tees of Observation by each Township of the
County, and elect a new Committee of Corres-
pondence. Rivington declared an enemy to
tlie Country, and his Newspaper to be discoun-
tenanced for the future, - - - - 11 06
9, Letter from Samuel Adams to the Committee ap-
pointed in New- York to receive and transmit
Donations for the relief of the sufferers in Bos-
toijj - • -. - - - - 1105
LXXXV I
1775.
Jan. 1 1, Meeting of Merchants, Traders, and others, con-
cerned in the American Commerce, at the
King's Arms Tavern, London. Petitions to
Parliament adopted, and ordered to be pre-
sented, .-.---.
A circumstantial account of the Proceedings of
the North American Merchants, held at the
King's Arms Tavern, Cornhill, London,
CONTENTS,
LXXXVI
1775.
1107
- 1107
PROVINCIAL CONGRESS OF SOCTH CAROLINA.
Jan. 1 1, List of the Members of the Congress,
Charles Pinckney chosen President,
American Bill of Rights, as declared by the Con-
tinental Congress, approved.
Reasons assigned for not stating all the Griev-
ances, (NotP,) ------
The Association approved, - - - .
Debates on agreeing to the Association, (Note,)
Thanks to the Continental Congress, for their
wise and spirited exertions in behalf of Ameri-
can Liberty, ......
No action for any Debt to be commenced, except
in certain cases, without the consent of the
Committee of the District where the defendant
resides, until it shall be otherwise ordered by
the Provincial Congress, . . - .
Committees for the several Districts and Parish-
es, for carrying into execution the Association,
and for determining upon applications relative
to law processes, .....
Regulations in relation to Rice, if the exporta-
tion shall be continued after the 10th of Septem-
ber next, ......
Committees for exchanging Rice for other com.
modifies, ......
The raising of Cotton, Hemp, Flour, Wool, Bar
ley, and Hops, reconrniended,
Publick Storekeepers to be appointed to receive
and sell Wool, and the Linen, Woollen, and
Cotton Manufactures of the Colony,
The present Provincial Congress to continue un-
til the next General Meeting of the Inhabit-
ants, .......
The Parochial and District Committees requested
to use their utmost endeavours to obtain liberal
Donations for the relief of the suffering People
of Boston, ......
Deputies to the American Congress, to meet on
the 10th of May next, appointed,
Address to Lieutenant Governour Bull, complain-
ing of the long and still continued disuse of
General Assemblies, ....
Answer of the Lieutenant Governour,
Inhabitants of the Colony recommended to be
diligently attentive in learning the use of
Arms, ......
Friday, the 17th of February, set apart as a day
of Fasting, Humiliation, and Prayer, and Min.
isters of the Gospel throughout the Colony
requested to deliver suitable Discourses on the
occasion, .....
1109
1110
- 1110
1111
1111
1111
1112
1113
1113
1114
1116
- IIIG
- IllG
GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF NEW-JERSEY.
/aw. 11, Meeting of the Council,
13,
The Governour delivered a Speech to both
Houses, ......
18, Committee to prepare an Address in answer to
the Governour's Speech, . . . .
24, Address reported, amended, and agreed to,
26, Address presented to the Governour,
Governour's Answer, . - - . .
JFkJ. 10, Proceedings on the case of a Challenge from
James Murdock to Lord Stirling,
13, Adjourned to March 14th, . . . .
1116
1116
1116
1117
1118
- 1118
■ 1118
1117
- 1117
1117
1118
1119
1119
1120
1121
/an. 11, The Assembly meets, - - . . . 1121
List of the Representatives, - . - .1121
Speech of the Governour to the Council and
Assembly, ...... 1121
Governour's Speech read and committed to Com-
mittee of the Whole House, ... 1123
House in Committee on the Governour's Speech, 1123
Speech further considered in Committee, - 1123
Further considered, ..... 1123
Further considered, 1123
Committee to prepare an Address in answer to
the Speech, 1124
13,
16,
17,
20,
21,
23,
Committee to bring in a Bill for the Support of
Government, ......
/a«.24. Proceedings of the Continental Congress, com
municated to the House by the Delegates,
Proceedings of the Congress unanimously ap-
proved, ---....
Delegates to the Congress to meet in May next,
appointed, ---...
The Delegates instructed to Disagree to any Pro-
position in the Congress to give some Colonies
more Votes in the determination of Questions
to bind the whole, than to others,
25, Governour's Speech further considered in Com-
mittee, ----...
Committee to prepare a Petition to the King,
praying a redress of Grievances,
27, Bill for Support of Government, read, and second
reading ordered, ....
30, Address to the Governour read, and second read'
ing ordered, . . . . . ^ .
31, Message from the Governour, wth a Letter from
Colonel Robertson, requesting to be allowed
for Sheets furnished the King's Troops,
Address to the Governour read a second time, con-
sidered in Committee of the Whole, amended,
and agreed to, -
Feb. 3, Petition from a number of Inhabitants of Not-
tingham, in Burlington County, praying some
measures may be taken to settle the Disputes
between Great Britain and the Colonies,
Address of the House presented to the Govern-
our, .......
Answer of the Governour, ....
6, Proceedings on the Bill for the Support of Gov.
ernment, ......
7, Governour's Message, received on the 31st of
January, considered. Refuse to allow Colo-
nel Robertson's charge of three hundred and
fifty-four Pounds, seven Shillings and six
Pence, for Sheets furnished the King's Troops
in this Colony, ,;....
8, Petition from the Inhabitants of Nottingham re.
ferred to the Committee appointed to prepare
an Address to the King, ....
10, Proceedings in regard to James Murdock, for
Challenging a Member of the House,
11, Petition to the King reported and considered in
Committee, *».»».
13, Further considered in Committee, agreed to, and
ordered to be signed by the Speaker,
Speaker permitted to enter his Dissent to the Peti^
tion, on the Journals of the House,
Adjourned to March 14th, then to meet at Bur^
lington, .......
1124
- 1124
- 1124
1124
1124
1124
- 1125
d
- 1125
1125
- 1125
- 1125
- 1126
1126
1127
1127
1129
1130
1131
1131
- 1132
1134
1134
CORRESPONDENCE,
PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Jaw. 11, Letter from Connecticut to a Gentleman at New-
port, in Rhode-Island. The whole Militia of
the Colony ordered to train, and a quantity of
Powder and Lead to be provided. The time
is near when we must gird on our Swords ; the
united Forces of America will be able to
withstand all the Troops England can spare, 1 134
12, Resolutions adopted by the Committee of Darien,
in Georgia, ...... 1135
Association of the Freemen, Freeholders, and In-
habitants of the Province of Georgia, - 1136
13, Meeting of the Freeholders of Charlotte County,
Virginia. Committee of Observation appointed.
Proceedings of the Committee, - - - II 38
13, Letter from Hartford, in Connecticut, to a Gen-
tleman at New- York. The Governour and
Council met on the 4th, and have ordered Pow-
der and Lead to be purchased at the publick
expense ; and the Militia is mustered every
week. Nothing but a spirit of Independence
would suffer matters to be carried to such ex-
tremities, .....
15, Letter from Bristol, in England, to a Gentleman
in New- York, .....
16, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Anne Arundel
County, Maryland, Committee of Observa-
tion appointed. The Committee authorized to
elect Delegates for the County to the Provin-
cial Congress, and to nominate a Committee
of Correspondence. Every person in the
County who shall refuse to contribute for the
- 1139
1139
LXXXVII
1775.
CONTENTS.
LXXXVIII
- 1140
1141
purchase of Arms and Ammunition, shall be
considered an enemy to America,
Objections to the Proceedings of this Meeting,
(Note,) - -
/«».16,Meeting of Freeholders and other Inhabitants of
Prince George's County, Maryland. Mem-
bers added to the Committee of Inspection, and
to the Committee of Corrrspondt nee. Dele-
gates to the Provincial Congress appointetl, -
16, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Baltimore County,
Maryland. Proceedings of the late Provin-
cial Convention, approved.
Delegates to the next Provincial Congress ap-
pointed, - - - - - - ■
Members added to the Committee of Observation,
Name of every person refusing to subscribe for
the purchase of Arms and Ammmiition to be
returned to the Committee, - - -
Forming the Inhabitants into Military Companies,
and resisting with force, illegal attempts upon
their Property, not repugnant to the Oaths of
Allegiance, ------
Subscriptions to be opened throughout the County
to supply the necessities of the Suflerers at
Boston, -------
Committee to purchase Powder and Lead,
16, Meeting of the Committee of Bucks County,
Pennsylvania. Approve the Proceedings of
the Congress. Agree to support the Associa-
tion. Recommend raising Money for sup-
port of Poor Inhabitants of Boston ; and ap-
point Committee of Correspondence,
16, Committee of Berks County, in Pennsylvania.
Recommend the Inhabitants of the County not
to sell Sheep to Butchers, preserving the Wool,
being of the greatest consequence,
17, Meeting of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights,
in London. Members of the Society who
have seats in Parliament, requested to exert
themselves in bringing to justice the advisers
of the measures for establishing Arbitrary
Government in the Colonies, - - - 1145
17, Meeting of the Committee for Fairfax County,
Virginia. Ammunition should be immediately
provided; and the Inhabitants of the County
requested to form themselves into Military
Companies, ------ 1145
Association proposed for the Inhabitants of Fair-
fax Coimty, ------ 1145
Meeting of the Committee of Observation for Bal-
timore County, Maryland. Charges against
the Rev. William Edmiston, - - - 1146
Meeting of the West India Merchants and Plan-
ters, in London, assembled to deliberate on the
measures necessary to be pursued on this very
unportant crisis, 1147
1142
- 1142
1143
1143
1143
1143
1143
1143
1144
1144
17,
18,
GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF GEORGIA.
Ja».18, Meeting of the Assembly, - . - . 1152
Speech of Giovernour Wright to both Houses, 1 152
Alessage from the Upper House to the Commons, 1 153
20, Address of the Upper House of Assembly to the
Governour, - - - - - -1154
Answer of the Governour, - - - - 1155
Address of the Commons House of Assembly to
the Giovernour, - . . . . II55
Governour's Answer, ----- 1156
Resolutions Declaratory of the Rights of the
Colonies, ------ 1156
.(Association entered into by the Provincial Con-
gress of Georgia, assembled in Savannah, on
the 1 8th of January, and subscribed by forty-
five Deputies, on the 23d, \vhen they chose
Noble Wimberly Jones, Archibald Bullock,
and John Houston, Delegates to represent that
Colony in the Continental Congress to be held
in May next, 1158
Letter from Georgia, datetl February 18th, to a
Gentleman in New- York. Proceedings of the
Assembly, and of the Continental Congress, 1160
Committee for St. John's Parish, Georgia, at
Charlestown, on the 23d of February, to wait
on the General Committee there, - - 1161
Letter from Lyman Hall, Chairman of a Meet-
ing held in St. John's Parish, Georgia, dated
February 9, to the Committee of Correspond-
ence of Charlestown, in South Carolina, - 1161
1775.
Jan:20. Message from the Committee of St. John's Pa-
rish, to the Committes of the several Parishes
of Georgia, in Congress, on the 18th of Janua-
ry,
Another Message to the Committees of the seve-
ral Parishes in Congress met, on the 20th,
Answer of the Parishes met in Congress to the
St. John's Committee, . . - .
Resolutions of the St. John's Committee,
Resolution of the General Committee at Charles-
town, South Carolina, of February 8th. Will
have no Trade, Commerce, Dealings, or In-
tercourse, with the Colony of Georgia,
Chairman of the General Committee at Charles-
town directed, on the 24th of February, to
write to the Committee of the Parish of St.
John, in reply to their Letter of the 9th inst.,
that they cannot trade with them ; and refer
them to the Continental Congress,
1162
1162
1162
1162
1163
- 1163
19.
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, ETC.
Jan. 18, Meeting of the several Township Committees of
Hunterdon County, New-Jersey. Approve
the Association of the Continental Congress,
and appoint a Committee of Correspondence,
Association signed by a number of the Inhabit-
ants of Dutchess County, New- York. No
leg;al authority in America, but what is derived
from the King. They will defend themselves
whenever attacked on any pretence not war-
ranted by the Laws of the Land : They will on
all occasions exercise all their rights under the
Laws of the Land, notwithstanding the Asso-
ciation of the Continental Congress ; and will
enforce obedience to the authority of the King,
whenever called upon to do so, -
Letter from Montreal. Parties in Canada,
Letter from Shrewsbury, New- Jersey, to a Gen-
tleman in New- York. At a meeting of Free-
holders, on the 17th, it was determined that the
appointment of a Committee was not only use-
less, but would disturb the peace and quiet of
the Township, . . . -
Meeting of the Freeholders of Fincastle Coun-
ty, Virginia. The Association of the Conti-
nental Congress approved and subscribed, and
a Committee of Observation appointed.
Address of the People of Fincastle County, Vir-
ginia, to the Delegates from that Colony, who
attended the Continental Congress,
Address from the Committee of Correspondence
of Jamaica, in Queen's County, to the Dele-
gates who represented New- York in the late
Continental Congress, ....
Answer of the Delegates, - - - -
Letter from Massachusetts Bay to a Gentleman
in London. The Colonies will submit to no
terms without a restoration of their rights ;
England cannot dragoon them out of their Li-
berties. The Congress have drawn a constitu-
tional line : they have claimed exclusive juris-
diction over all internal concerns, and have left
Great Britain the sovereignty of the Ocean,
Meeting of the Committee of Charles County,
Maryland. No further restraints to be laid uj)-
on the bringing of suits at law, than is done
by the last Provincial Convention,
Proclamation of Governour Dunmore. Peace
with the Shawancse, who have agreed not to
hunt on this side the Ohio, nor to molest pas-
sengers on that River, - - .
Proceedings of the Convention for the Province
of Pennsylvania, held at Philadelphia, Janua-
ry 23d, and continued by adjournments, until
the 2Sth,
List of the Members, - - - - -
The City Committee and each Coimty Commit-
tee to have one vote in determining every ques-
tion, .......
Proceedings of the Continental Congress ap-
proved, --..---
Members of the Assembly to be instructed to
procure a Law prohibiting the importation of
Slaves into tlie Province, . . ,
In case the Trade of Philadelphia shall be sus-
pended, in the present struggle, assistance to be
given to the Inhabitants of die City,
18.
i8.
20,
20,
19,
21,
21,
23,
23,
1163
1164
11G4
- 1165
1163
- 1165
1166
1167
1167
11G3
- 1169
1169
1169
1170
1170
- 1170
1170
LXXXIX
CONTENTS.
1775.
/fflzi.23, In case of opposition to any of the Committees,
in carrying the Continental Association into
effect, to be assisted by other Committees, - 1 170
If the British Government shall determine to ef-
fect a submission to the late Acts of Parliament
by force, it is the indispensable duty of the Peo-
ple to resist, and at every hazard, to defend the
Rights and Liberties of America, - - 1171
After the first of March next, no Sheep under
four years old, to be killed, - - - 1171
Betting up of Woollen Manufactures, in as many
different branches as possible, recommended, 1171
Raising and manufacturing of Madder, Woad,
and other Dye Stuffs, necessary in Woollen
Manufactures, recommended, - - - 1171
Extended cultivation of Flax and Hemp, recom-
mended, 1171
Making Salt, Saltpetre, and Gunpowder, recom-
mended, 1171
Manufacturing of Copper, Tin, and Iron, and
making Steel, Paper, Glass, and Wool Combs,
recommended, ..... 1171
Printing Types made at Germantown, recom-
mended to be used by the Printers, in prefer-
ence to imported Types, - - - - 1 172
Cultivation of Barley for Malt Liquors recom-
mended, to render less necessary the consump-
of Foreign Liquors, .... 1172
American Manufactures to be used in prefer-
ence to all others, - - - - - 1 172
Societies to be established, and Premiums award-
ed, for the encouragement of Manufactures, - 1 172
Any Manufacturer or Vender of Goods, who shall
sell at extravagant prices, to be advertised as
an enemy to his Country, - - - - 1 172
Committee of Philadelpliia appointed a Standing
Committee of Correspondence, - - - 1172
20, Letter from Samuel Adams, Chairman of the
Committee to receive Donations for the Suf-
ferers in Boston, - - - - - 1172
24, Letter from Connecticut to a Gentleman in New-
York. People are preparing for the worst ;
a Park of forty pieces of Cannon may be form-
ed in the Spring, and our Army will be pretty
expert in most of the manceuvres, - - 1173
24, Meeting of the Inhabitants of Frederick County,
Maryland. Association and Resolves of the
Congress, and Proceedings of Convention ap-
proved. Committees of Observation and of Cor-
respondence appointed. Committees through-
out the County appointed to receive contribu-
tions for purchase of Arms and Ammunition,
and the Committee of Correspondence author-
ized to contract for any quantity of Powder
and Lead, - - - - - -1173
24, The Testimony of the Quakers, given forth by a
Meeting of the Representatives of said People,
in Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, held at
Philadelphia, 1176
24, Letter from Connecticut to a Gentleman of New-
York. Preparations of the Governour and
Council to supply the Colony with Ammuni-
tion and Arms, - . - . . 1177
24, Letter from Marshfield to a Gentleman in Bos-
ton. Troops sent by General Gage to Marsh-
field, to preserve the peace, at the request of the
Loyalists of that place, 7 - - - 1177
26, Letter from Boston to a Gentleman of New- York.
A number of the principal Inhabitants of
Marshfield having signed General lluggles's
Association against the Liberty Plan, the Fac-
tion at Plymouth threatened to make them
recant, or drive them off their Farms : General
Gage sent Troops to protect them, and there
has yet been no appearance of the Plymouth
Rebels, ------
25, Meeting of the Committee of Northumberland
County, Virginia. Persons published in the
Gazette for Gambling, in violation of the Ame-
rican Continental Association, ...
Ja7s.25, Meeting of the Council of Pennsylvania,
Affidavit of Samuel Whitcsill, Keeper of the Jail
of Westmoreland County. Jail attacked, and
Prisoners released by Major Cormolly, on the
24th of December, 1179
Proclamation of John Connolly, dated Fort Dun-
more, December 30. Forbids the payment of
Ta.xes to Collectors appointed by Pennsylva-
- 1178
1170
1179
1775.
Jan.25,
25,
1179
- 1180
nia, and authorizes the seizure of all persons
who may attempt to enforce the collection, -
William Crawford, President of the Court, in
Westmoreland County, superseded by the
Governour and Council of Pennsylvania, for
joining with the Government of Virginia, in
opposing the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania, in
that County, --....
Letter from Philadelphia to a Gentleman in
New- York. The Addresses to Governour Col-
den has had a great effect in Pennsylvania :
the New- York Assembly is revered there by
all sensible men, for their undaunted resolu-
tion in first making a stand against lawless
usurpers of Power, and violators of Liberty.
The Assembly of Pennsylvania will, it is
hoped, rescind their approbation of the Pro-
ceedings of Congress, - - - - 1180
25, Convention of Deputies appointed by the several
Towns in the Province of New-Hampshire,
held at Exeter, 1180
Approve the Proceedings of Congress, - - 1180
Appoint Delegates to represent the Province in
the Continental Congress, to be held in May
next, 1181
Committee to call a Provincial Convention of
Deputies when they shall think it expedient, 1181
Committee of Correspondence appointed, - 1181
Address to the Inhabitants of the Province, - 1 181
26, Meeting of the Freeholders of Pittsylvania Coun-
ty, Virginia. Committee for enforcing and
putting in execution the Continental Associa-
tion, appointed, - - . - - 1 182
26, Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the Precinct of Shawangunk, in Ulster Coun-
ty, New- York. Approve of the Continental
Association. The Pamphlet, " Free Thoughts
on the Resolves of the Congress," burnt, - 1183
26, Address to the People of America. The leaders
in the Colonies aim at Lidependence. The
consequences of their obtaining an Indepen-
dent Republick considered, . . . 1 1 83
26, Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in An-
napolis. A motion made in the Assembly of
New- York, this day, for examining the Pro-
_ ceedings of the Congress, was thrown out, - 1188
T.Hemarks on the vote in the Assembly of New-
o8jI -- York, against taking into consideration the
;,., Proceedings of the Continental Congress, - 1188
27, Letter from Baltimore to a Gentleman in New-
York. From the late conduct of the Council
and Assembly of New- York, the happiest con-
sequences to the country are anticipated. —
Some persons in Baltimore have had the im-
becility to approve of the frantick proceedings
of certain Men, who lately styled themselves
Delegates to a Provincial Congress, - - 1 190
27, Letter from New- York to a Gentleman in Bos- \
ton. Notwithstanding the late vote of the As-
sembly, there is no cause to fear New- York
will depart from the Association. The As-
sembly has existed since 1 769 ; and many of
the Members, having long since forfeited the
esteem of their constituents, are looking for
favours from the Crown for themselves and
families, ......
Meeting of the Freeholders of the Precinct of
Hanover, in Ulster County, New- York. The
Association unanimously approved. The
Pamphlet, " Free Thoughts on the Resolves
of the Congress," publickly burnt,
Declaration of Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
Township of Jamaica, in Queen's County,
New- York. Never gave any consent to
choose a Committee, or pass any Resolves.
Utterly disapprove of all unlawful meetings
and tyrannical proceedings. Will continue
faithful Subjects to the King; and acknow-
ledge no Representatives but the Assembly of
the Province, - - - - - - 1 19 1
27, Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The Towns in Massachusetts have
become more divided, notwithstanding the en-
deavours to keep up their enthusiasm. A de-
tachment sent for the protection of Marshfield
and Scituate, upon their application. This is
the first instance the assistance of Government
has been requested, 1698
27,
27,
1191
1191
XCI
1775.
Ja».27,
28.
CONTENTS. xcii
30,
30,
30,
30,
30,
30,
30,
31,
Feb.
Feb.
Feb. 1
1.
Votes and Resolves passed at a Convention of
Committees for the County of Worcester, in
Massachusetts, . . - - -
Letter from a Merchant in Annapolis, to a Gen-
tleman in Philadelphia. They have defeated
an insolent plan of levying Money upon his
Majesty's faithful Subjects in Anne Arundel
County, to raise a fund for the express purpose
of purchasing Arms and Ammimition, to join
the treasonable purpose projected by Adams
and the Eastern Republicans, to carry on a
formal Rebellion in the Colonies,
Answer of the Governour of his Majesty's Prov-
ince of Pennsylvania, in America, to the seve-
ral heads of Inquiry, relative to the present
state and condition of the said Province, trans-
mitted by the Right Honourable the Earl of
Dartmouth, in his Letter of July 5, 1773,
Letter from Governour Penn to the Earl of
Dartmouth, . . - - -
Meeting of Freeholders in the Precinct of Wall-
kill, Ulster County, New- York. Approve of
the Association of the General Congress. —
" Free Thoughts on the Resolves of the Con-
gress," burnt, ------
Letter from London to a Gentleman of New-
York. Commission sent to General Gage, to
try and execute certain persons in the Colo-
nies, ...----
To\vn Meeting of the Inhabitants of Ridgefield,
in Cormecticut. Refuse to adopt or conform
to the Association of the Continental Congress;
and protest against the Congress and their
measures, as unconstitutional, and as counte-
nancing licentiousness. Acknowledge the
King as the rightful Sovereign, and the King
and Parliament as the rightful Government of
the whole British Empire, ...
New- York Committee appoint Sub-Committee,
to observe the conduct of all Vessels that arrive
after the first day of February, - . -
Letter from New- York, to a Gentleman in Bos-
ton. There is now no chance of the Assem-
bly's aiding or abetting the Congress. The
friends of Government are open-mouthed
against the Proceedings of the Congress ; and
no one dares, among gentlemen, to support
them, .......
Meeting of the Freeholders of Westmoreland
County, Virginia. Delegates to the Conven-
tion elected. Instructions to the Delegates. —
Committee of Observation appointed.
Letter to Lord North. Proposes settling the dif-
ferences with the Colonies, without subjuga-
ting the Americans on the one hand, or impair-
ing the supreme authority of the Parliament on
the other, .....
Letter from Thomas Cushing to Arthur Lee. —
The People are not dismayed at the King's
Speech ; and if an attempt is made to carry the
Acts of Parliament into execution, by a Mili-
tary Force, the People of America wU make
the last appeal. They are determined Life
and Liberty shall go together, ...
Letter from Annapolis, to a Gentleman in New-
York. Thousands in Maryland would return
to their duty and allegiance, but for the cun-
ning of their leaders, which has rendered re-
treat so difficult. Every man in private must
think the Congressmen, and their sattelites the
Committce-Men, the truest, though absurdcst,
tyrants, that any country ever had cause to
complain of, - - ... .
, Letter from Colonel Adam Stephen to Richard
Henry Lee, ---...
Letter from Boston, to a Gentleman in Philadel-
phia. The report that the Gluakcrs in Boston
opened their Shops, on the day of Publick
Thanksgiving, is without foundation, and pro-
pagated for the most vile and malevolent pur-
poses, ---....
Letter from Governour Franklin to the Earl of
Dartmouth. Had hopes that the Assembly
would not approve the Proceedings of the
General Congress; but, by the artful manage-
ment of those who espoused the measure, it
was carried through the morning it was pro-
posed,
1192
- 1194
1194
- 1698
1201
1202
1775.
Feb. 2,
1202
1203
1203
- 1203
- 1204
- 1208
1208
1209
1210
- 1697
Declaration of sundry Inhabitants of Ridgebury,
in the Town of Ridgefield, that, at the Meeting
on the 30th of January, they did not vote with
the majority against adopting the Association
of the Continental Congress, - - - 12lt)
4, Letter from London, to a Gentleman in Philadel-
phia. Does not know how soon communica-
tion with the Colonies may be cut off by hos-
tilities. The Americans have many enemies
in England, ...... 121 1
4, Letter from Philadelphia, to James Rivington,
New- York. May assure his readers that Mr.
Dickinson has declared that " he was really
alarmed at the proceedings of the Committee. '
He formerly took the lead ; at the late Provin-
cial Congress he did not speak at all. In spite
of the arts of the fiery Republicans, Associa-
tions are concerting to counteract the authority
of unconstitutional Congresses and Committees
of all sorts, 1211
4, Address to the Americans. It is the duty and the
interest of the People to of5<;r terms of reconci-
liation to the Parent State. The Congress have
adopted such irritating measures, as disqualify
them for offering terms of accommodation, - 1211
Q, Meeting of the Freeholders of Lancaster County,
Virginia. Committee to carry into effect the
American Association, elected. Delegates to
the Convention appointed and instructed, - 1213
6, Letter received in New- York, from London. —
Nothing can be more false than the represent-
ations of hostile intentions against America,
formed by the present Administration. The
Americans should make the first advances to-
wards a reconciliation. A Petition from the
Assemblies will be attended with success, if
their claims are accurately limited and defined, 1214
6, Letter from Philadelphia, to a Gentleman in
New- York. A faithful adherence to the As-
sociation in New- York, will go far to remove
the infamy which will fall upon that Province,
whose defection may tend to defeat the virtu-
ous struggles in which we are engaged, - 1215
6, Meeting of the Freemen and Inhabitants of New-
towTi, in Connecticut. Refuse to adopt or con-
form to the Association, and protest against the
Continental Congress, and their measures, as
unconstitutional, and tending to licentiousness, 1215
6, Town Meeting at Danbury, in Connecticut. —
Refuse to appoint Delegates to meet the Coun-
ty Congress, to be held at Fairfield, on the 1 4th
instant, and rescind the vote appointing a Com-
mittee of Inspection, - - - - 1216
6, Handbill distributed through Boston. Let us
seize our seducers, make peace with the Mo-
ther Country, and save ourselves, - - 1216
6, Letter from Boston, to a Gentleman in Philadel-
phia. The Tories are perpetually holding up
to view the terrifick consequences of Treason
and Rebellion ; but they bellow to the winds.
So generally are the principles of Liberty dis-
seminated among the People, that nothing but
Arms can suppress it, - - - - 1216
7, Proceedings of the Committee of Obser^iition for
the Borough of Norfolk, in Virginia, on a
complaint against Dr. Gordon, ... 1217
7, Address presented to General Gage, from Six
Towns in Plymouth County, Massachusetts, 1218
6, Meeting of the Merchants, Traders, and others,
in London, concerned in the American Com-
merce. Report of the Committee appointed to
present the second Petition to the House of
Commons, ...... i219
7, Meeting of the Merchants, Traders, and others,
in London, concerned in American Commerce.
Report of the Committee appointed to present
the Petition to the House of Lords, - - 1220
8, Address of the Merchants, Traders, and Manufac-
turers, of Birmingham, concerned in the Trade
to America, to Mr. Edmund Burke, - - 1221
8, Meeting of the Committee for Westmoreland
County, Virginia. Pedlars required to pro-
duce proof to the Committee that their Goods
were imported before the 1st of February, - 1222
8, Letter from Doctor John Connolly to Colonel
George Washington. Wishes to nave informa-
tion how he is to proceed with the Mingoe
Prisoners, ...... 1222
XCIII
1775.
Feb. 9,
CONTENTS.
3ECIV
Meeting of the Conunittee of Correspondence of
Brentwood, in New-Hampshire. Will abide
by the advice of the Continental Congress.
Pedlars not permitted to sell, and persons who
trade with them, or entertain them, to be treated
as enemies to the Country, - - - 1222
10, Committee of Portsmouth, New- Hampshire, for
carrying the Association of the Continental
Congress into execution, discountenance Ga-
ming, 1223
10, Letter from London to a Gentleman in Virginia.
Parliament have declared Massachusetts in re-
bellion. Americans must now look firmly
forward. Submission and Chains, or. Resist-
ance and Liberty, is the alternative, - - 1223
10, Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. Determination of the King, and pre-
parations in England, to make the Colonies
submit, 1224
10, Letter from London to a Gentleman in New-
York. All hopes of conciliation between
England and her Colonies, are entirely at an
aid. The King and Parliament have pro-
nounced their destruction. Fleets and Armies
are preparing with the utmost diligence for
that purpose, ...... 1225
10, Information received at Williamsburg, from the
Indian Frontiers, and from Pittsburgh, - 1226
10, Premiums offered by the Committee of Bedford,
in Pennsylvania, for the encouragement of In-
du.stry and Manufactures, .... 1226
10, Address of the Grand Jury to his Majesty's Jus-
tices, assembled at the General Quarter Ses-
sions of the Peace, for the City and County of
New- York, 1227
10, Letter from Connecticut to Mr. Rivington. A
Presbyterian Minister, near North- Haven, has
declared he had practised the Military Exercise,
with the intention of going to Boston against
the King's Troops, 1227
10, Letter from Massachusetts to a Gentleman in
London, - - 1227
11, Letter from the Committee of Correspondence for
Bedford County, Pennsylvania, to Joseph Read.
Approve of the Resolves of the Convention,
and bound by them, .-..■« 1229
1 1, The Royal Standard erected on a mast seventy-
five feet high, at Shawangunk, in Ulster Coun-
ty, New- York, by a respectable number of his
Majesty's loyal Subjects - . . . 1230
11, Letter from Kent County, in Delaware, published
in the Pennsylvania Ledger, - - - 1230
Letter from the Committee for Kent County, Del-
aware, February 15, to the Committee of Cor-
respondence for Philadelphia, in relation to the
Letter published in the Ledger, of the 1 1th in-
stant, 1231
Letter from Philadelphia to Mr. Rivington, Feb-
ruary 16. Tyranny of the Committee — they
are aiming at a general Revolution, and pro-
mote every measure to overthrow the Consti-
tution, 1231
Letter from Philadelphia to a Gentleman in New-
York, February 20, Proceedings in regard
to the Letter said to be from Kent County, in
Delaware, 1233
13, Thanks of the Common Council of London to
Lord Chatham, for offering his Plan for con-
ciliating the differences between Great Britain
and the Colonies, .....
Answer of Lord Chatham to the Common Coun-
cil of London, .....
13, Letter from London. Nothing will move the
King and his Ministers, but absolute submis-
sion or a successful resistance. The Ministry
affect to believe there will be no resistance,
and assure themselves of the defection of New.
York,
13, Committee of Elizabethtown, in New- Jersey, di-
rect the suspension of all Trade and Inter-
course whatsoever, with Staton Island, in New-
York,
1 4, Meeting of the Committee of York County, Penn-
sylvania. Recommend the collection and pre-
servation of Gunpowder; encourage Military
Associations; direct the transmission of Con-
tributions to Boston ; and appoint Delegates to
the next Convention, . . , , 1235
1235
1236
1236
1239
1239
1233
1233
- 1234
- 1234
1775.
Jt!& 14, Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the City and County of Burlington, in New-
Jersey. Association of the General American
Congress, read and approved, and Committee
of Observation appointed, ....
14, Two Inhabitants of Ridgofield not permitted to
remain for the night in Wethersfield, but sent
back to Ridgefield, under an escort,
14, Resolutions adopted at a Meeting of the Delegates
from the several Toutis in the County of Fair-
field, in Connecticut, ....
Association of the Liberty Men of Ridgebury, in
Fairfield County, Connecticut, ...
14, Letter from Samuel Adams to Arthur Lee,
15, Meeting of the Committee of Observation for the
Township of Hanover, Morris County, New-
Jersey. Will enforce and comply with every
Article of the Association of the General Con-
tinental Congress; will have no dealings with
James Rivington, and will discountenance any
Post-Rider, or Carrier, who shall bring his
Pamphlets or Paper into the County, - 1240
16, The Governour of Pennsylvania presents to the
Council the complaint of Mr. Waterhouse, In-
spector of his Majesty's Customs, that the Ma-
gistrates and Sheriff of Chester County had
refused their aid in preventing the rescue of a
Vessel seized on the Delaware, with contra-
band Goods, - - - - - - 1241
Letter from Francis Welch, a Tide- Waiter, dated
February 8th, communicating a statement of
the facts in the case complained of by Mr.
Waterhouse, ...... 1241
•i^'he Council are of opinion the Magistrates and
'SiA - Sheriff could not legally afibrd the assistance
that was required of them, - - 1242
16, Letter from the Committee of Correspondence of
Philadelphia, to the Committee of Correspond-
ence of New- York. The frequent publica-
tions in New- York, of dissensions in Philadel-
phia, are false representations. The Commit-
tee have not met with the least impedunent in
carrying into execution the Association. The
Inhabitants of Pennsylvania continue immove-
ably firm to the cause of Liberty, and will, \vith
inviolable faith, observe the conduct prescribed
by the Continental Congress, ...
16, A Ship at New- York, from Glasgow, with a
cargo of Dry Goods, which did not arrive
within the time prescribed in the Association,
not permitted to land her cargo,
17, Letter from Adam Stephen to Richard Henry
Lee, - - - - - -
17, Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth. The King's Speech has cast a damp
upon the Faction ; but they still entertain hopes
that the Resolves of Congress will work in
their favour. The loyalty in the New- York
Assembly has had a very good effect, and it is
said they are changing their sentiments at Phil-
adelphia, ......
17, Meeting of the Freeholders of the Tovm of Ply-
mouth, in New-Hampshire. Instructions to
John Fenton, Representative of the Town in
the Assembly, . , . - .
17, Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, ...----
18, Meeting of the Committee of Cumberland Cotm-
ty, Virginia. Premium for the manufacture of
Gunpowder, ...---
Address of the Committee of Cumberland County,
to the Delegates who represented Virginia in
tlie late Continental Congress, ...
19, Letter from Boston, to a Gentleman in New-
York. The Provincial Congress, distracted
and divided in opinion, separated without do-
ing any thing more than is in their published
Resolves ; the principal object of their meeting
was to cajole the men of property, but no im-
pression could be made on them. Their dupes
drop from them very fast, and it is expected the
few Demagogues will soon be left alone,
20, Meeting of the Freeholders of Hanover County,
Virginia. Delegates to the Convention chosen,
andlnstructed to consent to the imposition of
any Tax the Convention may judge proper for
defraying the expense of any measure neces-
sarily adopted for securing American Liberty,
1243
1243
1244
- 1244
1245
1708
1247
1247
- 1248
1248
xcv
1775.
JrtJi.20,
CONTENTS.
XCVI
20,
20,
20,
20.
21,
21.
22.
22.
1249
- 1249
1249
1250
1251
1251
1251
1709
1252
1252
Meeting of the Committee of Observation for the
Township of Woodbridge, in New-Jers'y.
Suspend ail Trade and intercourse with the
Inhabitants of Staten Island, except such of
ihem as have openly approved the Association,
20, TowTi Meeting at Marshlield, in Massachusetts.
Refuse to adopt the Resolves and Recommend-
ations of the Continental or Provincial Con-
gresses, or any illegal assemblies whatsoever.
Vote the Thanks of the Town to General
Gage and Admiral Graves for theix assistance
and protection, - - " , T, ■"
Protest of sixty-four of the Inhabitants of Marsh-
field, against the Proceedmgs of the Town
Meeting held tliere on the 20th of February,
Address of the Inhabitants of Marshfield, assem-
bled in Towni Meeting, to General Gage,
Answer to the Address, - - -
Address of the Inhabitants of Marshfield, assem-
bled in Town Meeting, to Admiral Graves,
Answer of Admiral Graves, - " "
Letter from Governour Gage to the Earl of
Dartmouth, ------
Letter from Joseph Warren to Arthur Lee,
Resolutions adopted at a Court of Common
Council, held at Guildhall, in London. The
Americans are justified in their opposition to
the late Acts of Parliament affecting the Colo-
nies, . - - - - '. e
Proclamation of the Governour of Georgia, of-
fermg a reward to any person who will give
information against one or more of the persons
%vho rescued certain Goods seized by the Cus-
tom House Officers at Savannah, and tarred
and feathered a Tide-Waiter, - - - 1253
Meeting of the Freeholders of Augusta County,
Virginia. Delegates to the Convention chos-
en. Instructions to the Delegates, - -1253
Address of the Freeholders of Augusta County,
to the Delegates from Virginia, in the late
Continental Congress, .... 1255
Answer to the Address, .... 1255
Address of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the County of Botetourt, to the Delegates from
Virginia in the late Continental Congress, - 1255
22, Plan of an American Manufactory, - - 1256
23, Pilots at New- York ordered not to bring up
the Ship Beulah, and Sub-Committee of Ob-
servation appointed to observe her conduct
Soon as she receives Supplies, is to be de-
spatched without being permitted to enter the
Harbour, 1257
23, Proceedings at a meeting of the Coinmittees of
Observation of several Towns in Suffolk
County, New- York, .... 1257
23. Association signed by one hundred and forty-one
Freeholders and Inhabitants of the To^vn of
Reading, in Fairfield County, Connecticut
Will defend, maintain, and preserve, at the
risk of their lives and properties, the preroga-
tive of the Crown, and the privileges of the
Subject, from all attacks of any rebellious body
of Men, and any Conmiittees of Inspection, or
Correspondence, . . - . . 1258
Names of seventy-four of the signers of the As-
sociation, published by order of the Committee
of Observation, for the Town of Reading, - 1259
List of all the Signers to the Reading Associa-
tion, communicated to Mr. Ri\'ington, by John
Lyon, one of the subscribers, ... 1260
23, Address to the Provincial Congress of Mas-
sachusetts. Enumeration of some of the in-
stances of cruelties, insults, and indignities
inflicted on the quiet and peaceable Subjects of
the King, in Massachusetts, ... 1260
22, Instructions of General Gage to Captain Brown
and Ensign DBemicre, to go through the
Counties of Suffolk and Worcester, and make
sketches of the Roads, Rivers, Towns, and
places for Encampment, and to ascertain, what
Forage and Pro\isions the Counties could sup-
ply, 1263
Narrative of Ensign DBemicre of the Examina-
tion of the Coimtry, under General Gage's In-
structions, ...... 1263
26, Regiment of British Troops under the command
of Colonel Leslie, land at Marblehead, and
march to Salem, 1268
- 12G9
1269
27.
Jan.il, Goods, under the Tenth Article of the Association,
thrown overboard at Cliarlestown, by order
of the Committee of Observation,
27 Philadelphia Committee. Recommend the total
disuse of East India Tea, in compliance A\ith
the Third Article of the Association,
Meeting of a number of the Freeholders and In-
habitonlsof the Townof New-Milford, in Litch-
field County, Connecticut Protest against
the Towi of New-Milford's adopting the Re-
solves of the Continental Congress. Acknow-
ledge the King and Parliament as the Consti-
tutional Government over every part of the
British Empire, . . . -
Letter from Philadelphia, to a Gentleman in
New- York. A motion in the Assembly, to
petition the I^ng, strenuously opposed. Mr.
Dickinson acquired fresh laurels in the De-
bate. The motion will be rejected by a great
majority, ....
Letter from Philadelphia to Mr. Rivington. The
opposition to the Congress has done some good
in the Assembly. Should the Assembly agree
to petition, it will be done in a very dutiful style, 1270
27,
28,
1270
- 1270
1271
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Jan.25, The Governour submits information of further
violences committed by the People of Virginia,
in Westmoreland, 1271
Letter from Robert Haima to the Governour.
Attack on the Jail of Westmoreland County
by the Militia and People of Virginia,
8, Letter from John Carnaghan to Governour Penn,
with four Depositions respecting the attack on
the Jail of Westmoreland County, - - 1271
13, Letter from Robert Hanna, and others, to Gov-
ernour Penn, on the same subject, - - 1273
14, Letter from Devereux Smith to Governour Penn.
Complains of the proceedings of the Virgi-
nians, and encloses Depositions, ...
March Letter from Governour Penn to Lord Dunmore.
1 , Remonstrates against his proceedings in relation
to Westmoreland County. Will forbear to
take any steps in the affair fill he has an an-
swer to this Letter, which he expects by the
return of the Express, ....
1274
1276
PENNSYLVANIA ASSEMBLY.
FcJ.20, The House met pursuant to their adjournment.
Speaker communicated a Letter from the Speaker
of House of Assembly of New-Jersey, with
Resolves, approving the Proceedings of the
Continental Congress, ....
Instructions to the Delegates to the Continental
Congress considered, ....
Message from the Governour, recommending a
Petition to the King for the redress of any
Grievances which the People apprehend they
have reason to complain of, ...
The Governour's Message considered.
Further considered and postponed,
Consideration will be resumed on the 8th of
March next, ......
March Motion that the Doors be opened on the 8th, for
21,
23,
24,
25,
4,
7,
9.
13.
15,
the Inhabitants to hear the Debates,
Message from the Governour, requesting pro'vi-
sion to be made for a number of Indians, re-
cently arrived at Pliiladelphia,
Representation and Petition from the American
Philosophical Society, . . . .
Consideration of the Governour's Message re-
sumed, and Committee appointed to prepare an
Answer, ......
Answer to Governour's Message considered,
Motion to Recommit rejected, . . .
Ordered to be Transcribed and sent to the Gov-
1275
1273
1277
1277
1277
1277
1277
1278
- 1278
1278
1280
1280
1280
ernour, . . -
Answer of the House to
sage.
the Governour's Mes-
- 1280
1280
The Speaker laid before the House a Letter,
datetl the 24th of December last, from William
Bollan, Benjamin Franklin, and Arthur Lee,
William Morton chosen Speaker in place of Ed-
ward Biddle, who is prevented, by sickness,
from attending the House, ...
Adjourned to the first of May next,
1281
1282
1282
XCVll
1775.
CONTENTS.
XCVIII
1775.
NEW-YORK ASSEMBLY.
/ftw.lO, Meeting of the Assembly, . - - -
13, Speech of Lieutenant Governour Golden to the
Council and Assembly- Advises them to peti-
tion the King for redress of Grievances,
Committee appointed to prepare an Address, in
answer to the Speech, ...
Consideration of the Speech referred to a Com-
mittee of the Whole House,
Committee appointed to correspond with Ed-
mund Burke, Agent of this Colony at the
Court of Great Britain, laid before the House
several Letters received from him,
17, The Speaker, from the Committee of Corres-
pondence, laid before the House several Letters
and other Papers, ....
18, Address of the Council, in answer to the Lieu,
tenant Governour's Speech,
Answer to the Council, ....
20, Address of the Assembly, in answer to the
Lieutenant Governour's Speech,
Answer of the Lieutenant Grovernour,
26, Message from the Lieutenant Governour. Boim-
dary of New- York and Pennsylvania,
Motion by Colonel Ten Broeck, that the House
take into consideration the Proceedings of the
Continental Congress, ...
Colonel Philips's motion for the Previous Ques-
tion, .......
Message from the Lieutenant Governour,
The Speaker laid before the House a Letter from
ihe Speaker of the Assembly of New- Jersey,
enclosing simdry Resolutions passed by that
House,
On the motion of Colonel Livingston, the House
agreed to take into consideration the state of
the Colony ; to enter such Resolutions as they
may agree to on their Journals, and to prepare
a Petition to the King, ...
On motion of Mr. De Lancey, the House agreed
to send with the Petition to his Majesty, a Me-
morial to the House of Lords, and a Repre-
sentation and Remonstrance to the Commons,
Committee appointed to prepare a state of the
Grievances of the Colony,
Ftb. 2, House in Committee on the Lieutenant Govern-
our's Speech, ......
7, Message from the Lieutenemt Governour,
Speech further considered in Committee,
16, Colonel Schuyler's motion that certain Letters
be published ; Rejected, ....
1 7, Colonel Woodhull's motion for a Vote of Thanks
to the Delegates from New- York in the late
Continental Congress ; Rejected,
21, Colonel P. Livingston's motion for a Vote of
Thanks to the Merchants and Inhabitants for
their firm adherence to the Association of the
Grand Continental Congress; Rejected,
23, Report from the Committee to prepare a state of
the Grievances, referred to a Committee of the
Whole House, ....
Mr. Thomas's motion for taking into considera-
tion the necessity of appointing Delegates to
meet the General Congress on the 10th of
May next ; Rejected, . . . .
Speech of Mr. Brush, of Cumberland County, on
this question, ......
Speech of Mr. Wilkins, of Westchester County,
March The House in Committee on the state of Griev-
27,
28,
31,
1281
1283
- 1283
- 1283
- 1283
- 1284
1284
1285
1285
1286
- 1286
- 1286
1287
1287
1287
- 1288
1288
- 1288
1288
1288
1289
1289
- 1289
- 1290
- 1290
1290
1290
1293
March, Resolutions of the Committee of the Whole, pro-
1
16,
23,
24,
25,
28,
31,
31,
1304
1307
- 1308
1309
1312
1813
1313
1316
1318
1321
1321
- 1321
1322
1323
1323
1324
1324
9,
11,
13,
ances of the Colony, .... 1297
State of Grievances further considered in Com-
mittee,
Proceedings and Votes on the Report on the
Grievances of the Colony,
Committee appointed to prepare a set of Resolu-
tions agreeable to Colonel P. Livingston's mo-
tion of January 31, .....
Report of the Committee ; Resolutions agreed to, 1302
Committees appointed to prepare a Petition to the
King, a Memorial to the Lords, and a Repre-
sentation and Remonstrance to the Commons,
Letter from Edmund Burke, laid before the House
by the Committee, .....
Letter from William BoUan, Benjamin Franklin,
and Arthur Lee, dated December 24, laid be-
fore the House by the Speaker, ...
Message from the Lieutenant Governour,
Fourth Series.
- 1297
- 1297
1302
1303
1304
1304
1304
viding for the support of the Government in
the Colony for the year, ....
Petition, Memorial, and Remonstrance, reported,
Message from the Lieutenant Governour. Dis-
turbances in Cumberland County,
Proceedings and Votes on the Petition to the
King,
Votes on the Memorial to the House of Lords,
Proceedings on the Representation and Remon-
strance to the House of Commons,
The humble Petition of the General Assembly of
the Colony of New- York, to the King,
The Memorial of his Majesty's faithful Subjects
the Representatives of the Colony of New-
York, in General Assembly convened, to the
House of Lords, .....
The Representation and Remonstrance of the
General Assembly of the Colony of New-
York to the House of Commons,
The Petition, Memorial, and Remonstrance, di-
rected to be forwarded with all convenient speed
to Edmund Burke, .....
Message from the Lieutenant Governour,
Proceedings and Votes in regard to the Cum-
berland Riots, - - - .
The Speaker directed to transmit to the Speakers
of the several Houses of Assembly, on the
Continent, copies of the List of Grievances,
and the Resolutions thereof, in consequence ;
and the Petition, Memorial, and Remonstrance,
Proceedings and Votes in relation to Riots in Al-
bany and Charlotte Counties, ...
Reward for the apprehension of Ethan Allen,
Seth Warner, and others, ....
Apr. 1, Committee of Correspondence appointed,
3, Adjourned to May 3,
PROVINCIAL CONGRESS OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Feb. 1, List of the Members, 1323
John Hancock chosen President, ... i328
Committee to take into consideration the state and
circumstances of the Province, ... 1328
The Reverend Dr. Appleton appointed Chaplain, 1328
Monitors appointed, ..... 1328
Committee appointed to consider the Resolutions
of several Committees respecting the working
of the Inhabitants of Boston for the Troops,
Debates and Resolutions of the Congress to be
kept secret, ......
Committee to publish in a Pamphlet some of the
doings of the late Congress,
Committee to prepare an Address to the Inhabit-
ants of the Province,
Delegates to the Congress in May next, to con-
tinue to the 31st day of December, and no
longer,
Troop of Horse raised by John Sawyer and
others, of Rowley, - . .
The Secretary empowered to adjourn the Con-
gress in the absence of the President, -
Inhabitants recommended not to supply the
Troops with any thing that may enable them
to annoy the People; all who do so to be
deemed inveterate enemies to America,
Address to the Inhabitants reported, considered,
and recommitted,
Again reported, considered, and recommitted.
Committee to prepare a Resolution recommend-
ing the saving of Linen Rags, . - -
Committee of Safety appointed, with power to
muster as many of the Militia of the Province
as they shall deem proper, completely armed
and accoutred, to oppose any attempt that may
be made to carry into execution the late Acts
of Parliament, ...
General Officers appointed to act imder the au-
thority of the Committee of Safety,
A number of Letters, said to be from England,
read and referred to the Committee on the state
of the Province, - - - - -
Address to the Inhabitants of the Province, again
reported, amended, and agreed to.
Address from the Committee of Correspondence
of Scituate, in relation to a number of British
Troops now stationed in Marshfield, read and
referred, ....
2,
3,
4.
6,
7,
9,
1328
1329
- 1329
it-
- 1329
1329
- 1329
1329
1330
1330
1330
1330
- 1332
1332
1332
- 1332
- 1334
%
CONTENTS.
xcix
1775.
Feb. 9, Committee to bring in a Resolve empowering
the Committee of Safety to take possession of
the Warlike Stores of the Province,
Committee to bring in a Resolve directing how
the Ordnance in the Province shall be used,
Committee to make a return of the Officers and
number of the Militia, and Minute Men, to
report, as soon as possible.
Committee to prepare for publication the Names
of the Mandamus Counsellors who have refused
to resign, ...---
Inhabitants of the Province requested to preserve
all their Linen and Cotton Rags, to aid an Es-
tablishment for making Paper, - - -
10, Committee to observe the motion of the Troops
said to be on their road to Cambridge,
Committee to sit in the recess of the Congress,
with power to regulate the Constitutional Army
wiiich may be raised in the Province,
Committee to revise the Commission of the Com-
mittee of Safety, ' ' ' ' 'r
The Secretary directed to publish the Names of
the Mandamus Counsellors now in Boston,
Petition from the Delegatesof the several Tow-ns
in the Counties of Hampshire and Berkshire,
11, Committee of Siifety authorized to appoint a
Commissary to deliver Warlike Stores to
the Constitutional Army when they take the
field, ..-'.---
Committee of Safety requested to possess them-
selves of all Bayonets and other implements of
war, purchased at the expense of the Province,
and not now in their possession, -
Committee appointed to report a Resolve, ex-
pressing the determination of the People, coolly
and resolutely, to support their Rights and Pri-
vileges, at all hazards,
1 3, Committee appointed to inquire into the state of
the Militia, .....
Committee to inquire what is necessary to en
courage the making of Saltpetre,
14, Report of the Committee on the state of the Mi-
litia, - -
15, Committee of Correspondence of Boston directed
to open and establish an intimate correspond-
ence and connection with the Inhabitants of
Q,uebeck, ....--
Resolutions for the encouragement of the manu-
facture of Saltpetre in the Province,
Conunittee to bring in a Resolve holding up to
the People the imminent danger they are in
from the present disposition of the British Min-
istry, .......
Inhabitants of the Province requested not to trade
with Pedlars, .-.--.
John Whitcomb elected a General Officer,
Militia and Minute Men earnestly requested to
spare neither time, pains, nor expense, in per-
fecting themselves, forthwith, in Military Dis-
cipline, ..-...-
Conduct of the Committees of Correspondence
of Plymouth, and other Towns, approved, -
Conference with a Committee from Connecticut,
IG, Committee appointed to correspond with the
neighbouring Governments,
Day of Fasting and Prayer throughout the Prov-
ince appointed, - - - - - 1 342
Injunction of Secrecy on the Members removed, 1343
Adjourned to March 22d, to meet at Concord, - 1343
March Met conformable to adjournment, and the Rev.
- 1334
1334
- 1334
1334
1334
- 1334
1335
1335
1335
1336
1337
- 1337
- 1337
- 1337
- 1337
1338
1339
- 1339
1339
1340
1340
1340
1341
1341
- 1342
1775.
March
30,
April
I,
3,
6,
6,
22,
■24,
27,
28.
29,
30,
Mr. Emerson appointed Chaplain, - - 1343
Debates and Resolutions to be kept an entire
secret,
Committee to receive the Returns of the Officers
of the Militia, .....
Any relaxation in putting the Colony in a com-
plete state of Defence will be attended \vith the
-r.'. utmost danger to the Liberties of the Colony,
and of all America,
Rules and Regulations for a Constitutional Army
reported, ......
Considered and recommitted, ...
Consideration resumed; recommitted for addi-
tions, -.--...
Report from Committee on the state of the Prov-
ince relative to what movement of the Troops
should make it fit to call the Militia together
to act on the defensive, .... 1345
1344
1344
1344
1345
1345
1345
7,
10,
11,
12,
13,
On notice for assembling the Forces of the Col-
ony, the Members of this Congress to repair
without delay to the place to which they shall
be adjourned, ...--- 1345
Committees to sit immediately, that the Congress
may adjourn to-morrow, ... - 1345
Mandamus Counsellors who have refused to pub-
lish a renunciation of their Commissions, - 1346
Report of Committee appointed to receive Returns
from the several Colonies, recommitted, - 1346
Constables and Collectors required to pay Pub-
lick Moneys immediately to the Receiver Gen-
eral, 1346
Committee appointed to prepare Rules for the
Provincial Army, report. Report passed, and
afterwards recommitted, .... 1347
Address to the Stockbridge Indians who have en-
listed as Minute Men, .... 1347
The Towns and Districts requested to choose
Delegates to a Provincial Congress, to meet
on the last Wednesday of May, if Precepts are
not issued by General Gage, calling a General
Assembly to meet on that day, ... 1348
Committee on the state of the Province to col-
lect the late intelligence from Great Britain,
relative to sending reinforcements to General
Gage, and report to the Congress what is best
to be done, ...... 1348
Immediate attendance of all absent Members re-
quired, ....--- 1348
Letter to the Reverend Mr. Kirkland, with an Ad-
dress to the Mohawks, .... 1349
Rules and Regulations for the Massachusetts
Army, - - 1350
Committee on the application of the Committee
from Boston, and others, report that the Papers
lie for further consideration at some future
day, 1356
Letter to the Committee of Inspection of the
County of Bristol, advising them to keep the
Militia, and especially the Minute Men, in the
best posture of defence ; but that they act on the
defensive only, until the further direction of the
Provincial Congress, .... 1356
Application from Billerica, and from the Com-
mittee of Boston, again committed, - - 1357
Conference with Governour Hopkins, on the pre-
sent state of Pubiick Affairs, ... 1357
Letter to the Selectmen of Billerica. Approve
their conduct in relation to the assault on
Thomas Ditson, 1357
Letter to the Committee of Correspondence for
Boston and other Towns. Request that the
Militia and Minute Men act only on the defen-
sive, until the further order of the Provincial
Congress, ...... 1357
Committee on the state of the Province report
relative to raising and establishing an Army ;
and that Committees repair to Connecticut,
Rhode-Island, and New-Hampshire, to desire
their co-operation, ..... 1358
Conmiittec to draught a Letter to each of the Col-
onies, ....... 135S
Committee to consider what number of Men
should be raised by the four New-England
Governments, for their general defence, - 1358
Letter to the Colonies of Connecticut, Rhode-
Island, and New- Hampshire, - - - 1 359
Instructions to the Delegates appointed to repair
to the neighbouring Governments, - - 1359
Committee to take into consideration the particu-
lar state of the Town of Boston, appointed, after
a long debate on the propriety of advising the
Inhabitants to be moved from thence, - - 1360
County Committees appointed to report a true state
of their respective Towns and Districts, with
respect to their having observed the Resolu-
tions of the Continental and Provincial Con-
gresses, .....-- 1361
Report of the Committee on the state of the Prov-
ince, relative to exercising the Minute Men in
Battalions, and paying them for the time they
spend in that service ; after long debate, re-
jected, 1361
Committee of Safety directed to form six Compa-
nies of Artillery, to be in readiness to enter the
service of the Colony when the Army shall be
raised, 1362
CI
1-75.
April Report from the Committee to consider the pro
13, priety of removing the Inhabitants from Bos-
ton; after long debate, recommitted, - - 1362
1 4, Committee of Donations of Boston recommended to
afford to any poor persons desirous of removing
from Boston, such assistance as may enable
them to do it, 1362
Committee of Safety directed to apply to a suit-
able number of persons to be in readiness to
enter the service of the Colony as Field Offi-
cers, when an Army shall be raised, - - 1363
15, Day of Humiliation, Fasting, and Prayer, ap-
pointed, .-.--.- 1363
The Members, on their return to their respective
Towns, ordered to use their influence to pro-
mote the Military Discipline, ... 1364
Adjourn to Wednesday, the 10th of May next, to
me«t at Concord, ..... 1364
CONTENTS.
CII
1775.
COMMITTEE OF SAFETY OF MASSACHUSETTS.
1774.
Nov. 2, Committee of Supplies requested to procure and
deposits Provisions at Worcester and Con-
cord, 1365
8, Committee of Supplies requested to procure all
the Arms and Ammunition they can, in the
neighbouring Provinces on the Continent, - 1365
15, Committee to get seven large pieces of Cannon out
of Boston, to some place in the country, in
such manner as they may think most prudent, 1365
Vec. Committee of Supplies to procure certain Mihtary
20, Stores, 1366
Committee to examine the Commissary's Store in
Boston, and report what Surgeons' Stores, and
Stores of other kinds, are there, - - 1366
1775.
Jan. 5, Eteacon Cheever authorized to receive Cannon
and Mortars, -.--.- 1366
25, All the Cannon, Mortars, Cannon Ball, and Shells,
to be deposited in Worcester and Concord, in
the same proportion as the Provisions, - 1366
Feb. 3, Committee of Supplies directed to report to the
Provincial Congress their transactions since
their appointment, . . - . . 1367
13, Committee of Supplies desired to purchase all
the Powder they can, ... - 1367
Committee to receive from Colonel Robinson four
brass Field-Pieces, and four brass Mortars,
which, in case of a rupture with the Troops,
shall be for the use of the Artillery Companies
of Boston and Dorchester, ... 1367
21, Committee of Supplies directed to procure tea
tons of Brimstone, and all kinds of Warlike
Stores, sufficient for an Army of fifteen thou-
sand Men to take the field, ... 1357
The Powder now at Concord, to be removed to
Leicester, 1368
22, Committee of Supplies directed to procure one
hundred Bell Tents for Arms, one thousand
Field Tents for Soldiers, ten tons of Lead Balls,
and to have thirty rounds of Cartridges for fif-
teen thousand Men, made, ... 1368
On arrival of more Troops, the Province Arms,
at Cambridge, to be removed to Worcester, 1368
On intelligence of the arrival of more Troops, the
Provincial Congress to be assembled imme-
diately, 1368
23, Committee to direct the Commanding Officers of
the Militia and the Minute Men, throughout
die Province, to assemble one fourth part of the
Militia forthwith, 1368
24, Hospital Stores to be procured and sent to Con-
cord, 1369
March Receiver General to pay to Doctor Warren and
7, Doctor Church, five hundred Pounds, for the
purchase of such articles for the Provincial
Chests of Medicine, as cannot be got on credit, 1370
14, Watch to be constantly kept at the places where
the Provincial Magazines are stored, - - ] 370
Watch to be kept at Charlestown, Cambridge,
and Roxbury, and Couriers to be forwarded to
the Towns where the Magazines are placed,
when sallies are made from the Army by night, 1370
23, Ton of Musket Bullets now arrived at Concord,
to be lodged with Colonel Barrett, - . 1370
April The Stores at Concord and elsewhere, not to be
1, removed without written orders from the Com-
mittee of Safety, 1370
Considerations on the Measures carrying on with
respect to the British Colonies in North Ame-
rica, 1369
Address of the People of Great Britain to the
Inhabitants of America, - . . - 1413
Taxation no Tyranny. An Answer to the Re-
solutions and Address of the American Con-
gress,
- 1431
An Answer to a Pamphlet, entitled " Taxation no
Tyranny;" addressed to the Author, and to
persons in power, ..... 1449
PROCEEDINGS OF PARLIAMENT ON THE ADDRESS OF THANKS
TO THE KINO.
1774. Howe of Lords.
Nov.QQ, Meeting of the Fourteenth Parliament, - 1461
State of Parties in England in relation to Ame-
rica, (Note,) 1461
House of Commons required to attend immedi-
ately, 1461
Lord Chancellor's Speech to both Houses. Com-
mons directed to choose a Speaker, - - 1462
30, Sir Fletcher Norton presented to the King as
Speaker, by the House of Commons, - - 1464
Informed by the Lord Chancellor, that the King
approves the choice made by the Commons, - 1464
Address of the Speaker, claiming the Privileges
of the Commons, ..... 1464
Reply of the Lord Chancellor, in the name of the
King. Allows them all their Privileges, - 1465
King's Speech to both Houses. Informs them
that a most daring spirit of resistance and dis-
obedience to the law, still prevails in the Prov-
ince of the Massachusetts Bay, - - - 1465
Address of Thanks to the King, moved by the
Earl of Hillsborough, .... 1466
Amendment offered by the Duke of Richmond, 1466
Opposed by Lord Lyttelton, - - - 1 466
Supported by Lord Camden, - - 1467
Amendment rejected, .... 1467
Protest on rejection of the amendment, - 1467
Earl of Hillsborough's motion agreed to, - 1468
Committee to prepare the Address, - - 1468
Address reported and agreed to, - - - 1468
Dec. 1, Address presented to the King, at his Palace, at
St. James's, 1469
The King's Answer, ..... 1469
6, Address and Answer ordered to be published, - 1469
House of Commons.
iV(n).29,House formed, 1469
Sir Fletcher Norton chosen Speaker, - - 1470
Dec. 5, The King's Speech, reported to the House, by the
Speaker, 1471
Address of Thanks to the ffing, moved by Lord
Beauchamp, - - - - - -1471
Amendment offered by Lord John Cavendish, - 1472
Debate— Lord North, 1473
Mr. F. Montague, - - - - 1473
Go vernour Johnstone, ... 1473
Mr, Charles J. Fox, - - - 1473
Mr. Hartley, .... 1473
Colonel Barre, .... 1473
Sir George Macartney, ... 1473
Lord Carmarthen, .... I473
Sir William Mayne, - - - 1473
General Smith, - - - - 1473
Mr. T. Townshend, - - - 1474
Mr. Edmund Burke, - - - 1474
Mr. Van, 1474
Mr. Wedderburn, . - - - 1474
Amendment rejected, ..... I474
Lord Beauchamp's motion agreed to, - - 1474
Committee to draw up the Address, - - 1474
6, Address reported and agreed to, - - - 1474
7, Presented to the King, .... 1476
King's Answer to the Address, ... 1476
ON SUPPLIES FOR THE YEAR 1775.
House of Commons.
Dec. 7, The King's Speech considered, ... 1475
8, House in Committee on the motion to grant a
Supply to his Majesty, - - - - 1475
9, Committee of the Whole report that a Supply be
granted, 1476
12, House in Committee to consider of the Supply
granted to his Majesty, .... 1475
CONTENTS.
CIV
cm
1774
Dec. 1-2, Mr. Buller's motion that 16,000 Men be employ-
ed for the Sea Service, for the year 1775, - U76
Debate— Mr. T. TowTishcnd, - - - 1476
Mr. BuUer, '476
Mr. Lmtrell, }477
Colonel Barr6, ... - 1477
Mr. Hartley, - - - - 1477
Mr. Duller," - - - - 1477
Mr. Luttrell, {477
Mr. Buller's motion agreed to, ■ ' , , "
13, Resolutions reported from the Committee of the
Whole, for the employment and pay of 16,000
Seamen, and airreed to by the House, - 1477
Debate— Lord John Cavendish, - - " j478
Lord Beauchamp, - - - • \^'°
Mr. Cornwall, - - " ' }f;°
Mr. Burke, jf^°
Sir William Mayne, - - ' \%i
Mr. Hartley, - - - " j^'.S
Lord Beauchamp, • - - - 147 J
Lord John Cavendish, - • - 1479
Lord Beauchamp, - - - ■ J 479
Captain Luttrell, - - - " 1479
Mr. Rose Fuller, - - - * 14"9
16, House in Committee to consider further of the
Supply granted to his Majesty, - - - 1479
Lord Barrington's motion, that 17,547 Men,
Commission and Non-Commission Officers
included, be employed for the year 1775, - 1479
Debate— Mr. Rose Fuller, . - - - 1479
Lord Barrington, - - - - 1479
Mr. Fuller, 1479
Lord North, 1479
Mr. T. Tow-nshend, - - - 1479
Lord North, 1479
Go vernour Johnstone, - - - 1479
Mr. Fox, 1482
Lord Clare, 1482
Mr. Rigby, 1482
Mr. Cruger, 1482
Sir William Mayne, - - - 1484
Lord North, 1484
Mr. Hartley, .... 1484
Lord Barrington's motion agreed to, - - 1484
17, Resolutions reported from the Committee of the
Whole read and agreed to, ... 1484
19, Resolution for providing Ways and Means for
raising the Supply granted to his Majesty, re-
ported to the House from the Committee of the
Whole, 1485
Debate— Lord North, 1485
Mr. Hartley, .... 1485
Mr. Rose Fuller, .... I486
Mr. T. Townshend, - - - 1486
Mr. Rigby, 1486
Mr. Edmund Burke, - - - 1486
Sir William Meredith, - - - 1487
Mr. Burke, 1488
Mr. Cornwall, .... 1488
Resolution providing Ways and Means, agreed to, 1488
Inesolution of the Cabinet, (Note,) - - 1488
22, Parliament adjourned to the 19th day of January
next, 1488
1775.
ON THE BILL FOR SETTLING THE TROUBLES IN AMERICA.
House of Commons.
Feb. 1, Provisional Act for settling the Troubles in Ame-
rica, and for asserting the Supreme Legislative
authority and superintending power of Great
Britain over the Colonies, presented by Lord
Chatham, - 1503
Lord Chatham's Speech on presenting the Bill, 1503
Earl of Dartmouth's Reply, - - - - 1504
Bill read the first time, .... 1504
Objections to the Bill in America, (Note,) - 1505
Motion by the Earl of Sandwch " That the Bill
be rejected," 1507
Debate — Lord Lyttelton, .... 1507
Earl of Shelburne, - - - 1508
Duke of Grafton, - - - - 1508
Earl Gower, .... 1509
Lord Chatham, .... 1509
Earl Gower, - - - - 1510
Lord Camden, .... 1510
Earl of Chatham, ... - 1510
Earl Gower, - - - - 1511
Earl of Hillsborough, - - -1511
Duke of Richmond, - - - 1512
Duke of Manchester, - - - 1513
Earl Temple, - - - - 1513
Question on the motion of the Earl of Sandwich
taken, and the Bill rejected, ... 1514
List of the Minority, 1514
Jan.
19,
23,
ON LORD CHATHAM S MOTION TO RECALL THE TROOPS
FROM BOSTON.
1775. House of Lords.
Jan. Papers relating to the Disturbances in North
20, America, presented by the Earl of Dartmouth,
by his Majesty's command, ... 1489
Lord Chatham's motion to recall the Troops
from Boston, ...... 1498
Debate— Lord Chatham, .... 1493
Earl of Suffolk, .... 1498
Earl of Shelburne, - - - 1499
Lord Lyttelton, .... 1500
Lord Camden, - - - - 1501
Lord Chatham, - - - - 1501
Lord Townshend, .... 1502
Earl of Rochford, - - - - 1502
Earl Gower, - - - - 1502
Marquis of Rockingham, - - 1502
Duke of Richmond, - - - 1503
Earl of Rochford, • - - 1503
Lord Weymouth, .... 1504
Lord Chatham's motion rejected, ... 1504
List of the Minority, - - - - 1504
Energy of the Cabinet, (Note,) - - - 1499
24.
25,
ON THE PETITIONS RELATING TO AMERICA.
House of Commons.
Papers relating to the Disturbances in North
America, presented by Lord North, - - 1513
Lord North's Explanations relative to the Papers, 1513
Papers referred to a Committee of the Whole
House, . - . - -
Petition from the Merchants, Traders, and others,
of the City of London, concerned in the Com-
merce of North America, presented,
Mr. Alderman Hayley's motion, that the Petition
be referred to the Committee of the Whole
House, to whom the Papers from North Ame-
rica had been referred, ....
Sir William Meredith's motion to amend, so as to
refer to a separate Committee,
Debate — Mr. Burke,
Sir Gilbert Elliot, -
Mr. T. Townshend,
Lord Clare, ...
Mr. Fox, ...
Lord John Cavendish,
Lord North, -
Sir George Macartney,
Captain Luttrell,
Lord Stanley,
Motion to amend agreed to.
The Petition referred to a Committee of the
Whole House, .....
Petition of the Master, Wardens, and Commonalty
of the Society of Merchants and Venturers of
the City of Bristol, presented by Mr. Burke,
Motion to refer it to the Committtee of the Whole
House, to whom has been referred the Papers
from America, .....
Debate — Lord North,
Mr. Burke,
Lord North,
Governour Johnstone, ...
Motion amended, and the Petition referred to the
Committee of the Whole House, to whom the
Petition of the Merchants of London is referred,
Petition of the Merchants, Traders, and Manu-
facturers of the City of Bristol, presented by
Mr. Cruger, ......
Petition of the Merchants and Traders of the
City of Glasgow, presented, ...
Statements of the Value of Exports from Great
Britain to the Colonies, from 1772 to 1774, or-
dered to be laid before the House,
Petition of the Merchants, Manufacturers, and
Traders, and other Inhabitants of the City of
Norwich, presented.
Petition of the Merchants and Mantifacturers re-
siding in the Town and Neighbourhood of
Dudley, in the County of Worcester, present
- 1513
1513
1515
1515
1516
1516
1517
1517
1517
1517
1517
1517
1517
1518
1518
1519
1519
1520
1520
1520
1520
1520
1521
1521
1522
- 1522
- 1523
ed.
1523
3,
6.
ev CONTENTS.
1775.
Jan.25, Petition from the Inhabitants of the Town and
Neighbourhood of Birmingham, - - 1524
Sir George Savile offers to present a Petition
from Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lee, and Mr. Bollan,
requesting to be heard before the House, on the
Petition from the Congress to the King, - 1524
26, Stotemcnts of the Value of Exports and Imports
to and from North America, and the West In-
dies, from the year 17G2, ordered to be laid be-
fore the House, - - - - - 1 525
Second Petition from the Merchants, Traders,
and others, of the City of London, concerned
in the Commerce of North America, present-
ed by Alderman Hay ley, . . - . 1525
Motion, by Mr. Hayley, for discharging the Order
of Monday last, for referring the Petition of the
Merchants, and others, of London, to a Com-
mittee of the Whole House, ... 1526
Debate— Mr. Hayley, - - - -1526
Mr. Hotham, - - - - 1526
Mr. Hans Stanley, - - - 1526
Mr. Hayley, .... 1527
Mr. T. Tovvnshend, - - - 1527
Mr. Lewis, 1527
Mr. Jenkinson, .... 1527
Mr. Edmund Burke, . - • 1527
Mr. Fox, 1529
Colonel Barrd, - - - - 1529
Mr. Wedderburn, ... - 1529
Lord North, 1529
Lord George Germain, ... 1530
Mr. Fox, 1530
Lord North, 1530
Mr. Hayley's motion rejected, ... 1530
Petition referred to same Committee with the
others, 1530
Petition of the Merchants and Manufacturers of
the Town of Manchester, presented, - - 1530
Petition from the Merchants, Traders, and Manu-
facturers of Wolverhampton, in the County of
Stafford, presented, - - - - -1531
Petition of the Merchants and Tradesmen of the
Port of Liverpool, presented, - - - 1531
Petition of William Bollan, Benjamin Franklin,
and Arthur Lee, requesting they may be heard
at the Bar of the House, on the Petition from
America, offered by Sir George Savile, - 1532
Motion for receiving the Petition rejected, - 1532
Notice of the Debate on this Question, (Note,) 1532
House in Committee, on the American Papers, 1533
27, Statements of Exports from England to the Colo-
nies in North America, in 1773, presented, - 1533
Petition of sundry Merchants, Factors, and
Manufacturers, of Birmingham, in the County
of Warwick, presented, .... 1533
House in Committee, on the Petition from the
Merchants, and others, of London, concerned
in the Commerce of North America, . - 1533
Reasons of the Merchants, for declining to be
heard at the Bar of the House, - - - 1534
House in Committee, on the American Papers, 1534
31, Papers presented by Lord North, ... 1534
Statements of Imports and Exports of British
Plantation Tobacco, ordered to be laid before
the House, 1535
Petition of the Manufacturers of Felt Hats, and
Dealers therein; as also, of the Shoemakers, in
the Town of New-Castle, in the County of Staf-
ford, presented, ..... I535
Petition of the Manufacturers and Traders in
Earthen Ware, residing in Burslem, Tunstall,
Colridge, Shelton, Hanly, Stoke-Lane, Dclf-
Lane-End, and places adjacent, in the County
of Stafford, presented, .... I535
Mr. Burke's motion for an Inquiry into the man-
ner in which the Petition from Birmingham,
presented on the 25th, was procured, - - 1536
Debate on the motion, - . - . . 1536
Mr. Burke's motion rejected, ... I537
House in Committee, on the American Papers, 1537
Feb. 1, Petition of the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, and
Assistants, of the Borough of Leeds, in the
County of York, presented, - - . 1537
Petition of the Merchants of Leeds, trading to the
North American Colonies, or having property
there, presented, ..... I538
Papers presented by Lord North, ... I539
House in Committee, on the American Papers, 1539
CVI
1775.
Feb. 2, Petition of the Planters of his Majesty's Sugar
Colonies, residing in Great Britain, and of the
Merchants of London, trading to the said Colo-
nies, presented, - . . . -1540
ON A JOINT ADDRESS OF THE TWO HOUSES TO THE KING.
House of Commons.
Feb. 2, House in Committee, on the American Papers, 1541
Motion of Lord North, for an Address to the
King, declaring the Province of Massachusetts
Bay in actual rebellion, . - . . 1542
Debate — Mr. Dunning, .... I542
Mr. Attorney General Thurlow, - 1543
Colonel Grant, .... I543
Amendment proposed by Mr. Fox, - - 1543
Debate — Mr. Grenville, . . . .1544
Mr. Cruger, 1544
Captain Luttrell, .... I544
Mr. Cosmo Gordon, . - - 1547
Mr. Burke, 1547
Mr. Solicitor General Wedderburn, - 1547
Amendment offered by Mr. Fox, rejected, - 1547
Lord North's motion for an Address, adopted, - 1547
Statements of the Imports and Exports of the
Sugar Colonies, ordered to be laid before the
House, 1547
Accounts of Imports and Exports presented, - 1548
Report from Committee of the Whole, on the
American Papers. Address to the King, - 1548
Motion, by Lord John Cavendish, that the Report
be recommitted, . - - . . I549
Debate — Lord John Cavendish, ... I549
Lord Lumley, - - . . I549
Mr. Wilkes, (the Lord Mayor,) - 1549
Captain Harvey, .... I552
Sir William Mayne, ... I554
Mr. T. Tovvnshend, . - - 1556
Mr. Joliffe, 1556
Mr. Hans Stanley, .... 1556
Lord Irnham, . - . . 1556
Mr. William Adam, - - - 1559
Mr. Scott, 1559
Governour Johnstone, ... I559
Sir Robert Smythe, - - - 1564
Mr. Burke, 1564
Mr. Solicitor General Wedderburn, . 1565
Colonel Barre, ... - 1565
Lord North, 1565
Mr. Mackworth, .... 1565
Mr. Sawbridge, .... 1565
Motion to recommit the Report rejected, - - 1565
Amendment proposed and rejected, - - 1565
Resolution reported by Committee of the Whole
agreed to, ...... 1566
Committee to draw up an Address, - - 1566
Address reported and agreed to, . - - 1566
To be communicated to the Lords, at a Confer-
ence, 1566
Conference with the Lords requested, - - 1566
House in Committee, on the American Papers, 1566
The Address presented to the Lords in Confer-
ence, ..-..-- 1567
Managers of the two Houses in Conference on
the Address. The Lords agree to make it a
Joint Address, ..... 1567
The King has appointed to-morrow to receive
the Address, 1567
Petition of the Manufacturing Hosiers, of the
Town and County of Nottingham, presented, 1567
Lord North's motion, to postpone the further con-
sideration of the American Papers to the 10th, 1568
Debate— Mr. Fox, 1568
Lord North, 1568
Consideration of Petitions postponed to the 15th,
and of American Papers to the 1 0th, - - 1568
The King's Answer to the Joint Address of the
two Houses, presented yesterday, - - 1569
Hoiise of Lords.
Feb. 2, Papers relating to the Disturbances in America,
considered, .--.--
Further considered, " " " " '
Message from the Commons, desiring a Confer-
ence with this House, upon the state of his
Majesty's Colonies in America,
Managers of the Conference appointed, -
The two Houses in Conference,
7,
10,
3,
7,
1569
1569
1569
1569
1570
- 1570
0
- 1571
1571
1571
1572
1572
1572
1572
1573
1574
1575
1576
1576
1577
1578
1578
1578
1579
1579
1579
1580
1581
1581
1582
1583
1584
1584
1584
1584
1584
1584
1585
1585
1585
1586
1586
1587
1588
1589
1590
1590
1621
1589
1589
1589
1590
1591
1591
1591
1591
1591
1592
1595
1595
1595
cvii CONTENTS.
1775.
Feb. 7, Address delivered at the Conference, reported by
the Lord President, . . . -
Motion, by the Earl of Dartmouth, to agree to
the Address, . . . . -
Marquis of Rockingham's motion for the Previ^
ous Question, --.--•
Debate — Marquis of Rockingham,
Earl of Pomfret, ....
Earl of Denbigh, ....
Earl Gower. ....
Lord Mansfield, ....
Lord Camden, ....
Duke of Grafton, ....
Lord Mansfield, ....
Lord Lyttelton, ....
Duke of Richmond,
Lord Mansfield, ....
Lord Lyttelton, ....
Earl of Rochford, ....
Earl of Shelburne,
Lord Mansfield, ....
Earl of Shelburne,
Duke of Richmond, - - -
Earl of Sandwich, ....
Duke of Richmond,
Earl of Sandwich, ....
Bishop of Peterborough,
Duke of Richmond, ...
Duke of Manchester, ...
Lord Ljntelton, ....
Lord Mansfield, ....
Lord Camden, ....
Earl of Dartmouth, ...
Notice of the Debate, (Note,) ...
Previous Question put, and resolved in the Af-
firmative, ......
List of the Minority, (Note,) ...
Protest,
The Main Question, on agreeing to the Address
put, and resolved in the Affirmative,
Protest,
Petition of the Merchants, Traders, and others,
concerned in the American Commerce, read,
and laid on the table, ....
Petition of tlie Planters of his Majesty's Sugar
Colonies, residing in Great Britain, and of the
Merchants of London, trading to the said Colo-
nies, read, and laid on the table.
Statements of Imports and Exports, ordered to be
laid before the House, ....
8, The Lords informed the King will receive the
Joint Address of the two Houses to-morrow,
at his Palace of St. James, - . .
10, The King's Answer to the Address presented
yesterday, ......
ON ADDITIONAL SUPPLIES FOR THE YEAR 1775.
House of Commons.
FeA. 10, Message from the King, requesting additional
Forces by Sea and Land, ....
13, House in Committee, to consider further of the
Supply granted to his Majesty, -
Mr. Buller's motion, that an additional number,
of 2,000 Men, be allowed for the Sea Service,
for the year 1775, • . . . 1
Debate — Lord North,
Governour Johnstone, ...
Lord North,
Lord John Cavendish,
Mr. Cornwall, ....
Mr. Charles Fox, ....
Captain Walsingham, ...
Mr. Temple Luttrell,
Mr. Sawbridge, ....
Mr. Buller's motion agreed to, ...
14, House in Committee,
Lord Barrington's motion, to augment the Land
Forces with 4,383 Men, Officers and Non-
Commission Officers included, .
After Debate, agreed to, ...
1596
1590
ON LORD north's RESOLUTION FOR RECONCILIATION.
House of Commons.
rd>.20,House in Committee, on American Papers, - 1597
Lord North's Conciliatory Resolution, -' . I598
Remarks on the introduction of this Resolution.
(Note-) - 1598
CVIU
1775.
Feb.2Q, Debate— Lord North, 1597
Governour Pownall, ... 1600
Mr. Charles Fox, .... 1605
Mr. Jenkinson, .... 1606
Mr. Welbore Ellis, - . . 1606
JNIr. Adam, 1606
Mr. Cornwall, .... 1607
Mr. Ackland, .... 1607
Mr. Dundas, .... 1607
Sir Gilbert Elliot, .... 1607
Colonel Barre, .... 1607
Lord North, 1608
Mr. Edmund Burke, - . - 1608
Mr. Dunning, .... 1610
Question taken, and resolved in the Affirmative, 1610
To be reported to the House on Friday morning
next, 1610
Authentick Speech of Lord North, on introdu-
cing the Resolution, (Note,) ... 1599
Circumstantial account of the Debates in the
American Committee, on Lord North's mo-
tion, (Note,) 1600
Lord North's explanation of his Resolution,
(Note,) 1602
24, Report of Committee of the Whole deferred to
Monday next, ---... 1610
27, Resolution of the Committee of the Whole re-
ported to the House, .... I6II
Lord North's motion to agree to the Resolution, 1611
Debate — Mr. Scott, 1611
Mr. Ackland, . . - - 1611
Mr. Temple Luttrell, - . - 1613
Sir P. J. Clerke, .... 1617
Mr. Hartley, - . . .1617
Mr, Thomas Powys, • - .1618
Lord North, 1619
Mr. T. Townshend, . . - 1619
Sir Richard Sutton, - . .1619
Mr. Charles Turner, . . . 1619
Mr. Hans Stanley, ... 1619
Mr. Alderman Sawbridge, . - 1619
General Burgoyne, . . .1619
Governour Johnstone, - - . 1622
Question taken, and Resolution agreed to, - 1622
ON THE BILL FOR RESTRAINING THE TRADE OF THE
NORTHERN COLONIES.
House of Commons.
fe J. 10, House in Committee, on American Papers,
Lord North's motion, for leave to bring in a Bill
to Restrain the Trade of the Northern Colo-
nies, --.....
Debate — Lord North,
Mr. Dunning, ....
Mr. Attorney General Thurlow,
Mr. Solicitor General Wedderbum, -
Mr. Speaker Norton, ...
Governour Johnstone,
Mr. T. Townshend,
Sir George Savile, ...
Sir W. Meredith, ....
Lord John Cavendish, ...
Lord Beauchamp, ....
Mr, Burke,
Lord North's motion agreed to, . . .
Report of Committee of the Whole,
Leave granted, and Committee appointed, to bring
in a Bill to Restrain the Trade and Commerce
of Massachusetts, New- Hampshire, Connecti-
cut, and Rhode-Island, and to prohibit such
Colonies from carrying on any Fisherj' on
the Banks of Newfoundland, or other places,
therein to be mentioned, ....
Statements of Duties and Excise on Imports and
Exports of West India Produce, and of the
Tonnage of all Vessels employed in the Trade
between Great Britain and the Colonies, order-
ed to be laid before the House, ...
Accounts of Exports presented, ...
Consideration of the Petition of Merchants, and
others, of London, concerned in the Commerce
of America, postponed to the 8th of March,
Statements of Exports and Imports, ordered to be
laid before the House, ....
Petition of the principal Manufacturers of the
Borough of Bridgeport, in the County of Dor-
set, on behalf of themselves, and thousands of
1622
1622
1622
1623
1623
1623
1623
1623
1624
1624
1624
1625
1625
1625
1626
1626
13.
15,
1626
1626
1626
1627
1627
CIX
1775.
CONTENTS.
ex
others, Inhabitants of the said Borough, and
places adjacent, presented, - - - 1 627
JVi. 15, Letter from Lord Dunmore, dated December
24, 1774, presented by Lord North, - - 1628
Petition of the Merchants and Master Manufac-
turers of Woollen Goods, of the Towns of
Wakefield, Halifax, Bradford, Huddersfield,
and Country adjacent, interested in the Trade
to America, presented, .... 1628
Accounts of Imports and Exports of Sugar pre-
sented, 1629
17, Address to the King, that he will direct to be laid
before the House, an Act of Assembly of Vir-
ginia, passed in the year 1684, ... 1629
Bill to Restrain the Trade, and prohibit the Fish-
eries of the Northern Colonies, presented by
Lord North, 1629
Second reading ordered for Thursday, - - 1629
American Papers to be considered in Committee
of the Whole, on Monday, the 20th, - .1629
20, Accounts of Imports and Exports presented, . 1630
22, Petition of the Merchants of Whitehaven, in the
County of Cumberland, .... 1630
Petition of the Merchants, Linen Drapers, and
principal Inhabitants of the Town and Neigh,
bourhood of Belfast, in the Kingdom of Ire.
land, presented, . . . - -.1631
Petition of the Aldermen, Sheriff, principal
Manufacturers, and Inhabitants of the Town
and County of Nottingham, presented, - 1631
" Act for the better preservation of the Peace of
Virginia, and preventing Unlawful and Trea-
sonable Associations," passed by the Assem-
bly of Virginia, on the 16th of April, 1684,
presented, (Note,) 1632
Petition of the Merchants, Traders, and others,
of the City of London, interested in the Ame-
rican Commerce, presented, ... i633
Second reading of the Bill postponed until to-
morrow, 1634
24, Letter from General Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, dated January 18, presented by Lord
North, 1634
Other Papers from America presented, - - 1634
Petition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and
Commons, of the City of London, in Common '
Council convened, presented at the Bar of the
House, by the Sheriffs of the City, - - 1635
Bill read second time, and committed to Com-
mittee of the Whole, .... 1636
Petition of Merchants, of London, referred to
same Committee, and may be heard by them-
selves, their Counsel, or Agents, against the
Bill, 1636
City Petition referred to the same Committee, - 1637
28, Petition of the People called duakers presented, 1637
Petition of the Merchants, Traders, and principal
Inhabitants of the Town and County of Poole,
presented, ...... i637
House in Committee, on the Bill, ... 1638
David Barclay, as Agent for the Committee of
the North American Merchants, called in, to
examine Witnesses in support of their Peti-
tion, 1638
Examination of Brook Watson, ... 1638
Examination of Stephen Higginson, - - 1645
Examination of John Lane, .... 1648
Examination of Seth Jenkins, ... 1650
March Account of the Imports of Tobacco into Scotland,
I, from 1760 to 1775, presented, . . - 1651
Account of Imports and Exports presented, - 1651
House in Committee on the Bill, ... i651
6, Bill reported to the House from the Committee
of the Whole, 1651
Examination of Benjamin Lister, in support of
the Petition from Poole, . . . .1651
Motion made for the engrossment of the Bill, - 1653
Debate — Lord Howe, 1653
Mr. Charles Fox, .... 1553
Mr. Jenkinson, ... 1553
Mr. T. Town.shpnd, ... 1654
Mr. Henry Dundas, - - . 1654
Lord John Cavendish, ... 1554
Mr. Rice, . - - - . 1654
Mr. Edmund Burke, . - - 1654
Lord Advocate of Scotland, - - 1656
Question taken, and resolved in the Affirmative, 1657
Third reading ordered for Wednesday next, - 1657
1657
1657
1657
1658
1659
1659
1659
1659
1660
1660
1660
1660
1775.
jWar.8, Bill read the third time, ....
Amendment offered by Mr. Hartley, to permit
the Colonies to import Fuel and Provisions
brought coastwise from any part of America,
Debate — Mr. Hartley, ....
Lord North, .....
Mr. Burke,
Lord Clare, .....
Mr. T. Townshend,
Mr. Charles Fox, ....
Governour Pownall, ...
Mr. Henry Dundas, ...
Question on the Amendment taken, and rejected,
Bill VasseA,
House of Lords.
March Bill to Restrain the Trade of the Northern Colo-
9, nies, received from the Commons, . . 1661
10, Second reading of the Bill ordered for Wednesday
the I5th, and the Lords summoned, . . 1661
15, Petition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Com-
mons, of the City of London, in Common Coun-
cil assembled, ...... 1661
Petition of the Merchants, Traders, and others, of
the City of London, interested in the American
Commerce, 1661
Bill read the second time, .... 1663
House refuse to permit Mr. Barclay to put Ques-
tions to the witnesses, .... 1663
Seth Jenkins examined, .... 1663
Brook Watson examined, .... 1667
Benjamin Lyster examined, .... 1668
George Davis examined, .... 1669
Molyneux Shuldham examined, ... 1669
Sir Hugh Palliser examined, - . . 1670
16, Motion by the Earl of Dartmouth, to commit the
Bill, 1670
Debate — Marquis of Rockingham, - . 1670
Earl of Carlisle, .... 1673
Duke of Manchester, - . . 1673
Earl of Denbigh, .... 1674
Duke of Manchester, ... 1674
Earl of Denbigh, .... 1674
Viscount Dudley, . - . . 1675
Lord Camden, .... 1675
Earl of Sandwich, (see Note,) - -1681
Earl of Shelburne, - • . 1683
Earl of Suffolk, - • . . . 1684
Earl of Radnor, .... 1684
Earl of Suflblk, .... 1684
Earl of Radnor, .... 1684
Duke of Grafton, .... 1685
Marquis of Rockingham, - . 1686
Lord Camden, .... 1686
Question taken ; Bill committed to a Conamittee
of the Whole House, .... 1687
20, Bill reported, amended, and ordered for a third
reading to-morrow, - - - . -1687
21, Bill read a third time, 1688
Amendment offered by the Earl of Buckingham-
shire, 1688
Debate — Duke of Manchester, ... 1688
Lord Chancellor, .... 1688
Duke of Manchester, ... 1688
Earl of Effingham, - . . 1689
Earl of Dartmouth, - . . 1689
Amendment rejected, ..... 1689
Bill passed, 1689
List of the Minority, 1689
Protest, 1689
" An Act to Restrain the Trade and Commerce of
the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay and New-
Hampshire, and Colom'es of Connecticut and
Rhode-Island, and Providence Plantation, in
North America, to Great Britain, Ireland, and
the British Islands in the West Indies; and
to prohibit such Provinces and Colonies from
carrying on any Fishery on the Banks of New-
foundland, or other places therein mentioned,
under certain conditions and limitations," - 1691
ON THE BILL TO
RESTRAIN THE TRADE OF
COLONIES.
THE SOUTHERN
House of Commons.
Mar. 3, American Papers presented by Lord North, - 1697
Letter from Governour Franklin to the Earl of
Dartmouth, dated February 1, - - . 1697
cxt
1775. i_ -r* 1 f T^k-
Mar.d, Letter from Govemour Ponn to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, datedJanuary 30, ■ " " T
Petition of iho Merchants, Linen Drapers, and
principal Inhabitants, of the City of Waterford,
in the Kingdom of Ireland, presented,
8, Letter from Govemour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, dated January 27, presented by Lord
North, ■
Mr. Hartley's motion for an Address to the King,
requesting him to direct a copy of a Letter
from the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant Gov-
emour Golden, dated December lOth, may be
laid before the House, . . . -
Debate — Mr. Hartley, . . - -
Mr. Rigby,
Mr. T. Townshend,
Lord North,
Mr. Fox,
Mr. Hartley's motion rejected, . . -
House in Committee on the American Papers,
CONTENTS.
CXII
13,
15.
16,
17.
20,
23.
27,
29.
30,
1698
1698
1698
1699
1699
1699
1699
1699
1699
1699
1700
1700
9, Accounts of Exports and Imports presented,
Petition of Gentlemen, Merchants, and Traders,
in the Woollen Manufactory at or near Hud-
dersfield, in the West Riding of the County of
York, presented, - - - *, ,"
Petition of the Manufacturing Hosiers of the
Town and County of Nottingham, presented, 1700
Permission granted to the Petitioners to be heard
before the Committee if they think fit,
House in Committee on the American Papers, -
Motion by Lord North, for leave to bring in a
Bill to Restrain the Trade of New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South
Carolina, ..----
Debate — Lord John Cavendish, . . •
Sir William Mayne, . . -
Mr. Hartley, ....
Lord North,
Question taken ; motion agreed to by the Com-
mittee, -------
Reported to the House, - - - -
Leave granted, and Committee appointed to bring
in the Bill, -
Bill presented by Mr. Cooper, and read first time, 1702
Second reading ordered for Thursday, - - 1702
Accounts of Duties, Di'awbacks, and Imposts,
presented, ------
Petition of the Clothiers and other principal In-
habitants of Trowbridge, in the County of
Wilts, presented, - - - - -
Second reading of the Bill postponed until to-
morrow, - - - -
Bill read second time, and committed to a Com-
mittee of the Whole House, - - -
House in Committee go through with the Bill,
Report of the Committee of the Whole to be re-
ceived on the 23d, -----
Report postponed to the 27th, ...
Report further postponed to the 29th,
Report to be received to-morrow, - - -
Bill reported from the Committee of the AVhole,
Debate — Mr. John Luttrell, - - - -
Mr. Temple Luttrell, . . -
Lord North,
Amendment, relating to Delaware, proposed by
Lord North, and agreed to, - - -
Bill ordered to be read a third time on the 3d of
April,
Papers presented by Lord North, - - -
Letter from Govemour Gage to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, dated February 17, - - -
Letter from Govemour Gage to the Earl of
Dartmouth, dated February 20,
Apr. 3, Third reading of the Bill postponed,
Estimate of the charge of maintaining and sup-
porting the Civil Establishment of his Majes-
ty's Colony of Nova-Scotia, for the year 1775,
Estimate of the Civil Establishment of his Ma-
jesty's Colony of Georgia, and the Incidental
Expenses attending the same, from the 24th of
June, 1774, to the 24th of June, 1775,
Estimate of the Civil Establishment of East
Florida, and other Incidental Expenses attend-
ing the same, from June 24, 1774. to June 24.
1775.
Estimate of the Expenses attending General Sur-
veys of his Majesty's Dominions in North
America, for the year 1775, ... 1712
- 1700
1701
1701
1701
1701
1701
1702
1702
1702
1702
- 1702
1702
1703
1703
1704
1704
1704
1704
1704
1704
1704
1705
1706
1708
- 1708
1708
1708
1708
1709
1709
1710
1710
1711
1775. , , .
Apr. 5. Bill read the third time,
Motion made that the Bill do Pass, -
Debate — Mr. Hartley,
Lord North,
Sir William Mayne,
Mr. Rigby,
Marquis of Granby,
Lord North, -
Mr. Alderman Sawbridge,
Mr. Alderman Bull.
Sir John Duntze.
General Conway. -
Mr. Rigby, ...
Mr. T. Townshend,
Question taken ; the Bill passed.
House of Lords.
Apr. 6, Bill to Restrain the Trade of New- Jersey, Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South Ca-
rolina, received from the Commons,
Read the first time,
7, Bill read the second time, - - - -
10, House in Committee, go through with the Bill,
Third reading ordered for the 12th,
12, Bill read the third time and passed.
Lords dissenting,
" An Act to Restrain the Trade and Commerce
of the Colonies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina, to
Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Islands
in the West Indies, under certain conditions
and limitations," . . . . -
1712
1712
1712
1712
1712
1713
1713
1714
1714
1714
1715
1715
1715
1715
1716
1716
1716
1716
1716
1716
1716
1716
1716
ON THE PETITION OF THE WEST INDIA PLANTERS
House of Commons.
MaT.8, House to go into Committee on the Petitions, on
the 15th, -
15, Witnesses directed to attend the Committee of the
Whole,
House in Committee on the Petitions,
16, House in Committee, . . . - -
Mr. Glover appeared as Agent of the West In-
dia Planters, and Manager of the Evidence in
support of their Petition, which was presented
on the 2d of February, . . - -
Mr. Glover's Address to the Committee,
George Walker examined, - - - -
John Ellis examined, - - . . -
Evidence summed up by Mr. Glover,
Petition and Memorial of the Assembly of Ja-
maica, to the King in Coimcil, dated Decem-
ber 28, 1774, presented by Lord North,
20, House again in Committee on the Petitions,
Witnesses examined on the Petitions from Not-
1721
1721
1721
1721
1721
1721
1722
1731
1733
1743
1743
27,
tingham, ---..- 1743
Debate on the objection made by Mr. Van, to a
question put to one of the witnesses, by Mr.
Burke,
Remarks of Mr. Bailey on the conduct of Lord
North, in relation to the Petitioners,
Petitions to be further considered on the 27th, -
Consideration postponed for one week, when the
subject dropped, - . . . .
1743
1744
1744
1745
ON MR. BURKe's RESOLUTIONS FOR CONCILIATION.
House of Commons.
March Mr. Burke's Resolutions for Conciliatioij with
22, America, ...--- 1745
Debate— Mr. Burke, 1745
Mr. Jenkinson, .... 1776
Lord Frederick Campbell, - - 1777
Question taken, and the Resolutions rejected, 1778
ON MR. hartley's PROPOSITIONS FOR CONCILIATION.
House of Commons.
March Mr, Hartley's Propositions for Conciliation with
27. the Colonies, 1781
Debate— Mr. Hartley, - - - - 1781
Sir Cecil Wray, - - - - 1791
Lord North, 1791
Sir Cecil Wray, - - - - 1792
Mr. T. Townshend, - - - 1792
Lord William Campbell, - - 1792
Mr. Lyttelton, .... 1792
Sir George Savile, ... 1792
Mr. Vyner, 1792
Mr. Tuffiiell, .... 1792
Mr. Hartley's Propositions rejected, - - 1793
CXIII
CONTENTS.
CXIV
1775.
ON THE AMERICAN MUTINY BILL.
House of Commons.
March Leave granted to bring in a Bill to render more
24, effectual in his Majesty's Dominions in Ame-
rica, the Act for punishing Mutiny and Deser-
tion, .......
27, The Bill presented by Lord Barrington,
28, Bill read the second time, . - . .
30, Considered in Committee of the Whole,
31, Ordered to be engrossed, . . . .
Apr. 5, Read the third time and passed, ...
House of Lords.
Apr.G, Bill to render more effectual in his Majesty's Do-
minions in America, the Act for the punishment
of Mutiny and Desertion, received from the
Commons, ......
7, Bill read the second time, - . . .
10, House in Committee on the Bill, - . .
11, Read the third time and passed, . . .
"An Act to amend, and render more effectual in
his Majesty's Dominions in America, an Act,
passed in the present Session of Parliament,
entitled, ' An Act for punishing Mutiny and
Desertion, and for the better Payment of the
Army and their Quarters,' and for extending
the provisions of the said Act to his Majesty's
Marine Forces in America,"
1793
1793
1793
1793
1794
1794
1794
1794
1794
1795
. 1795
ON THE BRITISH FISHERY BILL.
House of Commons.
April Motion of Lord North to consider of the Enconr-
1 1, agement proper to be given to the Fisheries of
Great Britain and Ireland, .... 1805
Debate— Lord North, 1805
Mr. Burke, 1806
Mr. Thomas To\vnshend, - - 1806
Mr. Connolly, - - - - 1807
Mr. Burke, 1807
Lord North, 1807
Motion agreed to, 1807
27, House in Committee on Lord North's motion, . 1807
Lord North's Explanations, .... 1807
28, Resolutions reported by Committee of the Whole,
for the Encouragement of the Fisheries carried
on from Great Britain and Ireland, agreed to, 1809
Committee to prepare the Bill, - - - 1811
JWay4, Bill presented by Mr. Jenkinson, - . . 1811
9, Read the second time, . - . .1811
11, Considered in Committee, - . . -1811
17, Read the third time and passed, . - - 1812
House of Lords.
3fayl8,Bill for the Encouragement of British Fisheries
received from the Commons, - . .1812
19, Read the second time, . - - . .1812
22, Considered in Committee, and read the third time
and passed, . . . - . .1812
ON PROVIDING WAYS AND MEANS FOR 1775.
House of Commons.
May 3, House in Committee to consider further of the
Ways and Means for raising the Supply grant-
ed to his Majesty, . - . . . 1811
Resolutions offered by Lord North, - .1815
Debate — Lord North, 1813
Mr. Hartley, .... 1815
Mr. Vyner, 1815
Mr. T. Townshend, - . .1815
Lord North, 1815
Governour Johnstone, . - - 1816
4, Resolutions reported from the Committee of the
Whole, 1816
Agreed to by the House, - - - - 1818
ON THE REMONSTRANCE OF THE NEW.YORK ASSEMBLY.
House of Commons.
May\5, Representation and Remonstrance of the Assem.
bly of New- York, offered by Mr. Burke, - 1819
Mr. Burke's motion, that the Representation and
Remonstrance be brought up, - . . 1819
Motion by Lord North to amend by inserting, in
Mr. Burke's motion, after the word Remon-
strance, the words " in which the said Assem-
FouRTH Series.
1775.
bly claim to themselves rights derogatory to,
and inconsistent with, the Legislative authority
of Parliament," 1819
Debate— Mr. Burke, 1€19
Lord North, - .... - 1819
Mr. Cruger, 1820
Mr. Cornwall, .... 1821
Mr. Jcnkinson, . . . .1821
Mr, Aubrey, 1821
Mr. Fox, 1822
Governour Johnstone, ... 1822
Lord North's motion to amend agreed to, - 1822
Mr. Burke's motion, as amended, rejected, - 1822
ON THE PETITIONS FROM QCEBECK.
House of Lords.
itfay 17, Petition of his Majesty's loyal and dutiful Sub-
jects, settled in the Province of duebeck, pre-
sented by Lord Camden, - - . . 1823
Debate — Earl Gower, .... 1823
Lord Camden, .... 1823
Bill offered by Lord Camden, to Repeal the
Q,uebeck Act, 1826
Motion by the Earl of Dartmouth, that the Bill
be now rejected, 1826
Debate— Earl of Dartmouth, . - .1826
Duke of Richmond, . . .1827
Lord Lyttelton, - - - - 1827
Duke of Manchester, - - - 1829
Earl of Rochford, .... 1829
Earl of Bristol, - - - - 1829
Lord Lyttelton, - - - - 1830
Earl of Sandwich, - - - 1831
Earl of Bristol, - . . . 1831
Earl of Sandwich, - - - 1831
Archbishop of Canterbury, - - 1831
Earl of Shelburne, - - - 1831
Lord Mansfield, - . . - 1834
Lord Camden, - - . - 1834
Question taken, and the Bill rejected, - - 1834
List of the Minority, 1834
House of Communis.
MaylS, Petition and Memorial of his Majesty's ancient
Subjects, Seigneurs, Freeholders, Merchants,
Traders, and others, settled in his Majesty's
Province of Quebeck, presented, - - 1833
Sir George Savile's motion for leave to bring in
a Bill to repeal the Quebeck Act, - - 1836
Debate — Sir George Savile, ... 1835
Mr. T. Townshend, - . - 1836
Mr. De Grey, .... 1836
Mr. Howard, - . . - 1836
Lord North, 1836
Mr. Fox, 1837
Sir Robert Smythe, . - - .1837
Colonel Barr^, .... 1838
Sir W. Meredith, .... 1838
Colonel Barre, .... 1838
Question taken, and Sir George Savile's motion
rejected, 1838
ON THE MEMORIAL OF THE NEW.YORK ASSEMBLY.
House of Lords.
MaylS, Memorial of his Majesty's faithful Subjects and
Representatives of the Colony of New- York,
in General Assembly convened, presented, - 1837
Motion by the Duke of Manchester, that the
Memorial might be read by the Clerk, - 1837
Debate — Earl of Dartmouth, - - - 1837
Duke of Manchester, - - - 1838
Earl of Buckinghamshire - - 1838
Earl of Denbigh, - - - - 1839
Earl Gower, .... 1839
Duke of Manchester, - - - 1839
Earl of Hillsborough, - - - 1839
Duke of Richmond, ... 1839
Earl of Sandwich, ... 1839
Motion by the Earl of Sandwich, to amend the
Duke of Manchester's motion, by inserting
after the word Memorial, the words, " the con.
tents thereof, not having been opened," - 1839
Debate — Duke of Richmond, . - - 1839
Earl Gower, - - - - 1839
Lord Camden, .... 1839
Earl of Effingham, - - - 1840
CXY
1775.
Amendment proposed by the Earl of Sandwich,
rejected, ...... 1842
Question taken on the Duke of Manchester's
motion, and the House refused to permit the
Memorial to be read, .... 1842
3fay26, Speaker's Speech to the Xing', - - - 1841
King's Speech to both Houses, ... 1842
Parliament prorogued to the 27th day of July
ne.Tt, - 1844
1774.
PETITIONS TO THE KING.
Jan. 10, The most humble Petition of his Majesty's an^
cicnt and loyal Subjects, Freeholders, Mer
chants, and Planters, in the Province of Que
beck, in North America to the King, -
15, Memorial of the Freeholders, Merchants, Plan-
ters, and others, his Majt'stj^'s ancient and
loyal Subjects, now in the Province of Quc-
beck, to the Right Honourable the Earl of
Dartmouth, one of his Majesty's principal Se-
cretaries of State, - - - - -
March Letter from Francis Maseres to the Committee
19, of the Petitioners for an Assembly in the
Province of Qucbeck. Has presented the
Petition and Memorial. Ministers believe the
Province is not yet ripe for an Assembly, and
prefer for the present a Legislative Council,
nominated by the King. Advises them to
declare that the British Parliament has su-
preme authority over the Province, both of
- 1843
1844
1774.
Feb.
CONTENTS. cxvi
Legislation and Taxation, and that such au-
thority shall continue after the Establishment
of an Assembly, - - - - - 1845
Petition of divers Roman Catholick Inhabitants
of the Province of Qucbeck, signed and trans-
mitted to the Earl of Dartmouth, his Majes-
ty's Secretary of State for America, - - 1846
Memorial in support of the requests made by his
Majesty's most obedient and most faithful new
Subjects in Canada, 1843
Petition of his Majesty's most loyal and dutiful,
his ancient Subjects, settled in the Province of
Qucbeck, 1849
Humble Address and Petition of the Merchants,
Traders, and others, of the City of London,
concerned in the Commerce of North America, 1850
Address and Petition of the People called Qua-
kers, to George the Third, King of C4reat
Britain, and the Dominions thereunto belong-
ing, - - - - - - - 1852
Humble Address, Remonstrance, and Petition of
the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery, of the
City oi London, in Common-Hall, assembled, 1853
The King's Answer, delivered to the Lord
Mayor, by the Earl of Hertford, Lord Cham-
berlain, - - . - - - « - 1854
Letter from the Lord Chamberlain, to the Lord
Mayor of London, 1854
May 2, Mr. Wilkes's, the Lord Mayor's Answer, to the
Letter from Lord Hertford, the Lord Cham-
berlain, ■ . 1854
Nov.
12,
1775.
March
23,
April
10,
11,
List of the Delegates appointed by the several Counties of the Province of jMaryland, to the Convention which
met at Annapolis, by Adjournment, on the Eighth day of Dece.hber, 1774, and continued
till the Twelfth day of the same month. (See page 1031.)
For St. Mary's County. — John Allen Thomas, Jeremiah
Jordan, Richard Barnes, John De Butts.
For Charles County. — John Dent, Daniel Jenifer, Thomas
Stone.
.For Calvert County. — John Weeras, Alexander Sonier-
ville, Richard Parran, Edward Reynolds, Benjamin
Mackall_, 4th.
For Frince George's County. — William Bowie, Robert
Tyler, Edward Sprigg, John Rodgers, David Crauford,
Joshua Beall, Osborn Sprigg, Walter Bowie.
For Frederick County. — Charles Beatty, Jacob Funk,
Henry Griffith, Thomas Price, Richard Brooke, Jo-
seph Chapline, Upton Sheredine, Thomas Sprigg Woot-
len.
For Anne Arundel County, and City of Annapolis. — John
Hall, Thomas Johnson, Samuel Chase, William Paca,
Matthias Hammond, Charles Carroll, Barrister, Charles
Carroll of Carrolllon, Brice T. B. Worthington, Tho-
mas Dorsey, John Weems.
For Baltimore County. — John Moale, Thomas Cockey
Deye, Walter Tiiliey, Benjamin Nicholson, William
Buchanan, John Boyd, Samuel Worthington, Charles
Ridgely.
For Harford County. — Thomas Bond, John Love, Josias
Carvile Hall, John Paca, Aquila Paca, Francis Holland,
Aquila Hall, Amos Garret, Richard Dallam.
For Cecil County. — John Veazy, Joseph Gilpin.
For Kent County. — Thomas Ringgold, Joseph Earle.
For (^ueeji Anne County. — James Hollyday, John Brown,
Thomas Wright, Turburt Wright.
For Caroline County. — Hemy Dickenson, Benedict Brice,
William Mellefon, Joshua Clarke.
For Dorchester County. — John Dickenson, Thomas En-
nalls, Matthew Brown, Josiali Richardson, Zachariah
Campbell.
For Somerset County. — Peter Waters, George Dashiell,
Samuel Wilson, Josiah Polk, Henry Waggaman, John
Winder, Luther Martin.
For fVorccster County. — Peter Chaille, William Purnel],
Samuel Handy, Smith Bishop, Nehemiah Holland.
DOCUMENTARY HISTORY, &c.
PROCEEDINGS, PAPERS, AXD DEBATES OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS AND HOUSE OF COMMONS, ON MEASURES
RELATING TO THE AMERICAN COLONIES, DURING THE SEVENTH SESSION OF THE
THIRTEENTH PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN.
I. THE KING'S MESSAGE, OF SEVENTH MARCH, 1774.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Friday, March 4th, 1774.
The Earl of Dartmouth acquainted the House " That
" his Majesty had given directions, that the several Papers
" received from America, relating to the Disturbances there,
" with regard to the importation of Tea, should be laid
" before the House ; and that the same will be delivered
" on Monday next."
Monday, March 1th, 1774.
The Earl of Dartmouth acquainted the House, " That
" he had a Message from his Majesty, under his Royal sign
*' manual, which his Majesty had commanded him to deli-
*' ver to this House."
And the same was read by the Lord Chancellor, and is
as follows ; (videlicet,)
George R.
His Majesty upon information of the unwarrantable
practices which have been lately concerted and earned on
in North America, and, particularly, of the violent and
outrageous proceedings at the Town and Port of Boston,
in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, with a view to ob-
structing the Commerce of this Kingdom, and upon grounds
and pretences immediately subversive of the Constitution
thereof, hath thought fit to lay the whole matter before his
two Houses of Parliament, fully confiding, as well in their
zeal for the maintenance of his Majesty's authority, as in
their attachment to the common interest and welfare of all
bis Dominions, that they will not only enable his Majesty
effectually to take such measures as may be most likely to
put an immediate stop to the present disorders, but will also
take into their most serious consideration, what farther regu-
lations and permanent provisions may be necessary to be
established for better securing the execution of the Laws,
and the just dependence of the Colonies upon the Crown
and Parliament of Great Britain. G. R.
The said Message was then read again by the Clerk.
The Earl of Dartmouth, (by his Majesty's command,)
laid before the House copies of all Letters, &;c., received
from America, relating to the Disturbances there w ith regard
to the importation of Tea, together with a list thereof;
which was read by the Clerk, as follows;
Massachusetts Bay.
No. 1. Extract of a Letter from Govemour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 4th November,
1773, received 17lh December, enclosing.
No. 2. Copy of a Letter to Thomas and Elisha
Hutchinson, delivered at their house in Boston,
2d hovember, 1773.
No. 3. Copy of a printed Paper, posted up in the
Town of Boston, on the 3d November, 1773.
No. 4. Copy of a Narrative.
No. 5. Copy of a Narrative.
No. 6. Copy of a Letter from Govemour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Milton, near Boston, 6th
November, 1773; received '25th December, enclosing.
No. 7. Copy of a Letter from Mr. Richard Clarke
and Company, and Benjamin Faneuil and Compa-
ny, to John Hancock, Esquire, dated 4th Novem-
ber, 1773.
No. 8. Copy of a Vote of the Town Meeting at
Boston, the 5th November, 1773.
No. 9. Copy of a Letter from Thomas Hutchinson,
Junior, to John Hancock, Esquire ; (no date.)
No. 10. Extract of a Letter from Govemovix Hutchinson
•to the Earl of Dartmouth , dated Boston, 15th November,
1773 ; received 3d January, 1774.
No. 1 1 . Copy of a Letter from Govemour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 2d of December,
1773 ; received 27th January, 1774, enclosing.
No. 12. Copy of a Petition of Richard Clarke and
Sons, Benjamin Fancuil, and Thomas and Elisha
Hutchinson ; and of the Proceedings of the Coun-
cil thereupon.
No. 13. Extract from the Massachusetts Gazette, of
the 26th November, 1773.
No. 14. Copy of a Paper printed at Boston, dated
1st December, 1773.
No. 15. Copy of a Letter from Govemour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 15th December,
1773; received 2d February, 1774.
No. 16. Copy of a Letter from Govemour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 17th December,
1773 ; received 27th January, 1774.
No. 17. Copy of a Letter from Govemour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 20th December,
1773; received 14th February, 1774.
No. 18. Extract of a Letter from Govemom Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 24th December,
1773 ; received 14th February, 1774, enclosing.
No. 19. Extract of the Minutes of the Council of the
Massachusetts Bay, on the 21st December, 1773.
No. 20. Extract of a Letter from Govemour Hutcfnnson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 4th January,
1774 ; received 13th February.
New- York.
No. 21. Extract of a Letter from Major General Haldi-
mand to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated New-York, 3d of
November, 1773 ; received 10th December.
No. 22. Extract of a Letter from Major General Haldi-
mand to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated New-York, 2Sth
December, 1773 ; received 4tli February, 1774.
No. 23. Extract of a Letter from Major General Haldi-
mand to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated New-York, 5th
January, 1774 ; received 5th February.
No. 24. Copy of a Paper referred to in Major General
Haldimand's Letter of the 5th January, 1774.
No. 25. Extract of a Letter from Major General Haldi-
mand to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated 2d February, 1774 ;
received 2d March.
No. 26. Copy of a Letter from Govemour Tryon to the
Earl oi Dartmouth, dated New-York, 3d November, 1773;
received 10th December, enclosing.
No. 27. Copy of a printed Paper, intituled, " The
Alarm,No.l," dated New- York, 6thOctober,llT3.
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
8
The
Copy of a printed Paper, intituled, " Thi
n, So. 2," dated New-York, 9th o( October
No. 28.
Alarm,
1773.
No. 29. Extract from a printed Paper, intituled, " Tne
Alarm," dated New York, 19th October, 1773.
No. 30. Copy of a Letter from Governour Tryon to the
Eari of Dartmouth, dated Netv- York, 1st December, 1773 ;
received 10th Jarniary, 1774, enclosing.
No. 31. Memorial of the Agents of the East India
Company, praying that the Tea shipped by the
Company, may, on its arrival, be taken under the
protection of Government.
No. 32. Minutes of Council relative to the Tea ship-
ped by the East India Company.
No. 33. Copy of a Letter from Governour Tryon to the
Earl of Dartmouth, dated New-York, 3d January, 1774;
received otli February, 1774.
No. 34. Copy of a Letter from Governour Tryon to the
Eari of Dartmouth, dated New-York, 5th January, 1774 ;
received 5th February, enclosing,
No. 35. Extract from the Minutes of the Council of
New-York.
South Carolina.
No. 36. Extract of ;t Letter from Lieutenant Governour
Bull to the Eari of Dartmouth, dated 24th December, 1773 ;
received 28th January, 1774.
Neio-Hampshire.
No. 37. Extract of a Letter from GovemoysiWcntworth,
to the Eari of Dartmouth, dated New-Hampshire, 17th
December, 1773; received 2d March, 1774, enclosing.
No. 38. Notification of the Selectmen of the Town
of Portsmouth.
No. 39. Resolves of Portsmouth, in New-Hampshire,
respecting the Teas.
Admiralty.
No. 40. Copy of a Letter from the Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty to the Eari of Dartmouth, dated the 20th
January, 1774; received the 21st, enclosing.
No. 41. Copy of a Letter from Rear Admiral Mon-
tagu to Philip Stephens, Esqr., Secretary of the
Admiralty, dated Boston, 8th December, 1773.
No. 42. Copy of a Letter from the Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated 27th
January, 1774 ; received the same day, enclosing.
No. 43. A copy of a Letter from Rear Admiral
Montagu to Philip Stephens, Esqr., Secretary of
the Admiralty, dated Boston, 17th December, 1773.
War Office.
No. 44. Copy of a I^etter from Lord Viscount Barrington
to the Eari of Dartmouth, dated War OfEce, 28th January,
1774 ; received 29tli, enclosing.
No. 45. Copy of a Letter from the Honourable Alex-
ander Leslie, Lieutenant Colonel of the Sixty-
Fourth Regiment of Foot, to Lord Viscount Bar-
rington, dated Castle William, December 6, 1773.
No. 46. Extract of a Letter from Ditto to Ditto, dated
17th December, 1773.
£aj< India Company.
No. 47. Copy of a Note from the Chairman of the East
India Company to the Eari of Dartmouth, dated 20th De-
cember, 1773 ; received 21st, enclosing,
No. 48. Account of Tea exported by the East India
Company to his Majesty's Colonies in North Ame-
rica, with the quantities, and to whom consigned.
No. 49. Copy of a Note from the Chairman of the East
India Company to the Eari of Dartmouth, dated 23d De-
cember, 1773 ; received 25th, enclosing.
No. 50. Extract of a Letter dated Boston, 18th Oc-
tober, 1773.
No. 51. Extract of a Letter from New- York, dated
5th November, 1773.
No. 52. Extract of a Letter from New- York, dated
5lh November, 1773.
No. 53. Cony of a Letter relative to advices received
from Philadelphia and New-York, dated 21st De-
cember, 177.3.
No. 54. Copy of a Letter relative to advices received
from Philadelphia, dated 21st December, 1773.
No. 55. Copy of a Letter relative to the exportation
of Tea to Boston, dated 21st December, 1773.
No. 56. Copy of a Letter relative to the exportation
of Tea to South Carolina.
No. 57. Copy of a Letter relative to the exportation
of Tea to New-York.
No. 58. Copy of a Note from the Chairman of the East
India Company to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated 24th
December, 1773 ; received 25tli, enclosing.
No. 59. Extract of a Letter from Philadelphia, dated
5th October, 1773.
No. 60. Extract of two Letters from Philadelphia,
dated October 5th and 30th, 1773.
No. 61. Copy of a Note from the Chairman and Deputy
Chairman of the East India Company to the Eari of Dart-
mouth,dated lOih January, 1774 ; received 15th, enclosing,
No. 62. Copy of a Letter from the East India Com-
pany's Agents at New-York to the Court of Di-
rectors.
No. 63. Copy of the Memorial of Henry Wiite and
others. Merchants, to the Governour of New- York.
No. 64. Copy of a Letter from an Agent of the East
India Company to his Correspondents in London, dated
Boston, 15th November, 1773.
No. 65. Copy of a Letter from an Agent of the East
India Company to his Correspondent in London, dated
Boston, November, 1773.
No. 66. Copy of a Letter from an Agent of the East
India Company to the Chairman, dated Boston, 17th No-
vember, 1773.
No. 67. Copy of a Note from the Chairman of the East
India Company to the Eari of Dartmouth, dated 21st
January, 1774 ; received 25th, enclosing,
No. 68. Copy of a Letter signed " Anglo Ameri-
canus," to the East India Company, dated Boston,
17th December, 1773.
No. 69. Copy of a Note from the Chairman and Deputy
Chairman of the East India Company to the Earl of
Dartmouth, dated 26th January, 1774 ; received the same
day.
No. 70. Copy of a Note from the Chairman and Deputy
Chairman of the East India Company to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, dated 26th January, 1774 ; received 27th, en-
closing.
No. 71. Copy of a Letter to the Delaware Pilots and
• to Captain Ayres, dated Philadelphia, 27th No-
vember, 1773.
No. 72. Declaration of Messrs. James and Drinker,
Agents for the East India Company, at Phila-
delphia.
No. 73. Postscript to the Pennsylvania Gazette, of
24th December, 1773.
No. 74. Copy of a Letter from Messrs. James and
Drinker to the Directors of the East India Com-
pany, dated Philadelphia, 28th December, 1773.
No. 75. Copy of a Letter from Messrs. Tliomas and
Isaac Wharton, Jonathan Brown, and Gilbert
Barkley, to the East India Company, dated Phi-
ladelphia, 28th December, 1773.
No. 76. Copy of a Note from the Chairman of the East
India Company to the Earl of Dartmouth ; received 3d
February, 1774.
No. 77. Copy of a Letter from Thomas and Elisha
Hutchinson, Richard Clarke and Sons, and Benjamin
Faneuil, to the Directors of the East India Company,
dated 2d December, 1773.
No. 78. Copy of a Letter from Ditto to Ditto, dated
17th December, 1773.
No. 79. Copies of two Letters from Messrs. Smith,
Leger, and Greenivood, to the Secretary of the East India
Company, dated 4lh and 18th December, 1773.
No. 80. Copy of a Note from the Chairman and Deputy
Chairman of the East India Company to the Earl of
Dartmouth, dated 9th February, 1774 ; received 10th,
enclosing,
No. 81. Copy of a Letter from Henry ff'hite, Abram
Lott, and Company, and Pigou and Booth, to the
Directors of the East India Company, dated Neiv-
York, 27th December, 1773.
9
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
10
No. 82. Copy of a Letter from Henry fVJiitt, and
others, to Captain Benjamin Loclcyer, of the Ship
Nancy, dated New-York, 27th December, 1773.
No. 83. Copy of a Note from the Ciiairman and Deputy
Chairman of tiie East India Company to the Earl of Dart-
mouth, dated 15th February, 1774 ; received 16th, en-
closing.
No. 84. Questions proposed by Francis Rotch, an
owner, and James Hall, master, of the Ship Dart-
mouth, with the Answers of the Consignees.
No. 85. Questions proposed by James Bruce, master
of the Ship Eleanor, with the Answers of the Con-
signees.
No. 86. Copy of a Letter from Mr. Botch, owner of
the Ship Dartmouth, to Richard Clarke and Sons,
&c., dated Boston, 6th January, 1774.
No. 87. Copy of a Letter from Richard Clarke and
Sons, and Benjamin Faneuil, Jun., to the Directors
of the East India Company, dated Castle William,
January 7th, 1774.
No. 88. Copy of a Letter from Richard Clarke and
Sons, and Benjamin Faneuil, Jun., to the East India
Company, dated January 7th, 1774.
No. 89. Copy of a Letter from Mr. Mitchell, Secretary
to the East India Company, to John Pownall, Esqr., dated
16th February, 1774; received 17th. enclosing,
No. 90. Copy of a Memorial of the East India
Company to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated 16th
February, 1774.
Treasury.
No. 91. Copy of a Letter from Grey Cooper, Esqr.,
Secretary of the Treasury, to John Pownall, Esqr., dated
7th March, 1774, enclosing.
No. 92. Copy of a Letter from Mr. Mather, acting as
Secretary to the Commissioners of the Customs in
America, dated 7th October, 1773, to John Robin-
son, Esqr., Secretary to the Lords of the Treasury ;
received 14th February, 1774.
No. 93. A copy of a Letter from the Commissioners of
the Customs in America, to the Lords of the Treasury,
dated Boston, 4th January, 1774 ; received 14th Februa-
ry, 1774, enclosing.
No. 94. Copy of a Letter from the Collectors and
Comptroller of the Customs at Boston, to the Com-
missioners of the Customs there, dated 17th De-
cember, 1773.
No. 95. Copy of a Letter from Ditto to Ditto, dated
23d December, 1773.
No. 96. Copy of a Letter from Ditto to Ditto, dated
31st December, 1773.
No. 97. Copy of a Protest of James Bruce, James
Bruce, Jun., and John Finney.
No. 98. Do. of Hezekiah Coffin and others.
No. 99. Do. of Francis Rotch and others.
No. 100. Depositions of Samuel Hunt and others.
No. 101. Do. of Thomas Rick and others.
No. 102. Do. of miliam Elliot and others.
No. 103. Do. of Alexander Hodgson.
No. 104. Do. of James Bruce and others.
No. 105. Report of Arthur Savage.
No. 106. Do. of Robert Parker.
No. 107. Memorial of Francis Rotch.
No. 108. Do. of James Bruce.
No. 109. Do. of Hezekiah Coffin.
Ordered, That the said Papers do lie on the table.
Ordered, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, '•' To return his Majesty the thanks of this House
" for his Majesty's gracious Message, and for the communi-
" cation his Majesty hath been graciously pleased to make
" to this House, of several Papers relative to the present
" state of some of his Majesty's Colonies in North Ame-
" rica.
" To assure his Majesty that this House, truly sensible
" that the peace and good government of the Colonies,
" and the preventing any obstructions there to the Com-
" merce of this Kingdom, are objects of their most serious
" attention, will enter upon the consideration of these
" Papers with an earnest desire to make such provisions
" as, upon mature deliberation, shall appear necessary and
" expedient for securing the just dependence of the said
" Colonies upon the Crown and Parliament of Great Bri-
" tain, and for enforcing a due obedience to the Laws of
" this Kingdom throughout all his Majesty's Dominions.''
Ordered, That the said Address be presented to his
Majesty by the Lords with White Staves.
Ordered, That the Papers delivered this day by the
Earl of Dartmouth, (by his Majesty's command,) toge-
ther with his Majesty's most gracious Message, be taken
into consideration on Thursday, sevennight ; and that tiie
Lords be summoned.
Friday, March 11, 1774.
The Earl of Dartmouth, (by his Majesty's command,)
laid before the House more Papers from America, relating
to the Disturbances there with regard to the importation of
Tea. together with a list thereof,
Which was read by the Clerk, as follows :
No. 1 . Extract of a Letter from Governour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 28th January,
1774; received 8th March, enclosing.
No. 2. Extract from the Boston Gazette, of 27th
January, 1774.
Ordered, That the said Papers do lie on the table, and
that they be taken into consideration on Thursday next.
Wednesday, March 16, 1774.
The House being moved, " That the consideration of
" the several Papers laid before tliis House (by his Majesty's
"command,) relating to D'lstwhances'm America, and also
" his Majesty's most gracious Answer in relation thereto,
" be adjourned till to-morrow sevennight ; and that the
" Lords be summoned."
The same was objected to. After short debate, the
question was put thereupon. It was resolved in the Affirm-
ative.
Wednesday, March 23, 1774.
Ordered, That the consideration of the several Papers
laid before this House (by his Majesty's command,) rela-
ting to the Disturbances in America; and also his Majesty's
most gracious Message in relation thereto, which stands
appointed for to-morrow, be adjourned till Monday next ;
and that the Lords be summoned.
Wednesday, March 30, 1774.
Ordered, That all the Lords who have been present
this day, be appointed a Committee to inquire into the
several Proceedings in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay,
in opposition to the sovereignty of his Majesty, in his
Parliament of Great Britain, over that Province ; and also
what has passed in this House relative thereto, from the 1st
of January, 1764.
Ordered, That the several Papers laid before this House
relating to Disturbances in the Colony of the Massachusetts
Bay, be referred to the said Committee; and the said
Committee is hereby empowered to send for Persons,
Papers, and Records.
Their Lordships, or any five of them, to meet to-morrow,
in the Prince's lodgings, near the House of Peers ; and to
adjourn as they please.
The Lords present, who formed the Committee, were :
Tlie Duke of Gloucester; Lord Apsley, Lord High
Chancellor; Earl of Gower, Lord President; Earl of
Hertford, Lord Chamberlain.
Dukes : Beafort, Ancaster, Chandos, Montagu.
Earls : Suffolk, Denbigh, Westmoreland, Stanford,
Sandwich, Doncaster, Rod ford ,Abercorn, Loudon, March,
Marchmont, Stair, Roseberry, Dartmouth, Macclesfield,
Waldegrave, Asburnham, Bucks, Hardwicke, Faucon-
berg, Ilchester, Northington, Spencer, Hillsborough.
Viscounts : Montague, Townshend, Falmouth.
Hon : Frederick Cornwallis, Archbishop of Canterbu-
ry; Richard Tcrrick, Bishop of Lonrfo/i; Edmund Keene,
Bishop of Ely; Sir William Asburnham, Bart., Bishop of
Chichester; John Hume, Bishop o( Salisbury ; John Green,
Bishop of Lincoln ; Charles Moss, Bishop of St. Davids ;
Eihnund Law, Bishop of Carlisle; John Hinchcliffe,
Bishop of Peterborough ; William Markham, Bishop of
Chester.
11
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
12
Lords: Abergavenny, Wilhughhy, Br., Cathcart, Ca-
dogan, King, Godolphin, Moiitfort, Eds:cumbe, Sandys,
Bruce, IVafpok, Mansfield, Lyttchon, Wycombe, Scars-
dale, Boston, Pelhavi, Camden, Sundridge.
Thursday, April 14, 1774.
The Earl of Btickinghamshirc reported from the Com-
mittee appointed to inquire into tlie several Proceedings in
the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in opposition to the
sovereignty of his Majesty in his Parliament of Great Bri-
tain, over that Province, and also what has passed in this
House relative thereto, from the 1st of January, 1764,
" That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the House
" be moved. That an humble Address be presented to his
" Majesty, that he would be graciously [)leased to give
" directions that there be laid before this House, copies or
" extracts of all Letters and Papers which have been receiv-
" ed by his Majesty's Secretaries of State, or the Commis-
" sioners of Trade and Plantations, from the Governour,
" Lieutenant Governour, or other Officers in his Majesty's
" service in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in iS'ew
'•■ England, containing advices of any proceedings in the
" said Province in opposition to his Majesty's sovereignty
" in his Parliament of Great Britain, over the same, from
" the 7th of July, 1766, which have not been already laid
" before the House."
Which Report, being read by the Clerk, was agreed to
by the House.
And the Hou'=e being moved accordingly —
Ordered, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, " That he would be graciously pleased to give di-
" rections that there be laid before this House, copies or
" extracts of all Letters and Papers which have been receiv-
" ed by his Majesty's Secretaries of State, or the Com-
" missioners of Trade and Plantations, from the Governour,
" Lieutenant Governour, or other Officers in his ftlajesty's
" service in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in Neio
" England, containing advices of any proceedings in the
" said Province in opposition to his Majesty's sovereignty
" in his Parliament of Great Britain, over the same, from
" the 7th of July, 1766, which have not been already laid
" before the House."
Friday, April 15, 1774.
The Lord Chamberlain reported, " That the Lords with
" White Staves had (according to order) waited on his Ma-
"jesty with their Lordships' Address of yesterday ; and
" that his Majesty was pleased to say ' he would give
" directions accordingly.' "
The Earl of Dartmouth, (by his Majesty's command,)
laid before the House, the several Papers in their Lordships'
Address of yesterday, relating to the Disturbances in Ame-
rica, together with a list thereof; \yhich was read by the
Clerk, as follows :
No. 1 . Extract of a Letter from Governour Bernard to
the Lords of Trade, dated Boston, 7th July, 1766.
No. 2. Extract of a Letter from Governour Bernard to
the Earl of Shelburnc, dated Boston, 7th February, 1767,
with enclosures.
No. 3. Extract of a Letter from Governour Bernard to
the Earl of Shelburnc, dated Boston, 21st February, 1767.
No. 4. Extract of a Letter from Governour Bernard to
the Earl of Shelburne, dated Boston, 21st March, 1768.
No. 5. Extract of a Letter from Governour Bernard, to
the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 30th of May,
1768.
No. 6. Answer of the House of Representatives of
Massachusetts Bay, to the Govemour's Message, the 30th
June, 1768.
No. 7. Printed account of the Associations at Boston,
and the Proceedings in consequence thereof.
No. 8. Extract of a Letter from Sir Francis Bernard,
Baronet, to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, the
1st of June, 1769.
No. 9. Extract of a Letter from Governour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, lltli July,
1769, with an enclosure.
No. 10. Copy of a Letter from Governour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 27lh March,
1770, with an enclosure.
No. 11. Extracts of Letters from Governour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 27th April,
and 21st May, 1770.
No. 12. Extractof a Letter from Governour i/i/fc^jnson,
to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 6th July, 1771 ;
with a copy of his Message to the House of Representatives,
and of the Answer of the said House.
No. 13. Copy of a Letter from Governour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 28th November,
1771, with enclosures.
No. 14. Extract of a Letter from Governour JE/u/cAinson
to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 29th May,
1772, with an enclosure.
No. 15. Extract of a Letter from Governour Hutchinson
to the Earl o( Dartmouth, dated Boston, 23d October, 1772.
No. 16. Copv of a Letter from Governour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 30th October,
1772, with enclosures.
No. 17. Copy of a Letter from Governour Hutchinson to
the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 3d November, 1772.
No. 18. Printed copy of the Votes and Proceedings of
the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the Town of Boston.
No. 19. ExtractofaLetterfrom Governour jywicAiwsonto
the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 22d February, 1773.
No. 20. Printed copy of the Speeches of Governour
Hutchinson to the General Assembly of the Massachusetts
Bay, with the Answers of the Council and House of
Representatives.
No. 21. Copy of Petition and Remonstrance from the
House of Representatives of the Province o[ Massachusetts
Bay, 14th July, 1772.
No. 22. Copy of Petition to the King from the House
of Representatives of 3Iassachusetts Bay, dated 6th March,
1773.
No. 23. Copy of a Letter from Governour Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 14th February,
1774 ; received 5th April, enclosing,
No. 24. Copy of Governour Hutchinson's Speech to
the Council and House of Representatives, and
their Answer.
No. 25. Copy of Requisition from the House of Re-
presentatives of Massachusetts Bay, to the Judges
of the Superiour Court.
No. 26. Copy of a Remonstrance of the House of
Representatives of Massachusetts i?«y, against the
Chief Justice.
No. 27. Copy of Vote of the Council and House of
Representatives of Massachusetts Bay, for adjourn-
ing the Superiour Court; not consented to by the
Governour.
No. 28. Copy of Governour Hutchinson's Answer to
the Remonstrance of the House of Representatives
against tb.e Chief Justice.
Ordered, That the said Papers be referred to the Com-
mittee appointed to inquire into the several proceedings
in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in opposition to the
sovereignty of his Majesty in his Parliament of Great Bri-
tain over that Province ; and also what has passed in this
House relative thereto, from the 1st of January, 1764.
Wednesday, April 20, 1774.
The Earl of Buckinghamshire reported fi'om Report fmm
the Lords' Committee, appointed to inquire into po'Jm'd'focou^
the several Proceedings in the Colony of Mas- '"i""'' P"'"^
sachusetts Bail, m opposition to the sovereignty <-i>ionyoi .wnJ-
01 his Majesty m his Parliament oi Great Bri-
tain over that Province ; and also what has passed in this
House relative thereto, from the 1st day of January, 1764,
as follows: —
That in obedience to your Lordships' commands, the
Committee have met, and taken into consideration the mat-
ters to them referred ; and having attentively read and consi-
dered the several Papers which have been laid before the
House, relative to the Proceedings in the Colony of Massa-
chusetts Bay, in opposition to the sovereignty of his Ma-
jesty in his Parliament of Great Britain over that
Province ; and having also carefully inspected the Journals
of the House, from the 1st day of January, 1764, to the
|)resent time, they find that, on the 2d day joumai., April
of April, 1764, a Bill was brought up from the ^' "■'^•
Commons to your Lordships, intituled, '' An Act forgrant-
" ing certain Duties in the British Colonies and Plantations
13
KING'S MESSAGE, IMARCH 7, 1774.
14
" in America ; for continuing and amending, and making
" perpetual, an Act, passed in tlie sixth year of the reign
"of his late Majesty, King George the Second, intituled
" ' An Act for the better securing and encouraging the
" Trade of his Majesty's Sugar Colonies in America;' for
" applying the produce of such Duties, and of the Duties to
" arise by virtue of the said Act, towards defraying the ex-
" penses of defending, protecting, and securing, the said
" Colonies and Plantations ; lor explaining an Act, made
" in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of King Charles the
" Second, intituled ' An Act for the Encouragement of the
" Greenland and Eastland Trades, and for the better se-
" curin« the Plantation Trade ;' and for altering and dis-
" allowing several Drawbacks on Exports from this King-
" dom, and more effectually preventing the clandestine
" conveyance of Goods to and from said Colonies and Plan-
" taiions, and improving and securing the Trade between
" the same and Great Britain."
April Mh and That this Bill passed the House on the 4th
*'*• oi April, and received the Royal assent on the
following day.
The Committee having perused the Report of the
Dtmuhrr uth, Board of Trade, of the 11th day oi December,
"Ti 1764, and the Papers laid before his Majesty
Hepiwuiaiion therewith, find in the said Papers the strongest
or llu- Board ol . ' , /• i 31 i 7
Trade to iiii asscrtious by the Assembly ol the Massachusetts
»j«t>- Bay, of their sole right to pass laws, particu-
larly of taxation ; and of their resolution to invite the other
Colonies to combine with them in measures to prevent the
King, in his Parliament, from passing any such laws; for
instance, in a letter to Mr. Manduit, then Agent
ExtracuVroin of the Province, which was drawn up by a Com-
I.nh"-'Huus!.''of niittee of the House of Representatives, and
?f'tl['c;li''n')"ar afterwards approved by the House, they used
Maisachuicits ji,g following exoressious
Bm, 1st, Sth, . °i '1 1 1
1 III, and utii " Provmce should nave
JUM, 17M.
; " The silence of the
been imputed to any
" cause, even to despair, rather than be con-
" strued into a tacit cession of their rights, or an acknow-
" ledgement of a right in the Parliament of Great Britain
" to impose Duties and Taxes upon a People who are not
" represented in the House of Commons ;" and in the same
letter they avowed and authenticated the doctrines advanced
in a certain pamphlet, intituled, " The Rights
o?.Vb,'Kikfrom of the Brt^w/j Colouics asserted and proved;"
Sdof'the'CoUk written by James Otis, Esq. ; which pamphlet,
amongst other things, says, " That the imposi-
" tion of taxes, whether on trade or on land, on houses or
" ships, on real or personal, fixed or floating property, in
" the Colonies, is absolutely irreconcilable with the rights
" of the Colonists, as British subjects, and as men."
■loiirnaii Feb- The Committee find that, on the 28th day
ruaryii, 1795. gf February, 1765, a Bill was brought from the
Commons, intituled, "An Act for granting and applying
" Stamp Duties and other Duties in the British Colonies
"and Plantations in America; towards further defraying
" the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the
" same ; and for amending such parts of the several Acts
" of Parliament relating to the Trade and Revenues of the
" said Colonies and Plantations, as direct the manner of
" determining and recovering the penalties and forfeitures
" therein mentioned."
That the said Bill received the Royal assent on the 22d
of the same month.
That on the 17th day of December, his
Majesty declared, in his most gracious Speech
from the Throne, "That tiie matters of importance which
" had lately occurred in some of his Colonies in America,
" were the principal cause of his Majesty's assembling his
" Parliament sooner than was usual in times of peace."
No. 17. '^ appears to the Committee, from the voles
Vote, of the of the House of Representatives of the Colony
HouNe nf Rep- -n-- , r^' r ^ ^ \ r i
re.entaiivr», ol Massachusetts Bau, ol the oth ol June, 1765,
June Oth, 1765. , •' ' , . ,, mi .
that they came to a Kesolution, " That it was
" highly expedient there should be a meeting, as soon as
" might be, of Committees from the Houses of Reprcsent-
" atives or Burgesses, in the several Colonies on the
" American Continent, to consult on their then present
" circumstances, and the diflicultics to which they were re-
" duced by the operation of the late Acts of Parliament,
" for levying Duties on the Colonies, and to consider of a
" general Address to his Majesty and the Parliament, to
December 17th.
" implore relief; and that letters should be forthwith. pre-
" pared and transmitted to the respective Speakers of the
" several Assemblies, to invite them to accede to ,y,,, j„„e sn,
" this proposition :" and further, that on the Sth ""*' ^°'''' ""•
of June, they did actually elect three persons to be their
Committees ; and also voted £450 to bear their exi)enses.
Your Committee find, in a letter from the no. 21.
Governor to the Lords Commissioners for Trade ^tru'T'uiM,
and Plantations, dated August 15tl), 1765, an ;f,"*;i;"'''i'JIiji
account of a violent riot at Boston, in resistance comnn>*i™en
to a law passed by the Legislature of Great Plantations
Britain, in which an attack was made upon Mr. Oliver,
Distributer of Stamps, and carried to the length of pulling
down and destroying his houses, manilbstinii a resolution,
if they could have found him, of putting him to death ;
upon which occasion the backwardness and indisposition of
the Council to support the peace and good order of Gov-
ernment, were very ajjparent. Also, in another x„. 22.
letter from the Governor, ihxted August 31st, fjfjfJfJt'TOo'J
1765, to the said Board of Trade, they find IZ^'J-I'I^'a^
that the mob attacked the house of Mr. Storey,
Register of the Admiralty, which they demolished ; they
also took all his books and papers, amongst which were
the Records of the Court of Admiralty, and burnt them,
and searched about for him, with an intent to murder him ;
they also pillaged the house of Mr. Hallowe/l, Comptroller
of the Customs. But their most violent proceeding was
against the Lieutenant Governor, whose house, plate,
books, and manuscripts, to a very great value, they totally
destroyed. And, in this great extremity, the Council
being, as the Governor observes, dependent upon the peo-
ple, refused even to concur with him in his proposition of
giving notice to General Gage of the then situation of the
town of Boston.
It is remarkable that this commotion entirely To.zt.
arose out of the town oi Boston ; for though it i.f,r'(rj' i.tteito
was given out that many People out of the 'ilaifai'^'ciiJit
country were concerned in diis affair, upon in- ^/„'j"Tjth ami
quiry, it was found that such persons living out '"'■' ""■
of Boston as were seen in the crowd, were there merely as
spectators.
In Governor Bernard's letter to the Board of xo. m.
Trade, of October 12th, 1765, he says, " That ,,»"(/v'leite"o
" the real authority of the Government is at an Vrade,"o«<p4o-
" end ; some of the principal ringleaders in the '^'''' '""•
" late riots, walk the streets with impunity ; no Officers dare
" attack them ; no Attorney General prosecute them ; no
" Witness appear against them ; and no Judges sit upon
"them."
And during the general disorder, the Gov- ao^Iml^'Ber.
ernor thought it necessary for some companies 'i";^f%["n"'Jy
of the Militia to be mustered, with the unani- c«atoy.fl"»rwi
1 . ,■ ■ /-< Ml 1 I nfi- • ^cvemOer Hit,
mous advice of the Councd, but that the Militia ires.
refused to obey his orders. No. 71.
, , /. 1 1 1- 1 . . 'J Kxtr.ic-tof a ret-
And we find that so little attention was paid ter from Gov-
to an Act of the British Legislature, by the ,"'7. pnvZit
Council and House of Representatives, that ,^;,1o^".i,!j|^"j'
they resolved in a joint Committee, on the •25th j,,,^;,";,?-;;,, „f
of October, 1765, that it should and might be thicouiKiianci
... . I o • ? House (.f Itt ()-
lawfiil to do business without stamps, notwith- rMentativi,,
Standing the Act of Parliament to the contrary.
On the 14th day of January, 1766, upon the joumai>, ymK-
meeting of the Parliament, after the recess at "'" ''"''' ''""•
Christmas, his Majesty was pleased to declare himself in a
most gracious Speech from the throne, in the following
terms :
" My Lords and Gentlemen : When I met you last, I
" acquainted you that matters of importance had happen-
" ed in America, which would demand the most .serious
" attention of Parliament.
" That no information which could serve to direct your
" deliberations in so interesting a concern might be want-
" ing, I have ordered all the Papers that give any light
" into the origin, the jjrogress, or the tendency, of the
" Disturliances which have of late prevailed in some of
" the Northern Colonies, to be immediately laid before
" you.
" No time has been lost, on the first advice of these
« Disturbances, to issue orders to the Governors of my
" Provinces, and to the Commanders of my Forces, in
" America, for the exertion of all the powers of the Go-
15
KINGS MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
16
January <3.
January 27.
January 38.
February 10.
" vernment in the suppression of riots and tumults, and in
" the effectual support of lawful authority.
" Whatever remains to be done on this occasion, I coin-
" mit to your wisdom, not doubting but your zeal for the
" honor of my Crown, your attention to the just rights and
" authority ot the British Legislature, and your afleclion
" and concern for the welfare and prosperity of all my
" People, will guide you to such sound and prudent resolu-
" tions as may tend at once to preserve those constitutional
" rights over the Colonies, and to restore to them that
" harmony and tranquillity which have lately been inter-
" rupted by riots and disordere of the most dangerous na-
" ture."
In the dutiful Address which was voted the same day,
the House assure his Majesty, " of their hearty concur-
" rence with his Majesty's most salutary intentions; that
" they would exert their utmost endeavours to assert and
" support his Majesty's dignity and honor, and the legisla-
" tive authority of this Kingdom over its Colonies ; and
" that they would take into tiieir consideration the most
" proper methods to provide for the restoration of tranquil-
" litv to those Colonies which had been disturbed by such
" violent and dangerous commotions."
Upon the same day all the Papers relating to
joam.K IMS. jj^g information and advices received from Ame-
rica, of the riots and tumults there, were laid before the
House.
More Papers relating to America were laid
before the House, which, together with the other
Papers, were referred to a Committee of the whole House
for Tuesday, tiie 28th.
More Papers were laid before the House,
and referred to the said Committee.
The Committee met, and after several ad-
journments, on the 10th oi February, following,
the Chairman reported several Resolutions, which were
agreed to by the House, as follows :
" 1. Resolved, That the King's Majesty, by and with the
advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal,
and Conmions of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled,
had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and au-
thority to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient force and
validity to bind the Colonies and People of America, sub-
jects of the Crown of Great Britain, in all cases whatso-
ever.
" 2. Resolved, That it appears to this Committee, that
Tumults and Insurrections of the most dangerous nature,
have been raised and carried on in several of the North
American Colonies, in open de6ance of the Power and
Dignity of his Majesty's Government, and in manifest viola-
tion of the Laws and Legislative authority of this Kingdom.
" 3. Resolved, That it appears to this Committee that the
said Tumults and Insurrections have been encouraged and
inflamed by sundry Votes and Resolutions, passed in seve-
ral of the Assemblies of the said Provinces, derogatory to
the honor of his Majesty's Government, and destructive of
the legal and constitutional dependency of the said Colo-
nies on the Imperial Crown and Pariiament of Great Bri-
tain.
" 4. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee,
that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to
desire that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to give
instructions to the Governors of the several Provinces
wlicre the above mentioned Tumults and Insurrections have
happened, that they should, in his Majesty's name, require
of the Asseniblies of the said Provinces, to make proper
recompense to those who have suffered in their persons
or properties, in consequence of the aforesaid Tumults and
Insurrections ; and to assure his Majesty that this House
will, upon this and all occasions, support the lawful authori-
ty of his Crown, and the rights of Parliament.
" 5. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee,
that all his Majesty's subjects, residing in tiie said Colonies,
who have manifested their desire to comply with, or to as-
sist in, carrying into execution, the Act for laying a duty on
Stamps, or any other Act of Pariiament, in the British
Colonies in North America, h'd\e acted as dutiful and loyal
subjects, and are therefore entitled to, and will assuredly
have, the favor and protection of this House."
" Ordered, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, pursuant to the fourth Resolution."
On the 5th of March, & Bill was brought war.Ajth.
from the Commons, intituled, " An Act for the
" better securing the Dependency of his Majesty's Domin-
" ions in America upon the Crowti and Parliament of
" Great Britain."
Which Bill received the Royal assent on the 18lh of the
same month.
And also a Bill intituled, " An Act to repeal an Act made
" in the last session of Pariiament intituled, ' An Act for
" granting and applying certain Stamp Duties, and other du-
" ties in the British Colonies and Plantations in America;
" towards further defraying the expenses of defending, pro-
'•■ tecting, and securing the same; and for amending such
" parts of the several Acts of Parliament relating to the
" Trade and Revenues of the said Colonies and Planta-
" tions, as direct the manner of determining and recover-
" ing the penalties and forfeitures therein mentioned.' "
VVhich Bill received the Royal assent on the March isih.
18th of March.
Whilst the Bill for repealing the Stamp Act was under
deliberation, petitions from the Merchants of the city of
Bristol, from the Merchants of Glasgow, from Edtvard
Montague, Agent for the Colony of Virginia, and from
the Merchants of the city of London, in favor of the said
repeal, were received and read.
On the 2d of June, a Bill was brought from juneu.
the Commons, intituled, " An Act for indemni-
" fying persons who have incurred certain penalties inflicted
" by an Act of the last session of Pariiament, ' for granting
" certain Stamp Duties in the British Colonies and Plaa-
" tations in America ;' and for making valid all instruments
" executed or enrolled there on unstamped paper, vellum,
" or parchment."
Which Bill received the Royal assent on the 6th of
the same month.
It appears by a letter from Governor Ber- j,„ ,„_
nard to the Earl of Shelburne, dated Decern- £»'">'< of » let-
ipr Iron) *jOv.
ber 24tb, 1766, that the Governor, by advice Brrnm rf, to tho
of the Council, ordered the Mutmy Act and *urn<-, Bottm,
three other Acts to be printed by the Printer "^' '
of the Laws, in the interval of the adjournment of the
Assembly. Two companies of Artillery being driven on
shore by distress of weather, and the said Act of Parlia-
ment having been consulted, the Council advised the
Governor to order the Commissary to supply them with
what they demanded under the Act, which was done. Upon
the meeting of the Assembly a Message was sent to the
Council, and carried by five members, to inquire " by what
" authority Acts of Parliament were registered amongst
" the laws of that Province ; and whether they knew of
" any Act (meaning of Assembly) requiring the registering
" of Ordinances (their term for Acts of Parliament) which
" their Legislature never consented to."
The Committee find that, on the 12th of j„„n„],
March, 1767, the Ixird Wycombe (by his Ma- ^"^"^Aiith.
jesty's command) laid before the House copies
of letters, &.c., from his Majesty's Governors in America,
which were ordered to lie on the table.
That on the 3d oi April more copies of let- ApriiM.
ters from his Majesty's Governors in America,
were laid before the House, and ordered to lie on the table.
That on the 14tli of May, it was ordered
that an humble Address should be presented to
his Majesty, " That he would be graciously pleased to
" give directions that there might be laid before this House
" copies of all Reports made to or by the Commissioners
" of Trade and Plantations, together with all Orders and
" Proceedings made or had by the Secretaries of State, or
" his Majesty's Privy Council, relating to the Bill passed
" by the Governor, Council, and Assembly of the Massa-
" chusctts Bay, for granting compensation to the sufferers,
" and of free and general pardon, indemnity, and oblivion
" to the offenders in the late times, from the time of the
" receipt of the said Bill."
That on the 18th day of May, pursuant to May isth.
the said Address, the Lord Wycombe laid before
the House, a copy of the Report of the Committee of
Council, &ic., wliich papers were ordered to lie on the table.
That on the same day it was ordered, that an humble
Address should be presented to his Majesty, " That he
" would be graciously pleased to give directions, that there
May 14th.
17
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
18
May 32d.
Jutu t3lh.
" might be laid before this House, copies of such prece-
" dents as had been, or might be found, of Orders in Coun-
" cil, declaring Acts of Assembly in America, to be null,
" illegal, or void; togetiier with Reports of the several
" Attorneys, and Solicitors General, or either of them, in
" similar cases, read at the Council Board on the 9th in-
" stant."
That on the 22d of May, the Lord Wycombe,
(by his Majesty's command,) laid before the
House copies of such precedents as had been found, of
Orders in Council, declaring Acts of Assemblies in America
to be null, illegal, and void ; together with Reports of the
several Attorneys, and Solicitoi-s General, or either of them,
in similar cases.
Which Papers were ordered to lie on the table ; and from
a perusal of them we find that several Acts of different
Colonies have been, from time to time, declared by his
Majesty in Council, to be null, illegal, and void.
That on the 15th of June a Bill was brought
juncin . ^p j.^^^ ^1^^ Commons intituled, " An Act to
" enable his Majesty to put the Customs and other Duties
" in the British Dominions in America, and the execution
" of the laws relating to Trade there, under the manage-
" ment of Commissioners to be appointed for that purpose,
" and to be resident in the said Dominions.
Which Bill received the Royal assent on the 29th of the
same month.
That on the 18th of June a Bill was brought
up from the Commons, intituled, " An Act for
" granting certain Duties in the British Colonies and Plan-
" tations in America ; for allowing a drawback of the duties
" of Customs upon the exportation from this Kingdom of
" coffee and cocoa nuts, of the produce of the said Co-
" lonies or Plantations ; for discontinuing the drawbacks
" payable on china earthen ware, expoited to America ;
" and for more effectually preventing the clandestine run-
•' ning of goods in the said Colonies and Plantations."
Which Bill received the Royal assent on the 29th of
June.
No. 116. ^ Th^ Committee find that, on the meeting of
No. 117. \ the Assembly of the Province of Massachusetts
M«Mg,fron. Bay, on the 2Sth of January, 1767, a Message
the Hi.uie of y^ag ggnt to the Governor from the House of
to (iovemor Representatives desiringto be informed, " Whe-
«id i'lra'prilate " tlier any provision had been made at the
SLr«,''dai " expense of that Government for the King's
r4''«.T'mh; " Troops lately arrived in the harbour of Bos-
i767,aiso us. ' u (fy„ ." a„(} that after having had the Minutes of
Council (by which it expressly appeared that the provision
for the Artillery companies at the Castle, was made in pur-
suance of the then late Act of Parliament) laid before
them, they replied that, " In giving orders, with the advice
" of the Council, for making provision for the Artillery
" companies at the Castle the Governor had acted in an
" essential point against the plain intention of the Charter,
" by which alone, and that only, according to such Acts as
" are or may be in force within this Province, the Governor
" and Council were authorized to i.ssue money out of the
" Treasury ; " adding, " That it was still more grevious to
" them to find the Governor stating, as the foundation of
" the proceeding, a late Act of Parliament, which to them
" appeared as great a grievance as the Stamp Act, which
" took away the unalienable right of freedom from all
" Taxation, but such as they should voluntarily consent to
" and grant."
No 115. Governor Bernard was obliged in his Re-
t^r'Troin'ooT joinder, 14th and 18th Fc'6n<nry,1767, carefully
Beniarii to Kir\ to avoid giving the Act of Parliament as the
loB, i4ih and foundation ot the provision made : he would
laih Frf. 1787. , . » 1 1 1 .u r »i
otherwise not have had the concurrence ol the
Council ; for though the greater part, he believed, had a
due respect for Acts of Parliament, not one of them would
have dared to avow it in that instance, and at that time.
Journal. jtfarcA The Committee find that, on the 2d of March,
2d, 1768. 1768, a Bill was brought up from the Commons,
intituled, " An Act for the more easy and effectual recove-
" ry of the Penalties and Forfeitures inflicted by the Acts
" of Pariiament, relating to the Trade or Revenues of the
" British Colonies and Plantations in America."
Which Bill received the Royal assent on the 8th of the
same month.
Fourth Series. 2
It appears to the Committee, that by a cir- cTrcui^u^'r
cular letter from the House of Representatives ron<aii>ed in
of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, address- toK-'sMiiZnt.
ed to all the Assemblies upon the Continent of fX^rn'mt'.
North America, they desired the assent of
those Assemblies to their sentiments and proceedings ; ac-
quainting them, that they had represented to his Majesty
that the Acts of Parliament of Great Britain, imposing
duties upon that Province, with the sole and express pur-
pose of raising a Revenue, are infringements of their
natural constitutional rights, and desired them to point out
any thing further that might be necessary to cany their
system into execution.
In this year the Assembly, at the election oo^'a^nmrd',
of the Council, left out all the Crown Officers, '"'" «> Lord'
which measure had been before adopted, in "th. "k, ''ma
the years 1766 and 1767. 'S.Z.'^''
In the beginning of May, 1768, subscriptions ^^ j^,
were made, and Associations entered into, for gov. arnoVrf'^
the non-importation of goods from Great Bri- nes, and May
tain ; but tliis last measure was at that time ' ' ^'
defeated by the merchants in the other Colonies refusing
to concur in it.
On the 9th day of May, 1768, regular seizure „. '^°- '^^.
was made by the Collector and Comptroller of """''' 'i-"" "f
the Customs, of the sloop Liberty, belonging f- sMiJnU ;
to Mr. Hancock, of the town of Boston, which ''""no^'it'j!"
occasioned a most violent tumult ; the Collector • nS^^.f Vh^
and Comptroller, with the son of the Collector, 'f"',h"'cu™^.
were attacked by a numerous and outrageous 'p ">i- 1"''''"''"
111 11 • *''*^ ' reasiir)-,
mob, who beat and abused them in a most cruel Junemb,n6%;
manner ; and in the night attacked their houses,
broke the windows, seized on a boat belonging to the Col-
lector, which they carried away in triumph, and afterwards
burnt. The Commissioners of the Customs expecting the
same treatment, the riot still continuing, thought it pnident
to retreat for safety till midnight with their families, to the
houses of some persons in the neighbourhood ; and after-
wards, upon conviction that their lives were in danger, took
refiige on board his Majesty's ship the Romney, then in
the harbour of Boston ; and for their further security, from
thence into Castle William. During the time of this, their
perilous situation, they applied several times by letter to the
Governor and Council for protection, but couM procure no
assistance whatsoever ; and were finally told, in a letter
from Governor Bernard, dated June 13th, that " After
" several hours deliberation of the necessity of taking some
" measures to preserve the peace of the town, and what
" those measures should be, the Council had come to
'• resolution that, as there appeared to be no immediate
•' danger of further violences, they were of opinion that it
" would be best to refer this matter to the consideration of
" a Committee of both Houses, and that therefore the
" Governor at present could not let them know what kind
" of aid and protection they might expect to receive."
The consequence of which was, that they received no
protection whatsoever. The disorder and con- ^.^ ^^
fusion remained in this state unnoticed till the J.""™''' "'j^J
22d July, when the Governor moved the Coun- «"d swh July,
cil to take into consideration some measures for
restoring vigor and firmness to Government ; but on the
29th of July, the Council made a reply to what had been
proposed to them by the Governor, in which they state,
" That the disorders which happened were occasioned by
" the violent and unprecedented manner in which the sloop
" Liberty had been seized by the officers of the Cus-
" toms."
In consequence of this disorderly state at N„,ra'tiv''poftiie
Boston, two regiments having been set thi- '?"■ ,''„"^'"
ther from Halifax, m order to support the
execution of the civil power, and preserve the peace of
the town, strict orders were given, and repeated to the
troops, not to quarrel with the townsmen, by whom they
complained they had been frequently ill treated and in-
sulted.
On Monday, the 5th of March, 1768, at nine at night, the
alarm bells were rung, as in cases of fire : the fire said to be
in Kings street, and the People thereby led thither, where,
finding the alarm false, they joined a multitude who had
been braving two companies at the gates of their barrack,
and threatened with death the centinel who was posted at
t9
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
•iO
Cafiuiiu Prtt-
f«ll*« COiC.
the custom house, where the King's treasure was lodged.
Tlie ceniiiiel being surrounded was forced to retreat, and
call for aid, wliicii brought Captain rrvston, Captain of
the day, with a party Iroin tiie main guiird, to extricate
hira. 'I'liat ofiicer used his utmost endeavours
to prevent mischief, notwithstanding wliich, the
rioters by blows and every act of aggravation,
drew upon themsLlves the fire of several of the soldiers,
by which some pt-rsons unfortunately were killed ; and upon
the Governor's olier.ng to obtain tiie Coinmandiiig Oliicer's
consent to remove one of the regiments to tlie Castle, and
to station the other so as no opportunity of disputes with
the townsmen shoulJ remain, the Counc.l insisted tliat both
.J, ,„ regiments should go, giving fur a reason that
(.i.ui. g'.v. tlie People would most certainly drive out the
rhr*KT'-uf troops and that tiie inliahiiants of otlier towns
Sr-^'l- would join with Jhston in it; an.l several of
Marc',, 1774. ^^^^^^^ declared, that they did not judge Iroin the
general ten.per of the People only, but they knew it to be
the determination, not of a mob, but of the generality ol
the principal inhabitants; in consequence of which both
ref'inients were accordingly removed.
". In the Petition presented to the Governor
petili.m'?^'.i.e by several People of consideration, in pursuance
r"<°m°r' of a resolution of a town meeting, held at that
fr.TTVr™ time, they disavow the Legislative authority of
""■'"• this country, and assert that it wculd be better
for them to struggle against it, than tamely to relinquish
their rights. , , , , r _■ u
And the Assembly absolutely refused, by a
*mw°'r"f'ihe ^reat majority, to rescind their former order
"""■»I'iv«Tf of sending circular letters to the other Colonies,
IL^'uMhV'of- though tliey had received a positive requisition
wrmir.juntJo, from^hc Crowii to that pur|)ose.
An Association was entered into the beginning
s?r°"'v«n«, of August, wiion most of the merchants of
Mi"Zg.'.'\"'il Boston entered into and subscribed an agree-
Ttl'T "'"''"^ ment, that they would not send for, or import,
any kind of goods or merchandise from Great
Britain, some few articles of necessity excepted, from the
1st of January, 1769, to the 1st of Januari/, 1770 ; and
that they would not import any tea, paper, glass, or
painters' colours, until the Act, unposing duties on those
articles, should be repealed.
It was also voted in a town meeting of the
vrJ^l% «t freeholders and other inhabitants of Boston,
the town nif I- Sevtemhcr 12th, that the levying money within
inr »t Bm on, , ^r ,^ . I- , 1 • r .1
September uiii. that Proviuce, lor tlie use and service ol the
1768. Crown, in other manner than the same is grant-
ed by the great and general Court or Assembly of the
Province, was in violation of the said Royal. Charter, and
the same was also in violation of the undoubted natural
riffhts of subjects, declared in the aforesaid Act of Parlia-
ment, (meaning the Act of Succession,) freely to give and
grant tiieir own money for the service of the Crown, with
their own consent in person, or by Representatives of their
own free election.
They also voted tliat, as the Governor did not
think proper to call a general Court for the
redress of their (supposed) grievances, the town should
tlien make choice of a suitable number of persons to act for
them as a Committee in Convention, w'ith such as migbt
be sent to join them from the several towns in that Pro-
yince, in order that such measures might be consulted and
advised as his Majesty's service, and the peace and safety
of his subjects in the Province, might require.
They also voted tliat, as t'lcre was at that time a pre-
vailing apprehension in the minds of many, of an approach-
ing war with France, in order that the inhabitants of that
town might be prepared, in case of sudden ('anger, that
those of the said inhabitants who might at that time be un-
provided, should he, and thereby were, requested duly to
observe at that time the law of the Province, whereby it is
required that every listed soldier and other householder,
(except troopers, who by law, are otherwise to be provi-
ded,) shall always be provided with a well fixed firelock,
musket, accoutrement, and ammunition, as in the said law
Is particularly mentioned, to the satisfaction of the com-
missioned officers of the company.
Tliey also voted that a letter should be written
to the several towns \a the Provicce, zs follows :
" Gentlemen : You are already too well ac- no.iis.
quainted with the melancholy and very alarming Jv',',',"Ii'.l' sfu^I
circumstances to which this l^rovince, as well .t'^.'.'.^.Iif;!';^
as America in general, is now reduced ; taxes, i?"*-
eciually detrimental to the commercial interests of the
Parent Country and her Colonies, are imposed on the
People without their consent; taxes designed for the su|)-
port of the civil Government in the Colonics, in a manner
clearly unconstitutional, an^l contrary to that in which, till
of late. Government has been supported by the free gift of
tiie People in the Ameririin Asseiablics or Parliaments; as
also for the maintenance of a large stand.ng army, not for
the defence of the newly acquired Terrltorits, lut for the
old Colonies, and in time of peace. Ti:e decent, humble,
and truly loyal applications and petitions from the Kcprt-
scntatives of this l*rovince, for the redress of these heavy
and very threatening grievances, have hitherto been inef-
fectual, being assured from authentic intelligence, that they
have not yet readied the Royal ear. Tne only elfect of
transmitting applications liitherto perceivahle, I as been a
mandate from one of his Majesty's Secretaries of State to
the Governor of iliis Province, to dissolve the General
Assembly, merely because the late Ilcuse of Representa-
tives refused to resc'nd a resolution of a former House,
which implied nothing more than a right in the American
subjects to unite in humble and dut ful petitions to their
gracious Sovereign, when they found themselves aggrieved.
Tiiis is aright naturally inherent in every man, and express-
ly recognised at the glorious revolution, as the birth-right
of an Englishman.
" Tnis dissolution you are sensible has taken pla?e. The
Governor has publicly and repeatedly declared that he
cannot call another Assembly ; and the Secretary of State
for the American Dejiartinent, in one of liis letters, com-
municated to the House, has been p 'eased to say, " That
" proper care will be taken for the support of the dignity of
" Government ;" the meaning of which is too plain to be
niisundeistood. The concern and perplexity into which
these things have thrown the People, have been greatly
aggravated by a late declaration of his Excellency Govern-
or Bernard, that one or more regiments may be expect-
ed in this Province.
" Tlie design of these troops is in every one's apprehen-
sion, nothing short of enforcing, by military pows r, the
execution of Acts of Parliament, in the forming of which
the Colonies have not, and cannot have, any constitutional
influence. This is one of the greatest distresses to which a
free People can be reduced.
" The town which we have the honorto serve, have taken
these things, at their late meeting, into their most serious
consideration : and as there is in the minds of many a pre-
vailing apprehension of an approaching war with Fratice,
they have passed the several votes which we transmit to
you, desiring that tliey may be immediately laid before the
town, whose prudentials are in your care, at a legal meet-
ing, for their candid and particular attention.
" Deprived of the counsels of a General Assembly in this
dark and dillicult season, the loyal People of tliis Province
will, we are persuaded, immediately perceive the propriety
and utility of the proposed Committee of Convention, and
the sound and wholesome advice that may be expected
from a number of gentlemen chosen by themselves, and in
whom they may repose the greatest confidence, must tend
to the real service of our most gracious Sovereign, and the
welfare of his subjects in this Province, and may happily
prevent any sudden and unconnected measures, which, in
their present anxiety, and even agony of mind, they may
be in danger of failing into.
" And it is of inipoitance that the Convention should
meet as soon as may be ; so early a day as the 22d of this
instant, ISeptember, has been proposed for that purpose ; arid
it is hoped, the remotest towns will by that time, or as soon
after as conveniently may be, return their respective Com-
mittees. -
" Not doubting but you are equally concerned with us,
and our fellow citizens, for the preservation of our invaluable
rights, and for the general happiness of our ceuntry, and
that you are disposed, with equal ardour, to exert yourselves
in every constitutional way for so glorious a purpose."
The Committee observe, that it does not appear to them
that any steps were taken to suppress these measures, or
31
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
22
that they were noticed* of by the Council, or any of the
Civil Magistrates.
The Committee tliink it necessary here to insert the fol-
lowing extracts.
Journals, Ko- Tlio first extract is from his Majesty's most
vemi,era,nus. g^jj^io^s Spcechfrom the Throne, on the Hth
day of JSovcmhcr, 1768 :
" At the close of the Inst Parliament, I expressed my
" satisfaction at the appearances whicii then induced me to
4* believe, that such of my subjects as had been misled in
" some parts of my Dominions, were returning to a just
" sense of their duty ; but it is with equal concern that I
" have since seen tliat spirit of faction which 1 had hoped
" was well nigh extinguished, breaking out afresh in some of
" my Colonies in JSoith America, and in one of them, pro-
" ceeding even to acts of violence, and of resistance to the
" execution of the law ; the capital town of which Colony
" appears, by late advises, to be in a state of disobedience to
" all law and Government, and has proceeded to measures
" subversive of the Constitution, and attended withcircum-
" stances that manifi.st a disposition to throw off their de-
" pendence on Great Britain. On my part 1 have pur-
" sued every measure tiiat appeared to be necessary (or
" supporting the Constitution, and inducing a due obedience
" to tiie authority of the Legislature. You may rely upon
" my steady perseverance in these purposes ; and I doubt
" not but tliai, with your concurrence and support, I shall be
" able to defeat the niischevious designs of those turbulent
" and seditious persons, who, under false pretences, have
" but too successfully deluded numbers of my subjects in
" America, and who^e practices, if sufiered to prevail, cannot
" fail to produce the most fatal consequences to my Colonies
" inunediately, and in the end, to all the Dominions of my
" Crown."
The second extract is from your Lordsiiips
y«t«rm <rr9t - jj^,jjc^,[ ^ddress to his Majesty on his said most
gracious Speech :
" We feel the most sincere concern, that any of our fel-
" low subjects in North America, should be misled by fac-
" tious and designing men, into acts of violence, and of
" resistance to the execution of the law, attended witii cir-
" cumstances that manifest a disposition to throw off their
" dependence upon Great BritcAn. At the same time that
'• we shall be always ready to contribute to tlie relief of any
" real grievance of your Majesty's American subjects, we
" mostunfeignedly give your Majesty the strongest assuran-
" ces, that we shall ever zealously concur in support of such
"just and necessary measures, as may best enable your
" Majesty to repress that daring spirit of disobedience, and
" to enforce a due submission to the laws ; always consider-
" ing that it is one of our most essential duties to maintain
" inviolate the supreme authority of the Legislature of
" Great Britain over every part of the Dominions of your
" Majesty's Crown."
The third extract is from his Majesty's most gracious
Answer to your Lordships Address :
" Your zealous concurrence in every measure
s<n-irti fi 1 1 1. ;; ^Y,^^ (..^f, bring relief to my People is well known
" tome, nor do I doubt of the attention that you will always
'• give to any real grievances of my American subjects.
" The strong assurances 1 receive from you at the same
" time of your determination to vindicate the just Legisla-
" live authority of Parliament over all the Dominions of
" my Crown, deserve my warmest approbation.
The Conunittee find that on the 15th of
°""" "" ' Novcm'jer, the Lord Harwich acquainted the
House, "That he had received his Majesty's commands
" to lay before the House, Papers relating to the late Dis-
" turbances in America ; and that the same would be laid
" before the House in a few days."
J J That accordingly, on the 28th o( November,
the Lord Harwich laid before the House,
copies of all Letteis, &,c., relating to the late Proceedings
of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay, together with a
list thereof, which was read by the Clerk.
That on the 15th of December, the House
December ^ 5th. i r ii • i *
came to the lollowmg resolutions:
" 1 . Resolved, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in
Parliament assembled. That the votes and resolutions, and
•Sic
proceedings of the House of Representatives of Massachu-
setts Bay, in the months of January and February last,
respecting several late Acts of Parliament, so far as the
said votes, resolutions, and proceedings, do import a denial
of, or to draw into question, the power and authority of his
Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the J>ords
Spiritual and Temporal, and Conmions, in Parliament as-
sembled, to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and
validity to bind the Colonies and People of America, sub-
jects of tlie Crown of Great Biitain, in all cases whatsoever,
are illegal, unconstitutional, and derogatory of the rights of
the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain.
"'2. Resolved, by the Lords Spiritual a7id Temporal in
Parliament assembled, Tliat the resolution of the siiid
House of Representatives of the Province of Massachu-
setts Bay, in January last, to write letters to the several
Houses of Representatives of the British Colonies on the
Continent, desiring them to join with the said Hcuse of
Representatives of the Province o^ Massachusetts Bay, in
Petitions which do deny, or draw into question the right of
Parliament to impose duties and taxes upon his Majesty's
subjects in America ; and in pursuance of the said resolu-
tion, the writing such letters in which certain late Acts of
Parliament, imposing duties and taxes, are stated to be in-
fringements of the rights of his Majesty's subjects of the
said Province, are proceedings of a most unwarrantable and
dangerous nature, calculated to inHame the minds of his
Majesty's subjects in the other Colonies ; tending to create
unlawful coinjjinations, repugnant to the laws of Great
Britain, and subversive of the Constitution.
" 3. Resolved, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in
Parliament assembled, That it appears th.at the town of
Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, has for
some time pa-n been in a state of great disorder and con-
fusion ; and that the peace of the said town has at several
times been disturb^'d by riots and tumults of a dangerous
nature, in which the officers of his Majesty's Revenue
there have been obstructed by acts of violence in the exe-
cution of the laws, and their lives endangered.
" 4. Resolved by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in
Parliament assembled. That it appears that neither the
Council of the said Province of Massachusetts Bay, nor the
ordinary Civil Magistrates, did exert their authority for sup-
pressing the said riots and tumults.
" 5. Resolved by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in
Parliament assembled, That in these circumstances of the
Province of Massachusetts Bay, and of the town of Boston,
the preservation of the public peace, and tiie due execution
of the laws became impracticable without the aid of a mili-
tary force to support and protect the Civil Magistrates, and
the Officers of lis Majesty's Revenue.
" 6. Resolved by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in
Parliament assembled, That the declarations, resolutions,
and proceedings, in the town meeting at Boston, on the 14th
of June, and 12th of September, were illegal and unconsti-
tutional, and calculated to excite sedition and insurrection
in his Majesty's Province of Massachusetts Bay.
" 7. Resolved by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in
Parliament assembled, That the appointment at the town
meeting, on the 12th of September, of a Convention to be
held in the town of Boston, on the 22d of that month, to
consist of Deputies from the several towns and districts in
the Province of Massachusetts Bay, and the issuing a
precept by the Selectmen of the town of Boston, to each
of the said town? and districts for the election of such
Deputies, were jiroceedings subversive of his Majesty's
Government, and evidently manifesting a design in the in-
habitants of the said town of Boston, to set up a new and
unconstitutional authority, independent of the Crown of
Great Britain.
" S. Resolved by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in
Parliament assembled. That the elections, by several towns
and districts in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, of
Deputies to sit in the said Convention, and the meeting of
sucli Convention in consequence thereof, were daring in-
sults offered to his Majesty's authority, and audacious usur-
pations of the powers of Government."
It was then ordered, " That an humble Address be pre-
" seiued to his Majesty, to return his Majesty thanks for
" the communication which he has been pleased to make
" to his Parliament, of several Papers relative to public
23
KINGS MESSAGE, MARCH 7. 1774.
34
Jan. ao, 1769.
•' transactions in his Majesty's Province of Massachusetts
" Bay.
" To express our sincere satisfaction in tlie measures
" wiiicli liLs Majesty has pursued for supporting tlie Consti-
" tution, and inducing a due obedience to the authority ol
" the Legislature.
•' To give his Majesty the strongest assurances tiiat we
•• will effectually stand by and support his Majesty in
" such further measures as may be found necessary to main-
" tain the Civil Magistrates in a due execution of the laws
■ witiiin his Majesty's Province of Massachusetts Bay.
" And as we conceive that nothing can be more inime-
•• diately necessary either for the maintenance of his Ma-
" jesty"s autiiority in the said Province, or for the guarding
" his Majesty's subjects therein from being furtiier deluded
"■ by the arts of wicked and designing men, than to pro-
•' ceed in the most speedy and effectual manner for bring-
" ing to condign punishment the chief authors and insti-
" gators of the lale disorders, to beseech his Majesty, that
^ he will be graciously pleased to direct liis Majesty's
" Govemor of Massachusetts Bay to take the most effec-
" tual methods for procuring the fullest information that can
"■ be obtained, touching all treasons or misprison of treason
■' committed within his Government, since the 30th of
■ December last, and to transmit the same, together with
•" the names of the persons who were most active in the
••' commission of such offences, to one of his Majesty's
" principal Secretaries of State, in order that his Majesty
■" may issue a special commission for inquiring of, hearing,
" and determining the said offences within this Realm,
" pursuant to the provisions of the statute of the thirty-fifth
•' year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, if Jiis
" Majesty shall, upon receiving the said information, see
'•' sufficient groiuid for such a proceeding."
And a Message was sent to the House of Commons,
to carrj' down the said Resolutions and Address, and de-
sire their concurrence thereto.
On the 20th January, 1769, Lord Harwich,
(by his Majesty's command,) laid before the
House more copies of letters relating to America, which
were ordered to lie on the table.
On the 9tli of February, the Resolutions and
"^m ■ j^djifess^ sent to tlie Commons on the 15tli of
December last, for their concurrence, were returned agreed
to, with some amendments, which were read and agreed
to, and notice thereof sent to the Commons ; and the said
Address was ordered to be presented to his Majesty by
both Houses.
On the 14th of February, the Lord Chan-
"""^^ cellor reported his Majesty's Answer to the said
Address, as follows :
•' My Lords and Gentlemen: The sincere satisfaction
" you express in the mea-sures wliich I have already taken,
■' and the strong assurances yo\i give of supporting me in
" those which may be still necessary, to maintain the just
" legislative authority, and the due execution of the laws,
" in my Province of Massachusetts Bay, give me great
" pleasure.
" 1 shall not fail to give those orders which you recom-
" niend, as the most effectual method of bringing the authors
" of the late unhappy disorders in lliat Province, to con-
" dign punishment."
Which Address and Answer were ordered to be printed.
vidt BwoUa. ^^ *'°''' "°^ appear to the Committee that
acKi Aiidn-w.-. the censure of the proceedings in the Province
°Jt "^viiiim'n^ of Massachusetts Bay, and of the conduct of
ui frt. mi. ji,g Council and otlier Civil Magistrates, ex-
pressed by both Houses of Parliament, in their Resolutions,
and their approbation of the measure of sending troops
thither to support and protect the Magistrates, and theOfli-
cers of the Revenue, produced the good effect that mi"ht
reasonably have been hoped for. A disposition to deny the
authority, and resist the laws of the supreme Legislature,
continued still to prevail, not only in Hagiiious publications
in the daily newspapers, but also in a variety of violent and
unwarrantable resolutions and proceedings of those mer-
chants and others, who had subscribed to the agreements
for non-importation of goods from Great Britain.
Meetings of the Associators were represent-
vide ' Prii'.i.-a ed to have been held, in as regular a manner
*^S(ioii.«nd as any other meeting authorized by the Consti'
tution. Committees were appointed to examine Jk^pn^^'ng)
the cargoes of all vessels arnvnig from Great <h™-"r- Wjcs
Britain; and regular votes and resolutions of
censure were passed in those meetings upon all such as
refused to concur in those unlawful Associations; their
names were published in the public newspapers as enemies
to their country ; and the mandates and decrees of those
Conmiittees* meet with a respect and obedience denied to
the constitutional authority of Government.
in some cases goods imjKjrted from Great Britain were
locked up in ware-houses, under the care of these Com-
mittees, in order to prevent their being sold ; and, in one
or two instances, they were i-e-shipped to Great Britain.
On the 31st of 'May, 1769, the General
Court met at the court house at Boston, j)ur- vi<i.' sii"mn-
suant to his Majesty's writs, and the first step x^.^/^Tjlmr,
the Assembly took, before they proceeded on nee.''"' ■'"'"'
any other business, was to send a Message to
the Govemor, asserting that the having ships in the harbor,
and troops in the town of Boston, was inconsistent with
their dignity and freedom; and, therefore, that they had
a right to expect that he would give orders for the remo-
val of the forces, by sea and land, from that port, and from
the gates of the city, during the session of tlie Assembly ;
and, at the same time, the House came to several resolu-
tions to the same effect as the declarations contained in
their Message to the Governor.
The Governor having in reply to their Message, acquaint-
ed them " That he had no authority over his Majesty's
" ships in that port, or his troops in that town, nor could
" give any orders for the removal of them," they then
proceeded to the election of Counsellors, in which election
not only the Lieutenant Govemor, and other officers of
Government were excluded, but also several other gentle-
men who had been of the former Council, and who (the
Governor represents) shewed a disposition to support the
King's Government, to acknowledge the authority of Par-
liament, and to preserve tlie People from a Democratic
despotism, and were otherwise distinguished by their integ-
rity and ability.
On the 13th of June, tlie Assembly sent an Answer to
the Governor's Message, of the 31st of May, in which he
had told them that he had no authority over the King's
ships or troops. In this Answer they assert that " By the
" principles of the Constitution, the Governor of thatColo-
" ny has the absolute military command ; that the sending
" a mihtary force there to enforce the execution of the laws,
" is inconsistent with the nature of Government, and the
"spirit of a free Constitution ; that the unwillingness of a
" People in general, that a law should be executed, was a
" strong presumption of its being an unjust law ; that it
" could not be their law, as tlie People must consent to
" laws before they can be obliged, in conscience, to obey
" them."
h appears by a vote of the Assembly, on the
8tli of July, that they have declared that all F.xireciuiGo».
trials for treason, misprison of treason, or for ^"'IC Kiri'rf
any felony or crime whatever, committed or ";."7fh'a°,''/mh
done in that Colony, ought of riiiht to be had •'|''V "'^' ™-
and conducted within the courts of the Colon v; «'''"'"'» '•""■e
d, , . . -^ ' House nf Hep-
that the seizing any person or persons, re- rMcmntivn, of
siding in thsit Colony, suspected of any crime ""*"'•'"'''•
whatsoever, committed therein, and sending such person or
persons to places beyond the sea to be tried, is highly de-
rogatory of the rights of British subjects, as thereby the
inestimable privilege of bcnig tried by a Jury from the
vicinage, as well as tiie liberty of summoning and produc-
ing witnesses on such trials, v>'ill be taken away from the
party accused.
On the 6th of April, 1770, a Bill was brought
up from the House of Commons, to your Lord- ^".Tto/^"'
ships, intituled, " An Act to repeal so much of
" an Act, made in tiie sevenlli year of his present Majesty's
" reign, intituled, 'An Act for granting certain Duties in
" tiie British Colonies and Plantations in America ; for
" allowing a drawback of the duties of customs upon the
" exportation from this Kingdom, of coffee and cocoa-nuts,
" of the produce of the said Colonies or Plantations ; for
'• discontinuing the drawbacks payable on china earthen
»Si«.
25
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
26
May 7th.
" ware, exported to America ; and for more effectually
" preventing the clandestine running of goods in the said
" Colonies and Plantations ; ' as relates to tlie Duties upon
" glass, red lead, white lead, painters' colours, paper paste-
" boards, millboard.-^, and scaleboards, of the ])roduce or
" manufacture of G'rent Britain, imported into any of his
" Majesty's Colonies in America; and also to the discon-
" tinuing the drawbacks payable on cliina earthen ware,
" exported to America; and for regulating the exportation
" thereof."
Which Bill received the Royal assent on the 12tli of
April.
.ipriimh. ^" t''6 30th of April, it was ordered '' That
•• an humble Address should be presented to his
" Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to give
" directions that there be laid before this House, copies of
" all narratives of any disputes or disturbances which have
" happened between his Majesty's troops, stationed in
" North America, and the inhabitants of any of his Ma-
" jesty's Colonies there, since the 24th day of June last,
" received by the Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasu-
'• ry, and of his Majesty's Secretaries of State, or any other
" public officers, together with copies of all orders and in-
" structions .sent to the Governors, Lieutenant Governors,
" Deputy Governors, Presidents of the Council of any of
" his Majesty's Colonies in North America, or to the
" Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's forces, or any offi-
" car, civil, or military, within the same, relative to such
'• disputes or disturbances."
Hay 4ih. -^n*' t'l'-it on the 4th of May, the Lord Hai--
wich, (by his Majesty's command,) laid before
the House, several Papers relating to the late Disturbances
in America, pursuant to an Address to his Majesty, for that
purpose, on the 30th of April last, together with a list
thereof; wiiich were ordered to lie on the table.
The Committee find that, on the 7th of May,
the Lord Harwich, laid before the House, (by
his Majesty's command,) a Narrative of the late transac-
tions at Boston, and the case of Captain Thomas Preston,
of the twenty-ninth Regiment of Foot, which had been
transmitted to his Lordship, from the War Office ; and the
same were ordered to lie on the table.
On the 14th of May it was ordered, that
an humble Address should be presented to his
Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to give di-
rections, that there be laid before this House, copies of the
Earl o{ Hillsborough's letter of the 13th oi May, 1769, to
the Governors of the several Colonies of North America ;
together with the Speeches of the Governors, referring to
the said letter, and the Answers of the Assemblies to the
same, so far as they have been received.
And on the 15th, the Lord Harwich laid
before the House, by his Majesty's command,
copies of the Earl of Hillsborough's letter of the 13th of
May, 1769, to the Governors of the several Colonies of
North America; together with the Speeclies of the Govern-
ors, referring to the said letter, and the Answers of the
As.semblies to the same, so far as they have been received ;
together with a list thereof; which were ordered to lie on
the table : and the same with the other American Papers
presented in tiiis Session, were also ordered to be taken into
consideration on Friday next ; and the Lords summoned.
N-o.-isfi. The Committee find by Lieutenant Governor
v^mlr" wl °/T Hutchinson's letter of the 27th of March, 1770,
»","'' i.'",*;n,'" tl'at when the troops were in the town, the
E.irl of Hillt- . . c X r^ .. i
btrtugh, iiaitd Commissioners ot the Customs were sensible
' ' ' they could have no dependence upon them, for
if any riot had happened, no Civil Magistrate that he knew
would ha\e employed them in suppressing it ; those who,
from a principle, would have been disposed to it, refusing,
and giving this reason, that they must immediately after
have left the country ; and that just the same principles
pre\'ailed with respect to the troops, which were said to be
unconstitutional, although established by an Act of Parlia-
ment, it being alleged that it was an Act which did not bind
Colonists. ,
Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, in his
letter to the Earl of Hillsborough, of the 27th
,"""■*""«';;•' , April, 1770, complains, that he has never been
U-tli-r lo Karl i . ' , . r i_
HiiMtrmghM able to obtain the advice or consent of the
jiMjfoy, 1770. Council to any proposal made for discounte-
May mil.
MttV l.'th.
No. 327.
Vide Li'-iilcii.
tut Govimor
nancing the usurpation of the powers of Go\-crnment by
the town of Boston. That he had used the negative
powers given him by Charter, in excluding Mr. Hancock
from being Speaker pro tempore, and Mr. Gushing from
the office of Commissary General, to which offices they
had been elected ; but adds, that this was doing but little,
as he could not remove any of those who were actually in
office, some of whom were more inflammatory than any out
of office; he further says, that they were then attempting
to compel all the importers, of what they call contraband
goods, to send them back, and that he was not sure they
would not succeed ; that all goods which they have not
enumerated are called contraband. That tea from Hol-
land may lawfully be sold ; tliat it is a high crime to sell
any from England. That Mr. Hancock offered to send
one or more of his ships back, and to lose the freight ; that
several of the importers pleaded that they should be utterly
ruined ; but the Boston zealots had no bowels, and gave for
answer, " That if a ship was to bring in the plague, nobody
" would doubt what was necessary to be done with her ; but
"the present case is much worse than that." In the same
letter the Lieutenant Governor observes, " That the Boston
" principles obtain more and more in the remote parts of the
" Province, and the Representatives of seven-eighths of the
" town appear, in the present session, to be favourers of
" the non-importation measures. That their internal dis-
" tresses may, in a course of years, force them to desist, but
" that the distress at present, and it may be for some time to
" come, lies principally upon the friends to Government,
" who run the risk of importing goods, and then are com-
" pelled, by the ruling power, to keep them unsold, or to
" ship them back ; that he made an attempt that day to
" prevail upon a merchant of the first estate and character,
" to induce him to promote an Association, but to no pur-
" pose; and that he gave him for answer, ' that, until Par-
" liament made provision for the punishment of the con-
" federacies, all would be ineiFectual, and the associates
" would be exposed to popular rage." He observed further,
" that the last year, when the King's speech, and the Ad-
" dressses of the Lords and of the House of Commons first
" came to them, the heads of the opposition were struck with
" terror, and the seditious newspaper writers laid aside their
" pens for five or six w-eeks, but as soon as the apprehension
'■ of vigorous measures ceased, their fears were over, and
" they became more assuming and tyrannical than before,
" and although the terror was not so great the present year,
" yet it was visible ; but now, that they expect nothing will
" be done, they are recovering their spirits, knowing there
" is no power within the Government to restrain them.
The resistance to the custom-house officers
still continued to manifest itself upon every oc- i-nt" from
casion,in consequence of which, on the 18th of vemo"'HutcT.
May, 1770, atideman of the customs, who had miZl"^^.''^
seized a small coasting vessel belonging to Con- ""'j^^'^"'"'-
necticut, and a few casks of sugar, for breach of the Acts of
Trade, in the evening was seized, stripped, and carried about
the town, three or four hours, besmeared with tar, and then
covered with feathers, and followed by a great number of
disorderly People,
The Committee do not find in your Lordship's Journals
of the years 1771 and 1772, any material proceedings rela-
tive to the matter to them referred.
Though in the year 1771, things remained
tolerably quiet in the Province of Massachusetts i,i,.^i°;,on'Go-
Bay, yet the disposition to disavow the authority "™7,„ farfrf
of Parliament, occasionally broke out in the miMorough,
IT /-ill 1 • Julytxh, 1771.
House ot Assembly and town meetings ; ac-
cordingly, in an Answer from the House of Representatives
to a Message from the Governor, on the 5th of July, 1771,
they say, that " They know of no Commissioners of his
" Majesty's Customs, nor of any revenue his Majesty has a
" right to establish m North America; that they know and
" feel a tribute levied and extorted from those, who, if they
" have property, have a right to the absolute disposal
''of it."
At the same time, the disposition to import ko.4».
goods in defiance of the laws of Revenue and i.icuten«nt go-
■/_, .... . vt'i-nor Hutch-
Trade, and to support such iniquitous practices, in«r. w Eari of
by insults and open wolences upon the officers ^^J^^aetb,
whose duty it is to carry the said laws into exe- ""•
cution, broke out upon many occasions ; and, as usual, the
27
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
23
Magistrates declined stiving their assistance and support,
though applied to for that purpose ; which a]ij)cars in the
case of Arthur Savage, Comptroller of his Majesty's
Customs at Falmouth, who was forcibly taken out of his
house in the ni£;ht, by several persons disguised and anned
with pistols and other dani^erous weapons, wlio put him in
the utmost danger of his life, and not only ohlij^ed him to
divulge the name of the person who had lodged an informa-
tion, but also to swear to the truth of his information, de-
claring at the same lirr.e, that, if ];e disi-o^ered whotliey
were, they would take his life ; aiul that upon his applica-
tion to tiie Justices, who were then sitting, they declined
the examination of the evidence he brougiit to prove tiie
fact.
xo 310. Things remained much in the same state in
"*"• j*"/,^''//" the year 1772. The continued ill temper of
innuxii. Mr:<, thc People at Jioston was maniiested bv tJieir
Bttiun c.aitiie mstmctions to tiieir Kepresentatives.
^Mav u(ix. (_T|)on the news of his Majesty's granting sala-
(•^^"thJciim- "es to the.Justices of the Supreme Court, tlie
""rtmouM'o?!^ most inflammatory pieces were published in the
(.*fr i3.i, 1772. newspapers, and tlie Selectmen of Boston or-
No. 332. , 1 ' • -J !•
Addn-u,^ Ort« dercd a meetmg to consider ol mea-iures upon
'' ' ' ' that occasion ; which meetin!; voted an Address
to the Governor, in which they say, " That, tlie frechold-
" ers and other inhabitants of the town of Boston, legally
" assembled in Faneuil Hall, bog leave to acquaint his Ex-
" cellency, that a report has prevailed, which they have
" reason to apprehend is well grounded, that stipends are
" affixed to the offices of the Judges of the Superior Court
" of judicature, &c., of this Province, whereby they are be-
" come independent of the grants of the General Assembly
" for their support, conti-ary to the ancient and invariable
" usage.
" Tiiat this report has spread an alarm among all con-
" siderate persons who have heard of it, in town and country,
" being viewed as tending rapidly to com))lcte the sy.^tein
" of their slavery, which originated in the House oi Com-
" nions of Great Britain, assuming a power and authority
'■ to give and grant the money? of the Colonists without
'• their consent, and against their repeated remonstrances.
" And as the Judges hold their places during pleasure, this
" establishment appears big with fatal evils so obvious, that
" it is needless to trespa.ss on your Excellency's time in
" mentioning them."
The Town Meeting afterwards appointed a
oav°rnur' Couuiiittce of Correspondence, to write circular
2;ri''!rf'™«r°. letters to all the towns in tiie Province, to in-
ZVti-nZ'iib tl'ice them to unite in me;isures upon that occa-
Muii"'"'r'' ihu ®'°"' "''''"^*' Committee met on the 2d of No-
.ou-i .nil pro- vcmber. 1772, and made a report, contahiina
Cft-dineij (if ihe i i • i- ^
t.>wiio?B.«™, several resokuions contradictory to the supre-
mj.""'"'*"'' macy of the British Legislature; and after
setting forth, that all men have a right to remain
in a state of nature, as long as tliey please, they proceed to
draw a report upon tlie natural rights of the Colonists, as
No.M<. .™^?' chri<;tians, and .suhjects, and form a list of
ptinu-d voir, infringements and violations of their rights: one
•nd Tirocet-d- c ^\ r c i • i • "^ ^'^^
tnff.ofis.fr..- Ol tlie Inst ol which contains an assertion, that
illliiiun«" "If the British Parliament have assumed the pow-
fu'.",rm., •','>„,:". ers of legislation for the Colonies in all cases
i^^'"'"' "'"• whatsoever, without obtaining the consent of the
inhabitants, which is ever essentially necessary
to the rightful establishment of such a le:.nslation.
They al.so consider it as an infringement of tiieir rights,
that a number of new officers, unknown to the Chaiter, have'
been appointed to superintend the revenues; whereas tiie
great and general Court or Assembly of that Province had
the sole right of appointing all civil officers, excepting only
such officers, the election and rcnslitution of whom isln tl;e
said Charter exjiressly excepted, among whom these officers
are not included.
They likewise complain of it as a giievance, that his
Majesty has been jileased to apply £ 1 500 sterling, annually,
out of the American revenue, ior the support of the Go-
vernment of this Province, independent of tlie As-jembly ;
and th;it the Judges of the Superior Court, as also the
King's Attorney and Solicitor General, are to receive their
support from, wjiat they call, tliis grevious tribute ; which
tliey say, will, if acc(ira])!ished, complete their slavery.
Six hundred copies uf ibis report were circulated in the
towns of the Province, with a pathetic letter addressed to
the inliabitants, who are called u];on not to doze any
longer, or sit supinely in inditference, whilst the iron hand
of oi)|)ressioii is daily tearing the choicest Ihiits from the
fair tree of liberty.
On the (Jtli of May a Message was brought
from the House of Commons to your Lord- 'J™,''""!'-;, "'''
shi]!S, with a Bill, intituled, " An act to allow a
" draw back of the duties of Customs on the exportation of
" Tea to any of his Majesty's Colonies or Plantations in
" America ; to increase the deposit on Bohea tea to be sold
" at the East Lirlia Company's sales ; and to empower the
" Commissioners of the Treasury to grant licences to the
" East In Ha Company to export tea, duty free;" which
Bill received the Royal assent on the 10th o{ May.
It appears to the Committee in the Answer N0.339.
of the Council to the Governor's Speech, at i wil ,"c;l!',*
the opening <^i the session, that t!;ey declare tr,\TmV''i°m-
" Thev are of opinion that tlie Parliament can- ;•""•■' >»>■«■■<*
not, constitutionally, levy taxes, in any form, >'»«.
" on his M;ije3ty's subjects in that Province."
And the House of Kepresentative upon the „ '•'»••';"■
11 1-^1 . . Hnnv lif Iti-p.
same occas-ion. declare, that 11 there have been ■■ "•"miiv.-i »n-
in any late instances a submission to Acts of »'»'• sp..ih.
Parliament, it has been, in their opinion, rather ""' ^'"''•'^'^•
from inconsidenition, or a reluctance at the idea of contend-
ing witii the Parent State, then from a conviction or
acknowledgment of the supreme legislative authority of
Parliament.
The Committee of Corresnondence appear ,. '•■'' ^■'■
to iiave used tlieir utmost endeavours to work "•• '""i Gov.
up the minds of the People, not only for their K«i'i'''.!r''/Mr".
own, but also the Southern Governments, to ]vi'"'''in3'.'iith
l)revent the importation of Te;is from the East j^'elalj^^ms"*^*:
India Company, and accordingly on the 3d of
November, 1773, a mob of about five hundred persons,
committed several outrageous acts of violence, ai^ainst the
persons to whom it was expected the Tea in question would
be consigned, insisting tiiat they should engage and pro-
mise not to receive or sell it ; that if they did, they would
be voted enemies to their country, and must expect to be
treated as such hereafter. They tiien forced open tiie doors
of the ware-houses of Mr. Clark, and tore them off the
liinges, and entered with great violence, attempting to force
their way up to tlie counting-house, but were driven back
by the persons who were in it.
A Committee then of the freeholders and „ N"-303.
Cnpv ttl a *(»le
Other mhabitants, attended Mes.srs. Thomas '•' y '"V
and Elisha Hutchinson, supposed to be two of Km.Nav. isiii,
the consignees, and requested them to resign "xosrs.
their appointment, and upon their refusing, pJiM,','! il.'T*!^
voted tiieir answer unsatisfactory. Governor 'is;'',7"3i''inHi
Hutchinson did every thinij in his power, »■;'! '"(*,''*/'"'■
. 1 rf-, .1 *i. 1 c/iinttm* I. lif r
witiiout the Council, for the preservation of <" -O"- 2. i'm.
the peace and good order of the town, and Extmi.faiet-
thought that if lie had the aid the Council might h'„>JI"!',ok "w
have given, his endeavors would have been nZlthfn'c's"^',
more effiictual. '"'••'■ '""' ''"'
On the 7th November, 1773, a lar<;e number cup''; f.tl; u^e r
of People beset the house of Mr. Ilutchinson, fj"" ooxmar
I r ,• I • I II --' nt'tr/Niisun to
but not nndiiig iiiin at liome, proceeded to Mr. k-h "f onn-
Clark^s, another of tl'e consignees, where they fl»«6/,', su'wrr.
committed great disorders; broke the glasses ''''■""■•.'"".'<<'
and frames of the windows, and did considera- '"'" '^
a eitpy uf lh«
Piliiiiiii of
Ki./.niil Clark
bledamaire. After this riot the Govern* r iin- =""isoi..ii«i>-
. ~ """ rnuruit,
mediately summoned a Council, and laid before ""' ^.'P/"""'
, , ■' . . ' , . anil tlisha llul-
tiiein the necessity of some measures being r/..n.i)ii, ai,d of
taken; but tiie Council declined advising; or If !\'i^".,uuSi
directing any measures for landing the Tea ; ''"'""'"'"•
suggesiini, that tliey then would of course advise* to a
measure for procuring the payment of the duty, and there-
fore be advising to a measure inconsistent with the declared
sentiment of both Houses in the last winter session of the
General Court, which they apprehend to be altogether
inexpedient and improper.
After tlie arrival of a sliip loaded with Tea, copy"t-aT»P"
a meeting of the Peoide o( Boston, and the v'"'uku,i B»f
' , , . lit itiii.vnua Orft
neighbouring towns, was held, on the 29th of i»> r73,iiiG«Y.
November, and continued, by adjournment, till 1. i'uTofJdr)«.
next day, when a motion was made and agreed
•Sic.
J
29
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
30
to, new,, con., that the Tea should be not only sent back,
but that no duty should be paid tiiereon.
It was also voted, ncm. con., that Mr. Rotch, owner of
the vessel, ;uid Captain Hall, the master of tiie ship, at
their per.l, should not suffer any of the Tea to be landed ;
it was also vottd, that Gov. liuUhinsons conduct, in
requesting the Justices of the Peace to meet to suppress
all riots and unlawful assemblies, carried a designed reflec-
tion upon the People there met, and was solely calculated
to serve the views of "Adinini-stnition. They afterwards
voted that the Tea brought by Captain Hall, should be
returned, by Mr. Rotch, to England, in tl.e same bottom
in which it came; it was also voted, nam. con., that six
persons should be appointed to give due notice to the towns
in the country, when they should be required so to do upon
any iinjjortaiu occasion.
They also resolved, that if any person or persons should
hereafter import any Tea from Great Biitain, or if any
master or masters of any vessel or vessels in Great Britain,
should take the s.tnie en board to be imported to that
place, until the said unrighteous Act should be repealed, he
or they shoald he deemed by that body an enemy to his
country, and tiiat t!)ey would prevent the landing and sale
of the same, and the payment of any duty thereon, and
that they would efl'ect the return thereof to the place from
whence it came.
They also resolved that these their votes be printed, and
sent to England, and all the sea ports in the Province.
Befove they separated they voted that their brethren in
the country should be desired to give their assistance upon
the first notice that should be given.
' \'o. ,109. After tl:e dissolution of this Assembly of the
firrc/.v.'/'L" People, what is called the Committee of Cor-
<•*'"''"""'■-»;' respondence, called in Committees of other
Biiitii. Dec. towns, or other persons to jom with them, kept
up a mihtary watch and guard eveiy night, to
prevent the landing any Teas, and appeared to be the
Execut'oners of the resolves and orders passed at the
aforesaid Assembly.
The consignees having retired to the Castle, the owner
of the first ship that arrived was the principal person ap-
plied to, and he was sent for repeatedly by these Commit-
tees, and was frequently required to send back the ship
with the Teas; he pleaded, "That he could not get a
" clearance at the custom-house, nor a pass for the Castle ;
" and that if he should be able to get his ship out of the
" harbour, bDth sliip and cargo would be forfeited in every
" part of the King's dominions." Tliis was not thouglit
satisfactory, and tlie next morning another Assembly of the
People met and chose a Moderator. At this meeting it
was determined, that Mr. Rotch, the owner of the ship,
should demand at the custom-house, a clearance of the
Teas for England, which was done the 15th, when the
Collector and Conq)troller refused to grant it.
v„. 310. He tlien was obliged to demand a permit
fo'.Ttlm''//;;;. '"'■om tl'e Naval Office to pass the Castle ; after-
"''/jn«",S,l ^^^''''^ ^^ "'^s sent to the Governor to apply to
mi"m''' ' ''"" ''"'^ *'"' permit, who soon satisfied him that
no permit could be granted until the vessel was
regularly cleared. He returned to town that evening and
reported this answer to the' meeting. Lmnediately where-
upon nunibers of the People cried out a mob! a mob I left
the house, repaired to t'le wharfs where tliree of the vessels
lay aground, havin;; on board three hundred and forty
chests of Tea, and in two hours t'me it was totally de-
stroyed. A sufficient number of People for doing the work
were disguised, and these were surrounded by numbers, as
svell of tiie inhabitants of lioslon, as of other towns.
xo.59:. The Committee observe, tJiat many persons
ralPv. "h^g"; of consideration in tl;e town oi Boston took the
Mw'.'r^ov. Ie;id in the proceedings of this meeting, for
4iii, 1773. whose names they beg leave to refer your
Lordships to the papers themselves.
j...i™ii ^(h On tlie 4th of March, 1774, tiie Earl of
March.ai*. Drtrt;noM</t acquainted the House, "That his
" Majesty had given directions that the several Papers
" received from America, relating to the Disturbances tlieie,
" with regard to the Impojtation of Tea, should be laid
" before the House ; and that the same would be delivered
" on Monday next."
The Earl of Dartmouth acquainted the House " That
" he had a Message from his Majesty, under March, nik,
" his Royal sign manual, which his Majesty '"*•
" had commanded him to deliver to this House.
And the same was read by the Lord Chancellor, and b
as follows ; (videlicet :)
" GEORGE R.
His Majesty, upon infomiation of the unwarrantable
practices which h.ave been lately concerted and carried on
in Noith America, and part;culai,ly of the violent and
outrageous proceedings at the town and port oi Boston, in
the Province of Massachusetts Bay, with a view to ol)-
structing the commerce of this Kingdom, and upon grounds
and pretences immediately subveisive of tiie Constitution
thereof, hath thought fit to lay tlie whole matter before
his two Houses of Parliament, fully confiding as well in
their zeal for the maintenance of his Majesty's authority, as
in their attachment to tlie common interest and welfare of
all ills Dominions, that they will not only enable his Majesty
effectually to take such measures as may be most likely to
put an immediate step to the present disorders, but will
also lake into their most serious consideration what farther
regulations and permanent provisions may be necessary, to
be established for better securing the execution of the laws,
and the just dependence of the Colonies upon the Crown
and Parliament of Great Britain. G. R."
The Earl of Dartmouth, also, (by his Majesty's com-
mand,) laid before the House, copies of all letters, &,c.,
received from North America, relating to the Disturbances
there with regard to the Importation of Tea, with a list
thereof.
It was ordered, that an humble Address be presented to
bis Majesty, " To return his Majesty the thanks of this
" House for his Majesty's gracious Message, and for the
" communication his Majesty hath been graciously pleased
" to make to this house of the several Papers relative to
" the present state of some of his Majesty's Colonies in
" North America.
" To assure his Majesty, that this House, truly sensible
" that tlie peace and good Government of the Colonies,
" and the prevent"ng any obstructions there to the com-
" merce of this Kingdom, are objects of their most serious
" attention, will enter upon the consideration of these Pa-
" pers with an earnest desire to "make such provisions as,
" upon mature deliberation, shall appear necessary and
" expedient for securing the just dependence of the said
" Colonies upon the Crown and Parliament of Great
" Britain, and for enforcing a due obedience to the laws
" of this Kingdom throughout all his Majesty's domin-
" ions."
And the said Papers and his Majesty's most gracious
Speech were likewi'^e ordered to be taken into consideration
on Thursday sevennight, and the Lords summoned.
On the 11th of March, the Earl of Dart- j^^^^^„^
mouth (by his Majesty's command) laid before
the house more Papers from America, relating to the Dis-
turbances there with regard to the Importation of Tea, to-
gether with a list thereof; and the same was read, and
ordered to lie on the table ; and to be taken into conside-
ration on Thursday next.
On the -^Gth March, a Message was brought ^
from the House of Commons, with a Bill intitu-
led, " An act to discontinue, in such manner, and for such
" time, as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharg-
" ing, lading or shipping, of goods, wares, and merchan-
" disc, at the town and within the hajbour of Boston, in the
" Province of jMassachiisetts Bay, in North America.
On the 28th of March, a Petition of Mr. „ ^„,.^
i:iayer, and others, natives of Amencaywns pre-
sented and read, praying the said Bill may not pass into a
law; which -was ordered to lie on the table. Then the
House took into consideration the several Papers in his
Majesty's most gracious Message ; and the said Bill was
read a second time and committed.
On the :30th of March, a Petition of fHlliam
Bollan, Esq., Agent for the Council ol tlie
Province of Massachusetts Bay, was presented to the House
and read ; and he was called in, and heard at the bar; and
being vvithdrav.n, the said Bill was read a third time and
passed ncm. diss. ; and receiv<?d the Royal assent on thei
foUpwing day.
31
KINGS MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
32
», ^. It ap-nears to the Cominittee, that on the
LfitrrrroroGo- aSlh of Jdmuinj a great lumibcr ot rioters in tne
]^MVMvC town of Boston, committed a most inluiman
w^rMih act of violence upon the person of Jolm Mal-
jaHuan. 1774. ^.^Ij^ g preventive officer for the port of Fal-
mouth, in Casto Bay, who imd lately seized a vessel in
that port for want of a register; no complaint of irregulari-
ty was made against him, but it was thought proper by the
above rioteis to punisli him by tarring and feathering hiin,
(but whhout stripping him.) and carrying' him about in deri-
sion. This unfortunate man having afterwiu-ds been fre-
quently hooted at in the streets, was provoked on the '25th,
by a tradesman, who, he alleged, had sevei-al times before
affronted him, to strike him witii his cane ; in consequence
of which a warrant was issued against him, but the con-
stable not being able to find him, a mob gatliered about
his house in the evening, and having broke his windows, he
pushed through the broken window with his sword, and
gave a slight scratch to one of the assailants ; soon after
which the mob entered his house, lowered him by a rope
from an upper chamber into a cart, tore his clothes off,
tarred his head and body, feathered him, and dragged him
through the main street into King Street, from thence to
Liberty Tree, and from thence to^TAe Neck, as far as the
gallows, where they whipt him, beat him with sticks, and
threatened to hang him. Having kept him under the gal-
lows above an hour, tliey carried him back in the same
manner, to the extremity of the north end of the town, and
returned him to his own house, so benumbed by the cold,
having been naked near four hours, and so bruised, that his
life was despaired of. It appears that none but the lowest
class of the people were suspected of having been concerned
in it ; and that Mr. Malcolm having for some time before
been threatened by the populace with revenge for his free
and open declarations against the late proceedings, had oc-
casionally indiscreetly given them provocation.
The House of Representatives of Massachu-
ci^mor' sett's Bay, on the 1st o( February, required the
SfJf;"n„" Chief Justice Oliver, and the four Judges of
fti^arf u°h', l'>e Superior Court to declare, whether they
ItesVir^."'' ™' "Of Id receive the grants of Assembly for their
salaries, or accept their support from the Crown,
and were answered by the four Judges, (they being fearful
of making themselves objects of popular resentment, one of
their number having been previously brought over to that
consent,) " that they would receive their salaries fi:om the
" Province ;" but by the Chief Justice, " that he would
N0.34J. "continue to accept his support from the
I^mtraDce^rf " Crown." On the 1 1th of February, they re-
uie HouK of monstrated to the Governor, " That the .said
of Mmtachu- " Chiel Justice 1 eter Oliver, havmg received
•Eainu th« " his Salary and reward out of the revenue un-
" justly and unconstitutionally levied and ex-
" torted from the American Colonies, and being determined
" to continue to receive it, contrary to the known sense
" of the body of the People of the Province, had thereby
" proved himself an enemy to its Constitution, placed
" himself under an undue bias, and rendered hhiiself dis-
" qualified to hold his office any longer." And not having
procured his removal from the Governor in consequence of
xo.343 '''^"^ remonstrance, they passed a vote to
Copy of » vote adjoum the Superior Court, which, by law, is
of the Coiincil ^ , , , , ,' . ,- , y »i i "^ , ^,, .
and Ho.m- of to bc held on the 1.5th ol I'ebrtwry, to the 2-2d
Ft^rm"y''ui", of that month, to which the Governor refused
'"*• his assent, and complains that he now considers
himself as acting altogetiicr on the defensive, avoiding his
consent where he cannot justify it, destitute of any aid from
any part of the Legislature or Executive Powers of Govern-
ment in maintaining order, when the breach of it is caused,
or pretended to be caused by such Acts of Parliament, or
such exercise of his Majesty's authority, as the People are
taught by their leaders to call grievances.
Which Report being read by the Clerk,
Ordered, that the said Report be printed.*
•m the SprinfT of 1774, I Brit out with Mr. and Mrs. IzanI, to make
a lour of France ami Italt/ : but provions to my jroinf;, I drew up a
pierc pntitli^l " A Truo Stitc of the Proccodinirg in the Province of
.VantachuKtf Bay," which h is been attributed to Dr. Fianklin, be.
Ciuisa it was left wit)i him, as agent, to hive it printed. The purpose
oi It w.ns to remove the unjust iind injuriouH impresi-ions made by a
Ruport of a C'ommittae of the House »f Lorde, on the same aubicct. —
Arthur Lee, Vol. I, p. 262.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
March 1th, 1774.
The Lord North acquainted the House, that he had a
Message from his Majesty to this House, signed by his
Majesty ; and he presented the same to the House ; and
it was read by Mr. Speaker, (all the members of the House
being uncovered,) and is as iollowetli, viz :
GEORGE R.
His Majesty, upon information of the unwanantable
practices whicli have been lately concerted and carried on
in North America, and particularly of the violent and out-
rageous proceedings at the town of Boston, in the Province
of Mussachusctis Bay, with a view of obstructing the com-
merce of this Kingdom, and upon grounds and jiretences
immediately subversive of the constitution thereof, have
thought fit to lay the whole matter before his two Houses
of Parliament, fullv confiding as well in their zeal for the
maintenance of his Majesty's authority, as in their attach-
ment to the common interest and welfare of all his Domin-
ions, that they will not only enable his Majesty effectually
to take such measures as may be most likely to put an
immediate stop to the present disorders, but will also take
into their most serious consideration what further regulations
and permanent provisions may be necessary to be esta-
blished, for better securing the execution of the laws, and
the just dependence of the Colonies upon tlie Crown and
Parliament of Great Britain. G. R.
The Lord North presented (o the House, by his Majes-
ty's command, copies of the same Papers that were this day
communicated to the House of Lords. [See folio 5-10.)
Mr. Rice then rose, and after remarking on the very-
critical situation of the whole Continent of North America,
and enlarging on the imminent necessity there was for vin-
dicating the controlling right of the British Legislature
over the Colonies,* moved, " Tliat an humble Address be
" presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty the thanks
" of this House, for his Majesty's most gracious Message,
" and for the communication his Majesty hath been gra-
" ciously pleased to make to this House, of the several
" Papers relative to the present state of some of his Ma-
" jesty's Colonies in North America.
"To assure his Majesty, that this House will, without
" delay, proceed to take into their most serious considera-
" tion his Majesty's most gracious Message, together with
" the Papers accompanyiug the same ; and will not fail to
" exert every means in their power, in effectually providing
" for objects so important to the general welfare, as main-
" taining the due execution of the laws, and securing the
"just dependence of his Majesty's Colonies upon the
'' Crown ;ind Parliament of Great Britain."
* Tlie presentment of tlie Papers was accompanied with a comment
upon them, and ])articularly tlioso that related to the transactions al
Boston, in wliich the conduct of the Governor was described and ap.
plauiled ; and that of the prevailing faction represented in the most
atrocious lifrht. It was said that he had taken every measure which
prudence could suggest, or good policy justify, for the security of the
East India Company's projierty, the safety of the consignees, and the
|)resinving of order and quiet in the town. Evi-ry civil precaution to
prevent the mischief that followed had been usid in vain. His Ma-
jesty's Council, the Militia, and the corps of Cadets, had been all
separately applied to, for their assistance in the preservation of the
public peace, and the support of the laws, but all without eff.'ct: they
refused or declined doing their duty. The Shfiriff read a Proclama-
tion to the faction, at their town meeting, by which they were com.
inanded to break up their Assembly ; but tile Proclamation was treated
with the greatest contempt, and the Sheriff insulted in the grossest
manner.
That he hail it undouhtedlj' in his power, by calling in the assis-
tance of tlie naval force which was in the harbor, to have prevented
the destruction of the Tea; but that as the leading men in Boston had
always made great compl tints of the interposition of the army and
navy, and charged all disturbances of everj' sort to their account, he
witli great prudence and temperance, determined from the beginning
to decline a measure which would have been so irrit iting to the minds
of the People ; and might well have hoped, that by this confidence in
their conduct, and trust reposed in the civil power, he should have
calmed their turbulence, and preserved the public tranquillity.
Thus, said the Ministers, the People of Boston were fairly tried. —
They were left to their own conduct, and to the exercise of their ^^
judgments, and the result has given the lie to all their former profes. ^B
sions. Tliey are now without an excuse, and all the powers of Go. '^m
vemnicnt in that Province, are found insufficient to prevent the most
violent outrages. The loyal and peaceable People of a mercantile
town, (as th y aff'ctto bo peculiarly considered,) have given a notable
proof to the world of llieir justice, moderation, loyalty, and affection,
for the Mother Country, by wantonly committing to the waves a valu.
able commoility, the propurty of another loyal mercantile body of sub-
jects, without the pretence of necessity, even supposing that their
opposition to the payment of the duties could justify such a plea; as
KING'S MESSAGE, MARCH 7, 1774.
84
Lord Clare said, he agreed with the honorable gentle-
man, and hoped he should find this measure carried through
with unanimity ; he should therefore second the motion.
Mr. DowdeswclL 1 would be very far from offering
any thing on the present occasion, which might wear the
most distant appearance of opposition, or a desire to im-
pede measures of such high consideration. Nevertheless,
I cannot consent to give my voice, by any means, lor what
I am convinced in my soul is wrong ; and though 1 do not
mean to divide the House on any particular opinion I may
entertain on the subject, 1 wish lo have it understood, that
I do not approve of the present hasty, ill-digested mode of
proceeding.
Governor Pownall. I think the motion for an Address
extremely proper, as it can mean no mere than to return
thanks to his Majesty for the present communication.
Mr. Edmund Burke then n)oved, that the entries in the
Journal of the House, of the 8th day of iSovcmLcr, 17G8,
of so much of his Majesty's most gracious Speech to both
Houses of Parliament, and tiie Address of this House
thereupon, as relates to the state of his Majesty's Govern-
ment in North America, might be read :
And the same was read accordingly.
Mr. Burke also moved, that the entry in the Journal of
the House, of the 9th day of May, 1769, of so nmch of
his Majesty's most gracious Speech to both Houses of Par-
liament, as relates to the state of his Majesty's Colonies
in North America, might be read :
And the same was read accordingly.
Mr. Burke also moved, that the entries in the Journal
of the House, of the 9th day of January, 1770, of so
much of his Majesty's most gracious Speech to both Houses
of Parliament, and the Address of this House thereupon,
as relates to the state of his Majesty's Government in
North America, might be read :
And the same was read accordingly.
Mr. Burke also moved, that the entries in the Journals
of the House, of the 13th day of November, 1770, of so
much of his Majesty's most gracious Speech to both Houses
of Parliament, and the Address of this House thereupon,
as relates to the stale of his Majesty's Colonies in Ameri-
ca, might be read :
And the same was read accordingly.
He next desired the Clerk to search for the supposed
Resolutions that were entered into by the House, in obe-
dience and conformity to tliis communication from the
Throne ; and none being to be found, he resumed his
speech : Sir, (addressing himself to the Clerk,) 1 am tho-
roughly satisfied of your integrity and assiduity in the dis-
charge of the station you now fill ; but however high you
they had nothing to do but to adhero to their own Resolutions, of non-
consumption, effjctually to evade the revenue liiws.
It was concluded upon tlie whob, that by an impartial review of
the Papers now before them, it would manifestly appear, that nothing
could be done, by eithi^r civil, military, or naval offic -rs, to effjctuate
the re. -establishment of tranquillity and order in that Province, with,
out additional Parliamentary powers to give efficacy to th:;ir proceed,
ings. That no parson employxl by Government, could in any act,
however common or ligal, fulfil the duti?8 of his office or station,
without its b;ing immediately exclaimed against by the licentious, as
ein infringsmont of their liberties. That it was the settled opinion of
some of tile wisjst men, both in England and America, and the best
acquainted with the aifiirs of the Colonies, that in their present state
of Gov .rnment, no measures whitso:!ver could be pursued that would,
in any degree, remedy those glaring evils, which were every day
growing to a more enormous and dangerous height. That Parli u
ment, and Parli imont only, were cap.bb of reestablishing tranquil,
lity among thos;; turbulent Puople, and of bringing order out of con.
fusion. And that it was therefore incumbent on every member to
weigh and consider with an intention suitable to the great importanca
of the subject, the purport of the Pipers before them, and totally lay.
ing all prejudices aside, to form his opinion upon the measures most
eligible to be pursued, for supporting the supreme legislative aulhori.
ty, tlie dignity of Parliament, and the great interesUi of the British
Empire.
This if* the substinco of what was urged by the Ministry upon the
subject whi-n th:y presented the Papers; but, as things were to bo
brought to a crisis with the Colonis, and very strong moa*ures were
resolved upon, it was apprehended th it the merchants would be af.
fected, and make some opposition. To prevent this, all the public
papers were systematically fdlad with writings on this subject, piint-
ing the misconduct of the Colonies in the strongest colours, and in
particular, urging the impossibility of tiie future existence of any
trade to America, if this fl igrant outrage on commerce should go un-
punished.
These, with many other endeavours to the same end, were not with,
out an eifect. Thj spirit raised ag ;inst the Americans became as
high and as strong as could be desired, both within and without the
House. In this temper a motion wai made for an Address to the
Throne. — Ann. Regia.
Second Series. 3
may stand in my estimation, 1 would much sooner suppose
you guilty of some fatal negligence, which now leaves us
at a loss lor those proceedings, than presume the House to
have so far forgot its duty to its Sovereign, its country, and
its constituents, as to omit what was so strongly recommend-
ed to its consideration from the Throne, as well as what
was in its nature so essential to our most important inter-
ests. And even you. Sir, (to the Speaker,) 1 should not
hesitate to charge as guilty of some improper conduct on
this occasion, sooner than the House.
Mr. Solicitor General. Tlie honorable gentleman over
the way has endeavored to entertain us with an epigram,
but it wants one of its most essential requisites, it seems
rather too long. Foregoing therefore the wit, which here
comes in somewhat unseasonably, 1 should imagine that
the grand object we ought to labor to accomplish, on the
present occasion, would be unanimity. The voice of this
House should be that of one man. It is not what this
Administration has done, what that has omitted, or the
mixed errors of a third, that we are now to consider. It is
not this man's private opinion, or that man's ; the particu-
lar sentiments of this side of the House, or the other. We
are arrived at a certain point, and the question now is, in
what manner we shall think proper to act. The proposed
Address by no means precludes us from giving our opinions
freely, when the matter comes properly before us, accom-
panied by the necessary information. When this informa-
tion is properly digested, let us proceed coolly and with
deliberatif.n. We cannot yet determine, whether the de-
pendence insisted on in the Message, may be proper to be
vindicated or asserted. We cannot even say but it may be
entirely relinquished. We do not pretend to judge what
sort or degree of connection may be necessary to be kept
up for our mutual benefit. It perhaps may be prudent to
grant them other charters, to enlarge those they already
have, or to enter into commercial regulations different from
those which at present bind them.
Mr. Edmund Burke. The learned gentleman, who has
now held forth with so much ingenuity, and so great an
appearance of candor, has left his epigram liable to the
same objection which he made to mine ; it is not short
enough. Besides, he forgets to enumerate one of the
qualities which distinguish an epigram, and which mine had:
it, I think, carried a sting with it. The learned gentleman
suggests (and I presume he speaks from authority) that
the several Governments in America may be new-modell-
ed ; that connections different from those already existing
may be formed, and commercial regulations, planned on
another scale, take place. But I will venture to inform
him, that an English Government must be administered in
the spirit of one, or it will that moment cease to exist. As
soon, I say, as the civil Government of those Colonies shall
depend for support on a military power, the former will
that moment be at an end. The spirit of English legisla-
tion is uniform, permanent, and universal ; it must execute
itself, or no power under heaven will be able to effect it. —
[Here Mr. Burke entered into an historical detail of the
weakness and violence, the ill-timed severity and lenity,
the irresolution at one time, and the invincible obstinacy
at another, the arrogance and meanness of the several Ad-
ministrations, relative to their conduct towards the Ameri-
cans for the last seven years. He observed, with some
degree of severity, on the act of political indemnity, pro-
posed by the learned gentleman, and his endeavors to con-
found all parties, as equally involved in the cause of the
present confusions now prevailing in that country, contend-
ing that all dissentions, occasioned by the attempt to levy
a tax there, gave way to perfect tranquillity on the repeal
of the Stamp Act.]
Lord George Germain. The honorable gentleman who
spoke last has taken great pains to expose the conduct of
different Administrations, and to extol those who advised
the repeal of the Stamp Act. For my part, however great
the abilities and good intention of those gentlemen might
have been, I was of opinion, tiiat it should not be repealed,
and voted accordingly. It is now contended, that that
measure produced tlie desired effect, and that on its passing
every thing was peace and tranquillity. I know the con-
trary was the case, and we had evidence at your bar which
proved, that the Americans were totally displeased, because
in the preamble to the repeal, we asserted our right to enact
35
BOSTON PORT BILL.
36
laws of sufficient force and authority to bind tliem. I am, on
the whole, fully convinced, that the prej^ent situation of affairs
in that country, would have never been, and that the People
there must and would have returned to their obedience, if
the Stamp Act had not been unfortunately repealed.
General Conway. 1 by no means agree with the noble
Lord in any one argument lie has made, or conclusion he
has drawn from tiieni. 1 attribute the very disagreeable
situation we are now in to the weakness of our counsels,
and to a series of misconduct. The noble FiOrd attributes
the present distracted state of that country to the repeal.
1 believe he has neither fully attended to the immediate
effects of that measure, nor to those which have followed
fixjni a contrary conduct, or he could never have given such
a judgment. The operation of both are known, and 1 leave
the House to judge, which was the healing and wliicii the
distracting measure.
Colonel Barre. 1 shall agree with the motion for an
Address as a mere matter of course, not holding myself
engaf^ed to a syllable of its contents. A right honorable
gentleman near me, (Mr. DoivdesweU,) has very fully
proved on a former occasion, tl)at our present peace estab-
lishment is a ruinous one : and that it eats up that fund
which should be appropriated towards relieving our burdens
or preparing for a war. I have the most authentic infor-
mation, however improbable it may appear, that the ex-
pense of our military at this moment, exceeds that of
France. These may be matters well worthy of our con-
sideration in the course of our proceedings. It may induce
us to make a very considerable saving in that service.
The motion for the Address was then agreed to.
Ordered, That the Address be ])resented to his Majesty
by such members of this House as are of his Majesty's
most honorable Privy Council.
II. THE BOSTON PORT BILL
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Monday, March 7, 1774.
Ordered, That his Majesty's most gracious Message
[folio 32,] together with the Papers this day presented to
the House, [folio 5 — 10] by the Lord North, be taken
into consideration on Friday morning next.
Friday, March 11, 1774.
The Lord North presented to the House, by his Ma-
jesty's command :
No. 1. Extract of a Letter from Governor HutchiTison
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 28th January,
1774; received 8th March, inclosing,
No. 2. Extract from tlie Boston Gazette, of the 27th
January, 1774.
Together with a list of said Papers.
And the said list was read.
Ordered, That the said Papers be taken into considera-
tion at the same time that the Papere presented to the
House by the Lord North, upon Monday last, are ordered
to be taken into consideration.
The order of the day being read, for taking into conside-
ration his Majesty's most gracious Message of Monday last,
together with the Papers which were presented to the
House by the Lord North, upon Monday last, and this day,
by his Majesty's command.
The House proceeded to take the same into considera-
tion. And his Majesty's most gracious Message was again
read by Mr. Speaker, all tiie members of the House being
uncovered. And the said Papers were also read.
Ordered, That his Majesty's said most gracious Mes-
sage, together with the said Papers, be taken into further
consideration upon Monday morning next.
Monday, March 14, 1774.
A Petition of William Bollan, Esq., Agent for the Council
of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, was
presented to the House, and read, setting forth, that the
English America)i Colonies were deduced and planted by
the adventurers and settlers, at their expense, in foreign in-
hospitable lanils, acquired by their vigorous efforts, made
under the authority of their princes, granted with the en-
couragement proper for this spirited and noble enterprise ;
and that the several princes, by whose authority the Colo-
nies were established, and the numerous nobles and other
worthy persons, of whom several were men of tlie greatest
accomplishments, endued with the wisdom proper for ob-
taining and preserving Empire, by whose advice, aid, and
concun-cnce, they were undertaken and advanced, were so
tar from understanding that these adventurers and settlers,
who by their travail, expenses, labors, and dangers, should
enlarge the public dominion, should thereby, contrary to
natural justice, lessen their public liberties ; that, from the
many letters patent Royal, made and passed for obtaining
and regulating new dominion, and the whole history of their
settlement, it manifestly appears, it was the intent of all
parties, that tlie settlers, and their posterity, should enjoy
the same ; whereupon, they became adventurers ; and, in-
spirited by their confidence therein, with their long and
quiet enjoyment of tiieir public rights, overcoming difficul-
ties, perils, and liardsbips, inexpressible and innumerable,
they raised the King's American Empire out of a dreary
and dangerous wilderness, with so great and continual in-
crease of commerce, that of late years it hath given em-
ployment unto two-thirds of the British shipping, with a
comfortable support to no small part of the inhabitants of
Great Britain, and great addition to the dignity and
strength of its Naval Empire ; and that, by the statute law
of this Kingdom, it is clearlj supposed, and in effect fully
declared, that the Colonists were well entitled to the En-
glish right, and the lands they inhabit free ; and that the
Acta Regia of Queen Elizabeth and her successors, where-
by the acquests of new dominion were made and establish-
ed, and security given to the adventurers, planters, and their
descendants, of the ]5erpetual enjoyment of tlieir public
liberties, having, as tiie Petitioner presumes, never been
laid before the House, nor tiie Colonies ever yet had any
opportunity to ascertain and defend their invaluable rights,
and the House, as the Petitioner is advised, now having
under their consideration the state of the Northern Colonies,
the Petitioner therefore prays, that he may be permitted to
appear, and lay before the House, authentic copies of the
proper Acta Regia, and to support the matters herein con-
tained, in a manner suitable to their nature, and to the in-
clinations of the House.
Ordered, That the said Petition do lie upon the table.
The order of the day then being called for, the House
was silent for a few minutes, when Mr. Cornwall rose, and
moved that the gallery be cleared. This occasioned a
vehement debate. Colonel Barre said, that if the motion
was insisted on, the ladies would be oliliged to withdraw.
Mr. C. Fox ^vas of the same opinion. Mr. Jtiikinson con-
tended, if it was proper to shut the gallery on Friday,
against strangers, it was much more so then. Mr. T.
Townshcnd desired that the standing order might be read,
which being complied with, he observed, that it contained
no exceptions, for the order recited that all strangers should
be taken into custody. Mr. Grtnville remarked, that it
was easily seen from what quarter the present motion origi-
nated, as he could perceive that applications had been ma-
king ever since the House met, for the purpose now intend-
ed to be carried into execution, though the authors did
not choose to appear publicly in it themselves.
The majority of the House did not seem to approve of
the motion, when it was first made ; but the interference of
the Speaker at length turned the scale, and not only the
BOSTON PORT BILL.
38
gallery but all the rooms and avenues leading to it, were
cleared about four o'clock.
As soon a.s the House had resumed its former tranquiU
lity, it was
Ordered, That the order of the day, for taking into
consideration his Majesty's most gracious Message of
Monday last, together with tlie Papers which were pre-
sented to the House by the Lord North, upon tlie 7th and
11th days of this instant, March, (by his Majesty's com-
mand,) be now read :
And the said order being read accordingly,
The House proceeded to take the same into further con-
sideration.
And his Majesty's said most gracious Message was again
read by Mr. Speaker, (all tiie members of the House beuig
uncovered.) Upon which.
Lord North rose. He said it contained two proposi-
tions : the one to enable his Majesty to put an end to the
present disturbances in America, the other to secure the
just dependence of the Colonies on the Crown of Great
Britain. His Lordship observed, that the present disor-
ders originated in Boston, in the Province o( Massachusetts
Bay; and hoped that the method he should propose to the
House would be adopted. He should confine himself par-
licularlv to those disturbances which had been created since
the 1st of December. He said, that it was impossible for
our commerce to be safe, whilst it continued in the harbour
of Boston, and it was highly necessary that some port or
other should be found for the landing of our merchandise
where our laws would give full protection ; he therefore
hoped that the removal of the custom-house officers from
the town of Boston, would be thought a necessary step ;
and that the consequence of that would produce one other
proposition, which would be, the preventmg any shipping
from endeavouring to land their wares and merchandise
there, by blocking up the use of that harbour; he said he
should move for leave to bring in a Bill for those two pur-
poses. He observed, that this was the third time the offi-
cers of the customs had been prevented from doing their
duty in the harbour of Boston ; he thought the inhabitants
of the town of Boston deserved punishment ; he said, per-
haps it may be objected, that some few individuals may
suffer on this account who ought not ; but where the au-
thority of a town had been, as it were, asleep and inactive,
it was no new thing for the whole town to be fined for such
neglect ; he instanced the city of London, in King Charles
the Second's time, when Dr. Lamb was killed by unknown
persons, the city was fined for such ; and the case oi Edin-
burgh, in Captain Forteovss affair, when a fine was set
upon the whole ; and also at Glasgoiv, when the house of
Mr. Camj)bell Avas pulled down, part of the revenue of that
town was sequestered to make good the damage. He ob-
served, that Boston did not stand in so fair a light as either of
the three before mentioned places, lor that Boston had been
upwards of seven years in riot and confusion, and associa-
tions had been held against receiving British merchandise
so long ago. He observed that proceedings were openly
carried on in the beginning of last November, to the 17th
of December, denying the force or efficacy of the laws of
this country, to be exerted in the harbour of Boston; that
during the above time, there was not the least interposition
offered by the inhabitants of the town ; that at their public
meetings, they had regularly given orders for nightly
watches to be appointed, consisting of a large body of
persons, which were to prevent the landing of the tea. As
the merchandise of Great Britain, this surely was highly
criminal, and a direct opposition to the execution of an Act
of Parliament ; and as the tea belonging to the India Com-
pany had remained twenty days in the harbour, without a
clearance, they were afraid lest it should be seized by the
custom-house officers, and by that means landed ; they
therefore fiestroyed it on tlie 20th day. That this appeared
to be a violent and outrageous proceeding done to our fel-
low subjects, by a set of People, who could not, in any
shape, claim more than the natural privilege of trading with
their fellow subjects. Tliat Boston had been the ringlea-
der in all riots, and had at all times shown a desire of
seeing the laws of Great Britain attempted in vain, in the
Colony of Massachusetts Bay. That the act of the mob
in destroying the tea, and other proceedings, belonged to
the act of the public meeting ; and that though other
Colonies were peaceable and well inclined towards the
trade of this country, and the tea would have been landed
at New York without any opposition ; yet, when the news
came from Boston, that the tea was destroyed. Governor
Tryon, from the advice of the People, thought that the face
of things being changed since that account was sent, it
would be more prudent to send the tea back to England,
than to risk the landing of it. His Lordship observed that
Boston alone was to blame for having set this example,
therefore Boston ought to be the principal object of our
attention for punishment. He proposed one clause to the
Bill, which, he said, would prevent the Crown from re-
storing the re-establishment, till full satisfaction was made
to the East India Company for the loss of their tea. He
said, he did not propose it by way of tax, but by way of
restitution to the injured, who were our own subjects ; and
to let it go forth to the world, that the Parliament of Great
Britain will protect their subjects and their property ; that
the Crown, by that clause, will not even then be obliged to
restore the custom-house, unless his Majesty is thoroughly
convinced that the laws of this country will be better ob-
served in the harbour of Boston for the future ; this resti-
tution entirely depended upon Boston alone. He should
be happy to have those, who had been the promotei-s of
these disturbances in Boston found out, and that they might
be obliged to make good the damage to the East India
Company ; but as those persons are unknown to us, Boston
will, no doubt, endeavour to find out such persons, or pass
acts of their own Assembly, to levy such money in the most
equitable and just manner. We have only to request it for
the East India Company. He said that this Bill was not
all he meant to propose ; that other parts, of more nice
disquisition, will remain for the future consideration of Par-
liament. There, perhaps, might be other methods propo-
sed that were better than this ; but he had as yet found out
none that deserved a preference. Some persons had pro-
posed that the fishery might be taken away ; but this, he
observed, would affect the Colony at large. Others pro-
posed tiie Straits trade ; and this would be liable to the
same objection. No method of punishment ever came
from him, but with great regret : he therefore hoped for
that unanimity in a vote of this sort, which would give
strength to the measure. It had been said, that we owed
this proceeding of the Americans to our own ill conduct in
taxing and repealing ; but if gentlemen would recollect,
when the Stamp Act passed, there was hardly a dissenting
voice ; and when it was repealed, it had the consent of a
great majority of that House; that the doctrine then laid
down was, that external duties were our right, internal
taxes theu's; that when the repeal of the Stamp Act took
place here, the clamour raised against that Act in America
had subsided ; that the non-importation agreements, it was
true, were not remedied, because they ceased of themselves.
It was my fate, he said, to propose the repeal of the duties
laid on in 1767, and to continue the Tea Duty only. The
reason was, I thought, the non-importation agreements
would break up of themselves ; which was afterwards the
case. It was proposed by some, that the Tea Duty should
be taken off; it was urged by others, that it would then
become a monopoly of the Ea^t India Company ; nor did
I think the giving up the duty to the East India Company
of consequence enough to venture the struggle of the Le-
gislative authority of this country. If they could sell tea
cheaper than any other People, they would certainly have
the market to tiiemselves. His Lordship observed, that at
Boston we were considered as two independent States ; but
we were no longer to dispute between legislation and taxa-
tion, we were now to consider only whether or not we
have any authority there ; that it is very clear we have
none, if we suffer the property of our subjects to be de-
stroyed. He hoped that all would agree with him, both
peers, members, and merchants, to jiroceed unanimously to
punisli such parts of America as denied the authority of
this country. We must, he said, punish, control, or yield
to them. He did not wish to molest without an offence
given ; he therefore proposed this measure to day ; and
observed, if such conduct was followed, it would tend to
cement two countries, as important to the one as the other ;
he therefore moved, "That leave be given to bring in a
" Bill for the immediate removal of the officers concerned
" in the collection and management of his Majesty's duties
39
BOSTON PORT BILL.
40
" and customs from the town of Boston, in tlio Province of
" Massachusetts Bay, in North Amtrica ; and to discon-
•' tinue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping, of
'' goods, wares, and merchandise, at the said town of Bos-
" ton, or within the liarbour thereof."
When Lord North sat down, there was a perfect silence
for some minutes.
Mr. Grosvenor got up to second the motion, and con-
demned very much the proceedings of Boston ; he said,
they were all entirely owing to the repeal of the Stamp
Act.
Governor Johnstone desired to know, if it was to be left
to the Crown, to what part of America the custom-house
should be removed ?
Lord North said, a clause was intended to be inserted in
the Bill to leave that matter to the Crown.
Mr. Dempster observed, that should this indemnification
to the East India Company take place by way of tax, it
would be collected over America, and thereby injure tlie
property of People who had been entirely innocent of this
afiair ; that when he spoke formerly so much about taxa-
tion in general, he meant not as to the right which we had,
but only as to the prudence and policy of the measure.
Mr. Sawbrid^e got up to speak, but the noise of the
Flouse being great for the question, he sat down, he said,
till gentlemen had done coughing, and the House had done
calling for the question ; that though he could not be heard
now, he should sit cooly till he could. The House being
little silent, he said, he always gai-e his genuine opinion,
and he was now, and always had been, of such opinion,
that this country had no right to tax America; that it
might be said by some People here, that America Is not
represented ; that if this country had a right to take a sin-
gle shilling out of an American's pocket, they have a right
to take the whole. He then sat down a second time, the
House being noisy, and said though he could not be allowed
to speak long, he could sit long ; and observed, that this
destruction of the tea was entirely done by a mob unarmed ;
and Uiat if a requisition was to be sent to Boston to make
satisfaction to the India Company he made no doubt but
what it would be complied with. He said, he was against
the motion.
Mr. Byng sa\d, he only meant to ask the noble Lord one
question, whether this measure was not preventing the
English ships from trading there, and a punishment on
ourselves ?
Mr. B. Fuller said, the Bill brought in would shew
whether it was a punishment upon A or B ; that he should
therefore reserve his opinion until he saw the Bill,
Mr. Dowdesioell rose, upon which the House thought
the debate would continue ; he said, he was of opinion
they were going to do very great mischief, and should
think it his duty to give that opinion in tliis early stage of
the Bill: he said, this Bill was to punish the town of
Boston: why will you punish Boston alone? Did not
other towns send your tea back to England, and refuse
the landing? Have they committed no offence? He asked,
if there was any evidence of a general concurrence of the
inhabitants of Boston ; he said, the examples of punishment
the noble Lord had mentioned, were not similar to the pre-
sent case ; that the counties being obliged by law to make
good the loss between sun and sun, wal; an old established
law, not made for a particular purpose ; that this Bill
would be an ex-post-facto law ; that the case of a corpora-
tion was different from the present ; the corporation chose
their own officers, the magistrates of the town of Boston
were chosen by the Province at large. Would the House
nor hear what Boston had to say in its defence ? Would
the House condemn without evidence, in the absence of
the parties? He should trouble the House no more at
present ; he thought they were going to do a wrong act,
nor could he think, that the cases of London, KHnlwgh,
or Glasgow, could at all be brought as examples of pun-
ishment in this case. He disapproved much of the Bill,
and said, he should give a negative to it.
Mr. Cavendish approved of the proposition ; but hoped,
il the merchants of this country could any way be injured
by it, that time would be given tlioin to come and petition.
Captain Phipps said, he felt no reason to imagine that
any opposition to the Bill at Boston could be effectual :
That It was no new thing to direct and order a port for the
reception of the trade of America; that harbours were in
great plenty there ; that all authority had been trampled
upon in that country for many years; that if our subjects
could not trade to Boston, they must go where thev could
trade with safety ; that he did not attribute the disturbances
to the Stamp Act, or the repeal of it. When he was in that
country, he thought that that Act might have been put in
execution ; that the repeal might be proper. He imagined,
one of the provisions that would be adopted by the House,
would be to repeal the Declaratory Act, which, he said, was
tlie most absurd and unconstitutional Act ever passed. Let
America alone, and it would return of itself to obedience,
and do not let us scare!) for trifling taxes, by way of expe-
riment, to try our power ; the moment they see that taxa-
tion is not for effectually collecting of money, but for
experiment only, they will always oppose you.
Lord G. Cavendish said, lie was not sure but the object
before the House would be prejudicial to our trade ; that
he looked lo the mutual interest of the two countries ; that
they were united by proper measures, and, he hoped, they
would be kept so ; he wished tiiat no idle ideas of superio-
rity might prevail, for that country which is kept by power,
is in danger of being lost every day.
Colonel Brrre said, he was urged to rise to discharge
his duty in not giving a silent vote upon the occasion. The
proposition before tlie House, he could not help giving his
hearty affirmative to ; that he liked it, harsii as it was ; he
liked it for its moderation ; and arirued, that the noble Lord's
{Nortfi) conduct would be of the same stamp throughout.
He said, I think BoUon ought to be punished, she is your
eldest son. |Here the House laughed, and some members
observed by him, that he would be a proper person to
direct the admission of Irish members into the House, as
he had hinted a day before that office for Mr. Bigby.]
After the House had laughed heartily, he said, I mean ycur
daughter, she is a noble prop ; she gave herself that form
of constitution she now has ; cherish and support her. He
wished to see an unanimous vote in the onset of this busi-
ness ; that when Boston saw this measure was carried by
such a consent, they would the more readily pay the sum
of money to the East India Company ; that he hoped,
if they did, that the Crown would mitigate the rest of
their punishment ; if the Crown went further, perhaps
they could not do it witliout, as Governor Tryon ob-
served, at the muzzle of your guns ; that we had given
America limited and prescribed means to acquire wealth ;
that he hoped they would leave the rest of the matter to
themselves ; that he had often thought, in the coolest hours,
that America ought not to be taxed by this country.
Endeavour, says he, to take the power of taxing out of
their Assemblies, and it will be strongly opposed ; he
meant not to stick to experimental taxes ; the tax of the
Stamp Act was made to please this side [meaning Mr.
Grcnville's friends] of the House. Go, says he, to some
great request at once, and if they wont comply with it, try
then your power. You have been paying £4,000,000,
for doing of nothing, only for teasing and scratching ; I wish
to see a fair decided line at once ; I dent, says he, see any
appearance of war at present ; now is your time to try, in
a civilized manner, your power over the Americans ; other
of your enemies are not in a condition to take part with
them. I am not in office, that my advice can be taken ; if
I was, I should give it freely. If office comes to me, it
comes as an atonement for repeated and unmerited affronts.
I shall at all times speak the language of a free and disin-
terested member.
The motion of Ixird North, for leave to bring in the Bill
was then agreed to; and I^ord North, Mr. Onslow, Mr.
Charles Townshcnd, Mr. Attorney General, Mr. Solicitor
General, Mr. Bice, Mr. Cooper, and Mr. Robinson, were
ordered to prepare and bring in the same.
Ordered, That the further consideration of the Message
and Papers be referred toaCoinmittie of the whole House.
Resolved, That this House will, on Friday morning
next, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to
consider of the said Message and Papers.
Friday, March 18, 1774.
The Lord North presented to the House, according to
order, a Bill for the immediate removal of the Officers con-
cerned in the collection and management of his Majesty's
I
41
BOSTON PORT BILL.
42
duties of Customs, from the town of Boston, in the Province
of Massachusetts Bay, in North America; and to discon-
tinue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping, of
goods, wares, and merchandise, at the said town o{ Boston,
or within the harbour tliereof: and the same was received ;
and read the first time.
Resolved, That the Bill be read a second time.
Ordered, Tiiat die said Bill be read a second time upon
Monday next.
A motion was made, and the question being put, that
the said Bill be printed ?
It passed in the Negative.
The order of the day being read, for the House to re-
solve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take
into further consideration his Majesty's most gracious
Message of Monday, the 7th day of this instant, March,
together with the Papers which were presented to the
House, by the Lord North, upon the 7lh and 11th days of
this instant, March, by his Majesty's conmiand ;
Resolved, That this House will, upon Wednesday morn-
ing next, resolve itself into the said Committee.
Monday, March 21 , 1774.
The Bill was read a second time, and committed to a
Committee of the whole House.
Resolved, That this House will, upon Wednesday movn-
ing next, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole
House, upon the said Bill.
Wednesday, March 23, 1774.
The order of the day, for the House to resolve itself into
a Committee of the whole, on the Message and Papers, was
discharged, and the Message together with the Papers, was
referred to the Committee of the whole House, to whom the
Bill for the immediate removal of the officers concerned in
the collection and management of his Majesty's duties of
Customs, from the town of Boston, in the Province of Mas-
sachusetts Bay, in North America ; and to discontinue the
landing and discharging, lading and shipping, of goods,
wares, and merchandise, at the said town of Boston, or
within the harbour thereof, is committed.
The House then resolved itself into a Committee -of the
whole, on the said Bill.
Sir Charles Whitworth took the Chair of the Com-
mittee.
Mr. Fuller said, he intended to make an alteration in the
Bill, by first substituting a fine before the blocking up the
port ; lie should tlierefore propose, that the words " from
and after," be left out, in order to insert one of his own.
He said, that Boston was a port of the gi-eatest consequence
to this country of any existing ; that the Bill before them
was totally unprecedented ; for that the case of Edinburgh,
Glasgow, and others, that had been mentioned, was not in
the least similar; that the penalty of blocking up their
ports was too severe for the first offence ; that when the
nation came to know the contents of this Bill, he was sure
they would be dissatisfied with it ; that the Bostonians,
upon the first rcsistence, will tell you they will not remit
the money which they owe you ; that nothing but confed-
eracies would spring up among tliem ; that he was strongly
of opinion, that this Bill could not be carried into execution
without a military force; that if we sent over a small
number of men, the Boston militia would immediately cut
them to pieces ; that if we sent over a larger number, six or
7,000, the Americans would debauch them ; and that by
these means we should only hurt ourselves. I would
begin, said he by an amercement; nor would I wish this
Bill to take place, until they had refused the payment of
it. He should apprehend, that about £15,000 would
make amends to the East India Company, and would in
some measure be a relief to poor Malcolm (the custom-
house officer, who had been tarred and feathered.) It was
always a rule in law, he said, where damages are done by
unknown persons, that the community should be made to
pay ; he therefore wished that the House would adopt the
proposition he had made.
Mr. Herbert opposed the measure which Mr. Fuller
proposed. He said, the proposition would by no means
relieve us, but throw us into greater difficulties ; the Bos-
tonians would certainly resist the payment of the fine ;
that we must then have recourse to this method. The
measure proposed was still more likely to be resisted than
the Bill, because the fine would be laid on all America,
which would induce others to join in the opposition, who
before were not concerned in it. He said, the Americans
were a strange set of People, and that it was in vain to
expect any degree of reasoning from them ; that instead
of making their claim by argument, they always chose to
decide the matter by tarring and feathering ; that the
method now proposed in tlie Bill would become more a
punishment by their refusal than by their compliance ; that
the Americans alone were the persons by whose behaviour
the lenity or severity of the measure was to be proved : he
therefore should agree to the Bill, in preference to the
amendment proposed.
Lord North opposed the amendment. He said, howe-
ver great his obligations were to the candour and public
spirit of the honorable gentleman who made the motion, yet
he differed much from him in the amendment proposed.
His lordship observed, that tliough the honorable gentleman
had said it was the first offence, yet upon recollection he was
very sure he would not be of that opinion, as the People at
Boston had begun many years ago to endeavour to throw
of all obedience to this country ; that, indeed, this was the
first time that Parliament had proceeded to punish them.
He said, I am by no means an enemy to lenient measures,
but I find that resolutions of censure and warning will avail
nothing ; we must therefore proceed to some immediate
remedy ; now is our time to stand out, to defy them — to
proceed with firmness, and without fear ; they will never
reform until we take a measure of this kind. Let this Bill
produce a conviction to all America, that we are in earnest,
and that we will proceed with firmness and vigour ; that
conviction, will be lost, if they see us hesitating and doubt-
ing. It will be enough to shew that Great Britain is in
earnest. The merchandise now will be landed at Marble-
head, in the port of Salein, which is putting Boston about
seventeen miles from the sea with respect to foreign trade.
This restriction will be continued as long as they persist in
their proceedings ; it will operate severely or mildly against
them, according to their behaviour; if they are obstinate,
the measure will be severe ; if not, mild. I believe that
Boston will not immediately submit to a fine, nor to the
intention of the present Bill, unless it comes attended with
a mark of resolution and firmness that we mean to punish
them, and assert our right ; it is impossible to suppose but
some of our own People may in some degree suffer a little,
but we must compare those temporary inconveniences
with the loss of that country, and its due obedience to us ;
they bear no comparison ; and the preference must certain-
ly be given to the latter. The honorable gentleman tells us,
that the Americans will not pay their debts due to this
country, unless we comply with their disposition. I believe
things will remain much in the same state as they did upon
a like occasion ; they threatened us with the same thing if
we did not repeal the Stamp Act ; we repealed that Act,
and they did not pay their debts. If this threat is yielded
to, we may as well take no remedy at all ; their threats
will hold equally good to the fine proposed by the honorable
gentleman, as to the operation of this Bill. I hope we
every one feel, that it is the common cause of us all, and
such an unanimity will go half way to their obedience to
this Bill. The honorable gentleman tells us, that the Act
will be a waste piece of paper, and that an army will be re-
quired to put it in execution. The good of this Act is,
that four or five frigates will do the business without any
military force ; but if it is necessary, I should not hesitate
a moment to enforce a due obedience to the laws of this
country. Tlie situation of the troops in that country has
been such, that no magistrate or civil officer of the peace
has been willing to call forth their strength on proper
occasions ; it will become us to find out some method
whereby the military force may act with effect, and with-
out bloodshed, in endeavouring to support and maintain the
authority of Great Britain; but I hope that this Act will
not, in any shape, require a military force to put it in
execution : the rest of the Colonies will not take fire at the
proper punishment inflicted on those who have disobeyed
your authority ; we shall then be nearly in a situation, that
all lenient measures will be at an end if they do; but if
we exert ourselves now with firmness and intrepidity, it is
the more likely they will submit to our authority. If the
43
BOSTON PORT BILL.
44
consequences of their not obeying this Act are likely to
produce rebellion, those conse(juences belong to tliem, and
not to us : it is not what we have brought on, but what
they alone have ocrasioned ; we are only answerable that
our measures are just and equitable, l^et us continue to
proceed with firmness, justice, and resolution : which, if
pursued, will certainly produce that due obedience and
respect to the laws of this country, and the security of the
trade of its People, \vhich I so ardently wish for.
Mr. Oascoi^HC said he diiiered nuich from the proposi-
tion made by Mr. Fuller, as an amendment to the Bill.
Will gentlemen consider w]i;;t sort of Acts of Assembly tiie
Bosionians have lately passed ? They have sent over one
law, to be appro\ed of by his Majesty, for the raising and
purchasing twelve pieces of brass caimon ; these, he sasd,
were to be produced against the present proposition of
amendment. Do these proceedings look with a peaceable
eye to the proposition of his honorable friend ? It is not, says
he, the acts of tarring and feathering only that shew their
displeasure to persons who have oftended them ; tliey have
other modes of punishment, which they make use of by
way of argument and reason; the house of any pereon with
whom they are displeased, they immediately daub over with
excrement and tar, by wliich means the wjiole family is
obliged to quit it. These People, he was afraid, would
hardly ever be brought to reason ; for the moment a person
otfered to argue, the reply was, either tarring, feathering,
or daubing the house. The Bill before tiiem now, he ap-
prehended, would brinj!; these tarring and feathering casuists
to a little better reason ; nor did he imagine that a military
force would be in the least necessary : as their meetings
were chiefly made up of merchants, the prescribing limita-
tions to their trade would be the only way to bring such
merchants to their senses.
Mr. Montague (second son of Ix)rd Sandwich) rose for
the first time in the House. He said, that it was usual to
begin by making some sort of apology to the House as a
virgin orator; that he should, for tiie present, wave that
custom, but should venture what little he had to say with
as much propriety and decency as he was able. He said,
he was the youngest member in the House, and therefore,
might more properly lay his thoughts before the House, in
order that they might hereafter be corrected by men more
able, and of greater experience ; and that he miuht at last
be induced to give his vote at least rectified with some
sanction of autiiority. He expatiated much on the load of
debt which this country had incurred on obtaining America
in Germany : that we had spilt the dearest and best blood
we had in the attainment of it ; that it had been the result
and deliberation of our Councils to obtain tlie possession of
it by any means, and at any risk whatsoever ; that it had
been the darling object of this country, ever since we pos-
sessed it, to cherisli and nourish it as the main prop and
support of the constitutional body of Great Britain ; that
after all these struggles for the possession of such a jewel in
the crown of this country, it would be madness, it would
be folly indeed to the last extremity, were we not to pursue
the most determined conduct to preserve it; the giving up
that gem which we have so carefully and so diligently po-
lished, or neglecting to enforce that due obedience, and cul-
tivate the friendship, would be as it were an actual surren-
der of all our right and claim. He spoke much upon the
indulgence that had been shewn to the Colonies by the
mother country, and observed, that we had re*-,eived nothing
in return but contempt of Government. Was this filial
friendship ? Was tliis that debt of gratitude which was
owing to this country? Or was this that bond of mutual
connection which ought to have subsisted between the
mother country and its Colonies? He said, he looked
upon the unity of legislation to be as essential to the body
politic, as the Deity was to religion; that the disorders
abroad had entirely been owinij to our weak Coiuicils at
home, and condemned much the tame, unmanly proceed-
ings of Government towards the Avuricaiis. Those acta
of the Americans call now loudly for that power and diat
interposition wliich has been so long, and with so much
danirer to this country withheld. I>etus now proceed, and
consider wjiat it is most prudent to do in the present situa-
tion of things, rebus sic stantibus. Let us consider whether
the Bill before us w ill not l)c the most proper method that
nan be adopted. The Bill, he said, would ojicrate as a res-
torative and palliative; but if the amendment was adopted,
which was proposed by the honorable member, it would
indeed produce a punishment, the sting of which Great
Britain would in some n)easure feel. He expatiated also
upon gentlemen in that House, who had been clamorous
against the measures of Government, with a view to make
diemselves jKipular: he termed diem a faction, whose very
existence had arose merely as it were from the vilest ex-
crement of the eartli. He begged pardon for having de-
tained the House so long ; as they had been so kind and
indulgent to him in the attention which they shewed, he
would conclude with giving his hearty approbation to the
Bill, as it bore on its face those distinguisiiing lines which
ought to be tiie true characteristic of every British Minister,
moderation and courage.
Mr. Byng. i rise. Sir, to speak my mind upon tliis
Bill. Whatever principles I have hitherto adopted, be
tiiey right, or be tliey wrong, I have always adhered to ;
and as I live with such opinions, I hope I shall die in them.
Men's characters are known after their death, and to have
steadily adopted one uniform set of principles, from which I
have not deviated, I hope will not be deemed factious.
This Bill will prevent all importation of goods to Boston,
and thereby create that association in the Americans which
you have so much wished to annihilate. You are not
punishing tl;e Bostonians ; you are punishing the English
merchants. Tliey. Sir, would petition this House ; but
they might petition it in vain. I am against both tlie
amendment and the Bill itself; I therefore propose, that
after the words, " not to import goods," the words "except
of jBrt/ijj/i merchants," be inserted.
Mr. Stanley said, that the place where trade and mer-
chandise could not be landed in safety was not a port ; it
was therefore proper that some other port should be found
out where the subjects of this country might land their
merchandise in safety. 1 think, said he, the Bill which is
now before you, as far as it can convey punishment will be
unavoidable ; something must be done ; an immediate reme-
dy must be had, and I think, none can be adopted so free
from objection as the Bill before you.
Mr. Dempster said, that he knew of no Act to which he
gave his hearty consent in a more willing manner than to
that which was for the repeal of the Stamp Act ; he said,
our disorders had arisen from our attempts to tax the
Americans by that odious Act ; he was very sure the de-
struction o{ America uould be certain if we should ofTer to
tax it. Have we not, said he, given an extent of power to
his Majesty , to prevent the port of Boston from ever being
reinstated if tlie King should tliink proper ? What limit or
line is drawn to define when it will be proper, right, and
just, that the port of Boston should be reinstated ? He said,
the dignity of Parliament was by no means concerned in the
disputes with our Colonies ; and that we should treat them
as our children, nourish and protect them.
Lord North rose to explain. When he mentioned the
threats of Boston were not to be depended upon at the re-
peal of the Stamp Act, he said, he did not mean to rip up
wantonly the mention of the repealing the Stamp Act ;
that he begged to be understood in that light, only to siiew,
that the threats o( Boston, at that time, in not paying their
debts, unless the Stamp Act was repealed, were not always
to be depended upon.
Mr. Ward said, he was surprised to hear that we were
not now to tax America ; that he was equally surprised not
to find that unanimity which he expected upon the present
Bill ; that he himself was much against the repeal of the
Stamp Act ; that he had presented four petitions from his
Constituents in favour of the repeal, but, that he. at the
same time, told them he must be against them. He ap-
proved, he said, of this Bill, because there was no other re-
source left ; that we were drove to the wall. He disap-
proved, he said, of the amendment.
Mr. Jenldnson. I think Great Britain right ; I com-
mend much the measure of the Stamp Act, and, as the
honorable gentleman, (Mr. Grenville,) who was the au-
thor of that Act, has been much praised and commended
for another Bill, (^le Election Bill,) I beg leave to throw
in my hearty approbation of my honorable friend for the
Stamp Act. VVhat, said he, is to become of all your trade,
if the proceedings of the Bostonians are to become a prece-
dent to the rest of the Colonies ; we have gone into a very
m
BOSTON PORT BILL.
46
expensive war for tlie attainment of -4menea ; the struggle
we shall now have to keep it, will be but of little expense.
General Conway observed, that the right honorable
gentleman who spoke last, had spoken with some degree
of wannth, which the present debate, lie apprehended, did
not at all call for. 1 will just say one very short word, he
said, in favour of the Bill. I am particularly happy in the
mode of punisiimentthat is adopted in it, but I disclaim any
thing in the debate that tends to call up old sores, or create
anger. I was much for the repeal of the Stamp Act, and
am not ashamed to own it ; nor do 1 think that that measure
was the reason of these disorders.
Mr. R. Fuller said, we all agree, that the Bostonians
ought to be punished, but we difier in the mode of it. He
did not insist any farther.
The debate ended, and the blanks were filled up in the
Bill. It was then read.
On the question u]3on the clause, which vests the power
in the Crown to restore the port,
Mr. Charles Fox said, he should give it his negative, as
it was ti-usting the Crown with that power which Parlia-
ment were afraid to trust themselves with ; and if he did not
succeed in his negative to tiiis clause, he should object to
the clause following, which seemed to militate against the
measure adopted in this, as a restraint was then laid upon
the Crown until the East India Company were made satis-
faction. This Bill, he said, was calculated for three purpo-
ses ; the first for securing the trade, the second for punish-
ing the Bostonians, and the third for satisfaction to the East
India Company. He said, the first clause did not give a
true and exact distinction by what means, and at what
period, the Crown was to exercise that power vested in it ;
lie thought that application for relief should come to Par-
liament only, and that the power of such relief should not
be lodged in the Crown. The quarrel, he said, was with
Parliament, and Parliament was the proper power to end it;
not that, said he, (in a kind of sneer) there is any reason to
distrust his Majesty's Ministers, that they will not restore
the port when it shall be proper ; but I want to hear the
reason why this clause should be so left in the judgment of
the Crown, and the next clause should be so particularly
granted, with such a guard upon his Majesty, to prevent
him from restoring the port until the East India Company
shall be fully satisfied.
Captain Fhip])s said, that nothing surely was so proper
as to allow the Crown that power which always had been
attributed to it, that of mercy ; his Majesty cannot deprive
the People of a port without the leave of Parliament, but
he may certainly give one ; as to the power being lodged
in the Crown, of restoring the port upon proper contrition,
it is highly proper, and not in Parliament, for Parliament
may not be sitting at the time when the trade of Boston
ought to be restored ; that power wliicli has a right to give
a port, has also a power of appointing quays and wharfs ; if
the power was not lodged in the Crown, quays and wiiarfs
might be made at places totally inconvenient to the custom-
house officers, and thereby prevent the collection of his Ma-
jesty's revenue.
Lord North. The test of the Bostonians will not be the
indemnification of the East India Company alone, it will
remain in the breast of the King, not to restore the port
until peace and obedience shall be observed in the port of
Boston. I am ready to admit a clause to secure those
wharfs and quays which are now in use, to be the same
when the port shall be restored. He observed, he had
been charged witli changing his opinion ; that the declara-
tion which he had made tended chiefly to the punishment of
the Bostonians, and that the Bill particularly adhered to the
views of making the India Company satisfaction. He be-
lieved tlie House would do him the justice to say, that he
had declared botli those measures to be his intention at the
first setting out of the business, as well as to restore tlie trade
to a proper footing ; that he hoped he had never deviated
Crom them, notwithstanding what the honorable gentleman,
(Mr. Fox) had charged him with ; that he should never be
a.shamed, at any time, to give up his opinion upon good
grounds ; it would be the height of obstinacy not to do it,
when he saw any good reasons to guide his opinion to better
judgment.
Mr. Van said, he agreed to the flagitiousness of the of-
fence in the Americans, and therefore was of opinion, that
the town of Boston ought to be knocked about their ears,
and destroyed. Delenda est Carthago : said he, 1 am of
opinion you will never meet with that proper obedience to
the laws of this country, until you have destroyed that nest
of locusts.
Colonel Barre said, he had very little tiioughts of
troubling the Committee upon this clause, but for an expres-
sion which fell from an honorable gentleman under the gal-
lery, delenda est Carthago. I should not have risen, said
he, had it not been for those words. The Bill before you is
the first vengeful step that you have taken. We ouo'lit to
go coolly to this business, and not trouble our heads with
who passed, or who repealed the Stamp Act, or other taxes.
We are to proceed rcbiis sic stantibus. Tlie proposition
made ye I tliought a moderate one, though I must confess I
hate the word fine ; it is a tax, and as long as I sit here
among you, 1 will oppose the taxing of America. This
Bill, I am afraid, draws in the fatal doctrine of submitting
to taxation ; it is also a doubt by this Bill, whether the port
is to be restored to its full extent. Keep your hands out of
the pockets of the Americans, and they will be obedient
subjects. I have not a doubt, but a very small part of our
strength will, at any time, overpower them. I think this
Bill a moderate one ; but 1 augur that the next proposition
will be a black one. You have not a loom nor an anvil but
what is stamped with America ; it is the main prop of your
trade. Parliament may fancy that they have rights in theo-
ry, which I will answer for, they can never reduce to prac-
tice. America employs all your workmen here : nourish
and protect it, that they may be supported.
The clause objected to by Mr. Charles Fox, passed in
the Affirmative without any division, but one or .two nega-
tives being given against it.
The Committee then rose.
Sir Charles Whitworth reported from the Committee,
that they had gone through the Bill, and made several
amendments thereunto.
The amendments were agreed to by the House ; and
several amendments were made by the House to the Bill.
Ordered, That the Bill with the amendments be en-
grossed.
Ordered, That the said Bill be read the third time, to-
morrow morning, if the said Bill shall be then engrossed.
Thursday, March 24, 1774.
Ordered, That the said Bill be read the third time, to-
morrow at twelve of the clock.
Friday, March 25, 1774.
Mr. Crosbie offered to present a Petition of William
Bollan, Esq., (styling himself agent) for and in behalf of the
Council of tlie Province of Massachusetts Bay, and likewise
of himself and the other inhabitants of the town of Boston.
And a motion being made, that the said Petition be
brought up ; it produced a short, but wann debate.*
And the question being put, the House divided; yeas 40,
nays 170.
So it passed in the Negative.
A Petition of several Natives of North America, was
presented to the House, and read; setting forth,
* In the progress of the Bill, opposition seemed to collect itself,
and to take a more active part. Mr. Bollan, the agent of the Council
of Massachusetts Bay, presented a Petition, desiring to be heard for the
siiid Council, and in behalf of himself and other inhabitants in the
town of Boston. The House refused to receive the Petition. It was
said tliat the agent of the Council was not agent for the Corporation,
and no agent would bo received, from a body corporate, except he were
appointed by all the necessary constituent parts of that body — besides,
the Council was fluctuating, and the body by which ho was appointed
could not be then actually existing.
This vote of rejection was heavily censured. The opposition cried
out at the inconsistency of the House, who but a few days ago received
a Petition from this very man in this very character; and now, only
because they choose to exert their power in acts of injustice and con.
tradiction, totally refuse to receive any tiling from him, as not duly
qualified. Were not the reasons equally strong against receiving the
first as the second Petition? But what, they asserted, made this con.
duct the more unnecessary and outrageous, was, that at that time the
House of I^rds were actually hearing Mr. Bollan on his Petition, as a
person duly qualified, at their bar. Thus said they, this House is at
once in contradiction to the other and to itself As to the reasons
given against his qualification, they are equally applicable to all
American agents; none of whom are appointed as the Minister now
required they should be-and thus the House cuts oft all commumca.
tion between them and the Colonies, whom they are affecting by their
acts. — Ann. Kegis.
47
BOSTON PORT BILL,
48
That the Petitioners, being natives of his Majesty's Do-
minions in America, and deeply interested in every pro-
ceeding of the House, which touches the Hfe, hberty, or
property, of any person or persons in tlie said Dominions ;
and that the Petitioners conceive themselves and their fel-
low subjects entitled to tiie rights of natural justice, and to
the common law of England, as their unalienable birtliright;
that they apprehend it to be an inviolable rule of natural
justice, that no man shall be condemned unheard ; and that
according to hnv, no person or persons can be judged
without being called upon to answer, iind being permitted to
hear the evidence against tiiem, and to make their defence;
and that it is therefore witii the deepest sorrow they under-
stand that the House is now about to pass a Bill, to punish
with unexampled rigour, the town of Boston, for a trespass
(MJimnitted by some persons unknown, uj)on tlie properly of
the East India Company, without tiie said town being ap-
prized of any accusation brought against them, or having
i)een permitted to hear the evidence, or to make their de-
fence ; and that the Petitioners conceive such proceedings
to be directly repugnant to every princi|)al of law and justice ;
and that, under such a precedent, no men, or body of men
in America, could enjoy a moment's security ; for if judg-
ment be immediately to follow an accusation against the
People of America, supported even by persons notoriously
at enmity with them, the accused, unacquainted with the
charge, and, from the nature of their situation, utterly inca-
pable of answering and defending themselves, every fence
against false accusation will be pulled down ; justice will no
longer be theii" shield, nor innocence an exemption from
punishment ; and representing to the House, that the law in
America ministers redress for any injuries sustained there ;
and they can most truly affirm, that it is administered in that
country with as much impartiality as in any other part of
his Majesty's Dominions ; in proof of this, they appeal to
an instance of great notoriety, in which, under every cir-
cumstance that could exasperate the People, and disturb the
course of justice. Captain Preston and his soldiers had a
fair trial, and favourable verdict. While the due course of
law holds out redress for any injury sustained in America,
they apprehend the interposition of Parliamentary power to
be full of danger, and without any precedent. If the persons
who conmiitted this trespass are known, then the East
India Company have their remedy against them at law ; if
they are unknown, tlie Petitioners conceive that there is not
an instance, even in the most arbitrary times, in which a
city was punished by Parliamentary authority, without being
heard, for a civil offence not committed in their jurisdic-
tion, and without redress having been sougin at common
law. The cases which they have heard adduced, are direct-
ly against it. That of the King against tlie city of London,
was for a murder committed within its walls, by its citizens,
in open day ; but even then, arbitrary as the times were, the
trial was public, in a court of common law; the party
heard, and the law laid down by the Judges was, that it was
an offence at the common law to suffer such a crime to be ,
committed in a walled town, tempore diumo, and none of
the offenders to be known or indicted. The case of Edin-
Imrgh, in which Parliament did interpose, was the commis-
sion of an atrocious murder within her gates, and at^orava-
ted by an overt act of high treason, in executing, aganist the
express will of the Crown, the King's laws. It is observa-
ble, that these cities had, by charter, the whole executive
power within themselves ; so that a failure of justice ne-
cessarily ensued from the connivance in both cases ; howe-
ver, full time was allowed tliem to discharge their duty, and
they were heard in their defence. But'neither has time
been allowed in tliis case ; nor is the accused heard ; nor
is Boston a walled town, nor was the act committed witiiin
it; nor the Executive power in their hands, as it is in those
o{ London and Edin'mrgh; on the contrary, the Governor
himself holds that power, and has been advised by his
Majesty's Council to can-y it into execution ; if it has been
neglected, he alone is answerable : if it has been executed,
perhaps at this instant, while punishment is inflicting here
on those who have not been legally tried, the due course of
law is operating there, to the disr-overy and prosecution of
the real offenders; and the Petitioners tliink themselves
bound to declare to the House, that they a])prchend a pro-
ceeding of executive rigour and injustice will sink dixjp in
the minds of their countrymen, and tend to alienate their
affections from this country ; and that the attachment of
America cannot survive the justice of Great Britain ; and
that, if they see a different mode of trial established for
them, and for the People of this country, a mode which
violates the sacred principles of natural justice, it must be
productive of national distrust, and extinguish those filial
feelings of respect and aftcction which have hitherto attach-
ed them to the Parent State. Urged therefore by every
motive of all'ection to both countries, by the most earnest
desire, not only to preserve their own rights and those of
their countrymen, but to prevent the dissolution of that
love, harmony, and confidence between the two countries,
which were their mutual blessing and support, beseech the
House not to pass the Bill.
Ordered, That the said Petition do lie upon the table.
Tiie order of the day being read, the Bill was accor-
dingly read the third time.
Mr. Charles Fox, then proposed as an amendment to
the Bill, to leave out the following clause : —
" And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid.
" That whenever it shall be made to appear to his Majesty
" in his Privy Council, that peace and obedience to the laws
" shall be so far restored in the said town of Boston, that
" the trade of Great Britain may safely be caiTied on
'• there, and his Majesty's customs duly collected, and his
" Majesty in his Privy Council shall adjudge the same to
" be true, it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, by
" proclamation or order of Council, to assign and appoint
" the extent, bounds and limits, of the port or harbour of
" Boston, and of every creek or haven within the same, or
" in the islands within the precincts thereof; and also to
" assign and appoint such and so many open places, quays,
" and wharfs, within the said harbour, creeks, havens, and
" islands, for the landing, discharging, lading and shipping,
" of goods, as his Majesty, his heirs, or successors, shall
"judge necessary and expedient; and also to appoint such
'• and so many officers of the customs therein, as his
" Majesty shall think fit ; after which it shall be lawful for
" any person or persons to lade or put off from, or discharge
" and land upon, such wharfs, quays and places, so appoin-
" ed within the said harbour, and none other, any goods,
" wares, and merchandise, whatever. Provided always,
" That if any goods, wares, or merchandise, shall be laden
" or put off from, or discharged or landed upon, any other
" place than the quays, wharfs, or places, so to be appoint-
" ed, the same, together with the ships, boats and other ves-
" sels, employed therein, and the horses or otlier cattle,
" and carriages, used to convey the same, and the person or
" persons concerned or assisting therein, or to whose hands
" the same shall knowingly come, shall suffer all the foifei-
" tures and penalties imposed by this or any other Act, on
" the illegal shipping or landing of goods."
And the question being put, that the said clause stand
part of the Bill ?
It was resolved in the Affirmative.
Mr, Fox objected to another clause : he had objected to
these two clauses in the Committee. He said, he now-
made his objections, in order that it might appear on th(>
Journals that somebody did object to them. He then
moved as a further amendment to the Bill, to leave out the
following clause : —
" Provided, also, And it is hereby declared, and enacted,
'• that notliing herein contained shall extend, or be con-
" stnied, to enable his Majesty to appoint such port,
" harbour, creeks, quays, wharfs, places, or officei-s, in the
" said town o{ Boston, or in the said bay, or islands, until it
" shall sufficiently appear to his Majesty, tiiat full satisfac-
" tion hath been made by or on behalf of the said town of
" Boston, to the United Company of the East Indies, for
" the damage sustained by tiie said Company, by the
" destruction of their goods sent to the said town of Bos-
" t:m, on board certain ships or vessels as aforesaid, and
•' until it shall be certified to his Majesty in Council, by
" the Governor or Lieutenant Governor of the said Pro-
" vince, that reasonable satisfaction hath been made to the
" officers of his Majesty's revenue, and others, who suffered
" by the riols and insurrections above mentioned, in the
" month of November."
And the question being put, that those words stand part
of tiie Bill ?
It was resolved in the Affirmative.
49
BOSTON PORT BILL.
bt}
On the question, that this Bill do Pass :
Mr. Dowdeswell said, he rose to give his dissent to pass-
ing the same into a law; tliat he had not the least degree
of timidity in rising to oppose it ; that he always thought
the proposition totally unjust and unfair. By the Bill, a
person is to understand, that the commerce of all his Ma-
jesty's subjects is interrupted ; and, said he, I cannot give
my assent to it, until I hear the complaints from the differ-
ent manufactures of iron, leather, wool, Stc, and the mer-
chants of this country, which complaints, 1 imagine, the
liurry of passing this Bill totally prevents. It is not, says
he, that any other goods are interrupted in the port of
Boston, but those which are charged with a duty from
hence. Look to the consequences of this Bill ; you are
contending for a matter whicii the Bostonians will not give
up qfiietly. I remember, said he, when it was held a
doctrine in this House, by persons of great and extensive
knowledge, that wc had no right to tax America, There
is now no such opinion ; the question was then, " Whether
" with the profits which we receive from all our manufac-
■'■' tures exported hence, it would be a wise measure to tax
■" America V What is the reason, said he, that you single
out Boston for your particular resentment ? Have there
been no other towns in America which have disobeyed
your orders ? Has not Fhiladclj)hia, New York, and
several other Provinces, sent back their tea ? Has not the
East India Company suffered nearly as much damage from
the tea being sent back, as indeed where they have landed
it ? Charlestown is the only place where they have suf-
fered the tea to be landed ; and what have they done ?
They have put it into a damp cellar, and the whole has
become rotten and useless. You find yourselves mtich at
a loss about this Bill, and are hurt, because the innocent
are likely to be involved in the same punishment with the
guilty. You are now going to censure them, in the same
manner as was done in the case of Edinburgh, and Glasgow,
where the l*eople at large were to suffer for the neglect of
their Magistrates. There is a great difference between the
Magistrates of Edinburgh, and those of Boston ; those at
Edinburgh are chosen by the People ; those at Boston are
not ; they are appointed by the Council, and the Council
are elected by the Province at large. You are going to
appoint a new port, where there are neither sufficient
wharfs, quays, or ware-houses for carrying on business.
You hereby punish the British merchants much more-
severely than the People of Boston. The folly and child-
ishness of carrying on such a project is certainly very evi-
dent. All that you have effected, is to carry your mer-
chandise seventeen miles further from the town of Boston,
so that the Bostonians shall be obliged to be at an addition-
al expense in conveying their merchandise from the port
of Salem by land. You ask why the Americans do not
pay their debts? If you stop the exports, you will of
course stop the payment of those debts. Now, Sir, let us
consider how this Bill is founded upon principles of justice ;
if Parliament continually passes Bills, sometimes to punish
the person, at other times the places, you will, by and by,
have your hands fully employed ; you will soon inflame all
America, and stir up a contention you will not be able to
pacify. The passing this Bill in a week or so, does not
give time to the injured persons in America to petition this
House for redress. I rejoice, that you have at least had
one petition from the natives of America residing in this
country : the language of that petition bears the face of a
well written, unanswerable argument ; it is no common pe-
tition: it is the strong and pathetic language that tells their
own feelings, and those of their fellow subjects in America.
I wish to hear some arguments offered against what is con-
tained in it, for it will be said, both here and in America,
that such reasons and arguments deserve an answer.
Mr. Wdbore Ellis said, he did not rise to answer the
honorable gentleman to the first part of what he ad-
vanced, being arguments which had, in a fornner debate,
been urged and sufficiently replied to. He said this beha-
viour of the Americans was the most direct opposition to
the laws of this country that could possibly be conceived.
If this country, said he, has not a right to pass a tax on
Am.erica. they have no right to pass any law whatsoever
relative to it. The present Bill confirms no tax ; it enacts
none; it imposes none ; the tax upon tea was introduced to
prevent tea being smuggled into that country. The hon-
FouRTii Series. 4
orable gentleman (Mr. Dowdawell) has said, this Bill
was unjust and unwise. I differ much from him, and think
it both just and wise. This Bill makes it expedient for
them to do their duty, and puts the Bostonians upon the
inquiry to find out who were the parties that committed
this riot; the persons or magistrates in the town, not in-
quiring into the proceedings, are much to blame, and I can-
not think this Bill in the least unwise. Can it, Sir, be un-
wise, unless it is unwise to maintain the authority of this
country, and to punish those who have been the a<)-"-ressors
against its laws? The honorable gentleman, he said, had
mentioned that others were guilty, and why were they not
punished ? There is, said he, a different degree of crime
in each of them, and some are more to blame than others.
It is treason in the Bostonians, and can only be deemed a
high crime and misdemeanor in the others ; but, in my
mind, it appears to be wise, first to single out Bostonas the
principal ringleader of the whole disturbance, and begin this
punishment there, in order to see what effect the proceed-
ings will have ; 1 therefore think this Bill wise, prudent,
and just.
Mr. Edmund Burke. I trouble you. Sir, in the last
stage of this Bill, because I would not appear petulant
when my objections nm to the whole of it. I never knew
any thing that has given me a more heart-felt sorrow than
the present measure. This Bill is attempted to be hasten-
ed through the House in such a manner, that I can by no
means assent to it ; it is to be carried bj' force and threats
into execution ; and you have even refused to hear Mr.
BoUan, the agent, declaring him to be no agent for Mas-
sachusetts Bay, or not properly authorized by them to pre-
sent such petition ; you have not now one left in Englaiul
to be heard in behalf of any of the Colonies ; the only ob-
struction that this Bill has had, has been owing to its own
vis inertia ; but persons who oppose this Bill, are immedi-
ately put to the same kind of punishment in the public
Papers which offenders in America are. Ix)ok, Sir, into the
public Papers, you will see Cinna, and a thousand other
Boman names, throwing out their invectives, and tarring
and feathering all those who dare oppose the Bill. I sup-
pose 1 shall reap my share for this opposition : but, Sir, at
all events, I will enter my protest against this Bill, and will
mount my little palfrey, and speak of the injustice which
the Bill contains with the greatest confidence. The griev-
ance which is stated in the Papers before you on the table
appears to be an universal resistance from all America
against any goods or merchandise that shall be loaded with
taxes. — He desired that that part of General Haldiman's
letter, declaring the resolution of the Americans not to sub-
mit to receive goods with duty upon them, might be read ;
he read the extract he had made in his place ; he said, the
whole meeting in the town of Boston consisted of six or
seven hundred men of the first rank and opulent fortune in
the place ; that the proceedings were conducted with the
utmost decency. He said, this was not a meeting of mean
persons, but that the acts of resistance were all counte-
nanced by universal consent. Observe, said he, that the
disturbances arc general ; shew me one port in all America
where the goods have been landed and vended ; the dis-
temper is general, but the punishment is local, by way of
exchange. Whether it will be effectual or not, I do not
know; but, Sir, let me paint to this House the impropriety
of a measure like this ; it is a remedy of the most uncertain
operation ; view but the consequence, and you will repent
the measure ; give orders at once to your Admirals to burn
and destroy the town ; that will be both effectual, proper,
and moderate, and of a piece with the rest of your pro-
ceedings, cventus tristis. One town in proscription, the rest
in rebellion, can never be a remedial measure for general
disturbances. Have you considered whether you have
troops and ships sufficient to enforce an universal proscrip-
tion to the trade of the whole Continent of America 1 If
you have not, the attempt is childish, and the operation
fruitless. Only, Sir, see the consequence of blocking up
one port; for instance, that of Virginia Bay; which, if
you do, you will destroy the tobacco trade, and thereby
bring, as it were, a certain ruin on your own merchants at
Glasgotv and Elinburgh. This Bill has been thought a
vigorous, but not a rigorous punishment. It is my opinion
that you might even punish the individuals who committed
the violence, without involving the innocent : I should ap-
BOSTON PORT BILL.
52
prove inucli of ilr.ii; but, Sir, to f.ike away the trade from
the town of Boston, is surely a severe punislinient. Would
it not be a risoroiis measure to take a\vay the trade of the
Thames, for instance, and dirert the merrhandiseto be land-
ed at (fravescnd! 1 call this Bill most unjust, for is il
not fundamentally unjust to prevent tlie parties who iiave
offended from hein;; heard in their defence ? Justice, Sir,
is not to be measured by geographical lines nor distances.
Every man, Sir. is authorized to be a magistrate, to put a
stop to disturbances which he perceives to be conunitted
against his Majesty's peace ; but did you expect that the
People wiio were not present at sucii disturbances, would
be equally punished for not aiding and assisting in putting
an end to those riots which they never saw or heard of?
This, Sir, is surely the doctrine of devils, to require men to
be ))resent in every part of America wherever a riot hap-
l>ens: but this Bill involves those who have never in the
least been guilty ; and then you again say, tiiat the distur-
bances whicii did happen ought to liave been iuniiediately
put a stop to by the People o( Boston, and that they were
bound to preserve the good order of tiie town ; but. Sir, I
have too mucii reverence for the image of God to conceive
that the honorable gentleman (Mr. WcJborc Ellis) does
reallv and trulv imbibe such a doctrine. He then read part
of Colonel Lsslie's letter. No. 45, wiierein the Colonel
said, that neither the Governor, nor the Council, nor any
of the custom-house olHcers, have ever yet applied to nie
for any assistance ; if they had,l could most certainly have
put a stop to all their riot and violences, but not without
some bloodshed, and firing upon their town, and killing
many innocent People. VVhy, Sir. did not the Governor
at once send for this assistance? Was it contrary to, or do
you think he would have broke dirough his instructions, if
iie had endeavoured, by such ways and means, to ))reserve
the public peace, and prevent violences from being com-
mitted ? The fault of this Governor ought not to be the
means of punishinent for the innocent. You have found
that there was no Government there. Why did not the
(iovernor exercise his authority ? Why did not the ships
execute their duty ? What was the reason they did not
act ? Why is not Mr. Hancock, and the chief People, who
are known, punished, and not the innocent involved with
the guilty in one universal calamity ? You, surely. Sir,
cannot have power to take away tiie trade of a port, and
■<all it privilege ! Why was not your force that was pre-
sent applied to quell the disturbances ? How came they to
be so feeble and inactive? How are you sure that the or-
ders and frigates which you now send will act better ? I
cannot think this, by any means, a pmdent measure, in
blocking up one port after another ; the consequence will
be dreadfid, and I am afraid destructive ; you will draw a
foreign force upon you, perhaps, at a time when you little
expect it ; I will not say where th:it will end ; I will be
silent upon that head, and go no further ; but think, I con-
jure you, of the consequence. Again, Sir, in one of the
clauses of the Bill you proscribe the property of the People
to be governed and measured by the will of the Crown.
This is a ruinous and dangerous principle to adopt. There
Ls an universal discontent throughout all Amerirn, from an
Internal bad Government. There are but two ways to
govern America ; either to make it subservient to all yoitr
laws, or to let it govern itself by its own internal policy. I
abhor the measure of taxation where it is only for a quarrel,
and not for a revenue; a measure tiiat is teazing and irrita-
ting without any good effect ; but a revision of this ques-
tion will one day or other come, wherein 1 iiope to give my
opinion. But this is the day, then, that you wish to go to
war with all America, in order to conciliate that country to
tliis ; and to say that America shall be ot)edient to all the
laws of this country. 1 wish to see a new regulation and
plan of a new legislation in that country, not founded upon
your laws and statutes here, but grounded upon the vital
principles of Eniclish lilierty.
Mr. Grei/ Cooper said, he could not agree in the
doctrines laid down by the honorable gentleman who spoke
last, that the Bill was unjust or unwise ; it was. in his
opinion, a temperate and pmdent law, to preserve the trade
of this country, and protect the peace of America ; he was
sorry to find that honorable gentleman in particular should
be upbraiding (iovernment for not making use of militaiy
force : nor should he have expected that such u proposition
woidd have come from him. It has been said that the
Ameiicans cannot be heard in tiieir ow n defence before this
measure takes etl'ect. Look at the papers on the table,
where you see the resolutions of their public meetings or-
flered to be sent over here, that we might be acquainted
witii them. After such a defiance, can it be expected,
that thev would come over here to be heard, and say any
thing at your bar but what they had already told you, and
sent to you expressly in the |)apers on your table, where
they refuse a direct obedience to all your laws ? It is asked
ai;ain, Sir, whether the individuals are not to be punished
when they are found out? I appreliend. Sir, that this
measure by no means excuses the guilty persons from being
brouuiil to condign punishment. The IJlaik Act of this
country is a similar case with regard to this Bill, where the
hundred are fined in the penalty of £200 for not suppress-
ing the offences mentioned in that Act, such as cutting
down trees, breaking hanks, and other misdemeanors. The
whole hundred, in this case, are not present at the commis-
sion of the crime, yet they are ]ninished for it ; nor docs
that fine excuse the criminal from beins: particularly punish-
ed, where the aggressor can be found out. The Bill before
you is a law for the protection of trade ; it is a mild measure,
if they obey it; if they oppose it. the result of it will onlv
make the punishinent. The resolves at Boston I consider
as direct issue against the Declaratory Act ; they clearly
proved a determined resolution in the Americans to oppose
every law of this country ; hut the Bostonians alone have
carried into execution what otliers have only resolved.
This Bill, Sir, I look upon to be the act of a father chastis-
ing his son on one line, and restoring the trade and peace
of America on the other, and therefore I highly approve of
the measure.
Mr. Anthony Bacon said there was not a port in New-
England but what had suflicient ware-houses for the re-
ception of all the merchandise of Great Britain.
Governor Potvnall said, that he had always been of
opinion, that internal taxes could not legally be laid, but
that he agreed in external ones; tlrat there wanted a revi-
sion of the general laws relating to America; he said he
wished that the Tea Duty was repealed, but he did not
think this the proper time or season to adopt the measure.
There ought also to be a review of die Governments; the
Americans have a real love for Government ; tliev love
order and peace, [here the House laughed;] he said, I do
aver that they love peace, for I look upon this to be the act
of the mob, and not of the People, and wait but a little it
w-ill regulate itself.
The Lord Advocate said, the question had been very
fully argued, and he should iiive his heartv affimiative to
the Bill.
Lord John Cavendish spoke a few words airainst the
Bill, and said, he should give his negative to its passing in
its jiresent foim.
Mr. T. Townshend spoke also against the Bill, and said,
he should be against its passing into a law.
Mr. Sawhridge said, the offence of destroying the tea
was done in the night time, and not tempore diurno : tliat
this was an ex-post-facio law, and that the law of the Black
Act, which had been mentioned, was not in force before the
offence was committed ; that as far as that, or any other pre-
cedent participated of this law, so far thev were most ini-
quitous ; that it was an act of cowardice in the Minister to
come to Parliament to ask tor that which had been allowed,
and was in the power of the Crown to order and direct : he
meant, he said, the removal of the custom-house officers,
and other things mentioned in that Act, the preservation of
the peace, and the executive authority in that country. All
these might have been done by the Crown, without apply-
ing to Parliament, but die Minister was timorous of pro-
ceeding himself, and wanted to skulk behind the protection
of the Legislature.
Lord North said, he rose to explain himself, and was
sorry to commit an offence to the House at that hour of the
night, and especially as it would be to the disturbance of
the neighbourhood, who are totally innocent, [alluding to
the charge that had been made by Mr. Saivhridge. that the
innocent People in the town of Boston would suffer equally
with the offenders ;] nor am L Sir, ashamed, at any time
to take shelter under the Legislature. The honorable
gentleman says, the Minister might do certain things.
1
53
BOSTON PORT BILL.
54
wliich are to be enacted in that Bill, without application
to Piii-liaiiient, such as changing tlie custom-house oilicei-s,
ordering the peace to he preser\'ed, and a better regulation
of internal Government to take place ; but that they could
not block up a port, or make it illegal for the landing, la-
ding, and shipiiing of goods in any place heretofore granted,
without the aid of Parliament. 1 will not undertake to say
what will he the consequence or event of this measure; I
ain strongly of opinion it will be salutary and effective ;
but I will say, that it was not in the power of the Minister
to sit still and take no measure. I believe. Sir, that no
prosecution in that country, according to its present Ibrni of
Government, will be effectual; 1 was tiierefore nuich for
adopting the measure pro])osed. It certainly may be right
to direct a prosecution against those individuals who may be
found offenders ; but can the honorable gentleman be of
opinion, from what he has seen and read from the papers
on the table, that ;uiy obedience will be paid to such a
])rosecution, or that it will be in the least degree effective ?
This measure will certainly not excuse the individual of-
fenders, any more than the fine upon a county, between
sun and sun, will excuse the person who committed tiie
robbery. This is no ex-post-facto law; they committed
the offence of destroying the tea, knowing and declaring
at the same time, the law which they offended against.
The Committee of Boston, Sir, gave the directions lor the
destruction of the tea, and have declared their resolution
of resistance to the obedience of our laws ; yet we are de-
sired to hear them ; to hear those very persons who have
declared to you, and to all the world, that they intended
this violence against the law ; therefore, it is said, Sir, by
some honorable gentlemen in this House, that we ought
not to proceed in this measure till we have heard these very
People, who are the great offenders, say at your bar, in
tJieir defence, that Great Britain has no authority to tax
them : they can make no other plea ; they can make no
other declaration than what they have already done ; but.
Sir, we must adopt the measure, let what will be the conse-
quence. I hope and conclude it will he a happy one. Is
this then the best measure in the present case ? It certainly
is : I hear of none other preferable, or I would adopt it.
It is to tell America, that you are in earnest. If we do not
mean totally to give up the matter in question, we must as-
sert our right at this time, while we can, whilst it is in our
power. Instead of our treating America like a foreign
enemy, America has treated us like one ; disavowing our
authority, and declaring against all obedience to the laws of
Great Britain. We are threatened again, by one honora-
ble gentleman, lest a foreign enemy should, in this emer-
gency, start up — he stopped short, and said he would say
no more upon that head. I suppose he meant that this
foreign enemy would lay hold of America during our con-
test. Time of peace. Sir, is the only season for adopting
regulations. This is the crisis, then, in which that contest
ought to be determined. Another honorable friend of mine
is for repealing the Tea Duty. 1 am of opinion. Sir, that re-
pealing any measure whatever, at this moment) would stamp
us with a degree of timidity, and would produce a totally
different effect from what I expect this measure will do.
Governor Johnstone, I find so much difficulty in pro-
nouncing my sentiments at any time, that unless the House
is kindly disposed to hear me at this late hour, I shall
patiently sit down, because I am conscious it will require
their greatest indulgence, to enable me to express myself
in a manner worthy of their attention. A modesty becom-
ing my situation prevented me from offering my opinion
before, when I saw men of so much superior ability rising
from the beginning of the debate.
It may ap|)ear arrogant in a member so inferior, as I
confess myself to be, to offer objections to a Bill so exten-
sive in its consequences, under every consideration, espe-
cially after it nuist have been so maturely considered, in
every article, by men so distinguished by their talents, and
high stations in office, besides the general applause which
has followed the Bill in its rapid progress through this
House : nevertheless, though naturally diffident of my
opinion, when I had the good or bad fortune (I dont know
which to term it) of prognosticating to the Chairman of the
East India Company the consequences of sending this tea,
on their own acrovmt, to America, and that the event has
literally fidfilled my words, as it is well known to some
members now in my eye, it makes mc more confident in
warning the House of what I apprehend will be the con-
sequences of this Bill.
I told the Chairman of the East India Company, first
in conversation, on asking my opinion, and afterwards by
letter, that the evidence might appear in the progress of
things ; that I conceived the East India Conqjany export-
ing tea, on their own account, was, under every consider-
ation of their situation, and institution, wrong, but, under
the present discontents and disputed matters of Government
in America, criminally absurd, because they were pre-
senting themselves as the butt in the controversy, where
they woidd probably come off with the loss of the whole.
The event has justified my prediction ; for whatever repay-
ment the Company may obtain from the town of Boston,
under these cruel coercive measures now proposed, (the ef-
fect of which I still doubt,) yet the Company must remain
great losers, even if the other Provinces, equally culpable,
are made to refund the loss arising from their conduct,
because it was not supplies of cash, at a distant period, the
Company wanted, hut an immediate supply, to answer a
temporary exigency, which a combina'tion of the enemies
of the country iiad produced.
I now venture to predict to this House, that the effect of
the present Bill must be productive of a General Confed-
eracy, to resist the power of this country. It is irritating,
tempting nay, inviting men , to those deeds by ineffectual
expedients, the abortions of an undecisive mind, incapable
of comprehending the chain of consequences \jhich must
result from such a law. I am not one of those who believe
that distant Provinces can be retained in their duty by
preaching or enchantments ; I believe that vorce or
POWER, conducted with wisdom, are the means of securing
regular obedience under every establishment ; but that such
Ibrce should never be applied to any degree of rigour, unless
it should carry the general approbation of mankind in the
execution. However much such approbation may prevail
at the particular moment in this House, it is impossible to
believe the sense of Great Britain, or the sense of Ame-
rica, can go to the punishing a particular town, for resisting
the payment of the Tea Tax, which is universally odious
throughout America, and is held in ridicule and contempt
by every thinking man in this country. The question of
taxing America is sufficiently nice to palliate resistance,
if the subject had never been litigated in this country ; but
after the highest characters in this State had declared
against the right of this country to impose taxes on Ame-
rica, for the purpose of revenue ; after the general voice of
the Senate had concurred in repealing the Stamp Act,
upon that jyinciple ; after those men, who had maintained
these doctrines, had been promoted by his Majesty to the
fii-st stations in the administration of civil and judicial
affairs, there is so much mitigation to be pleaded in favor
of the Americans from those circumstances (allowing them
in an error at present) that every man nmst feel the height
of cruelty, by enforcing contrary maxims, with any degree
of severity, at first, before due warning is given.
It is in vain to say Boston is more culpable than the
other Colonies. Sending the ships from thence, and obliging
them to return to England, is a more solemn and deli-
berated act of resistance than the outrage committed by
persons in disguise in the night, when the ship refused to
depart. That of blocking up the harbour of Boston, to pre-
vent the importation of British manufactures, or the expor-
tation of goods, which are to pay for them, is a mea-
sure equally as absurd as if the Parliament here, upon
the resistance which was made to their resolution, by the
riots at Brentford, and other disturbances in the county
o{ Middlesex, had decreed by way of punishment, that the
freeholders should have been prohibited from sowing of
wheat. For whose benefit do the inliabitants of Boston toil
and labour ? The springs in the circle of commerce bear so
nicely on each other, that few men can tell by interruptinn
one, the degree and extent to which the rest may he
exposed. By excluding the importation of molasses, and
the exportation of that spirit which is distilled at Boston,
the whole Guinea trade will be affected, and in conse-
quence, the sugar trade, that depends upon it. In extending
this kind of punisliment to the other Colonies, every one
must see the danger ; and yet, if it can be approved for one,
the same arguments will hold good to approve or reject it
JOT
BOSTON PORT BILL.
56
respecting tlie other ; but let any man fisure to himself the
consequences to this country, if a similar punishment was
applied to the Colony of Virginia ; £300.000 a year dimi-
nution in revenue, besides the loss of all the foreiiin contracts,
and perliaps of that beneticial trade forever. Notwithstand-
ing the general approbation which has been given to this
Bill, ancrthe loud a])plauses which have been re-tfchoed to
every word of the noble lyord in explaining it, yet no man
will be bold enough to say, thai this partial pimisinnent is a
remcdv for the general disease. And yet without knowing
what is to follow, no man can be vindicated (oven supposing
the Bill right in |)art) for giving his assent to it. Those
gentlemen who are in the secrets of the Cabinet, and
know how assuredly every proposition from them is adopted
by this House, may be excused for their sanguine accla-
mations in favour of the measure, but the general mass, who
must be equally ignorant with myself, of what is to follow,
can have no excuse for giving their assent so readily for pun-
ishing their fellow subjects in so unprecedented a manner,
and their eager zeal serves only to shew how ready they
are to obey the will of another, without exercising their
own judgment in the case. If the Government of this
country is resisted in America, my opinion is, instead of
removing the seat of Government in the Colony, and forc-
ing the elements to bend to our will, (which is impossible)
that an effectual force should be carried to the heart of the
Colony resisting, to crush rebellion in the bud, before a
General Confederacy can be formed. In the present case
we abandon the Government, and drive the inhabitants to
despair, leaving the multitude a prey to any ambitious s])irit
that may arise. For my own part, I am convinced, from
experience in the Colonies, that good Government may be
conducted there upon rational grounds, as well as in this
country ; but the ])ower and means of governing, rewards
and punishments, are taken from your supreme executive'
Magistrate in every sense, and then you are surprised that
all order and obedience should cease. The Colonies can only
be governed by their Assemblies, as England by the House
of Commons ; the Patent Oftices, as well as those in the
Customs, which were formerly given at the recommendation
of the Governors, to men supporting Government, and resi-
ding in tiie Provinces, are now in reversion three or four lives
deep, to men living in this country. The command of the
military, which was another gi'eat source of respect and
obedience, is likew ise taken from the Governor : so that in
truth he remains an insignificant jjageant of state, fit only
to transmit tedious accounts of his own ridiculous situation :
or, like a Doctor of the Sorbonne, to debate with his
Assembly about abstract doctrines in Government.
I am far from wishing to throw any blame on Governor
Hutchinson, or to condemn him, like the town of Boston,
unheard. The absence of the man and the general clamour
against him, will restrain me from saying many things
respecting his conduct, which appear reprehensible ; but 1
cannot admit a passage in the speech of a noble Lord to
pass unnoticed. His Ijordship alleges, " That the Governor
" could not apply to the Admiral in the harbour, or to the
•'' Commanding Officer of the troops in the castle, for the
•' protection of the custom-house officers, as well as teas in
••' question, without the advice of his Council." But I beg
leave to inform the noble Lord, as I served in that station
myself, that there is a volume of instructions to every Go-
vernor on this subject, whereby he is commanded under the
severest penalties, " To give all kind of protection to trade
••' andconmierce, as well as to the officers of his Majesty's
•' Customs, by his own authority, without the necessity
••' of acting throui;li his Council." Nor can I conceive a
passible excuse for ihe destruction of those teas, while two
men-of-war lay iu the harbour, without the least application
having been made to the Admiral for protection, during so
long a transaction.
The fij-st essential point in those disputes which are now
likely to become so serious by the weakness of Adminis-
tration, in tills country, in followin!,' no connected plan,
either of force or of favour, but constantly vibrating between
the two, is to put ourselves in the riglu, and for this j)ur-
ix).se I would reconnnend the innnediate repeal of the Tea
Duty, which can be vindicated upon no principles, either of
commerce or policy. Men may allege this would be giving
up the point ; but if we have no better points to dispute
uj)on. I am ready to yield the argument. Raisin" taxes
in America for the purpose of revenue, I maintain to be
unnecessary and dangerous. A Stamp Act, as a measure of
police, varied for the difTerent Governments, and leaving
the revenue raised thereby to be appropriated by the respec-
tive Legislatures, I hold to be a measure of the highest effi-
cacy, for maintaining a due obedience to the authority of this
country, and prolonging that ilependence for ages to come.
How far it can be executed, alter what has already passed,
I am rather diffident, but of this I am certain, that in case
Great Britain is dejirived of excr.uting a measure of that
nature, which by pervading every transaction, secures the
execution in itself, she has lost one of the greatest enijines
for supporting her influence throughout the Enqiire without
oppression. Some men who are for simplifyin<r Government
to their own comprehensions, will not allow they conceive
that the supreme legislative authority shall not be para-
mount in all things, and taxation being fullv comprehended
in legislation, they argue, that the power of the one nuist
necessarily follow that of the otiier; and yet we find man-
kind possessed of privileges which are not to he violated
in the most arbitrary countries. The Province of Langue-
doc is a striking example in refutation of the doctrines res-
pecting taxation, which are held by such narrow observers.
The Kingdom of Ireland in another instance in our domin-
ions. There is not one argument which can apply for
exempting Ireland from taxation by the Parliament of
Great Britain, that does not equally protect the Colonies
from the power of such partial judges. Every man should
now call to his remembrance by w hat obstinate infatuation
Philip n, came to lose the L^nited Provinces. Can it be
supposed that in a nation so wise as Spain was at that
time, that no man perceived the injustice and futility of
the measure in dispute ? But I can easily suppose, from
the pride of authority, where our vanity is so much flatter-
ed, that no man durst venture a proposition for receding
from that cruel measure, after it had been resisted by
violence.
These arc the general heads.
The particular objections to the Bill arc, fii-st for con-
tinuing the punishment, " until satisfliction shall be made
'• to the India Company," without stating the amount, or
what that satisfaction sliall be. Next, " until peace and
" good order shall be certified to be restored," when it is
impossible, as to the subject in dispute, that such certificate
can ever be granted, because the custom-house officers are
removed, and all trade and commerce prohibited. The
numerous disputes and litigations which nmst necessarily
arise in carrying this law into execution, on contract
made by parties before they could be apprized of it, and
the despatch of ships in harbour, under the limited time,
without any exception for the desertion of seamen, or
wind and weather, is altogether melancholy to consider !
The power given to the Admiral or Chief Commander, to
order the ships returning lioni foreign voyages, to such
stations as he shall direct, is wild, vexatious, and indefinite..
That of permitting his Majesty to alter the value of all
the property in the town of Boston, upon restoring the
port, by aflixing such quays and wharfs as he only shall
appoint, for landing and shipping of goods, is liable to
such misreprasentation and abuse, that I expect to see
every evil follow the exercise of it, and it must create
infinite jealousies and distraction among the People.
I am therefore of opinion, that this Bill, both from the
principle and manner in which it has been passed, and
from forelTjnning the general regulations that are intend-
ed, and which ought at least to accompany it, instead
of quieting the disturbances in Boston, it will promote
them still further, and induce the inhabitants to cut ofT
all communication with your ships of war, which may be
productive of mutual hostilities, and most probably will
end in a general revolt.*
• To ihe Printer of the Nortolk Intelligencer.
Remarks on Governor Johnstone's Speech in the House of Commons.
Sir: — Political debates, from tlio misguided rafje of the Speakers,
often rise to an enormous height ; indeed, it requires a long course of
exi)erience to determine tlic real interest of the State in every impor.
tant point that occurs. The loudest cavillers against the measures of
Government after running their splendid career, become lordly efB.
gies of .State, and exhibit a striking portrait of the complexion of the
tim<s. In the British annals, the transformation of violent zealots for
public liberty into its most inveterate enemies, clearly proves that tlie
gilded top fur which ambition panta, has an irresistible attraction ;
57
BOSTON PORT BILI..
58
Mr. Saicbrid^c said, lie rose again, just to blame the
Minister for beinj; timid in doing his duty without the au-
thority of Parliament. He was very certain, he said, that
there' were three thini!;s in the Bill ; that there was this,
and this, an<i this things which the Minister might have
done without skulking behind the Legislative authority for
shelter; that indeed the fourth, of stopping up their port,
he believed it was proper to apply to Parhanient for ; but
he was very certain that this, and this, and this, might have
been done without the aid of Parliament.
Lord North. Sir, 1 have been formerly blamed for being
the onlv ostensible Minister of this country. 1 am now
charged with not coming forth and doing the duty of an
acting Minister without applying to Parliament. 1 never.
Sir, am ashamed to have the sanction and direction of Par-
liament as the rule and guide of my conduct ; but. Sir, if I
had done, as the honorable gentleman who spoke last,
wishes me to have done, this, and this, and this, I had done
nothing, unless 1 had come to Parliament forthat. and that,
then the main object, what the honorable gentleman thinks
I ought to have come to Parliament for, and without that,
he allows I should do nothing ; but however he may wish
nie to have done this, and this, and this, of my own head as
a IMinister, the honorable gentleman, (fond as he is, and
always has been, of prerogative,) would have disagreed to
my proceeding, and objected against it.
The Bill was then Passed without a division.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Saturday, March 26, 1774.
A ^^essage was brought up from the House of Com-
mons, by Mr. Cooper, and others.
With a Bill intituled, " An Act to discontinue, in such
but the douceurs of the Court have been dealt witli so cautious a hand
of lute, and so accurate an iuspaction into the meritsof the candidates,
that miiny officious pretenders liave retired into the vale of discontent,
dispirited, unbctViended, and defeated; common observers do not
readily trace tlio various transactions and refinements which the pa-
triotic character undergoes before it can be ripened into , modern
maturity ; a retrospect into certain promotions will confirm the truth
of this assertion, and it is as demonstrable to the full, that the twinges
of the political gout are as severe and incurable as the corporal.
I shall now, !Sir, with steady attention garble those passages in the
honorable gcntleman^s speech, which never would have attracted my
notice, but for the influence it seems to have had over the minds of
some very narrow connoisseurs here. It is with the strictest deference
to the sago politicians in this part of the world, that I offer a few re-
marks. I will then first warn those who entertain so high an opinion
of it, to weigh maturely the arguments it contains; they will then
find otlicr doctrines blended with those they so warmly adopt, rather
unfavourable to the sticklers for a commonwealth. The elegant
modesty of his exordium would have merited applause, had we not
discerned its excessive decline through the whole course of the debate.
He is not unacquainted with the elaborate logic of the ancients, nor
insensible that eloquence on all subjects, has strong pretensions to
lit'.'rary ebteem, for he aims at profound sagacity in developing the
principles of moral philosophy.
" I now venture to predict to this House, that the effeot of the pre,
"sent Bill nmst be productive of a General Confederacy to resist the
" pow'-T of this county. It is irritating, tempting, nay ! inviting men
" to those deeds by ineft'ectual expedients, the abortions of an undo,
"eisive mind, incapable of comprehending the chain of consequences
" wliioh must result from such a law. I am not one of those, who
" believe that distant Provinces can be retained in their duty, by
"preaching or encliantnients; I believe that force or power, con.
"ducted with wisdom, are tlie means of securing regular obedience
" under every establishment; but that sucli force should never be ap.
"plied to any degree of rigour, unless it shall carry the general ap.
"probation of mankind in the execution."
If the melancholy prospect of affairs, heightened by alarms from
the Iniliiins on the frontiers, presents to our view, evident symptoms
of commercial decline here, whicli is the greatest mart for trade in the
Colony; I cannot imagine, that tliinking men would be so mad, as
to form a general revolt. If courts of justice agree to annihilate
themselves, it nmst bo wholly, cannot bo conditionally. Can this con-
sist with the loyalty and good manners we profess for the Prince, or
that virtuous fortitude which combines society in an indissoluble
union? Can acts of injustice obtain the sanction of unanimous con-
DOtkt? How ibstracted and refined is the gentleman's reasoning, to
anticipate the general approbation of mankind, as if in an ingenious
combination of speculalivo sentiments, could destroy tliat dispensing
power which is the iiKister-wheel, or that discerning policy whicli is
ijitcrwoven in the frame of all Governments. He goes on — ■
" But aft"r the highest characters iu the State had d.clared against
"the right ofthis coimtry, to impose taxes on Aiiifrica for the purpose
"of raising a revenue; after the general voice of the Senate had con-
"curred in repealing the Stamp Act, upon that principle, after tliose
' "men who had maintained these doctrines had been promoted by his
" Majesty, to the first stations in the administration ol' civil and judi-
"cial air.tirs ; there is much mitigation to bo pleaded in favour of the
" An}eriea7iii Irom those circumstances, (allowing them in an error at
"present,) that every man must feel the height of cruelty by enforc-
" manner, and for such time as are therein mentioned, the
" landing and discharging, lading or shipping, of goods,.
" wares, or merchandise, at the town, and within the har-
" hour of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
" in North America ;" to which they desire the concurrence
ofthis House.
The said Bill was read the first time :
Ordered, That the said Bill be read a second time, on
Monday next, and the Lords be summoned.
Monday, March 28, 1774.
The Lord Wycombe jiresented to the House, the fol-
lowing Petition of Stephen Sayer, and others, Natives of
America ;
The same was read by tlie Clerk, as follows :
To the Right Honorable the Lords Spiritual and Tem-
poral, in Parliament assembled, the humble Petition oj
several Natives of America, showeih :
That your Petitioners, being Natives of his Majesty's
Dominions in America, are deeply interested in every pro-
ceeding of this right honorable House, which touches the
life, liberty, or property, of any person or persons in the
said Dominions.
That your Petitioners conceive themselves and their fel-
low subjects to be entitled to the rights of natural justice,
and to the common law of England, as their unalienable
birthright ; that they apprehend it to be an invariable rule
of natural justice, that no man shall be condemned unheard ;
and that, according to law, no person or persons can be
judged without being called upon to answer, and being per-
mitted to hear the evidence against them, and to make their
defence.
That it is therefore with the deepest concern, they un-
derstand that there is now before this right honorable
House, a Bill of Pains and Penalties, to be inflicted on the
"ing maxims with any degree of severity at first, before due warning
"is given."
When men grow adepts in the theory of rebellion, and form BC-hemea
to emancipate themselves from the control of the laws ; when they
consider all requisitions from Britain, as unjust, all acts of Parlia.
ment as tyrannical, the mode of punishment must be extraordinary;
the levy of one pound irritates as much as one thousand ; and as to
the conduct of certain members in the House of Commons, I cannot
think their principles impeachable, who advise the promotion of the
patriotic zealots, if their preferment could restore the peace and har-
mony of the State. I do not mean to impeach the member's know-
ledge of agriculture ; yet, I think the comparison relative to sewing
wheat bears a very far-fetched analogy to the Bustonians punishment.
Most of the remarks relative to the event of the Act, are too vague to
aftord any insight to the most prying observer. How are the People
to cloth and support themselves during the execution of his Quixotte
schemes ? He is confounded in his own ingenious doubts, and leaves
the arduous task of unravelling all to the good natured world. But what
gleams of consolation do tiiey derive from the following assertions :
" If the Government of this country is resisted in America, my
" opinion is, instead of removing the seat of Government iu the Colo-
"ny, and forcing the elements to bend to our will, (which is impossi-
"ble,) that an etfeotual force should be carried to the heart of the
"Colony resisting, to crush rebellion in the bud, before a General Con,
" federacy can be formed." So that you aec this great man is not an
invincible proselyte to moderate measures, but would chastise in cases
of urgent necessity.
Can tumultuous meetings remedy the defects of law ? Is there not a
discretionary power in the civil police to summon the posse comitatus .'*
Has it not been deemod strictly legal in Britain, to strengthen that
body by military aid, on great emergencies ? But when men, in high
offices of civil trust, connived at the base resolves of an immaculate
body of select citizens ; the Governor could not consistently with his
duty interfere, without infringing those rights they pretended they
met to secure ; had he taken any steps at all, he must have suppressed
the whole meeting; and their heart-felt groans for expiring liberty
would have re-echoed to the inmost recess of his jialace. His inter-
position would not have been official, and they never would have al-
lowed the greatness of the emergency to supersede the force of their
chartered rights. His reasons for repealing the Tea Duty, are ex-
ceedingly futile ; he thinks it cannot be vindicated ; a dogmatical as-
sertion, of a similar stamp and spirit with the rest. His remarks upon
inherent privileges are ridiculous. Can any charter grant destroy the
fabric of that Government which gave it birth ; at any rate, the pre.
cedent would bo far more ignominious for Great Britain to yield to
America, than America to testify her allegiance to Britain. The disputes
and litigations which the Bostonians have brought upon themselves,
they must abide by the consequences of. They have baffled the expedi-
ency of the wisest laws ; such crimes are heinous, and richly deserve
capital punishment. If the People of Boston act with discretion, they
may receive continual improvements in trade ; let them comply in
time, and earnestly seize this grand criterion, to distinguish their real,
from their pretended friends, and the happy consequences resulting
from such a timely avowal of their allegiance, and cemented by the
constant practice of virtue and good manners, will discover a firm zeal
for their Prince, a virtuous fortitude in themselves, and be an eternal
memorial of that discerning policy which is the essential character
ifltic of a free and loyal People. OB.'SERVA.TOR.
Norfolk Borough, June 30/A. 1774.
59
BOSTON PORT BILL.
60
town of Boston, for a trespass, committed by some persons
unknown, upon the property of the ImsI India Company,
without tlic said town havin<; been apprized of any accusa-
tion being brou!;lit ai;ainst tiiem, or permitted to hear the
evidence, if tlierc be any, and to maiie llieir defence.
Tliat the Bill takes away immecrialely from the inhabi-
tants of the town, the use of property, to the amount of
several hundred thousand pounds, vested in quays, wharfs,
stores, 8ic. Tiiat it will restrain many thousands of his
Majesty's subjects from subsistlnir tliemsehes and tiieir
liimilies, by their usual employments : that it w ill punisli llio
innocent for the ;:uilty ; and even should all the reparation
r(;fjuired by the Bill be made, the restoration of that pro-
jierty, or any part of it, is suffered to depend solely upon
ijie will of the Crown.
1 our Petitioners conceive such proceeding to be directly
ropuijnant to every jirinciple of law and justice : and that
under such a precedent, no man. or body of men. could
I'ujoy a moment's security; for if judgment be immediately
10 follow an accusation, the accused, unacquainted with the
charge, and debarred from defenfling themselves, every
fence against liilse accusation will be pulled down, justice
will no longer be a shield, nor innocence an exenq)iion
from punishment.
Your Petitioners beg leave to represent, that the law in
America, ministers redress for any injury sustained there ;
and they can most tmly affirm, that it is administered in
that country with as much iiiq)artiality, as in any other part
of his Majesty's Dominions. In proof of this, tliey appeal
to an instance oi great notoriety, in which, under every cir-
cumstance that could exasperate the People, and disturb
the course of justice, Captain Fnston and his soldiers had
a fair trial, and a favourable \erdict. The due course of
law thus manifestly holding out redress, they cannot but
(consider the interposition of Parliamentary power to be its
imnecessary, as it is arbitrary and unjust.
Your Petitioners conceive, that this right honorable
House, being the supreme judicature of this A'ation, are too
well acquainted with the inviolable rules of justice, to re-
ifiire any further objections to the Bill against the town of
Boston, now under consideration.
They therefore trust and pray, that this right honorable
House will not pass a Bill, which is to condenui and punish
jjersons unheard, and therefore deprived of that privilege,
which every principle of justice, and every practice of law,
allows to the meanest individual : the privilege of hearing
and controverting the evidence against liim, and maintain-
ing his innocence.
And your Petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray.
Signed,
Stephen Saycr, John Peronncau,
IVilliam Lee, Peeke Fuller,
Benjamin Franklin. E'lward Fenicicke,
fVilliam Middlcton, IViUinm Middleto,'., Jim.
Henry Laurence, Th'imas Finckney,
Ralph Jzard, William Hascl Gihhs,
Isaac Motte, Thomas Bromfteld,
John Ellis, Joshua Johnston,
Hugh Williamson, John Hobson,
Thomas Barker, Daniel Bowley,
John Boylston, John Allci/nc,
Arthur Lee, fFilliam Blake,
Thomas Ruston, John Ballendine,
Philip Neyle, J. Williams.
Edward Bancroft,
Ordered, That the said Petition do lie on the table.
The order of die day being read, for taking into con-
sideration the several Papers laid before this House, (by his
Majesty's command,) relating to Disturbances in America ;
and also his Majesty's most gracious Message in relation
thereto; and for the Lords to be summoned :
And the said Papers were accordingly read by the
Clerk.
Then the order of the day being read, for the second
reading of the Bill, and for the Lords to be summoned :
Tiie said Bill was accordingly read the second time.
It was moved ■' to commit the Bill," which being ob-
jected to ;
After long debate, the question was put thereon ? It was
resolved in the .\ffinnative.
Ordered, That the said Bill be committed to a Com-
mittee of the whole House.
Ordered, That the House be put into a Committee
upon the said Bill to-morrow, and the Ix>rds be sum-
moned.
Tuesday, March 29, 1774.
Tlie order of the day lieing read, the House was put
into a Committee of the whole, upon the Bill.
The Bill was supported by the l^ords Mansfield, Goiaer,
Littleton, fVeymuuth, and Suffolk: it was opposed by the
Dukes of Richmond, and Manchester, the Marquis of
Rockisisrham, and the Lords Temple, Shelburne, Camden,
and Stair; but the principal arguments were between the
Lords Mansfield and Camden.
After some time, the House was resumed :
And the Lord Boston reported from the Committee,
•' Thai they had gone through the Bill, and directed him to
" report the same to the House, without anv amendment.'
Ordered, That the said Bill he read a third time to-
morrow, and that the Lords be summoned.
Wednesday, March 30, 1774.
The Earl of Stair presented to the House a Petition of
William Bollan, Esq., Agent for the Council oi' the Pro-
vince of Massachusetts Bay.
The same was read by the Clerk as follow s :
To the Right Honorable the Lords Spiritual and Tempo-
ral, in Parliament assembled, the Petition of William
Bollan, Esq., Agent for the Council of the Frovinn: of
Massachusetts Bay, most humbly shoieeth :
That the " Bill for the immediate removal of the oflicers
" concerned in the collection and management of his Ma-
" jesty's duties of Customs, from the town of Boston, in the
'' Province oi Massachusetts Bay, in North America ; and to
'■ discontinue tlie landing, discharging, lading, and shipping,
" of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the said town of
" Boston, or within the harbour thereof," at present depcnc'-
ing under consideration of this right honorable House, con-
tains various provisions proposed to be enacted, inconsistent
with the ancient and just rights, lawful possessions, usual
comforts of life, and common social benefits, with other im-
portant interests of the Petitioner's constituents, long lield
ill amicable conjunction with other inhabitants of Boston,
and the Province, and the other Colonies, and the most de-
sirable connection with innumerable persons employed in
manufactures, trade, and navigation, in Great Britain,
whereby they have been well maintained, and praspered ;
and moreover, with the general circulation of American
commerce, from which so great benefits are dailv recei\ed
by this Kingdom, in various ways.
That the merchants of Boston were not jiartakers of the
offence committed in the iate destruction of the tea there,
nor of any other act of violence ; nevertheless, if the present
Bill be enacted, they will become the chief sufferers, totje-
ther with numerous British merchants and manufacturers.
Wherefore your Lordships Petitioner humbly prays
that he may be heard before this riglit honorable House, in
order to prevent these provisions from passing to be enacted.
W. Bollan.
Which done,
The said Mr. Bollan was called in, and heard at the bar,
against the said Bill.'
He is directed to withdraw. Then the said Bill was
read the third time.
The question was put, " whether this Bill shall Pass r "
It was resolved in the Affirmative, Ncmine Disscntientc.
Thursday, 7V/«rc/i 31, 1774.
His Majesty being seated on the Throne, adorned with
his Crown and reiral ornaments, and attended bv his offi-
cers of State, (the Lords being in their robes,) the Com-
mons with their Speaker, attending; the Royal assent was
pronounced severally, by the Clerk's Assistant, to thirty-
nine Bills, beginning with the Boston Port Bill.
The following Petition of the IVatives of America, then
in London, was presented to the King, on the nioming
of the 3l9l of March, before he went to the House
of Ixirds :
61
BOSTON PORT BILL.
«t
7'o the King's iiiost excellent Mnje.sti/. the humble Peti-
tion of several Natives of America, shoireih :
That your Majesty's Petitioners are natives of your Do-
minions in America, and Ijear most true and cordial alle-
•rianoe to your Majesty's Royal person and family.
Tliat allei!;iance and protection bein!,^ reci])rocal, your
Petitioners look up to your Majesty for protection under
the common law of tiie land, which is their birth-right.
That, according to law, no man can be condemned to
punislunent witliout beini( called upon to answer, nor with-
out an opportunity of hearing- the evidence ai;ainst him, and
defendintc his innocence. That in violation of this law , and
of every principle of natural justice, a Bill is now ofiered
lor the Royal assent, calculated to inflict pains and penal-
ties, with unexampled severity, upon your Majesty's loyal
town of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; the
said town beino; unap prized of the proceedings, and not
heard in its defence : that such Bill, if it receive your Ma-
jesty's assent, will immediately take away from the inliabi-
tants of the town of Boston the use of property to the
amount of several himdred thousand pounds, vested in
quays, wharfs, store-houses, &c. ; will restrain many thou-
sands of your Majesty's subjects from procuring subsistence
for themselves and their families, by their ordinary occupa-
tions ; may endanger the community, by violent commo-
tions from so many men rendered desperate, by being de-
prived of their daily bread ; and, \\hat cannot but do the
last violence to the Royal justice, will punish the innocent
for the guilty.
Your Majesty's Petitioners most humbly represent, that
this Bill is the more unjust, as the trespass it is meant to
jJunLsh, has not been prosecuted in the Courts of common
law in America, where only according to law and the con-
stitution, it is cognizable. That the interposition of this
Bill is as totally unnecessary as the mode of it is unjust ;
because, your Majesty's Courts in America, are open to the
redress of any injury sustained there; and justice is so little
liable to perversion, that under every impression of popular
prejudice. Captain Prt/ston and others had, in this your
Majesty's Province of the Massachusettt Bay, a fair trial,
and a favourable verdict.
Your Majesty's Petitioners ■ do therefore humbly pray,
that your Majesty will be most graciously pleased to sus-
pend your Royal assent to a Bill, calculated to condemn
and punish their countrymen unheard, and fomi a prece-
dent, which will take away every securit) and protection,
under the law, from all your Majesty's subjects in America.
Ajid your Petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray.
William Lee,
B. Franklin,
John Ellis,
H. Laurence,
miliam Blake,
Robert Izard,
Charles Fuller,
Isaac Motte,
Thomas Barker,
William Middleton,
Thomas Ruston,
Petke Fuller,
Joh. Williams,
Robert Izard, Jun.,
Philip Neyle,
J. F. Grimkb,
Walter Izard,
Edward Fenwicke,
Thomas Pinckney,
William Middleton, Jun.
John Boylstov,
John Ballendine,
John Ward,
Jos. Johnston,
John Hobson,
Daniel Bowley,
John Perronneau,
Arthur Lee,
Joel Poinsett,
William n. Gibbs,
James Marshall.
Anno Decimo Quarto Georgii III. Regis.
An Act to discontinue in ntch Manner, and for such Time
as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging,
lading or shipping, of Goods, Wares, and Merchandise,
at the Town and jvithin the Harbour q/" Boston, in the
Province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America.
Whereas dangerous commotions and insurrections have
been fomented and raised in the town of Boston, in the
Province of Massachusetts Bay, in Ncu< England, by
divers ill-afl'ected persons, to the subversion of his Majes-
ty's Govenunent, and to the utter destniction of the jniblic
peace, and good order of the said town ; in which commo-
tions and insurrections certain valuable cargoes of teas,
being the property of the East India Company, and on
board certain vessels 1\ ing within the bay or harbour of
Boston, were seized and destroyed : and w hereas in the
present condition of the said town and harbour, the
connnerce of his Majesty's subjects cannot be safely carried
on there, nor the Customs payable to his Majesty duly
collected ; and it is therefore expedient that tlie oiKcers of
his Majesty's Customs should be forthwith removed from
the said town ; may it please you Majesty that it may be
enacted, and be it enacted by the King's most excellent
Majesty, by and with the advise and consent of the Lord<
Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this present
Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same,
that from and after the lirst (lay of June, 1774, it shall not
be lawful for any person or persons whatsoever, to lade or
put, or cause or procure- to be laden or put, oft" or from
any quay, wharf, or other place, within the said town of
Boston, or in or upon any part of the shore of the bay.
commonly called the Harbour of Boston, between a certain
headland or point, called Nahant Point, on the eastern side
of the entrance into the said bay, and a certain headland or
point called Alderton Point, on the western side of the en-
trance into the said bay, or in or upon any island, creek,
landing place, bank, or other place, within the said bay,
or tieadlands, into any ship, vessel, lighter, boat, or bottom,
any goods, wares, or merchandise, whatsoever, to be trans-
ported or carried into any other country, pro\ince, or
place, whatsoever, or into any other part of the said Pro-
vince of the Massachusetts Bay, in Neiv England; or to
take up, discharge, or lay on land, or cause or procure to
be taken up, discharged, or laid on land, within the said
town, or in or upon any of the places aforesaid, out of ai\\
boat, lighter, ship, vessel, or bottom, any goods, wares, or
merchandise, whatsoever, to be brought from any other
country, province, or place, or any other part of the said
Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in Neiv England,
upon the pain of forfeiture of the said goods, wares, and
merchandise, and of the said boat, lighter, ship, vessel, or
other bottom, into which the same shall be put, or out of
which the same shall be taken, and of the guns, ammuni-
tion, tackle, furniture, and stores, in or belonging to the
same ; and if any such goods, wares, or merchandise, shall
within the said town, or in any the places aforesaid, be
laden or taken in from the shore into any barge, hoy, lighter,
wherry, or boat, to.be carried on board any ship or vessel
outward bound to any other country or province, or other
part of said Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New
England, or be laden or taken into such barge, hoy,
lighter, wherry, or out of any ship or vessel coming and
arriving from any other country or province, or other part
of the said Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in Neu-
England, such barge, hoy, lighter, wherry, or boat, shall
be forfeited and lost.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That if any wharfinger, or keeper of any wharf, crane, or
quay, or their servants, or any of them, shall take up or
land, or knowingly suffer to be taken up or landed, or shall
ship oft", or suffer to be waterborne, at or from any of the
aforesaid wharfs, cranes, or quays, any such goods, wares,
or merchandise ; in every such case, all and every such
wharfinger, and keeper of such wharf, crane, or quay, and
every person whatsoever who shall be assisting, or otherwise
concerned in the shipping or in the loading or putting on
board any boat or other vessel, for that purpose, or in the
unshipping such goods, wares, and merchandise, or to whose
hands the same shall knowingly ceme after the loading,
shipping or unshipping thereof, shall forfeit and lose treble
the value thereof, to be computed at the highest price
which such sort of goods, wares, and merchandise, shall
bear at the place where such offence shall be committed,
at the time when the same shall be so committed, together
with the vessel and boats, and all the horses, cattle and
carriages, whatsoever made use of in the shipping, un-
shipping, landing, removing, carriage, or conve3'ance of
any of the aforesaid goods, wares, and merchandise.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That if any ship or vessel shall be moored or lie at anchor,
or be seen hovering within the said bay, described and
bounded as aforesaid, or within one league from the said ba\
so described, or the said headlands, or any of the islands
lying between or within the same, it shall and may be
lawful for any Admiral, Chief Commander, or commissioned
68
BOSTON PORT BILL.
64
officer, of his Majesty's fleet or ships ol war, or for any
officer of his Majesty's custowis, to compel such ship or
vessel to depart to some oiIkt ))ort or harhour, or to such
station a.s the said officer shall appoint, and to use such force
for that purpose as siiall be found necessary ; and if such
ship or vessel shall not depart accordin<:ly, uithin six hours
after notice for that purpose c;iven by such person as
aforesaid, such ship or vessel, touether with all the f;oods
laden on board thereon, and all the <runs, ammunition,
tackle and furniture, shall be forfeited and lost, whether
hulk sliall have been broken or not.
Provided alway.i, That nothino; in tliis Act contained
shall extend, or be construed to extend, to any military or
other stores for his Majesty'suse, or to the ships or vessels
whereon the same shall he laden, which shall be commis-
sioned by, and in the immediate pay of, his Majesty, his heirs
and successors : nor to any fuel or \ictual brouLdit coastways
from any part of the Continent of America, for the neces-
sary use and sustenance of the inhabitants of the said town
of Boston : provided the vessel wherein the same are to be
carried, shall be duly furnished with a cocket and let-pass,
after having been duly searched by the proper officers of
his Majesty's customs at Mnrblehead, in the port of Sahm,
in the said Province of Mnssncliusdts Bmj ; and the same
officer of his Majesty's Cusioms he also jiut on board the
said vessel, who is hereby authoriz.ed to go on hoard, and
proceed with the said vessel, together with a sufficient
number of pereons, properly amied, for his defence, to the
said town or harbour of Boston ; nor to any ships or vessels
which may happen to be within tiie said harbour of Boston,
on or before tlie the first day of June, 1774, and may
have either laden or taken on board, or be tliere with intent
to load or take on hoard, or to land or discharge any goods,
wares, and merchandise, provided tiie said ships and \ essels
do depart the said harbour within fourteen days after the
first day of June, 1774.
And be it further enacted Inj the authority aforesaid,
That all seizures, penalties, and forfeitures, inflicted by this
Act, shall be made and prosecuted by any Admiral, Chief
Commander, or commissioned officer, of his Majesty's fleet,
or ships of war, or by the officers of his Majesty's Customs,
or some of them, or by some other person deputed or
authorized, by warrant from the Lord High Treasurer, or
the Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, for the time
being, and by no other person whatsoever ; and if any
such officer, or other person authorized as aforesaid, shall
directly or indirectly, take or receive any bribe or reward,
or connive at such lading or unlading, or shall make or
commence any collusive seizure, information, or agreement,
for that purpose, or sliall do any other act whatsoever,
whereby the goods, wares, or merchandise, prohibited as
aforesaid, shall be suffered to pass either inwards or out-
wards, or whereby the forfeitures and penalties inflicted by
this Act may be evaded, every such offender shall forfeit
the sum of five hundred pounds for every such offence, and
shall hecome incapable of any office or employment, civil or
military ; and every person who shall give, offer, or promise,
any such bribe or reward, or shall contract, agree, or treat
with, any person, so authorized as aforesaid, to commit
any such offence, shall forfeit the sum of fifty pounds.
And he it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That the forfeitures and penalties inflicted by this Act shall
and may be prosecuted, sued for, and recovered, and be
divided, paid, and applied, in like manner, as other ))enal-
ties and forfeitures inflicted by any Act or Acts of Parlia-
ment, relating to the trade or revenues of the British
Colonies, or Plantations in America, are directed to be
prosecuted, sued for, or recovered, divided, paid and
applied, by two several Acts of Parliament, the one ]iassed
in the fourth year of his present Majesty, intituled " An
" Act fof granting certain Duties in the British Colonies
" and Plantations in America ; for continuinir, amending,
" and making perpetual, an Act, passed in the sixth year of
" the Reign of his late Majesty King George the Second,
" intituled, An Act for the better securing and encouraging
" the tr.ule of his Majesty's Sugar Colonies in America ;
" for applyinj; the produce of such duties, and of the duties
" to arise by virtue of the said Act, towards defraying the
" expense of defending, protecting, and securing, the said
" Colonies and Plantations ; for explaining an Act made
" in the twenty-fifth year of the Reign of King Charles
" the Second, intituled, An Act for the encouragement of
" the Greenland and Eastland Trades, and for the better
" securing the Plantation Trade ; and (or altering and
" disallowing several drawbacks on exports from this King-
" dom, and more effectually preventing the clandestine
" conveyance of goods to, and irom, the said Colonies and
" Plantations, and imi)roving and securing the trade betw een
" the same and Great Britain ;" the other passed in the
eighth year of his present Majesty's Reign, intituled, " An
" Act ibr the more easy and effectual recovery of the
" penalties and forfeitures inflicted by the Acts of Parlia-
" ment, relating to the trade or revenues of the British
" Colonies and Plantations in America."
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That every charter party bill of loading, and other contract,
for consigning, shipping, or carrying any goods, wares, and
merchandise, wh.atsoever, to or iVoni the said town of Bos-
ton, or any part of the bay or harbour thereof, described
as aforesaid, which have been made or entered into, or
which shall be made or entered into, so long as this Act
shall remain in full force, relating to any ship which
shall arrive at the said town or harbour, after the first day
of June, 1774, shall be, and the same an hereby declared
to be, utterly voiil, to all intents and purposes whatso-
ever.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That whenever it shall be made to appear to his Majesty,
in his Privy Council, that peace and obedience to the laws
shall be so far restored in the saiil town of Boston, that
the trade of Great Britain tnay be safely carried on there,
and his Majesty's customs duly collected, and his Majesty,
in his Privy Council, shall adjudge the same to be true, it
shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, by Proclamation,
or Order of Council, to assign and appoint the extent,
bounds and limits, of the port or harbour of Boston, and
of every creek or haven within the same, or in the islands
within the precinct thereof; and also to assign and appoint
such and so many open places, quays, and wharft, wuhin
the said harbour, creeks, havens, and islands, for the
landing, discharging, lading, and shipping of goons, as his
Majesty, his heirs, or successors, shall judge necessary and
expedient ; and also to appoint such and so many officers
of the Customs therein, as his Majesty shall think fit ; after
which it shall be lawful for any person or persons to lade
or put oft" from, or to discharge and land ui)on, such wharfs,
quays, and places, so appointed, within the said harbour,
and none other, any goods, wares, and merchandise, what-
soever.
Provided always, Tliat if any goods, wares or merchan-
dise, shall be laden or put off from, or discharged or
landed upon, any other place than the quays, wharfs, or
places, so to be appointed, the same, together with the
ships, boats, and other vessels emjjloyed therein, and the
horses, or other cattle and carriages used to convey the
same, and the person or persons concerned or assisting
therein, or to whose hands the same shall knowingly come,
sliall suffer all the forfeitures and penalties imposed by this
or any other Act on the illegal shipping or landing of
goods.
Provided also. And it is hereby declared and enacted,
that nothing herein contained shall extend or be construed,
to enable his IMajesty to appoint such port, harbour, creeks,
quays, wharfs, places, or oliicers, in the said town ofBo'ston,
or in tlie said bay or islands, until it shall sufficiently ajipear
to his Majesty, that full satisfaction hath been made by or on
behalf of the inhabitants of the said town of Boston, to
the United Company of merchants of England, trading to
the East Indies, for the damages sustained by the said
Company, by the destruction of their goods sent to the
said town of Boston, on board certain ships or vessels, as
aforesaid ; and until it shall be certified to his Majesty, in
Council, by the Governor, or Lieutenant Governor, of
the said Province, that reasonable satisfaction hath been
made to the officers of his Majesty's Revenue and others,
who suffered by the riots and insurrections above men-
tioned, in the months of November and Dvomber, in the
year 1773, and in the month of January, in the year 1774.
And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
That if any action or suit shall be commenced, either in
Great Britain or America, against any person or persons,
for any thing done in pursuance of this Act of Parliament,
65
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
66
tlio defendant or defendants, in sucli action or suits, may
plead the general issue, and give the said Act, and the
special matter in evidence, at any trial to be had thereupon,
and that the same was done in pursuance and by the au-
thority of this Act ; and if it shall appear so to have
been done, the jury shall find for the defendant or defen-
dants ; and if the plaintiff shall be nonsuited, or discontinue
his action, after the defendant or defendants shall have
appeared ; or if judgment shall be given upon any verdict
or demurrer against the plaintiff, the defendant or defen-
dants shall recover treble costs, and have the like remedy
for the same as defendents have in other cases by law.
III. BILL FOR THE BE ITER REGULATING THE GOVERNxAlENT
OF THE PROVINCE OF 31ASSACHUSETTS BAY.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Friday, March 25, 1774.
Resolved, That this House will this day, after the House
shall have ))roceeded upon the other orders of the day, re-
solve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to talie
into further consideration his Majesty's most gracious Mes-
sage of Monday, the 7th day of this instant, March, together
with the Papers which were presented to the House by
Lord North, upon the 7th and 11th days of this instant,
March, by his Majesty's command.
Ordered, That the several Papers which were presented
to the House by the Lord North, upon the 28th day of
November and 7th day of December, 1768, and the 20th
day of January, \ 769 ; and also the several Papers pre-
sented to the House by Mr. Vice Ciiamberlain, upon the
7th day of May, 1770, from No. 1, to No. 9, inclusive,
relating to his Majesty's Colonies, in North America, be
referred to the said Committee.
Ordered, That tiie Paper, intituled " Massachusetts
" Bay Charter, granted by King fVilliamand Queen. Mary,
" in the tliird year of their reign," which was presented to
the House upon the 22d day o( January, 1740, be referred
to the said Committee.
Monday, March 28, 1774.
Resolved, That this House will immediately resolve
itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into
further consideration his Majesty's most gracious Message
of Monday, the 7th day of this instant, March, together
with the Papers which were presented to the House by the
Lord North, upon the 7th and 11th days of this instant,
March, by his Majesty's command.
The House accordingly resolved itself into the said Com-
mittee.
Mr. Speaker left the Chair.
Sir Charles Whitworth took the Chair of the Com-
mittee.
Lord North rose and said, he meant now to open the
plan of the Bill which he proposed to bring in ; and as it
might very well be understood by gentlemen in that House,
from the Papers relating to America, that then laid before
them, that an executive power was wanting in tiiat country,
and that it was highly necessary to strengthen the magis-
tracy of it; that the force of the civil power consisted in
the posse comitatus ; and when it is considered, said his
Lordship, that the posse are the very People who have
committed all these riots, little obedience to the preserva-
tion of the peace is to be expected from them. There
appears to be a total defect in the constitutional power
throughout. If the democratic part shows that contempt
of obedience to the laws, how is the Governor to execute
any authority vested in him ? If he wants any magistrate
to act, whom he knows will be willing to execute the laws,
he has not the power of appointing one, nor of removing
one that will not act ; the Council have alone that power,
whose dependence is on the democratic part of tlie consti-
tution. It appears tliat the Civil Magistrate has been, for a
series of years, uniforndy inactive ; there is sometliing radi-
cally wrong in that constitution, in which no magistrate
Fourth Series. 5
for such a number of years, has ever done his duty in such
a manner as to force obedience to the laws. If the Govern-
or issued a proclamation, there was hardly found a magis-
trate to obey it ; the Governor, of his own authority, can do
nothing ; he cannot act, or give out any order, without
seven of the Council consenting ; the authority of that Go-
vernment is in so forlorn a situation that no Governor can
act ; and, where there is such a want of civil authority, can
it be supposed that the military, be they ever so numerous,
can be of the least service ? For I shall always consider
that a military power, acting under the authority and con-
troul of a Civil Magistrate, is part of the constitution ; but
the military alone ought not, and cannot act without the
controul of the Civil Magistrate. How was it possible for
the military to maintain good Government when they were
not called upon by the civil authority ? I propose, in this
Bill, to take the executive power from the hands of the
democratic part of Government ; I would propose, that the
Governor should act as a Justice of Peace, and that he
should have the power to appoint the officers throughout
the whole civil authority, such as the sheriffs, provost,
marshal, &,c. — The Chief Justice and Judges of the Su-
preme Court excepted. I would have them only remova-
ble by his Majesty, under his sign manual, and upon good
representations made here. Every gentleman will naturally
see the impropriety of such irregular assemblies, or town-
meetings, which are now held in Boston ; I would have
them brought under some regulation, and would not suffer
them to be held widiout the consent of the Governor, un-
less upon the annual election of certain officers, which it is
their province to choose. Their juries are improperly
chosen ; I think a degree of regulation highly necessary ;
I am always ready and open to hear those matters discussed,
and inclined to alter my opinion, when I hear better reasons
for adopting any other mode of putting the civil magistracy
of that country upon a good footing ; but until the execu-
tive power is free, it cannot act ; our regulations here are of
no import, if you have nobody in that country to give them
force. Some immediate, as well as permanent remedy,
must be adopted. I therefore propose the present Bill,
which I apprehend will effectually purge that constitution
of all its crudities, and give a degree of strength and spirit
to the civil magistracy, and to the executive power. I
therefore move you, Sir, " That leave be given to bring in
" a Bill for the better regulating the Government of the
" Province of Massachusetts Bay." I propose that this
Bill shall be brought in, and lie upon tlie table, for tlie in-
spection of the House and gentlemen who wish to make the
propriety of such a Bill the measure of their conduct.
Mr. Byng said, that he could not be at all surprised at
hearing that the Governor of Boston had no power, when
lie had not a single place in his gift. It was now become a
fashion, he said, to give awaydiose places of emolument to
men of this country, widi reversions to one, two, or three
sons ; to men who had never been of the least public ser-
vice to this country, in his apprehensions, [meaning Mr.
Bradshaic] Whilst places continue to be given away to
men of this country, the emoluments of which arise from
the labour and sweat of an American brow, it will undoubt-
edly, and very property, totally annihilate the power of any
67
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
68
supreme officer in thai country. Men look up to their su-
periors, and obey tlieir directions according to the emolu-
ments received from Uiem ; and when once their is no de-
pendence in it, there will be no obedience.
Sir F. Norton (Speaker) said, he only got up to know,
whether there was to be an Assembly left to the Arnerican.i
or not? For he was not able to say, from what lie had
heard from the noble Lord, whether tlie Assembly was to
be annihilated or not.
Lord North assured the right honorable member, that
there would be nothing; in this Bill that affected either the
Assembly or the Council in iJieir legislative power.
Mr. Stephen Fot. Can there be any thing so necessa-
ry to alter as that Govermnent which can neither govern
nor manage itself? The People of Boston have behaved
in a most outrageous manner, militating against every prin-
ciple of law and justice, combating against its own consti-
tutional power, and totally subverting every idea of order
and regularity. Would you let these men go on in the
chaos of disturbance ? Would you wish them to proceed
so precipitately to their destruction without once lending
the aid of your deliberations to rescue them from the self-
conceived and false opinions which they have imbibed. I
ho]>e. Sir, this House will lend its advice, and endeavour to
save these hot-headed Americans, not by violent measures
but by firm and manly proceedings.
Lord George Germain. It may not be improper. Sir,
I hope, to throw out a little upon this occasion, and to ask
for further information, to know whether this is to be the
extent of the proposition with regard to the salutary
measures that are to be made and taken in tiiis Committee,
during this whole Session ; if so. Sir, I should be glad to
give my poor opinion, and add my mile of preservation to
that country. I could have wished that the noble Lord,
when he was forming this scheme of salvation to this coun-
trj^, would have, at least, considered that there were other
parts of the internal Government necessary to be put under
some regulation. I mean particularly the internal Govern-
ment of the Province of Massachusetts Baij. I wish to
see the Council of that country on the same footing as other
Colonies. There is a degree of absurdity, at present, in
the election of the Council. I cannot. Sir, disagree with
the noble Lord, nor can I think he will do a better thing,
than to put an end to their town meetings. I would not
have men of a mercantile cast every day collecting them-
selves together, and debating about political matters ; I
would have them follow their occupations as Merchants,
and not consider themselves as Ministers of that country.
I would also wish, that all corporate powers might be given
to certain People in every town, in the same manner that
Corporations are formed here ; 1 should then expect to see
some subordination, some authority and order. I do not
know by what power those are to be formed, but I wish
that they may be formed by some. Again, Sir, 1 think
that the method of Grand Juries ought to be much attend-
ed to ; tliey are now chosen for life, and have a yearly
salary, and these are the men to whom your life and pro-
perty is entrusted. Your People know to whom to make
application, when law and justice are wished to be subvert-
ed by favour and affection. Your Petty Juries are elected
annually, so many persons in each town ; to these men of-
fenders know how to apply ; and when any riot happens
between the military power and the People of the town,
the Jury, being taken principally out of that town, the
power of life and death of the offender is lodged in those
who are offended. These juries, I think, require great
regulation ; they are totally different from ours, and in my
idea, carry with them not only the highest degree of ab-
surdity, but are subject to be led aside to commit the high-
est and most palpable enormities against justice and the
laws of the lanfl. I would not wish to protract the noble
Lord's Bill, by lengthening it out to a degree which he
does not wish it to go, nor to oppose the measures which
he has already adopted. I would wish to bring the con-
stitution of America as similar to our own as possible. I
would wish to see the Council of that country similar to a
House of Lords in this. I would v.ish to see chancei-y
suits determined by a Court of Chancery, and not by the
Assembly of that Province. At present tlieir Assembly is
a downright clog upon all the proceedings of the Governor,
and the Council are continually thwarting and opposing
any proposition he may make for the security and welfare
of that Government. You have. Sir, no Government, no
Governor ; tlie whole are the proceedings of a tumultuous
and riotous rabble, who ought, if they had the least pru-
dence, to follow their mercantile employment, and not
trouble themselves with politics and Govermnent, which
they do not undei-stand. We are told by some gentlemen,
oh ! do not break the charter ; do not take away their
rights that lu-e granted to them by the predecessors of the
Crown ; whoever. Sir, wishes to preserve such charters,
without a due correction and regulation ; ^^ hoever. Sir,
wishes for such subjects, I wish them no worse than to go-
vern them. Put this People, Sir, upon a free fooring of
Government ; do not let us be every day asnerting our
rights by words, and they denying our authority, and pre-
venting the execution of our laws. Let us. Sir, persevere
in refining that Government which cannot support itself,
and proceed on in the manner we have begun, and I make
no doubt but, by a manly and steady perseverance, things
may be restored from a state of anarchy and confusion, to
peace, quietude, and a due obedience to the laws of this
country.
Lord North. I thank the noble Lord for every propo-
sition he lias held out ; they are worthy of a great mind,
and such as ought to be adopted ; and indeed I cannot say
that at present there is any objection to what is proposed
being regulated at some future period ; if any thing can
tend to the relief of the present distresses in America, it is
the unanimity of this House, and of men of such abilities as
the noble Lord, in the projection of measures necessary to
be taken. Every proposition the noble liOrd has mentioned
coincides with my mind; 1 see the propriety of them, and
1 would wish to adopt them. It is not my proposition to
close this Committee before other measures may be ofliered,
which, for any thing I know, may have a degree of prefer-
ence to those I have this day proposed. I, for my part.
Sir, shall think of the propositions made, and receive them
to be canvassed by greater wisdom and abilities than mine.
1 am clear, with the noble Lord, that the constitution of
this charter ought not to prevent Parliament from inter-
fering to regulate those matters in America, which the in-
digested measures of their charter have, perhaps, precipi-
tately been, in some degree, a means of preventing the
peace and quietness of that country from being restored.
Mr. Phipps got up, but the House being noisy, he was
not much attended to.
Mr. Fownall used much the same kind of arguments
he had done in the former debates, and gave a judicious
account of the Government of Avierica. He concluded
with giving to the Americans the character of a conscien-
tious, good, religious, peaceable set of People, and said that
there was not in all liis Majesty's Dominions a more re-
spectable set of persons existing.
Lord North's motion was then agreed to, and
Mr. Speaker resumed the Chair.
Sir Charles Wkiticorth reported from the Committee,
that he was directed by the Committee to move the House
that leave be given to bring in a Bill lor the better regula-
ting the Goveniment of the Province of the Massachmctts
Bay in North America.
Ordered, That leave be granted to bring in the Bill ;
and that Sir Charles Whitjvorth, the Lord North, Mr. At-
torney General, and Mr. Solicitor General, do prepare and
bring in the same.
Friday, April 15, 1774.
The Lord North presented to the House, according to
order, a Bill for the better regulating the Government of
the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America :
and the same was received.
Lord North, on presenting the Bill, (after the breviat
was read, containing the projiositions wliich in moving for
the Bill, he had mentioned as the ground of it, with this ad- S
dition and alteration, " that the nomination of the Council ^
should be by the Crown,") said, in this Bill there would
be no negative voice in the Council ; nor was the Lieu-
tenant Governor and Secretary to be of the Council, unless
nominated by his Majesty ; that the Council would have
much the same power as before, except the nomination of '
judicial officers ; that he had altered the mode of choosing
of juries, from the hints that were thrown out the other day
t
69
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
70
in the debate by a noble Lord, (George Germain;) that
the principle on which our juries were formed seemed to be
highly approved of, and that of the juries of America dis-
approved of; that he had now adopted the mode of choice
as near the method of choosing the juries in England as
possible ; that this was a regulation of a very nice kind ;
and if gentlemen did not like to have it made part of the
present Bill, it might be separated and made a Bill of
Itself.
Mr. R. Fuller gave notice, that he intended to move for
a Committee to inquire into the Tea Duty on Thursday
next, to see whether or not it was possible to repeal that
Act before the present one took place.
Mr. Dempster desired to ask the noble Lord, by whom
the Governors and Judges were appointed formerly, and
by whom paid ?
Lord North said, the Judges were paid by the Crown ;
and that their salaries were to accrue out of the duties
cliargeable on the tea.
Mr. Dowdeswell said, he was unwilling to let the day
pass without some observations on the Bill, as it was
brought in upon a different plan to what it was moved.
He observed, that Government had now received sufficient
advice for regulating their conduct, and coming to some
decision about what was proper to be done ; but the further
tJiey went, the worse they were ; that the House had now
a Bill before them, which was calculated to destroy the
charter of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; that if, in-
deed, we were now to make a new charter for governing
and regulating the number of emigrants that are daily
going to America, we should, perhaps, make it in a diffe-
rent manner, and suit it more to the disposition of the times :
but I wish, said he, to see no new charter granted. The
Americans have laboured with unwearied industry, and
flourished for near fourscore years under that democratic
charter ; they have increased their possessions, and im-
proved their lands to a pitch we could not have expected,
and we have reaped the benefit of their labour, yet you are
now going to destroy that very charter which has subsisted
to the mutual benefit of both countries ; the charter which
they have, breathes a spirit of liberty superiour to any thing
either of the former or present times. It was granted in
King William's time, and is more adapted to the spirit of a
free people, than any charter that can possibly be framed
by any Minister now ; but, I hope, before this Bill passes,
that you will, at least, recollect yourselves in a cool, dispas-
sionate manner, and look upon Americans as your children,
and call them by whatever name you will, rebellious or diso-
bedient, that you will consider, at the same time, that they
are froward children, that there are also peevish parents, and
that the ill-humour and disposition of a child is oftentimes
brought about by the petulant obstinacy of a foolish parent.
The ridiculous doctrine that parents are apt to instil into
their children, of " you shall do it — you shall do it," is
oftentimes the means of enforcing the same disposition in
the child, of " I wont." I hate that absurd obstinacy, of
" you shall," and, " I wont," between parent and child.
You are not now contending for a point of honour ; you are
struggling to obtain a most ridiculous superiority, to which
1 hardly know a name bad enough to stamp it with. The
regulations which you are going to enact, will be so inade-
quate and so improper a remedy, that, in my opinion, it
would be better to give up the whole, than to correct in
such a violent and imprudent manner ; let me at least advise
temper in your proceedings, and that whatever is done,
may not be effected with rigour and severity.
Governor Pownall rose to give tlie House an account of
the mode in which juries were chosen in America ; the
House at first did not much attend, but his extensive know-
ledge in American affairs, soon drew that attention to what
he said, which his abilities so justly deserved. He gave an
account in what manner the Council were chosen hereto-
fore ; that they were elected by the whole Legislature, and
not (as had been mistakenly represented) by the People at
large ; that the Selectmen were a kind of Aldermen,
much the same as those in Corporations in England ; that
about forty were chosen in each town, after which the re-
maining ones were generally appointed as persons proper
to serve upon juries, from which five or six people were
taken, as occasion required ; that the Grand Juries were
struck off from capital men, who were appointed for that
purpose. He said great inconvenience would arise from the
town meetings not being held without the consent of the
Governor ; that all business of a municipal nature was done
at a town meeting ; that these towns were, in many places,
three hundred miles from the Capital, and that business
must stand still in many instances, in these towns, till the
Governor's consent could be obtained. He concluded
with expressing a wish that the laws of the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, as far as related to the present Bill,
might be laid before the House.
The Bill was then read the first time.
Ordered, That the said Bill be read a second time upon
this day sevennight.
Ordered, (on the motion of Mr. Doivdeswell,) That
such a number of copies of the said Bill be printed, as shall
be sufficient for the use of the members of the House.
Tuesday, April 19, 1774.
Resolved, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give direc-
tions, that there be laid before this House, a copy of an
Act of the General Court of the Province of Massachusetts
Bay, made in the fourth year of the reign of King William
and Queen Mary, entituled, " An Act for regulating of
" Townships, choice of Town Officers, and setting forth
" their powers ;" and also copies of all other Acts of the
General Court of the said Province, for the regulation of
Townships and Town Meetings.
Resolved, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions
that there be laid before this House, a copy of an Act of the
General Court of the Province of Massachusetts Buy,
made in the seventh year of the reign of King William the
Third, for summoning, returning, and regulating the choice
of Grand and Petty Juries ; together with copies of all other
permanent or temporary Acts of the said General Court,
relative thereto.
Ordered, That the said Addresses be presented to his
Majesty by such members of this House as are of his Ma-
jesty's most honorable Privy Council.
Resolved, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions
that there be laid before this House : —
Extract of a Letter from Governor Bernard to the Lords
Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, dated Boston,
7th July, 1766.
Extract of a Letter from Governor Bernard to the
Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 30th May, 1768.
Extract of a Letter from Governor Hutchinson to the
Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 6th July, 1771 ; with
a copy of his Message to the House of Representatives,
and of the Answer of the said House.
Extract of a Letter from Governor Hutchinson to the
Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 29th May, 1772.
Extract of a Letter from Governor Hutchinson to the
Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 22d February, 1773.
Copies of the Speeches of Governor Hutchinson to the
General Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay, with the
Answers of the Council and House of Representatives.
Copy of a Petition and Remonstrance from the House of
Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
of the 14th July, 1772.
Copy of a Petition to his Majesty from the House of
Representatives of Massachusetts Bay, dated 6th March,
1773.
Ordered, That the said Address be presented to his
Majesty by such members of this House as are of his Ma-
jesty's most honorable Privy Council.
Thursday, April 21, 1774.
The Lord North presented to the House, pursuant to
their Address to his Majesty : —
No. 1 . Extract of a Letter from Governor Bernard to
the Lords of Trade, dated Boston, 7th July, 1766.
No. 2. Extract of a Letter from Governor Bernard to
the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 30th May, 1768.
No. 3. Extractof a Letter from Governor Hu/cAi/ison to
the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, 6th July, 1771 ;
with a copy of his Message to the House of Representa-
tives, and the Answer of the said House.
No. 4. Extract of a Letter from Governor Hutchinson
71
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
72
to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated Boston, Q9th May, 1772;
with an Enclosure.
No. 5. Extract of a Letter from Governor Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, iiti February,
1773.
No. 6. Printed Copy of the Speeches of Governor
Hutchinson to the General Assembly odhe Massachusetts
Bay, with the Answer of the Council and House of Repre-
sentatives.
No. 7. Copy of a Petition and Remonstrance to the
Kins, f'om tl'e House of Representatives of the Province
of Massachusetts Bay, dated 14th July, 1772.
No. 8. Copy of a Petition to the Kin<(, from the House
of Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
dated 6lh March, 177:3.
Together with a List of said Papers ; and the said List
was read.
Ordered, that the said Papers do lie upon the table,
to be perused by the members of the House.
Friday, April 22, 1774.
The Order of the Day, for the second reading of the
Bill, was read.
Air. Fuller said, he did not rise to make any debate, for
he was not enabled as yet to form any opinion whether the
Bill before the House was a proper one or not; as copies of
the charters which had been ordered, were not yet laid
before the House, he would venture to say that no man
knew the constitution of that Government ; it was, there-
fore, impossible for him to say, in what manner he would
correct and amend it.
Sir George Savile said, he had not troubled the House
before on the occasion, but he could not help observing,
that the measure now before the House was a very doubtful
and dangerous one ; doubtful as to the matter and proprie-
ty of regulation, and dangerous as to its consequence ; that
charters by Government were sacred things, and are only to
be taken away by a due course of law, either as a punish-
ment for an offence, or for a breach of the contract, and that
can only be by evidence of the facts ; nor could he con-
ceive that in either of those cases there could be any such
thing as proceeding without a fair hearing of both parties.
This measure before us seems to be a most extraordinary
exertion of Legislative power. Let us suppose a lease
granted to a man, wherein was a covenant, the breach of
which would subject him to a forfeiture of his lease — would
not a court of justice require evidence of the fact ? Why,
then, will you proceed different from the line which is al-
ways observed in courts of justice. You are now going to
alter the charter, because it is convenient. In what manner
does the House mean to take away this charter, when in
fact they refuse to hear the parties, or to go through a legal
course of evidence of the facts ? Chartered rights have, at
all times, when attempted to be altered or taken away, oc-
casioned much bloodshed and strife ; and whatever persons
in this House may have advanced, that they do not proceed
upon this business but with trembling hands, I do also as-
sure them that I have shewn my fears upon this occasion,
for I have run away from every question, except one, to
which I gave my negative. I do not like to be present at
a business which I think inconsistent with the dignity and
justice of this House ; I tremble when I am, for fear of the
consequences ; and I think it a little extraordinary that Mr.
Bollan should be admitted to be heard as an American
Agent in the House of Lords, when in the House of Com-
mons he was refused. I believe it is true, that the facts set
forth in his petition to this House, were different from those
which he presented to the House of Lords ; in one declarinu'
himself an inhabitant of Baton, and in the other omitting
it. I cannot conceive it possible to proceed on this Bill
upon the small ground of evidence which you have had.
Mr. Welbore Ellis. I must rise, Sir, with great diffi-
dence, when I differ from the honorable gentleman who
spoke last, whose abilities are so eminently great; but I
think, that chartered rights are by no means those sacred
things which never can or ought to be altered ; they are
vested in the Crown, as a prerogative, for the good of the
People at large ; if the Supreme Legislature find that those
charters so granted, are both unfit and inconvenient for the
public utility, they have a right to make them fit and con-
venient: wherever private property is concerned, the Le-
gislature will not take it away without making a full recom-
pense ; but wlierever the regulation of public matter is the
object, they have a right to correct, control, or take it away
as may best suit the public welfare. The Crown may
sometimes grant improper powers with regard to Govern-
ments that are to be establislied — will it not be highly pro-
per and necessary that the Legislature, seeing in what
manner the Crown has been ill-advised, should take it into
their consideration, and alter it, as far as necessary ? It is
the Legislature's duty to correct the errors that have been
established in the infancy of that constitution, and regulate
them for the public welfare. Is a charter, not consistent
with the public good, to be continued ? Tlie honorable
gentleman says much bloodshed has been occasioned by
taking away or altering of chartered rights ; I grant it ; but it
has always been where encroachments have been made by
improper parties, and the attack has been carried on by
improper powers. He also says, this form of Government in
America ought not to be altered without hearing the parties ;
the papers on your table, surely, are sufiicient evidence
what they have to say in their defence. Look only into
the letter dated the 19th of November, 1773, wherein the
Governor applied to the Council for advice, and they neg-
lected giving it to him ; and also wherein a Petition was
presented to the Council by certain persons who applied
for protection to their property during these disturbances ;
the Council, without giving any answer, adjourned for ten
days, and the Governor was not able to do any thing himself
without their opinion. Look again, Sir, into the resolution
which the Council came to when they met again, stating
the total insufficiency of their power. This, surely. Sir, is
an evidence competent to ground this bill upon. We have
now got no farther than just to alter these two parts, as
stated by themselves. Surely, Sir, that form of Govern-
ment which will not protect your property, ought to be
altered in such a manner as it may be able to do it.
General Comvay. What I intend to say, will not delay
the House long. [The House being rather noisy, the Gene-
ral said, I beg leave once more to say a short word.] I am
very sure what I intend to say will little deserve the atten-
tion of the House, but the subject is of that importance, that
it requires it. The consequence of this Bill will be very
important and dangerous. Parliament cannot break into a
right without hearing the parties. The question, then, is
simply this : have they been heard ? What 1 because the
Papers say a murder has been committed, does it follow
they have proved it ? ' Audi alteram partem' is a maxim
I have long adhered to ; but it is something so inconsistent
with Parliamentary proceedings not to do it, that I am as-
tonished at it. The Council are blamed, because they did
not give that advice to the Governor which he wanted. I
think, Sir, the Governor might have acted alone, without
their assistance. Gentlemen will consider, that this is not
only the charter of Boston, or of any particular part, but
the charter of all America. Are the Americans not to be
heard ? Do they not choose to consent and agree about
appointing an agent? I think there is no harm, upon this
occasion, in stretching a point ; and I would rather hear Mr.
Bollan as an agent of America (though he is a little irregu-
lar in his appointment) sooner than leave it to be said, that
this Bill passed without it. The House being vociferous,
he said, I am afraid I tire the House with my weak voice; if
that is the case, I will not proceed, but I do think, and it is
my sincere opinion, that we are the aggressors and innova-
tors, and not the Colonies. We have irritated and forced
laws upon them for these six or seven years last past. We
liave enacted such a variety of laws, with these new taxes,
together with a refusal to repeal the trifling duty on tea ;
all these things have served no other purpose but to distress
and perplex. I think the Americans have done no more
than every subject would do in an arbitrary state, where
laws are imposed against their will. In my conscience, I
think, taxation and legislation are in this case inconsistent.
Have you not a Legislative right over Irelandl And yet
no one will dare to say we have a right to tax. These
Acts, respecting America, will involve this country and its
Ministers in misfortunes, and I wish I may not add, in ruin.
Lord North. I do not consider this matter of regulation
to be taking away their charters in such manner as is repre-
sented ; it is a regulation of Government to assist the Crown ;
it appears to me, not to be a matter of political expediency,
tr8
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
74
but of necessity. If it does not stand upon that ground, it
stands on nolliing. The account whicli has just now been
read to you is an authentic paper, transmitted to Govern-
ment here, shewing that the Council refused, in every case,
their assistance and advice ; and will tliis country sit still,
when they see the Colony proceeding against your own
subjects, tarring and feathering your servants ; denying your
laws and authority; refusing every direction and advice
which you send ? Are we, Sir, seeing all this, to be silent,
and give the Governor no support ? Gentlemen say, let
tlie Colony come to your bar, and be heard in their defence ;
though it is not likely that they will come, when they deny
your authority in every instance. Can we remain in this
situation long ? We must, effectually, take some measure
to correct and amend the defects of that Government. I
have heard so many different opinions in regard to our con-
duct in America, I hardly know how to answer them.
The honourable gentleman, who spoke last, formerly blamed
the tame and insipid conduct of Government ; now he con-
demns this measure as harsh and severe. The Ameiicans
have tarred and feathered your subjects, plundered your
merchants, burnt your ships, denied all obedience to your
laws and authority ; yet so clement, and so long forbearing
has our conduct been, that it is incumbent on us now to
take a different course. Whatever may be the conse-
quence, we must risk something ; if we do not, all is over.
The measure now proposed, is nothing more than taking
the election of Counsellors out of the hands of those people,
who are continually acting in defiance and resistance of
your laws. It has also been said by gentlemen — send for
the Americans to your bar — 'give them redress a twelve-
month hence. Surely, Sir, this cannot be the language
that is to give effectual relief to America ; it is not I say,
again, political convenience, it is political necessity that
urges this measure : if this is not the proper method, shew
me any other which is preferable, and I will postpone it.
Sir George Yonge. It appears to me, Sir, that it is un-
answered and unanswerable, what has been advanced by
the honorable gentleman who spoke second, that the parties
should be heard, though even at a twelvemonth hence.
Nothing, Sir, but fatal necessity can countenance this mea-
sure. No body of men ought to be proceeded against
without being heard, much less ought the regulation of a
whole Government to take place, without the parties at-
tending in their defence against such alterations.
Governor Johnstone. I see, Sir, a great disposition in
this House to proceed in this business without knowing any
thing of the constitution of America ; several inconvenien-
ces will arise if the Sheriff is to be appointed by the Go-
vernor ; the jury will of course be biased by some influence
or other ; special juries will be most liable to this. [Here
the Governor gave an account of the different riots which
had happened in England, and compared them with what
he called the false account of those from America.] I im-
pute, says he, all the misfortunes which have happened in
America, to the taking away the power of the Governor.
No man of common sense, can apprehend that the Go-
vernor would ever have gone for two or three days in
the country during these disturbances, if he had had the
command of the military power. The natural spirit of
man would be fired, in such a manner, as to actuate him to
show resistance ; but in this Governor no power was lodged.
I disapprove much of the measure which is before us, and
1 cannot think but its consequences will be prejudicial.
Mr. C. Jenlcinson. I rise, Sir, only to observe, that if
the Colony has not that power within itself to maintain its
own peace and order, the Legislature should, and ought to
have. Let me ask. Sir, whether the Colony took any step,
in any shape, to quell the riots and disturbances ? No,
they took none. Let me ask again, whether all the checks
and control that are necessary, are not put into the com-
mission of the Governments ? Much has been said about
hearing the parties, and taking away tliis chartered right ;
I am of opinion, that where the right is a high political
regulation, you are not in that instance bound to hear them ;
but the hearing of parties is necessary where private pro-
perty is concerned. It is not only in the late proceedings,
but in all former, that they have denied your authority
over them; they have refused protection to his Majesty's
subjects, and in every instance disobeyed the laws of this
country ; either let this country forsake its trade with
America, or let us give that due protection to it which
safety requires.
Mr. Harris. I cannot see, Sir, any reason for so wide
a separation between America and England as other gen-
tlemen are apt to think there ought to be ; that country. Sir,
was hatched from this ; and I hope we shall always keep
it under the shadow of our wings. It has been said, no
representation, no taxation. This was the system formerly
adopted, but I do not find it authorized in any book of
jurisprudence, nor do I deem it to be a doctrine either rea-
sonable or constitutional. 1 insist upon it, they are bound
to obey both the Crown and Parliament. The last twelve
years of our proceedings have been a scene of lenity and
inactivity. Let us proceed and mend our method, or else
I shall believe, as an honorable gentleman has observed,
that we are the aggressors.
Sir Edward Astley. If we have had a twelve years'
lenity and inactivity, I hope we shall not now proceed to
have a twelve years' cruelty and oppression. By the reso-
lution and firmness which I perceive in the House, it seems
to indicate a perseverance in the measure now proposed,
which 1 deem to be a harsh one, and unworthy of a British
Legislature.
Mr. Ward found fault with the charter being left too
much, as to the execution of its powers, in the People, and
he could not think that the Lesislature was doing any thinf^
which it had not a right to do, as he had looked upon all
charters to be granted with a particular clause in it, ex-
pressing that it should not be taken away but by the
Parliament.
Governor Pownall. Sir, the few words that I shall
trouble the House with on this occasion, will be directed
simply to facts, and to the rectifying some matters of fact
respecting the constitution of the Province of Massachusetts
Bay, which some gentlemen, on both sides the House,
seem to me to have mistaken, and to have mis-stated.
As to opinions, I shall never more trouble the House
with mine on this subject. While the affairs of America
remained on that ground, that opinions might operate on
measures of policy, I never withheld mine, poor as they
may have been — I always avowed them openly and pub-
licly. In this House I delivered my sentiments explicitly
and directly. It was my duty so to do — I consider it as of
perfect obligation ; and I hope I have fulfilled that duty.
I could not but think it a matter of imperfect obligation,
even to obtrude my sentiments, and the best information
that I could give, in other places, out of this House. I
hope I have not there exceeded my duty ; 1 have ex-
pressed the same sentiments at all limes, and have given
the same opinion in what I have written to America. All
tended to one point — the pointing out the grounds of recon-
ciliation and peace.
The case at present ceases to be matter of opinion — it is
come to action. The measure which you are pursuing will
be resisted, not by force, or the effect of arms, as was said
by an honorable gentleman on the late occasion, but by a
regular united system of resistance.
I told this House, (it is now four years past,) that the
People of America would resist the tax which lay then
upon them — that they would not oppose power to your
power, but that they would become impracticable. Have
they not been so from that time to this very hour? I tell
you now, that they will resist the measures now pursued, in
a more vigorous way. You will find them prepared for
such resistance, not by arms, but by a system of measures.
The Committees of Correspondence in the different Prov-
inces, are in constant coinmunication — they do not trust
the conveyance of the Post-Office — they have set up a
constitutional courier, which will soon grow up to the
superseding of your Post Office. As soon as intelligence
of these affairs reach them, they will judge it necessary to
communicate with each other. It will be found inconve-
nient and ineffectual so to do by letters — they must confer.
They will hold a conference — and to what these Commit-
tees, thus met in Congress, will grow up, I will not say.
On the other point, should matters ever come to arms,
you will hear of other officers than those appointed by your
Governors. When matters once come to that it will be, as
it was in the late civil wars of this country, of little conse-
quence to dispute who were the aggressors — that will be
merely matter of opinion. It is of more consequence at
75
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
76
this niomeni so to act — to take such measures — that no
such misfortune may come into event.
I hope the House will excuse my trespassing on their
patience — it is the last time that 1 shall speak on this sub-
ject. If, however, the knowledge which my situation must
necessarily have supplied me with, can enable me to be ot
any use in matter of information, on any points which come
before you, I shall constantly attend in my place, and in my
place be ready to answer to any questions on such matter,
as any gentleman may wish to receive information upon, as
far as 1 may be able to inform him ; and in this light 1 beg
leave to state, that althougii by the charter of the Province
of Massachusetts Bay the Governor is obliged to take with
him, not simply the advice, but tlie consent of the Council,
in the nomination of judges and other civil officers — yet it is
from the power of the Governor's commission held under the
broad seal, that all the commissions in the Province are de-
rived ; and cease with the determination of that commission.
All those officers, except the Attorney General, even the
Sherifl's, which an honorable gentleman had conceived not
to be so, and which the present proposed Bill directs to be
appointed and removed by the Governor, are according to
the powers and privileges of the present charter, appointed
by the Governor in Council. The difference is, that in
those Governments which are established by the King's
patent commissions, the whole act of appointment is in the
Governor — which act, indeed, he is by his instructions di-
rected to do in the Act. He is the sole efficient : he may
advise with the Council, but he is not bound to take their
consent — he is not incompetent to the act, without their
consent. His commission gives him full power to act — if
he acts without the advice of his Council, he does, indeed,
break through his instructions, and may incur his Majesty's
displeasure ; but yet the appointment is good to all intents
and purposes. The first is the act of legal power, derived
from the commission ; the second, is a matter prudential,
with which the mode of the act is properly and wisely ac-
companied.
In the charter under consideration, the matter of instruc-
tion was made a component part of the act — by which the
Council were made a component part of the Governor, and
so far forth of the supreme executive magistrate. This I
have always thought to be an original and radical blunder.
If the Bill, as it was first proposed, had gone no farther than
to the remedy of this error, I think there could not have
been a reasonable objection to it — but of that I shall say
no more now — 1 have already given ray opinion on that
point.
Another gentleman (misled by a construction which some
Governors have made of their powers) thinks that the
Council are so much, in all cases of Government, a part of
the supreme executive magistrate, that if they refuse to act
with the Governor, he cannot do any act of Government
either civil or military. I know of no Act in which they
are constituted such part, but in the case of the nomination
of civil officers. In every other, the Governor, both by
the charter and by his commission is, perfect and complete,
supreme executive magistrate. I am sure I can speak from
fact ; — 1 have, as Governor, without communion of power
with the Council, done every civil act of Government,
which the King, actuating the powers of the Crown, does
here within the Realm. And as to the military, if it had
been my misfortune to have been Governor in these times,
and if the interposition of the military had been necessary,
I would not have applied to them for their aid — I would
have sent them an order. I am sure there is no officer
within the Province would have dared to have disobeyed it.
They must have obeyed. The power to give such order
is, both by the charter and the conmiission (which are both
under the broad seal,) in the Governor, as Commander-in-
chief; and I know of no revocation of it, but by the mere
letter of a Secretary of State, which could have no effect ;
but which was at the same time one of the most dangerous
measures ever taken.
Upon this ground, supposed to be the fact, that the
Council are part of the executive magistrate, it is alleged as
matter of crime against them, that they refused to act with
the Governor at the time of the late riots ; by which the
powers of Government were suspended, the power of the
•barter misused, so that the Governor could not act ; but as
I have shewn that this is not the fact, the allegation of crime
vanishes : yet I must own, and I must say, that as it is al-
ways for the benefit of the public, that the Governor should
advise with, and liave the advice of his Council — that as it
is always of benefit to Government, that he should take
with him and be supported by the authority of his Council,
and, especially, in this Province, where the authority of the
country is of more solid effect than in any other — the
Council, and every member of it, are highly biameable, are,
indeed, inexcusable, whenever they refuse to advise, when-
ever they withhold their authority from the aid and support
of Government. 1 do not know whether they be not liable
to censure in refusing their assistance, as they are by the
charter expressly called Assistants; but surely their conduct
was inexcusable, when, instead of assisting, they sought
and took occasion in the midst of these disturbances, to
bring forward as an act of Council, a report fraught with all
the matters of contest and dispute, which were the very
grounds taken as principles by the People engaged in the
disturbances. Thus far as to matter of fact; as to matter
of opinion, I shall not trouble the House with it. [The
few words afterwards spoken by way of explanation, were
so far from signifying that the People were going to rebel,
that they were expressly spoken to obviate that misappre-
hension of what had been said.]
Mr. Rigby. LTpon my word, Sir, what was just now
said is very worthy the consideration of this House; and
if, from what the honourable gentleman says, it is true, and
I believe he is well informed, it appears that America is
preparing to arm ; and that the deliberations of their town-
meetings tend chiefly to oppose the measures of this coun-
try by force. He has told you. Sir, that the Americant
will appoint other officers than those sent by Government
to command their troops. He has told you that a Post-
Office is established on their account from town to town, in
order to carry their treacherous correspondence from one to
another. He has told you, the Post-Office revenue will
soon be annihilated. If these things are true. Sir, I find
we have been the aggressors, by continually doing acts of
lenity for these twelve years last past. I think, Sir, and
speak out boldly when I say it, that this country has a right
to tax America; but, Sir, it is matter of astonishment to
me, how an honourable gentleman, (General Conway) can
be the author or bringer in of a Declaratory Law over all
America, and yet saying at one and the same time, that
we have no right to tax America ! If I were to begin to
say that America should not be taxed, and that these
measures were not proper, I would first desire my own
Declaratory Law to be repealed ; but being of opinion that
the Americans are the subjects of this country, I will de-
clare freely, that I think this country has a right to tax
America ; but 1 do not say I w^ould put any new tax on at
this particular crisis ; but when things are returned to a
peaceable state, I would then begin to exercise it. And I
am free to declare my opinion, that I think we have a right
to tax Ireland, if there was a necessity so to do, in order
to help the mother country. If Ireland was to rebel and
resist our laws, I would tax it. The mother country has
an undoubted right and control over the whole of its Colo-
nies. Again, Sir, a great deal has been said concerning
requisition. Pray, in what manner is it to be obtained?
Is the King to demand it? Or are we, the Legislative
power of this country, to send a very civil, polite gentle-
man over to treat with their Assembly ? How and in what
manner is he to address that Assembly? Is he to tell the
Speaker of it, that we have been extremely ill-used by our
neighbours, the French; that they have attacked us in
several quarters ; that the finances of this country are in a
bad state ; and, therefore, we desire you will be kind enough
to assist us, and give us some money ? Is this to be the
language of this country to that ; and are we thus to go
cap in hand ? I am of opinion, that if the Administration
of this country had not been changed soon after the pass-
ing of the Stamp Act, that tax would have been collected
with as iDuch ease as the land tax is in Great Britain. I
have acted, with regard to America, one consistent part,
and shall continue in it till I hear better reason to convince
me to the contrary.
Governor Powtiall to explain. I apprehend I have been
totally misunderstood. I did not assert the Americans
were now in rebellion, but that they are going to rebel ;
when that comes to pass, the question will be, who was the
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BILL FOR GOVERKMEiNT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
78
occasion of it. Something lias been said relative to requi-
sition : I think I gave several instances wlierein the same
had been complied with in time of war.
Mr. Charles Fox. I am i;lad to hear from the lionora-
ble gentleman who spoke last, that now is not the time to
tax America: tiiat the only time for that is, when all these
disturbances are quelled, and they are returned to their
duty ; so, I find, taxes are to be the reward of obedience ;
and the Americans, who are considered to have been in
open rebellion, are to be rewarded by acquiescing to their
measures. VVlicn will be the tune when America ought to
have heavy taxes laid upon it ? The honorable gentleman
(Mr. Right/) tells you, that that time is when the Ameri-
cans are returned to jieace and quietness. The honorable
gentleman tells us also, that we have a right to tax Ireland;
however, I may agree with him in regard to the principle,
it would not be policy to exercise it ; I believe we have
no more right to tax the one than the other. I believe
America is wrong in resisting against this country with re-
gard to its l^egislative authority. It v\as an old ojiinion,
and I believe a very true one, that there was a dispensing
power in the Crown, but whenever that dispensing ]30wer
was pretended to be exercised, it was always rejected and
opposed to the utmost, because it operated to me, as a sub-
ject, as a detriment to my property and liberty ; but. Sir,
there has been a constant conduct practised in this country,
consisting of violence and weakness, I wish those measures
may not continue ; nor can I think that the Stamp Act
would have been submitted to without resistance, if the Ad-
ministration had not been changed : the present Bill before
you is not what you want ; it irritates the minds of the
l^eople, but does not correct the deficiencies of that Govern-
ment.
Sir Gilbert Elliot said, there was not the least degree of
absurdity in taxing your own subjects, over whom you de-
clared you had an absolute right ; though that tax should
through necessity, be enacted at a time when peace and
quietness were the reigning system of the times : you de-
clare you have that -right, where is the absurdity in the ex-
ercise of it ?
Sir Richard Sutton read a copy of a letter relative to the
Government of America, from a Governor in America to
the Board of Trade, showing, that at the most quiet times,
the disposition to oppose the law"s of this country were
strongly engrafted in them, and that all their actions con-
veyed a spirit and wish for independence. If you ask an
American who is his master, he will tell you he has none,
nor any Governor, but Jesus Christ. I do believe it, and
it is my firm opinion, that the opposition to the measures of
the Legislature of this country, is a determined preposses-
sion of the idea of total independence.
The Bill was then read a second time.
Resolved, That this House will, upon Wednesday morn-
ing next, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole
House, upon the Bill.
Monday, April 25, 1774.
Mr. Gascoigne presented to the House, pursuant to their
Address to his Majesty : —
No. I. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the fourth year of the reign of King
William and Queen Mary, intituled " An Act for regula-
" ting of townshij)s, choice of town officers, and setting
" forth their power."
No. 2. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the sixth year of the reign of King
William and Queen Mary, intituled, " An Act to enable
" towns, villages, and proprietors in common and undivi-
" ded lands, &,c., to sue and be sued."
No. 3. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Mttssachuictts Buy, in the fifth year of the reiijn of Queen
Anne, intituled " An Act for a new choice of town officers,
" on special occasions."
No. 4. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the ninth year of the reign of
Queen Anne, intituled " An Act directing the levying and
" collecting of county and town assessments."
No. 5. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the second year of the reign of King
fireor^ethe Fourth, intituled, " An Act for the better regu-
" lating of town and proprietary meetings."
No. 6. Extract of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the first year of the reign of King
George the Second, intituled, "An Act in addition
to an Act for highways."
No. 7. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the seventh and eighth years of the
reign of King George the Second, intituled, " An Act in
" explanation of, and farther addition to, an Act, intituled,
" an Act for regulating of townships, choice of town offi-
" cers, and setting forth their power.' "
No. 8. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the sixteenth year of the reign of
King George the Second, intituled, " An Act in furdier
" addition to an explanation of an Act, intituled, ' an Act
" for regiUating townships, choice of town officers, and
" setting forth their power.' "
No. 9. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the twenty-ninth year of the reign
of King George the Second, intituled, " An Act for revi-
" ving and continuing sundry laws, that are expired, or
" near expiring."
No. 10. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the thirtieth year of the reign of
King George the Second, indtuled, " An Act in further
" addition to an Act, iiitituled, ' an Act for regulating of
" townships, and choice of town officers, and setting forth
" their power.' "
No. IL Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the first year of his present Majesty's
reign, intituled " An Act for the better regulating districts
" within this Province."
No. 12. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the second year of his present Ma-
jesty's reign, intituled, " An Act for reviving andcontinu-
" ing sundry laws, that are expired, or near expiring.
No. 13. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the seventh year of his present Ma-
jesty's reign, intituled, " An Act for reviving and continu-
" ing sundry laws, that are expired, or near expiring."
No. 14. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the tenth year of his present Ma-
jesty's reign, intituled, " An Act for reviving and continu-
" ing sundry laws, that are expired, or near expiring."
No. 15. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the twelfth year of his present Ma-
jesty's reign, intituled, " An Act for regulating town-meet-
" ings in the town of Danvers."
No. 16. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the seventh year of the reign of
King William the Third, intituled, " An Act for Grand
" Jurors serving at the Quarter Session of the Peace, and
" punishing defaulters of Jurors attendance."
No. 17. Extract of an Act passed in the Province of
the Massachusetts Bay, in the seventh year of the reign of
King William the Third, intituled, " An Act for holding
" of Courts of General Session of the Peace, and ascertain-
" ing the times and places for the same."
No. 18. Extract of an Act passed in the Province of
the Massachusetts Bay, in the eleventh year of the reign
of King William the Third, intituled, " An Act for the es-
" tablishing of Inferior Courts of Common Pleas, in the
" several counties of this Province,"
No. 19. Extract of an Act passed in the Province of
the Massachusetts Bay, in the eleventh year of the reign
of King William the Third, intituled " An Act for esta-
" blishing a Superior Court of Judicature, Court of Assize,
" and General Gaol Delivery, within this Province."
No. 20. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the twelfth year of the reign of
King William the Third, intituled, " An Act relating to
" the office and duty of a Coroner."
No. 21. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the third year of the reign of King
George the First, intituled, " An Act for the more effec-
" tual preventing default in the appearance of Juiors."
No. 22. Copy of an Act passed in the Provuice of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the twenty-third year of the reign
of King George the Second, intituled, "An Act for the
" better regulating the choice of Petit Jurors."
No. 23. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the thirtieth year of the reign of
79
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
RO
King George tlie Second, intituled, " An Act for the
" better regulating tlie choice of Petit Jurors."
No. 24. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of tlie
Massachusetts 6ay, in the thirtieth 3ear of the reijfn oi
King George the Second, intituled, " An Act in addition
" to an Act, intituled, ' An Act for the better regulating the
" choice of Petit Jurors.' "
No. 25. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massarhusctts Bay, in the thirty-third year of the roign of
King George the Second, intituled, "An Act for the better
" regulating the choice of Petit Jurors."
No. 26. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the thirty-third year of the reign of
King George the Second, Intituled, " An Act in addition
" to an Act^ intituled, ' An Act for the better regulating tlie
" choice of Petit Jurors.' "
No. 27. Copy of an Act passed in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in the seventh year of his present Ma-
jesty's reign, intituled, " An Act for reviving and continu-
" ing sundry laws, that are expired, or near expiring."
Together with a list of the said Papers.
And the said list was reiid.
Ordered, That tiiesaid Papers do lie on the table to be
perused by the members of the House.
Wednesday, April 27, 1774.
Ordered, That the order of the day, for the House to
resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, upon
the Bill, be now read.
And the said order being read accordingly,
Ordered, That the Paper, intituled " Massachusetts
" Bay Charter, granted by King JVilliam and Queen Mary,
•' in the tiiird year of their reign," which was presented to
the House upon the twenty-second day of January, 1740,
be referred to the said Committee.
Ordered, That the several Papers which were presented
to the House upon Monday last, by Mr. Gascoigne, be re-
ferred to the said Committee.
Ordered, That the several Papers which were presented
to the House by the Lord North, upon the 7th and lltli
days of March last, and the 15tli and 21st days of this in-
stant, April, be referred to the said Connnillee.
Then the House resolved itself into the said Committee.
Mr. Speaker left the Chair.
Sir Charles Whitworth took the Chair of the Committee.
Mr. Speaker resumed the Chair.
Sir Charles fVhitvorth reported from the Committee,
that they had gone through the Bill, and made several
amendments thereunto ; which they had directed him to
report, when the House will please to receive the same.
Ordered, That the Report be received to-morrow morn-
ing.
Thuhsday, April 28, 1774.
The order of the day, for receiving the Report was
read ; and
A Petition of William Botlan, Esq., stylmg himself
Agent for the Council of his Majesty's Province oi Massa-
chusetts Bay, in New-England, being offered to be pre-
sented to the House, by Mr. DowdesiceU, which Pethioner,
he said, desired that the Bill for regulating the Civil Gov-
ernment, and the Bill for the more Impartial Administra-
tion of Justice, might not pass into a law, until he should
have time to receive an answer from the above Province to
letters he had sent.
Mr. Dowdeswell said, after the part I have taken in the
progress of these affairs, and the direct manner in which I
have expressed myself on fonner occasions, I shall have the
less to trouble the House with on this occasion. The pe-
tition I have now brought up is, in the matter of its request
so reasonable, that I cannot persuade myself the House will
reject it. I should wish the affair might be seriously con-
sidered. What is the present stage of your progress?
You are carrying through an Act tliat is to work a total
change in the chartered constitution of a free country, in
order to prevent riots and an improper conduct in the mob
of that country ; — and lest in cai-rying that Act into execu-
tion, you meet with a resistance that you expect, (and in
that very expectation jirove that they may resist vvitliout
the imputation of an unexpected crime,) you hrin<r in
another to regulate the trial of offenders, by which you
destroy the trial by jury, and drag the People across the
Atlantic 10 give evidence in Westminster Hall: regulations,
the flagrancy of which has been sufficiently ex|)osed, and
branded in the manner they deserve. The Agent of the
Province, alarmed at so weighty a resentment, and so cruel
a punishment on the constitution and liberty of his country,
for the evil actions of t!ie scum of the People, presents a
petition to you. What is the purport of it ? Only to pray
you to suspend your judgment until he can recei\e instruc-
tions from his constituents ; — that is, lie begs a whole
country may not be condenmed witl:out a single person au-
thorized by it to appear in its defence. Now, Sir, I think
the pi-ayer of this petition so perfectly reasonable, that it
a])pears impossible to be rejected out of the Court of In-
quisition. It is no in<juiry whether your measure is just or
uot ; — we may admit it to be, in our opinions, just, ])roper,
and political ; and yet assert the necessity of hearing the
Province before you condemn it to a severe punishment.
I will not say it is wrong to act thus — I say it is imjjossible
— common justice — the feelings of mankind, condemn it.
Sir George Savik spoke ably on tlie same side of the
question, as did Mr. Burke, Mr. T. Townshend, &;c., who
all urged how highly cruel it was to pass a law against any
body of People, without hearing either them, or their
Agent, in their defence.
To the aguments of the above gentlemen. Lord North,
made the following reply :
I do not rise with a design to attempt answering every
objection that ingenuity can frame against the measure.
The most ingenious man will iiever be able to sketch a
plan, however simple, to which objections may not be
started. The only point at present before us is, should
we delay passing these Acts, in order to hear what the
town of Boston can say, in defence of themselves. Is there
or is there not propriety in such a delay ? I reply, that it
would be absurd ; the fact of their crimes is authenticated ;
we want no fresh proofs ; no gentlem;m has expressed any
doubts ; we should therefore wait to hear how they might
exculpate themselves (that is, the Council and Assembly)
and lay the blame on the mob possibly ; we should suspend
our measures, to know what recompense they would make ;
we should stop to hear their concessions. Are the friends
of these acts every moment to recal to the minds of their
opposers, the sentiments they were full of at the opening
of the business ? " Go to the bottom of the evil, or let it
" alone ; no more palliatives." So, Sir, if the town of
Boston makes concessions and recompenses, our business
is done, and our purpose answered. Very far from it —
these Bills are not brought in for one or the other : they are
to prevent such horrid evils in future ; to regulate the con-
stitution on the plan of other Colonies, that flourish under
their constitution as much as Boston with its anarchy, and
to indemnify the legal executors of your decrees. View
the affair in this light, and all you objections fall. Let the
whole Colony appear at your bar, and every argument
they can use, every concession they can make, will all be
relative to the past, not to the future. These Bills Sir,
have much more uscfol and more necessary dLStination,
the prevention of future evils. Should we now delay the
progress of this important business, in order to go back into
our old system of palliatives, under tiie pretence of hearing
what arguments may be used in defence of the most
atrocious actions ?
The. motion \\as also very strongly opposed by Mr.
Wedderljuijif,, Mr. Dyson, he.
The House was moved, that the Proceedings of the
House, cf the 14th day of March last, on receiving the
Petition of Wi Ham Botlan, Esquire, Agent for the Coun-
cil of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in New Eng-
land, miiiht be read :
And ti;e same were read accordingly.
And the question being but, that the Petition he
brought up ?
The House divided ; Yeas, 32; Nays, 95.
So it passed in the Negative.
The House was moved, that the entry in the Journals
of the House, of the 9th of November, 1696, of the
proceedings of the House, in relation to ttie Bill for
attainting Sir John Fenwick, Baronet, of High Treason,
might be read:
And the same was read accordingly.
I
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BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
82
I
Tlie House was moved, that the entries in the Journals
of the House, of the 19th day of March, \T22, of the
proceedings of the House, in rehition to the Bills for inflict-
inoj certain pains and penalties upon John Flunlcctt and
Georffc Kelly, alias Johnson, might he read :
And the same were read accordingly.
The House was also moved, that the entry in the
Journals of the House, of the iJ2d day of March, 172iJ,
of the proceedings of the Hou^e, in relation to the Bill for
inflicting certain pains and penalties upon Francis Lord
Bishop of Rochester, might be read :
And the same was read accorflingly.
Tlien a motion being made, and the question being put,
that the Report of the Committee of the whole House, be
received this day four months.
It passed in the Negative.
Ordered, That the said Report be now received.
Sir Charles Whitworth accordingly rejwrted the amend-
ments of the Committee, which were all agreed to by the
House except one.
A clause was then added to the Bill authorizing the
Court, where an action is depending, to grant a view, upon
application of either of the parties.
Another clause was offered, to be added to the Bill,
that no Sheriff shall continue in office longer then one
year ; and no Sheriff, or Lender Sheriff, shall continue more
than two years successively.
And the said clause was once read, and, with leave of
the House, withdrawn.
Then an amendment was made, by the House, to the
Bill.
Ordered, That the Bill, with the amendments, be en-
grossed.
Friday, April 29, 1774.
Ordered, That the Bill for the better Regulating the
Government of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in
North America, be read the third time upon Monday
morning next, if tiie said Bill shall be then engrossed.
Monday, May 2, 1774.
Sir George Sitvile presented a Petition of several
Natives of America, to the House, which was read ; setting
forth, —
That the Petitioners are again constrained to complain
to the House of two Bills, which if carried into execution,
will be fatal to the Rights, Liberties, and Peace of all Ame-
rica, and that the Petitioners have already seen, with equal
astonishment and grief, proceedings adopted against them,
which, in violation of the first principles of justice, and of
the laws of the land, inflict the severest punishments,
without hearing the accused : Upon the same principle of
injustice, a Bill is now brought in, which, under the pro-
fession of better regulating the Government of the Massa-
chusetts Bay, is calculated to deprive a whole Province,
without any form of trial, of its chartered rights, solemnly
secured to it by mutual compact between the Crown
and the People. The Petitioners are well informed, that a
charter so granted, was never before altered, or resumed,
but upon a full and fair hearing ; that therefore the present
proceeding is totally unconstitutional, and sets an example
which renders every charter in Great Britain and Ameri-
ca utterly insecure ; the a))pointment and removal of the
Judges, at the pleasure of the Governor, with salaries
payable by the Crown, puts the property, liberty, and life,
of the subject, depending upon judicial integrity, in his
power. The Petitioners perceive a system of judicial
tyranny deliberately at this day imposed upon them, which
from the hitter experience of its intolerable injuries, has
been abolished in this country. Of the same unexampled
and alarming nature is the Bill, which, under the title of a
more impartial administration of justice in the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, empowers the Governor to withdraw
offenders from justice in the said Province ; holding out to
the soldiery an exemption from legal prosecution for mur-
der; and, in effect, subjecting that Colony to military
execution. The Petitioners entreat the House to consider
what must be the consequence of sending troops, not
really under the control of the civil power, and unamenable
to the law, among a People whom they have been indus-
triously taught, by the incendiary arts of wicked men, to
Fourth Series. 6
regard as deserving of every sjjecies of insults and abuse ;
the insults and injuries of a lawless soldiery are such as no
free People can long endure ; and the Petitioners appre-
hend, in the consequences of this Bill, the horrid outrages
of military oppression, followed by the desolation of civil
commotions. The dispensing power which this Bill intends
to give to the Governor, advanced as he is already, above
the law, and not liable to any impeachment from the People
he may oppress, must constitute him an absolute tyrant ;
that the Petitioners would be utterly unworthy of their
English ancestry, which is their claim and pride, if they
did not feel a virtuous indignation at the reproach of disaf-
fection and rebellion, with which they have been cruelly
aspersed; they can with confidence say, no imputation
was ever less deserved ; they appeal to the experience of a
century, in which the glory, the honour and the prosperity,
of England, has been, in their estimation, their own ; in
which they have not only borne the burden of Provincial
wars, but have shared with this country in the dangers and
expenses of every national war ; their zeal for the service
of the Crown, and the defence of the General Empire, has
prompted them whenever it was required, to vote supplies
of men and money, to the utmost exertion of their abilities ;
the journals of the House will bear witness to their extraordi-
nary zeal and services during the last war, and that but a
very short time before it was resolved here to take from
them the right of giving and granting their own money. If
disturbances have happened in the Colonies, they entreat
the House to consider the causes which have produced
them, among a People hitherto remarkable for their loyalty
to the Crown, and affection for this Kingdom. No history
can show, nor will human nature admit of, an instance of
general discontent, but from a general sense of oppression.
The Petitioners conceived, that when they had acquired
property under all the restraints this Country thought
necessary to impose upon their commerce, trade, and
manufactures, that to property was sacred and secure ; they
felt a very material difference between being restrained in
the acquisition of property, and holding it, when required
under those restraints at the disposal of others ; they
understand subordination in the one, and slavery in the
other ; the Petitioners wish they could possibly perceive
any difference between the most abject slavery, and such
entire subjection to a Legislature, in the constitution of which
they have not a single voice, nor the least influence, and in
which no one is present on their behalf; they regard the
giving their property by their own consent alone, as the
unalienable right of the subject, and the last sacred bul-
wark of constitutional liberty. If they are wrong in this
they have been misled by the love of liberty, which is
there dearest brithright, by the most solemn statutes, and
the resolves of this House itself, declaratory of the inherent
right of the subject, by the authority of all great constitu-
tional writers, and by the uninterrupted practice of Ireland
and America, who have ever voted their own supplies to
the Crown, all which combine to prove that the property
of an English subject, being a freeman or a freeholder,
cannot be taken from him but by his own consent. To
deprive the Colonies therefore of this right is to reduce
them to a state of vassalage, leaving them nothing they can
call their own, nor capable of any acquisition but for the
benefit of others. It is with infinite and inexpressible
concern, that the Petitioners see in these Bills, and in the
principles of them, a direct tendency to reduce their
countrymen to the dreadful alternative of being totally en-
slaved, or compelled into a contest the most shocking and
unnatural, with a Parent State, which has ever been the
object of their veneration and their love. They entreat
the House to consider, that the restraints which examples
of such severity and injustice impose are ever attended
with the most dangerous hatred, in a distress of mind, which
cannot be described. The Petitioners conjure the House
not to convert that zeal and affection, which have hitherto
united every American hand and heart in the interest ot
England, into passions the most painful and pernicious ;
most earnestly tliey beseech the House, not to attempt
reducing them to a state of slavery, which the English
principles of liberty, they inherit from their motlier country,
will render worse than death ; and therefore praying the
House will not, by passing these Bills, overwhelm them
with affliction, and reduce their countrymen to the most
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BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
84
abject state of misery and liuiniliation, or drive to the last
resources of despair.
Ordered, That the said Petition do lie upon the table.
The order of the day, for the tliird reading of the Bill,
was read ;
A motion was made, and the question being put, that
tlie said Bill be now read a third time r
Mr. Dunning. There seems to me to be a system of
tyranny adojncd throughout the whole of the three Bills
which have been brought into this House, one of which is
passed, and the other two are now under consideration.
AV'hiie the first proposition stood single, 1 mean tlie Boston
Port Bill, 1 did not think it of sulHcient magnitude to
oppose it, till it was followed by these two others. It now
appears to me, that the inhabitants of Boston are mucii in
the same condition as prisoners surrendering at discretion,
as it is in the jiower of the Minister to allow or disallow
the restoration of its port and trade. (He then gave a
long history to tiie House of tlie manner in which the
Bills had been moved for and brought in ; he animadverted
on the contents of the three Bills, and commented on the
preamble of the Bill now before tiie House.] I have not,
said he, heard of, nor do I see any overt act of treason
stated in tlie preamble of tiiis Bill, so as to authorize the
severe punishments which it enacts : we are now, I find,
in possession of the whole of that fatal secret, which was
intended as a corrective for all tiie disturbances in America;
but it does not appear to be either peace or the olive-
branch — it is war, severe revenge, and hatred, against our
own subjects. We are now come to that fatal dilemma,
" resist, and we will cut your throats ; submit, and we will
tix you" — such is the reward of obedience. There appears
to me nothing of a system or jilan throughout the whole
that has been adopted or intended, because the Bills have
been so altered, in the Committee, that there is scarce a
word remaining of the original plan, if there was any ;
the preamble of the Bill now before us seems to have a
presumption of open resistance, of which no proof has as
yet been had, or appeared at your bar, so as to countenance
such an assertion ; if indeed, that military guard, which
was appointed by the town, had been employed in the
manner as the preamble mentions, it might then have been
deemed an open resistance, but nothing of that kind hap-
pened ; the whole resistance that was made was by a few
rof the mob, urged on by the impetuosity of riot and distur-
bance. Had any thing appeared that bore the least simi-
larity to treason or rebellion, my honorable and learned
friends would have told us that it was treason, and I will
give them credit for their willingness upon such an occa-
sion ; but if there was treason, there were traitors, and
they would have been known and punished ; and if not
known, they would at least have been inriuired after ; but
as no inquiry has yet been set on foot, 1 will be bold to
say, there was neither treason nor traitors. We seem to
be in a strange condition, not knowing wliom we have to
deal with, nor in what manner to act. If gentlemen will
look into the charter, it will be seen that the Governor
complained without cause of the want of power ; it was
the ignorance of the Governor ; he had power, but did not
know it; and I think that tlie gendemen who had the
planning of these Boston Bills, have made alterations in
the Government of Massachusetts Bay, without the pre-
vious ceremony of knowing the old one. There must be,
and certainly is, a complete legislative power vested in the
Assembly of the Province, to have given this power to the
Governor, had the charter been deficient, I mean for the
preservation of peace and good order. [He spoke a lone
time to prove that the constitution of Massachusetts Bay,
was in no manner defective, but that the defect was owing
to some unknown cause ; and, said he, to what I profess
I do not know.] When 1 talk of the Minister, I mean to
speak with all due respect to the noble Lord, though I do
not consider him as the immediate actor of all this. I
know not the age, the person, or the sex, but that I may
not be wrong, I will use the language of Acts of Parlia-
ment, which I imagine will comprehend, and will say, he,
she, or they ; to that person or pei-sons alone do I mean to
address myself. Let me ask, said he, whether these mis-
cliiefs arising from the charter, are peculiar to Massachu-
setts Bay 1 Are there no deficiencies in others ? Yet it
is said an alteration is necessary to make the charter con-
formable to the Royal Government. Now, do you know
tliat when you have altered it, it will not be dissimilar to
many of the others, when the ignorance of the Govern-
ment of one Province appears to me to be as great in those
who are to alter it, as in the others. 1 find great fault.
Sir, that the whole of this arrangement is to be under the
direction of the Crown ; and that the whole civil and mili-
tary ])ower of that country is to be totally at the disposal
of the Ministers of this. 1 really think the motto of this
Bill should have been Tua Casar tctas. He then went
through the different clauses of the Bill, objecting princi-
pally against the prisoners being brought over here, as eoii-
laiiied in the last Bill; and that diliiculties would arise
which would convince gentlemen who had a concern in
the management of these affairs, that what they had done
had tended to disunite the affections of the American sub-
jects from this country ; and, instead of promoting peace,
order, and obedience, would produce nothing but clamour,
discontent, and rebellion.
Sir William Meredith said, that if necessity gave a
right to tax America, tlie stale of our finances at the close
of the last war fully justified the Stamp Act. That he
acknowledged the supremacy of Great Britain over Ame-
rica ; but that the Legislature of a free country must not,
in taxation, or any other act of power, deprive the subject
of his right to freedom i:i person and projjerty. The
security an Englishman has in property consists in this,
that no tax can be imposed ujion him but by the very
members of Parliament who pay the tax themselves,
equally with all those on wliom they impose it ; that no
man had any thing he could call his own, if another could
take his property, and use it, either for his advantage, or
in order to prevent the diminution of his own fortune ;
but that such taxes only might be raised as were conse-
quential to regulations of trade — «uch were port duties.
That a tax similar to that upon tea was imposed by the
25th of Charles H., since that time upon molasses, and
other articles, which the Americans had acquiesced in.
That he (Sir JVilliam) never ajiproved the tax upon tea ;
had opposed it, as he would always oppose the taxation
of America. But now, that the Americans had not
only resisted the Act of Parliament, but laid violent hands
on the merchants' property, it was high time to regulate
the course of justice, so that our merchants might trade
thither with security. That the present Regulation Bills
went no further. That they established the trial by Jurv
in America the same as in England ; whereas the juries
were now appointed according to the mere will and plea-
sure of the Selectmen, some of whom had been fonvard
in committing tliose excesses that occasioned the present
uneasinesses. That the Council was now appointed by
the Assembly, and could contrcul every act of the Go-
vernor ; the execution therefore of every law enacted by
the British Parliament, was at their option ; but that all
executive power must be subservient to the legislative,
otherwise the IjCgislature itself would be a mere cypher.
We must therefore either relinquish at once the right of
enacting laws, or take the execution of them out of the
hands of those fhat have denied our authority to make
them. That we had better break at once all connections
with America, than encourage our merchants to trade
thither without the full protection of the laws of their
country, both in securing their effects, and in obtaining
redress for such injuries as they may sustain.
Mr. Stanley. These Bills certainly affect the interior
policy of America, and are intended for the better regu-
lation of its internal Goxernment. Whatever may be the
opinion of that propriety of regulation with the American,
I know not ; but their submission to the laws of some
country is necessary, as I cannot conceive the indepen-
dence of an American Colony to exist, whilst the balance
of power remains in Europe, supported and protected
by armies and navies. These People must resort to some
State, and it must be to a Protestant one ; and were they
to unite themselves with any other State than this, they
would meet with a yoke and burden which they would not
wish to bear. It is said by some, that this is driving them
to a state of slavery ; by others, that this proceeding will
be ineffectual. As to the latter, if we do not go far
enough, we are certainly on the right side ; but I cannot
sit still, and see with indifference the authority of this
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86
country submitting to every indignity they shall offer us.
There are but two ways of governing mankind, by force,
or by consent. Mankind are to be governed by legal
power, acting by prescribed rules of law and justice ; and
a measure established on this doctrine, deserves the con-
currence of the House. [Here he gave a long account of
the rise of the American Government, and sheued, that
an inattention to it, in its infancy, had induced the A7ne-
ricans so to think of themselves, as to throw the Govern-
ment into a wild democracy ; that it was not till after
the Restoration that any degree of attention was paid
them : He then read an extract from some old papers,
shewing that the Americans had, so long ago as King
William's time, refused obedience to the prerogative in
many instances.] America, says he, is not now to be
governed as it might be a hundred years ago ; and how
is it possible that tiie Council should, in any shape, have
power, when it appears, that if any person, of moderate
passions towards the degree of respect or authority to
this country, is chosen of the Council, and is inclined to
assist the Governor, he has always soon after been dis-
placed ? Let me ask gentlemen, if the property of the
subjects of this country had been injured in France, would
they have thought it a prudent conduct to have sat still
and done nothing ? I had much rather that this dispute
had passed nine years ago, but I would rather meet the
attack now than nine years hence ; and I should blame
myself much if, by any vote of mine, I should separate
so valuable a Province from this country.
Mr. T. Towiishend. The importance of this subject,
and the melancholy consequences which are likely to
ensue, deserve the serious attention of this House. 1 am
not in a hurry to adopt the opinion of Administration, but
I should" be the lowest wretch upon earth if 1 suffered
private opinion to be smothered. I was determined to
give support to the most plausible method that was pro-
posed, and I will say, as to this method. Si quid novisti
rcctius istis, candidus imperti, si non, his utere mecum.
I am much averse to the meddling with charters, but
when 1 see the inconveniencies that arise from the town-
meetings, I don't think myself unreasonable in wishing to
adopt an amendment. 1 think the Juries are properly
altered, according to the constitution of this country, nor
have I any objection to men being brought over to England
to be tried, if it is impossible to find men of cool dispo-
sition and proper temper to try them in that country ;
and if I see this Bill left to the e^xecution of the abilities
of General Gage, I fear not the success of it. I remem-
ber, Sir, that men who were the most violent in opposition
to the Stamp Act, at the time it was agitating, afterwards,
when they found it was likely to pass, were applying
(or Stampmaster's places. I wished much Sir, to have
coupled this measure with another; I mean the repeal
of the Tea Tax, which we might have done without
showing the least timidity, but shall content myself with
giving my affirmative to the present Bill before you.
Colonel Barre. The question now before us is, whe-
ther we will chuse to bring over the afi'ections of all our
Colonies by lenient measures, or to wage war with them ?
I shall content myself with stating — [Here he gave a long
history in what manner Mr. Grenville, as an able financier,
wished to search for means to liberate this country from
its load of debts] that when the Stamp Act was repealed,
it produced quiet and ease : was it then in the contem-
plation of any sober, honest mind, that any odier tax would
1)6 laid on for at least a century? He blamed die late
Mr. C. Toivnshend, with all his eloquence, for loading
America with a tax ; nor was he, said he, sufficiently
cautious in choosing proper Commissioners for executing
his trust ; it was this which disgusted the inhabitants of
Boston, and there has been nothing but riots ever since.
It is the duty of the governing State to correct errors
and wrong opinions. (Here he read several extracts of
Mr. Dickinson's (of Vhiladelphia) book, entitled, " Fai-
mer's Letters," and from Mr. Otis's book, entitled " The
" Rights of the British Colonies."] You sent over troops,
said he, in 1768, and in 1770 you were obliged to recall
them. The People were fired at by a lawless soldiery,
and seven or eight innocent persons were killed. They
were carried about the town as victims of your revenge, to
incite the compassion of the friend&^^d relations of the
deceased, and next morning you were forced to order the
troops out of town. He condemned much the behaviour of
Governor Hutchinson, as an accomplice in the present
disturbances, and commended the beliaviour of Governor
Tryon, who, knowing that he could only land the tea at
the muzzle of his guns, pnidendy sent it back to England.
All other Colonies, he said, had behaved with nearly the
same degree of resistance, and yet you point all your
revenge at Boston alone ; but I think you will very soon
have the rest of Colonies on your back. You have
blocked up the port of Boston ; 1 supported you in that,
and I think 1 have no great guilt on that head, as I
thought it was a measure arlopted to produce ^ compromise
for the damage the East India Company had sustained.
You propose, by this Bill, to make the Council of Boston
nearly similar to those of the other Royal Governments ;
have not the others behaved in as bad a manner as Bos-
ton ? And it is ray opinion, tliat the office of Council,
being chosen by the Crown, will become so odious, that
you will not get a respectable man that dares to accept
of it, unless you have the military officers for tlie Council,
whom I think, in my conscience, will behave well. Let
me ask again, what security the rest of the Colonies will
have, that upon the least pretence of disobedience, you
will not take away the Assembly from the next of them
that is refractory. [Here he blamed the House very
much for not receiving the petition of Mr. BoUan, who,
he said, had corresponded with the new Council, and had
been allowed and received at the public offices as Agent
for the Colonies.] Why, said he, will you pretend to
alter the charter of that constitution, of which you know-
not its present form of Government ; for, he said, he had
observed that the late Governor of Boston (Governor
PownaU) had been, during the different stages in which
the Bill had been debated, going from side to side of the
House, to give information about the Government and
its laws, many of which he remembered ; some few the
Governor had forgot. In France, Sir, it is a custom,
said he, to judge upon one-sixth, seventh, or eighth, of
a proof — the unfortunate Calas, of Thoulouse, was con-
demned upon eight hearsays, which in France amounted
to a proof; but, surely, a British House of Commons
will not condemn on such evidence ; and I hope never
to see Thoxdouse arguments [here a member observed
he meant too loose arguments] admitted as proof here.
I do not know of any precedent for this Bill — it is impos-
sible to put it in execution — and I will tell the House
a story that happened to us when we marched at Ticon-
deroga ; " The inhabitants of that town looked upon
" the officers of the corps as men of superior beings to
" themselves, and the youngest amongst them, I will
" answer for it, was highly treated, and indulged by the
" fair sex to the utmost of our wishes, even their wives
" and daughters were at our service ;" and if the same
degree of civility prevails, think you that it is possible
the execution of this Bill can ever be observed by your
army ? I was of the profession myself, and I beg leave
to tell the House that I am no deserter from it. I w-as
forced out of it by means which a man of spirit could
not submit to. I take this opportunity to say again, tliat
I am no deserter from my profession. [Here it was
strongly imagined, that the Colonel meant to give a broad
hint to Administration, that the line of his profession was
not disagreeable to him.] I think this Bill is, in every
shape, to be condemned ; for that law which shocks Equity
is Reason's murderer; and all the protection that you
mean to give to the military, whilst in the execution of
their duty, will serve but to make them odious ; and what
is so to others, will soon become so to themselves. I
would rather see General Gage invested with a power
of pardon, than to have men brought over here to be
tried ; and the state of the case upon the trial, I mean
in America, would, I am sure, justify such pardon. You
are, by this Bill, at war with your Colonies ; you may
march your troops from North to South, and meet no
enemy ; but the People there will soon turn out, Jike
the sullen Hollanders, a set of sturdy rebels ; a perpetual
exertion of your authority will soon ruin you ; therefore,
let me advise you to desist. Let us but look a little
into our behaviour. When we are insulted by France
and Spain, we negotiate — when we dispute with our
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Colonies, we prepare our sliips and our troops to attack
them. It lias been the lanj-uage of a noble Lord, that
when America is at our feet, we will forgive them, and
tax them ; but let me recommend lenient measures, and
to 50 cap in hand to your subjects ; if you do not, you
will ruin them. The great Minister of this country (Lord
Chatham) always went cap in hand to all : his measures
were lenient and palliative ; but we have now adopted
another system. In one House of Parliament '• we have
pa.ssed the Rubicon,^'' in tlie other " ileknda est Carthago."
[He gave a history here of tlie dilferont state of finance
in which France was : that it was superior in every degree
to this country ; that tlieir establishments were lower in
point of expense ; and that France was more ready and
fit to go to war than we were ; and tliat during these
troubles with oar Colonies, France would not lie quiel;] —
But I see nothing, said he, in the present measures but
inhumanity, injustice, and wickedness ; and I fear that
the hand of Heaven will fall down on this country with
the same degree of vengeance.
Mr. 6'. For. I rise. Sir, with an utter detestation and
abhorrence of the present measures. It is asserted by
many gentlemen, that tliese measures are adopted to keep
up the regard of tiie People, b\it I can by no means
acquiesce in that ; a\\ these Bills have no (|ualilies relative
to those lenient measures. As to the second Bill, it has
a most wanton and wicked purpose ; we are either to
treat the Americans as subjects or as rebels. If we treat
them as subjects, the Bill goes too far; if as rebels, it
does not go far enough. They have never yet submitted,
and I trust they never will. We have refused to hear
the parties in their defence, and we are going to destroy
their charter without knowing the constitution of their
Government. I am utterly against such measures as these,
which can tend to nothing but to raise disturbance and
rebellion.
The Marquis of Carmarthen. I do not mean to trespass
long at tills hour of tlie night ; but there is not a person in
the world a stranger to the practices carried on in America,
with a direct intention to throw off their dependance on
this country. The opposition which they fomented, was
not made on acconnt of the tax, but a systematic measure
of opposition to every part of the law of this country.
It might have been tliought by sober-minded People, that
the repeal of the Stamp Act would have brought them
back to a sense of their duty : but, alas ! Sir, it had a
contrary effect. [He read an extract of a letter from
Governor Bernard, setting forth, that " upon coercive
" measures being adopted in this country, the Americans
" seemed to give an acquiescence ; but whenever lenient
" ones were the system of Administration, they have
" always been turbulent and riotous."] It has been ob-
served, Sir, by an honorable gentleman (Colonel Barri)
that a great Minister (Lord Chatham) ])roceeded u[)on
cap-in-hand measures. I do not agree with him on tiiat
point, as I never heard that Minister celebrated for that
part of his character. I always understood that his mea-
sures were deemed spirited and vigorous, and that he was
the farthest man in the world from making use of cap-in-
hand measures ; his character was of a far different nature.
But I refer the House to all the panegyrics that have
been passed on that noble Lord, for confirming what I
say. But, Sir, the time may soon come, when that noble
liord will have an opportunity, in the other House of
Parliament, to adopt and make use of those cap-in-hand
measures which the honorable gentleman has just now
attributed to him, as a part of his character ; but 1 strongly
believe his synem will be of a different kind.
Mr. St. John. I rise. Sir, to take up a few minutes of
the House's time, and to make a few observations upon
what has been said. It has been stated that this Bill is
taking away all the rights of the Americans in one day,
and that it is a total destruction of their charter. What is
this. Sir, but a gross misrepresentation of Parliamentary
proceedings ? I hold it, Sir, imprudent to meddle with
chartered rights, but in cases where the rights of that
charter are exercised to the detriment and injury of the
People. Sir, Parliament has saved America from the
jaws of tyranny, by amending their constitution ; and to
say that we have no right to alter their Government for
such purpose, appears to me the highest absurditv; we
are perpetually altering and ameliorating our own constitu-
tion, upon emergencies ; is there then no emergency at
this present instant, when your officers are obliged to take
shelter in your castle ; when the magistrates refuse to
execute their authority to keep the ])eace ; when your
ships are plundered, and your trade obstructed ; and
whenever a ])erson endeavours to reform the constitution
of that country, he incui-s nought but pains and penalties ?
Is it no defect, that the inhabitants, when they meet to
choose their officers of the town, that they determine u]ion
points that go to the very vitals of the constitution ? Not
to correct these deficiencies in their constitution, hut to
give up the points which they contend for, would be a
base surrender of the rights of posterity. It has been
said, this law is partial, but that that partiality is applica-
ble only to the People of Boston, who have been the
ringleaders of the whole disturbances ; that it is slow, I
agree, because measures of this sort, when adopted on the
line of security, proceed with an aUentive step. But I
cannot agree that the measure is hostile ; if it is, it is
hostility adopted for the prevention of bloodshed. Have
we not been provoked to this from the manifold injuries
Avhicli this country has received ? It is not, Sir, the
strength of America that we dread ; tliey have neither
men, amiy, nor navy. What then have we to fear — do
we dread the loss of our trade ? No, Sir, the avarice of
the Americans will prevent that. They threaten us with
not paying their debts; but I am afraid, if we give way
to them, they \vill not allow tliat they owe us an)- :
however. Sir, let us not proceed weakly nor violently, but
with resolution and firmness. I approve of the system
that is adopted ; and with regard to a fair and impartial
trial in that country, 1 think it not only improbable but
impossible ; I therefore wish well to the present Bill.
Mr. Bi/ng. I am sorry. Sir, to find that we are not
now proceeding in our judicial capacity, but in our legis-
lative one ; I could wish that we instilled into the measure
more judgment, and less of our jiower. It is said this
measure is adopted to prevent bloodshed ; is it then that
you send armies there for that purpose ? It has been said,
that Parliament has bowed its head to every Minister as
often as measures have been adopted. It bowed when
the Stamp Act was made! It bowed when it was re-
pealed I I wish, however, in this present instance, it
would for once not be quite so civil. It has been said,
tiiat these Bills are for amending the constitution. Will
gentlemen call that amendment a good one, which directs,
that the Judges' places shall be at the disposed of the
Crown ? Surely not. It has been said, Sir, that there has
been treason and traitors, but that the traitors are not known.
There can be no treason without traitors, therefore en-
deavour to find out the traitors first, that they may be
punished, to save the destmction cf an innocent People.
It has been urged, that this Bill is only for a slioit time ;
but the same argument that operates for its continuance
for an hour, will operate equally for its perpetuity.
Mr. Rigby. 1 ri^e. Sir, only just to contradict an
opinion which has been imbibed, that, in the debate the
other day, I wislied to tax Ireland. I only used it as an
argument in my speech to tax America, but never expres-
sed a hint that it was proper to tax it. It has also been
observed, that 1 treated requisition in a ridiculous light ; 1
did so ; and I think any requisition to the Americans for
their quota of their taxes, would be both ridiculous and
ineffectual. But the honorable gentleman's (Mr. Barri)
ideas of requisition, go no further than furnishing provision
for a regiment. Tiie honorable gentleman has taken three
or four days to consider of my speech, in order to give it
an answer. I say stand and deliver, to the Americans,
just as much as I say to my constituents, when I give my _
vote to passing the Land Tax Bill ; but the honorable gen- 9
tieman was very desirous to have a fling at me. I desire,
Sir, to support the present Ministry, because I regard
them ; because I have respect for their abilities and resolu-
tion. That great Minister, Sir, who has been so much
famed for cap-in-hand measures, did make his country too
big for any one, even himself, to govern. There is not
a symptom that any of the People out of doors are
displeased with our measures ; but I am told quite the
contrary. America, at this instant, is in a state of down-
right anarchy ; let us give it a Government. I always, Sir,
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speak, when I like, and hold my tongue when I think pro-
per ; and whatever weight and force 1 may have been re-
presented to have, connected with my friends, 1 would give
it in support of the noble Lord ; I would vote, Sir, for
these measures, were I upon my oatli, \vhich seems now to
be the fashionable Parliamentary test [alluding to those ob-
jections he always made to the oath of the Connnittee
appointed to try controverted elections ;] and w hether 1
am upon my honour, or my oath, i will give a hearty
concurrence to these measures.
General Conway. I would not take up the time of the
House at tiiis late "hour of the night, but for a very short
time. I never did maintain that Great Britain had no
riffht to tax America ; I said taxation and legislation had
no connection ; I allowed tJiat we had an abstract right
to tax Ireland, and also America, in die Declaratory Act ;
but 1 do not know the time when it w ill be proper and
right so to tax. This measure will throw- us into great
dirticulties, which 1 do not know when we shall get out
of The tax upon tea does nothing for our revenue, it is
no object ; as long as you continue the doctrine of taxing
America, you will never be at rest. Where is this olive
branch I have heard so nmch talk about ? It is not to be
found in these measures. I do not wish to see tiie military
protected from the laws of their country ; if they commit
an offence, why not leave them open in the same manner
as others are ? I have said, " that we are the aggi-essors,"
and I say so still ; after so many innovations of the Stamp
Act, and other taxes, 1 am for cap-in-hand measures —
for lenity and tenderness to the Americans. There is
an universal right in persons to be heard at this Bar in
judicial cases, when they apply for it ; but I rise, Sir,
only to lament what 1 cannot prevent ; and that this
spirit may be rightly directed, 1 do hope that the Ameri-
cans will wait till better times ; for I tliink it is better
to have peace with America, and war with all the world,
than be at war with America ; because, if they are
at peace with us, they will contribute to support us in time
of war.
Lord G. Germaine. I hope I shall be excused, Sir,
for trespassing a few minutes on the House. I should
be sorry to be a supporter of those measures, which are
termed wicked and tyrannical ; but as I cannot think that
this Bill has any such designs, 1 shall readily adopt it.
Tlie trial of the military has been much objected to.
What is it, Sir, but a protection of innocence ? Will you
not wish for that, Sir? America, at this instant, is no-
thing but anarchy and confusion. Have they any one
measure but what depends upon the will of a lawless
nmltitude? Where are the Courts of Justice ? Shut up.
Where are your Judges? One of them taking refuge in
your Court. WHere are your Council ? Where is your
Governor ? All of them intimidated by a lawless rabble.
Can these men expect a fair trial ? No, Sir, at present they
liave no existence as any part of the executive power.
It is objected, that the Judges receive their salaries from
the Crown, and not from the People. It is to me a matter
of surprise, that any gentleman could think seriously a mo-
ment, tiiat this Government wanted no amendment. It
has been said, give up the Tea Tax : Can you give up the
Tea Tax, without the constitution ? Support your suprema-
cy, whatever you do ; legislation cannot but be part of it.
It has been observed, that we negotiated about Falkland's
Island; I wish. Sir, we could negodate with the Aine-
rirans upon the same terms. If they would do as the
Spaniards did, that is, disown the fact, and give up the
point in question, we might then negotiate. The Ame-
ricans, it is true, have made this claim several years, of
exemption from taxation, but they have never yet carried
it. Great Britain, is desired to be at peace with her
Colonies, by an accjuiescence in their claim ; but do you
call such a submission to be a peace ? 1 really think the
(ii-st Bill, for blocking up the port, is the only Bill of pains
and penalties, when you deprive that port of its trade ;
and this was tlie Bill to which the honorable gentleman
(Colonel Barre) gave his hearty concurrence. The Bill
before you is not such a Bill : there are no pains nor
penalties ; their Government will be restored, and private
property protected. It has been said, go to the King's
Bench with this complaint, as in former times; but let me
ask gentlemen, whether thev can ameliorate or alter their
charter ? No, Sir, they can do nothing but say ginlty or
not guilty, by forfeiting their charter. It is incumbent on
every man to give his opinion from his own breast upon
this great occasion ; but Sir, I cannot help once more
condemning that mob of People, which, under the profes-
sion of libeity, carries dark designs in its execution ; but
my utmost wish is, that these measures, in tlieir conse-
quences, may turn out well, and contrary to what has
been apprehended.
Mr. C. Fox. I take this to be the question — whether
America is to be gov(;nied by force, or management?
I never could conceive that the Americans could be
taxed without their consent. Just as the House of Com-
mons stands to the House of I^ords, with regard to taxa-
tion and legislation, so stands America with Great Britain.
There is not an American, but who must reject and resist
the principle and right of our taxing them. The question
then is shortly this : Whether we ought to govern America
on these principles? Can this country gain strength by
keeping uj) such a dispute as this ? Tell me when Ame-
rica is to be taxed, so as to relieve the burthens of this
country. I look upon this measure to be in effect taking
away their charter ; if their charier is to be taken away,
for God's sake let it be taken away by law, and not by
a legislative coercion : but I cannot conceive that any law
whatever, while their charter continues, will make them
think that you have a right to tax them. If a system of
force is to be established, there is no provision for that in
this Bill ; it does not go far enough ; if it is to induce them
by fair means, it goes too far. The only method by
which the Americans will ever think they are attached
to this country, will be by laying aside the right of taxing.
I consider this Bill as a bill of pains and penalties, for it
begins with a crime, and ends with a punishment ; but I
wish gentlemen would consider, whether it is more proper
to govern by military force, or by management.
Mr. Attorney General Tliurlow. The form of the
present law was adopted to give magistracy that degree of
authority which it ought to be vested with for the execu-
tion of the laws ; but this Bill carries with it no degree of
severity, unless the pleasure of disobeying is greater than
that of the punishment. To say that we have a right to
tax America, and never to exercise that right, is redicu-
lous, and a man must abuse his own understanding very
much not to allow of that right. To procure the tax
by requisition is a most ridiculous absurdity, while the
sovereignty remains in this country ; and the right of
taxing was nevei' in the least given up to the Americans.
Their charter is mere matter of legislative power ; and
whoever looks into that charter, will see that no power
whatever was meant to be given them so as to controwl
the right of taxation from Great Britain.
Mr. E. Burke. I have little to say. Sir, with hopes to
convince the House, but what I have to offer, 1 shall
do with freedom. It has been asserted, that the nation
is not alarmed, that no petitions of discontent are received.
How can persons complain, when sufficient time is not
given them to know what you are about ? We have now
seen the whole of this great work ; 1 wish all was good
that it contained. I am afraid a long series of labours and
troubles will succeed. The question that is before you
is a great one ; it is no less than the proscription of
provinces, and cities, and nations, upon their trial ; except
that when the saints of God are to judge the world I do
not know one of greater importance. I will endeavour
to comply with the temper of the House, and be short
in what 1 have to offer. [The HoUse being noisy, several
members going out, soon after which he got up and said,]
I find. Sir, I have got my voice, and I shall beat down
the noise of the House. Why did I compromise ? [Here
he produced the letters from Ijord Hillsborough to the
Americans, which declared, that his Majesty, or his Mini.«;-
ters, had not any intention of laying any further taxes on
Amenca.] He dwelt some considerable time on the
words which the letter contained, as a sort of declaration
to the Americans that they should not be taxed. If you
govern America at all. Sir, it must be by an army ; but
the Bill before us, cairies with it the force of that army ;
and 1 am of opinion, they never will consent without force
being used. 1 have to protest against this Bill, because
you refuse to bear tlie parties aggrieved. Consider what
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BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
92
von are doing, when you are taking tlic trial over the
Atlantic seas, three thousand miles to Great Britain ; wit-
nesses may be subpoened, and called upon by tlie prisoner,
as many as lie ])leases. Let me, for Clod's sake, wish that
gentlemen would think a little more that a fair trial may
be had in America ; and tiiat while the King appoints the
Judge, there is a degree of fairness that People should the
Jury. Repeal, Sir, the Act which gave rise to this
liisturbance ; this will be the remedy to bring peace and
quietness, and restore authority ; but a crcat bluck book,
and a great many red coats, will never he able to govern
it. It is tnie, the Americans cannot resist llic force of
this country, but it will cause wranglings, scuffling, and
discontent. Such remedies as the foregoing, will make
such disturbances as are not to be quieted.
Lord iWorth arose to answer Mr. Burke. He desired
leave to look at Ixird Hillshormgh's letter, as he had
not a copy of it ; and explained tlie passages in that
letter very' different from what Mr. Burke had: he read
the words, " That neither the King, or any of his Minis-
ters, wished to tax America." His Ixjrdship observed,
Tiiat this was not an expression that carried with it a
denial of the right, but only a wish that no further taxes
" should be laid on." A man, says he, is not factious,
that says America may be taxed ; tlie letter contains an
opinion, that no further taxes, at that time, ought to
be laid. I am sorry to hear a charge thrown out, that
these proceedings are to deprive persons of their natural
right. Let me ask of what natural right, whether that
of smugslins, or of throwing tea overboard ? Or of another
natural right, wliich is not paying their debts ? But surely
this Bill does not destroy any of their civil rigiits ? You
have given them a Civil Magistrate and a Council, which
they had not before ; you have given the innocent man
a fair trial in some Colony or other ; and if he cannot
get a fair trial in that country, the whole being in a
distempered state of disturbance and opposition to the
laws of the mother country, then, in that case, and in
that only, he must be sent to Great Britain. All that
these Acts profess to do, is to restore some order to the
Province. None thai admit the least degree of sovereignty,
can possibly deny the provision of this Bill ; it is not
a military Government that is established, but the altera-
tion of a civil one. 1 am sure that this is adopted as the
best method at present ; I do not say it wjU succeed, but
I hope for the good consequences of it ; and if the
Massachusetts Bay is to be governed by management,
this is the only remedy. By what means is authority
to be maintained, but by establishing that authority from
Parliament ? 1 do not know, Sir, what is the proper time
to lay a fresh tax on America ; but this I know, that this
is net the proper time to repeal one. We are now to
establish our authority, or give it up entirely ; when they
are quiet, and return to their duty, we shall be kind,
whether by repealing this tax, or what not, I cannot
tell; but this 1 will answer, that when they are quiet,
and have a respect for their mother country, their mother
country will be good-natured to them.
Sir George Savile. I shall say not a word of preface
at this late hour ; I do not hold it improper to take this
into consideration in a legislative ca])acity, in ])reference
to a judicial one ; but I hold this to be i principle of
justice, that a charter which conveys a sacred right, ought
not to be taken away without hearing the parties, either
in a judicial or legislative way, which has not been done,
but from their own declaration in the papers on the
table, and which I, in my mind, do not think sufficient
evidence.
Then the House divided:
Yeas, 239 ; Yays, 64.
So it was resolved in tlie Affirmative:
And the Bill was accordingly read the third time.
And after several amendments were made, the Bill was
Piissed.
Ordered, That Mr. Cooper do carry the Bill to the
Lords, and desire their concurrence.
Thursday, May 12, lTt4.
The Bill was returned from the House of Lords, with
several amendments.
Friday, May 13, 1774.
Tlie House proceeded to take into consideration the
amendments made by the House of Lords, which were
severally agreed to.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Tuesday, May 3, 1774.
A message was brought up from the House of Commons,
by Mr. Cooper and others :
With a Bill, intituled, " An Act for the better Regula-
" ting the Government of the Province of the Massachu-
" setts Bay, in Acmj England," to whicii they desire the
concurrence of this House.
The said Bill was read the first time.
Ordered, That the said Bill be read a second time on
Fnday next; and that the Lords be summoned.
Ordered, That tlie said Bill be printed.
Friday, May 6, 1774.
Tlie order of the day being read, the Bill was accord-
ingly read a second time, and connnitted to a Committee
of the whole House.
Ordered, That the House be put into a Committee
upon the said Bill, on Monday next, and that the I^ords be
summoned.
Monday, May 9, 1774.
The order of the day being read, the House was accord-
ingly adjourned during pleasure, and put into a Committee
upon the Bilk
After some time, the House was resumed.
And the Ix)rd Boston reported from tlie Committee,
that they had gone through the Bill, and made several
amendments thereto.
Ordered, That the said Report be received to-morrow.
Tuesday, May 10, 1774.
The Lord Boston reported the amendments made by
the Committee of the whole to the Bill ;
And the amendments were severally agreed to by the
House.
Ordered, That the said Bill, with the amendments, be
read a third time to-morrow, and that the Lords be sum-
moned.
Wednesday, May 11, 1774.
Upon reading the Petition of several pei"sons, Natives of
America, whose names are thereimto subscribed, taking
notice of two Bills depending in this House, the first, inti-
tuled, " An Act for the better Regulating the Government
" of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New
"England;" and the other. Intituled, "An Act for tlie
" Impartial Administration of Justice in cases of persons
" questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of
" tiie law ; or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the
" Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England ;"
and ])rayin^, " that the said Bills may not pass into a
law,"
It is Ordered, that tlie said Petition do lie on the table.
Upon readini; the Petition of William Bollan, Esquire,
Agent for the Council of his Majesty's Province of iV/a«««-
chusctts Buy, in New England, taking notice of a Bill de-
pending ill tliis House, intituled, " An Act for the better
" Regulating the Government of the Piovince of the Mas-
" sachusctts Bay, in New England ;" and praying, " this
" right honorable House will be pleased to suspend all
" other proceedings therein, until he can give the Council
'* notice thereof, and they can prepare their defence, and
" give proper corjiorate authority for the regular defence of
" their corporate rights and privileges; and that he may be
" heard by their Lordships in support of this Petition ;"
It is Ordered, that the said Petition do lie on the table.
Moved, " That Mr. Bollan be called in, and heard at
the Bar?"
Which being objected to ;
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BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
94
I
After debate,
The question was put tiiereupon ?
It was resolved in the Negative.
The order of the day being read, for the third reading of
the Bill, intituled, " An Act for the better Regulating the
" GoverniiieiU of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay,
" in New Enirland" and for the Lords to be summoned,
The said Bill was accordingly read the third time.
Moved, " That the Bill, with the amendments, do Pass ?"
Which being objected to;
After long debate,*
The question was put, " whether this Bill, with the
amendments, shall Pass ?"
It was resolved in the Affirmative.
Dissentient.
Because this Bill, forming a principal part in a system of
))unisliment and regulation, has been carried through the
House without a due regard to those indispensable rules of
public proceeding, without the observance of which, no regu-
lation can be prudently made, and no punishment justly in-
flicted. Before it can be pretended, that those rights of the
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in the election of Counsellors
Magistrates, and Judges, and in the return of Jurors, which
they derive from their charter, could, with propriety, be taken
away, the definite legal offence, by which a forfeiture of
that charter is incurred, ought to have been clearly stated,
and fully proved ; notice of this adverse proceeding ought
to have been given to the parties affected ; and they ought
to have been heard in their own defence. Such a princi-
])le of proceeding would have been inviolably observed in
the courts below. It is not technical formality, but sub-
stantial justice. When therefore, the magnitude of such a
cause transfers it from the cognizance of the inferior courts,
to the high judicature of Parlianrent, the Lords are so far
from authorized to reject this equitable principle, that we
are bound to an extraordinary and religious strictness in the
observance of it. Tlie subject ought to be indemnified by
a more liberal and beneficial justice in Parliament, for what
he must inevitably suffer, by being deprived of many of the
forms which are wisely established in the courts of ordinary
resort, for his protection against the dangerous promptitude
of arbitrary discretion.
'idly. Because the necessity alleged for this precipitate
mode of judicial proceeding cannot exist. If the numerous
land and marine foi-ces, which are ordered to assemble in
* Tho Bill pissed (the Commons) by a prodigious majority, after a
debate wliich lasted with uncommon spirit for many hours. Equally
warm debates attended tlie Bill in the House of Lords. The objec-
tions were nearly the same witli those made in the House ol" Com.
mons, with p-^rlicular reflections upon the greater rapidity witii whicli
it was hurried through the House of Lords : and the peculiar impro-
priety in a court of justice, of condemning the Colony, and taking
away its charter, witliout any form of process. The Lords in oppo.
sition, cried out against a Bill altering the constitution of a Colony
without h iving so much as the charter contiining the constitution so
altered, Ijid b- fore them. Tliat the Bill had also altered the courts
and tlie mode of judicial proceedings in the Colony, without an offer
of tlie slightest evidence to prova any one of tlie inconvonieuces,
which wore stated in gemral terms in the preamble, as arising from
the pres^:nt mode of trial in tile Province.
Tlic absolute necessity of a powerful and speedy remedy for the cure
of a Gov 'rnmcnt, wiiich was nothing but disorder, was, in substance,
tlie principal reason alk^ged for tho omission of inquiry and evidence,
and the supersrjding tho ordinary rules of judicial proc 'eding. Besides,
the Ministeri il Lords denied, that tlio process was of a penal nature ;
they insisted that it w;is beneficial and remedial, and a great improve-
ment of their constitution, as it brought it nearer to the English
model. This again was denied by the Lords of the minority, wiio
said tliat the taking a^vay of francliisos granted by charters, had cvjr
been considered as penal, and all proceedings for tliat purpose con-
ducted criininjlly. Otherwise, it was said, nothing could be safe in
any man's hands, tho taking away of which another man might con-
sider as bon^ficiil. Tliat a Council holding their places at the
pl-:a8urc of tho Crown, did not rosomhio the House of Lords ; nor
approach in any thing to tlie perfection of the Briiisit constitution.
The debate on tho third reading was long, but tlie division only
twenty to ninety.two. — Ann. Regis.
This Bill occasionod several long and warm debates. But the
Lords still keeping their Mouse shut, and not even admitting tho
memb rs of tho House of Commons, unloss lo deliver Bills, and then
to depart iminedi itely, it is not known that any account of these
debates has been preserved any where.
At the beginning of the next Session, (which was tho first Session
of the fourteenth Parii imont,) tho Duke of Manche.iter recommended to
the House a relaxation of tho standing order, excluding all strangers
from admission below the bar of the House; and also recommended
the admission of the members of the House of Commons, as formerly.
Both rocoinmendations were agreed to ; and from that time the debates
of the Lords have been preserved. — Pari. Deb.
Massachusetts Bay, are not sufficient to keep that single
Colony in any tolerable state of order, until the cause of its
charter can be fairly and equally tried, no regulation in
this Bill, or in any of those hitherto brought into the House,
are sufficient for that purpose ; and we conceive that the
mere celerity of a decision against the charter of that Pro-
vinc-3, will not reconcile the minds of the People to that
mode of Government, which is to be established upon its
ruins.
3dly. Because Lords are not in a situation to determine
how far the regulations, of which this Bill is composed,
agree or disagree with those parts of the constitution of the
Colony that are not altered, with the circumstances of the
People, and with tiie whole detail of their municipal insti-
tutions. Neither the charter of the Colony, nor any ac-
count whatsoever of its courts and judicial proceedings,
their mode or exercise of their present powers, have been
produced to the House. The sliglitest evidence concern-
ing any one of tlie many inconveniences stated in the
preamble of the Bill to have arisen frow the present con-
stitution of the Colony judicatures, has not been produced,
or even attempted. On the same general allegations of a de-
clamatory preamble, any other right, or all the rights, of
this, or any other public body, may be taken away, and
any visionary scheme of Government substituted in their
place.
4thly. Because we think that the appointment of all the
members of the Council, which by this Bill, is vested in the
Crown, is not a proper provision for preserving the equili-
brium of the Colony constitution. The power given to the
Crown of occasionally increasing or lessening the number of
the Council, on the re]X)rt of Governors, and at the pleasure
of Ministers, must make these Governors and Ministers
masters of every question in that Assembly ; and by destroy-
ing its freedom of deliberation, will wholly annihilate its use.
The intention avowed in this Bill, of bringing the Council to
the platform of other Colonies, is not likely to answer its own
end ; as the (Colonies, where the Council is named by the
Crown, are not at all better disposed to a submission to the
practice of taxing for supply, without their consent, than
this of Massachusetts Bay. And no pretence of bringing
it to the model of the English constitution can be support-
ed, as none of those American Councils have the least re-
semblance to the House of Peers, so that this new scheme
of a Council stands upon no sort of foundation, which the
proposers of it think proper to acknowledge.
5thly. Because the new constitution of judicature pro-
vided by this Bill, is improper and incongruous with the
plan of the administration of justice in Great Britain. All
the Judges are to be henceforth nominated, (not by the
Crown,) but by the Governor; and all, except the Judges
of the Superior Court, are to be removable at his pleasure,
and expressly without the consent of that very Council
which has been nominated by the Crown. The appoint-
ment of the Sheriff is by the will of the Governor only ;
and without requiring in the person appointed, any local or
other qualification ; that a Sheriff", a magistrate of great im-
portance to the whole administration and execution of all
justice, civil and criminal, and who, in England, is not re-
movable even by the royal authority diu-ing the continu-
ance of the term of his office, is by this Bill made chang-
able by the Governor and Council, as often, and for such
purposes as they shall think expedient. The Governor
and Council thus entrusted with powers with which the
British constitution has not trusted his Majesty and his
Privy Council, have the means of returning such a Jury, in
each particular cause, as may best suit with the gratifica-
tion of their passions and interests. The lives, liberties,
and properties of the subject are put into their hands
without controul ; and the invaluable right of trial by Jury,
is turned into a snare for the People, who have hitherto
looked upon it as their main security against the licentious-
ness of power.
6thly. Because we see in this Bill the same scheme of
strengthening the authority of the Officers and Ministers of
State, at the expense of the rights and liberties of the sub-
ject, which was indicated by the inauspicious Act for shut-
ting up the harbour of Boston. By that Act, which is im-
mediately connected with this Bill, the example was set of
a large important city, containing vast multitudes of People,
9)S
BILL FOR G0VERN:ME\T OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
96
manv of wliom must be intiooent, and all of whom are un-
heard, by an arhitnuy sentence, deiirived of the advantage
of that port, upon whirli all means of acquirin!; their liveli-
hood did immediately depend. This proscription is not
made determinable on the payment of a tine for an offence,
or a compensation for an injury : but is to continue uniil
the Ministers of the Crown shall think fit to advise the
Kin<; in Council to revoke it. Tiie les^al condition of the
subject (staudinK uuatlainted by conviction for treason or
felony) ought never to depend upon the arbitrary will oi
any person whatsoever. This Act, uncxam()led on the
records of Parliament, has been entered on the joiu'nals of
this House, as voted ncminc disscnticnte, and has been
stated, in the debate of this day, to have been sent to the
Colonies, as passed without a division in either House, and
therefore as conveying the uncontroverted univereal sense
of the nation. The despair of making effectual opposition
to an unjust measure, has been construed into an approba-
tion of it ; an unfair advantage has been taken on the final
question for passing that penal Bill, of the absence of those
l^rds who iiad debated it for several hours, and strongly
dissented from it on the second reading, that period on
which it is most usual to debate the principle of a Bill. If
this pixx>eeding were to pass, witjiout miimadvei-sion. Lords
might think themselves obliged to reiterate their debates at
every stage of every Bill which they oppose, and to make
a formal division whenever they debate.
Tthly. Because tliis Bill, and the otiier proceedings that
accompany it, are intended for the sujiport of that unadvised
scheme of taxing the Colonies in a m:\nner new and un-
suitable to their situation and constitutional circumstances.
Parliament has asserted the authority of the Legislature of
this Kingdom, supreme and unlimited over all the members
of the British Empire. Bvt the legal extent of this au-
thority furnishes no argument in favour of an unwarrantable
use of it. The sense of the nation on the repeal of the
Stamp Act was, that, in equity and sound policy, the taxa-
tion of the Colonies for the ordinary purposes of su})ply,
ought to be forborn ; and that this Kingdom ought to satisfy
itself with the advantages to be derived from a flourishing
and increasing trade, and with the free grants of the Ameri-
can Assemblies, as being far more beneficial, liir more easily
obtained, less oppressive, and more likely to be lasting, than
any revenue to be acquired by Parliamentary taxes, ac-
companied by a total alienation of the affections of those
who were to pay them. This principle of repeal was
nothing more than a return to the ancient standing policy
of this Empire. Tlie unhappy departure from it has led to
that course of shifting and contradictory measures, Avhich
has since given rise to such continued distractions ; by
which unadvised plan, new duties have been imposed in
the very year after the former had been repealed. These
new duties afterwards in part repealed, and in part con-
tinued, in contradiction to the principles upon which those
repealed were given up ; all which, with many weak, in-
judicious, and precipitate steps, taken to enforce a compli-
ance, have kept up that jealousy, which on the repeal of
the Stamp Act was subsiding ; revived dangerous questions,
and gradually estranged the affections of the Colonies from
the mother country, without any object of advantage to
either. If the force proposed should have its full effect,
that effect we greatly appreiiend may not continue longer
than whilst the sword is held up. To render the Colonies
permanently advantageous, they must ba satisfied with their
condition. Tliat satisfaction ^ve see no chance of restoring
whatever measures maybe pursued, except by recurring, in
the whole, to the wise and salutary principles on which the
Stamp Act was repealed.
Richmond, Abingdon,
Effingham, Rockingham,
Leinster, Fitzwilliam,
Portlanri, King,
Ponsonby, Abergavenny.
Craven,
A Message was sent to the House of Commons, by the
former Messengers :
To return the said Bill, and acquaint them, tliat the
Ijords have agreed to the same, with some amendments, to
which their Lordships desire tlieir concurrence.
Monday, May 16, 1774.
A Message was brought from the House of Commons,
by Mr. Cooper and others :
To return the Bill, and to acquaint this House, that
they have agreed to their Lordships amendments made
thereto.
Thi'rsday, May 19, 1774.
The folloicing Petition from Natives q/" America, then in
Ivoudon, against the passage of the Bill, was presented
to the King:
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty,
The Petition of several Natives of America, most humbly
showeth :
That your Petitioners, being your Majesty's n)ost faith-
ful subjects, are obliged to implore your gracious interposi-
tion, to protect them in the enjoyment of those privileges,
which are the right of all your People.
Your Majesty's Petitioners have already seen with un-
speakable grief, their earnest prayers rejected, and heavy
penalties inflicted, even on the innocent amonsr their coun-
trymen, to the subversion of every princii)le of justice,
without their being heard. By this alarming procedure,
all property was rendered insecure ; and they now see in
two Bills, (for altering the Government of Massachuxctts
Bay, and the impartial administration of justice there,) the
intended subversion of the two grand objects of civil
society, and constitutional protection, to wit. Liberties and
Life.
Your Petitioners most humbly represent to your Majes-
ty, that to destroy or assume their chartered rights, without
a full and fair hearing, with legal jiroof of forfeiture ; and
the abrogating of their most valuable laws, which had duly
received the solenm confirmation of your Majesty's Royal
predecessors, and were thence deemed unchangeable with-
out the consent of the People ; is such a proceeding, as
renders the enjoyment of every privilege they possess, un-
certain and precarious. That an exemption of the soldiery
from being tried in the Massachusetts Bay for murder, or
other felony, committed upon your Majesty's subjects there,
is such an encouragement for licentiousness, and incentive
to outrage, as must subject your Majesty's liege People to
continued danger.
Your Petitioners and their countrymen, have been ever
most zealously attached to your Majesty's person and fami-
ly. It is therefore, with inexpressible affliction that they
see an attempt, in these proceedings against them, to
change the principle of obedience to the Government, from
the love of the subject towards their Sovereign, founded
on the opinion of his wisdom, justice, and benevolence, into
the dread of absolute power and laws of extreme rigour,
insupportable to a free Peojile.
Should the Bills above mentioned, receive your royal
sanction, }'our Majesty's faithful subjects will be overwhelm-
ed with grief and despair.
It is therefore our earnest prayer, that your Majesty will
be graciously pleased to suspend your royal assent, to the
said Bills.
Stephen Sayre,
William Lee,
Arthur Lee,
K Im und Jmn ings ,
Joshua Johnson,
Daniel Bowley,
Willicm H. Gibbs,
William Blake,
Isaac Mottc,
Jhnry Laurence,
Thomas Binckney,
Jacob Rend,
Benjamin Franklin, John F. Grimke,
Tliomas Busten, Philip Neylc,
Edward Bancroft, Edward Femvicke,
Thomas Bromfield, Elward Fenicicke, Jun.
John Boylston, John P tronneau,
John Eilis, William Middleton,
John ll^tlianu, William Middleton, Jun.
John Ailcyne, Ralph Izard, Jun.
Ralph Izard, ' William Heyward.
Friday, May 20, 1774.
His Majesty being seated in the Throne, and the Com-
mons attending with their Speaker, the royal assent to the
Bill was pronounced by the Clerk's Assistant.
•f*
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY,
98
A Speech intended to have been spoken on the Bill for
Altering the Charters of the Colony of Massachusetts
Bay.*
It is of such great importance to compose or even to mo-
derate the dissention.s, which subsist at present l)et\veen our
unhappy country and her Colonies, tliat I cajuiot help en-
deavouring, from the faint prospect 1 have of contributing
soniediing to so good an end, to overcome the inexpressi-
ble reluctance I feel at uttering my thoughts before the
most respectable of all audiences.
The true object of all our deliberations on this occasion,
which 1 hope we shall never lose sight of, is a full and
cordial reconciliation with North America. Now, I own,
my Lords, I have many doubts whether the teiTors and
punishments, we hang out to them at present, are the surest
means of producing this reconciliation. Let us at least do
this justice to the People of North America, to own, that
we can all remember a time when they were much better
friends than at present to their mother country. They are
neither our natural nor our determined enemies. Before
the Stamp Act we considered them in the light of as good
subjects as the natives of any county in England.
it is worth while to inquire by what steps we first gained
their affection, and preserved it so long ; and, by what con-
duct we have lately lost it. Such an inquiry may point
out the means of restoring peace, and make die use of force
unnecessary .against a People, whom I cannot yet forbear
to consider as our brethren.
It has always been a most arduous task to govern distant
Provinces, with even a tolerable appearance of justice.
The Viceroys and Governors of other nations are usually
temporary tyrants, who think themselves obliged to make
the most of their time ; who not only plunder the People,
but carry away their spoils, and dry up all tlie sources of
commerce and industry. Taxation, in their hands, is an
unlimited power of oppression : but in whatever hands the
power of taxation is lodged, it implies and includes all other
powers. Arbitrary taxation is plunder audiorized by law :
it is the support and thee sscnce of tyranny ; and has done
more mischief to mankind, than those other three scourges
from heaven, famine, pestilence, and the sword. I need
not carry your Lordships out of your own knowledge, or
out of your own Dominions, to make you conceive what
misery this right of taxation is ca])able of producing in a
Provincial Government. We need only recollect that our
countrymen in India, have in the space of five or six
years, in virtue of this right, destroyed, starved, and driven
away, more inhabitants from Bengal, than are to be found
at present in all our American Colonies ; more than all
* Tliis Speech by the Bishop of St. Asaph, who voted against the
Bill in the Hous3 of Lords, though not delivered in the House on
that occasion, was written and published by him at the time. It is
considered especially proper to insert it here, because none of the
speeches, in the " long debate" on the question, have been preserved.
His reasons for the publication, given in the Advcrtisnient, are as
follows : —
" The Author of the following speech might justify his manner of
publishing it by very great authorities. Some of the noblest pieces
of eloquence, tlie world is in possession of, were not spoken on the
great occasions tliey were intended to serve, and seem to have been
preserved merely from the high sense that was entertained of their
merit.
" The present porformance appears in public from humbler but juster
motives: fVo'U the great national importance of the subject; from a
very warm desire and some faint hope of serving our country, by
suggesting a few of the useful truths whieh great men are apt to
overlook.
" Tlie .\uthor has abstained most religiously from personal reflec.
tions. He has censured no man, and therefore hopes he has offended
no man. He feels most sensibly the misfortune of ditlering from
many of those wliom he wishes to live and act with ; and from some
of as much virtue and ability as this kingdom affords. But there are
also groat authorit-ies on the other side ; and the greatest authority can
never persuade him, that it is better to extort by force, what he
thinks may be gained more surely by gontlo means.
*' He looks upon pov/cr as a coarse and mechanical instrument of
Government, and holds tiie use of it to be particularly dangerous to
the relation that subsists l)etween a mother country and her Colonies.
In such a case he doubts whether any point ouglit to be pursued,
which cannot bo carried by persuasion, by tlio sense of a common
interest, and the exi^rcisa of a molnrate authority. He thinks it
unnecessary to lay down the limits of sovereignty and obedience, and
more unnecessary to figlit for them. If we can but restore that
mutual regard and confidence, whicli Ibrmerly governed our whole
intercourse with our (Jolonies, particular cases will easily provide for
themselves. He acts the part of the truest patriot in this dangerous
crisis, whether he lives at London or at liosloii, who pursues sincerely
the most lenient and conciliating measures ; and wishes to restore the
public peace by some better method than the slaughter of our fellow,
citizens."
Foi^TH Series.
those formidable numbers, which we have been nui-sing up
for the space of two hundred years, widi so much care and
success, to the astonishment of all Europe. This is no
exaggeration, my Lords, but plain matter of fact, collected
from the accounts sent over by Mr. Hastings, whose name
I mention with honour and veneration. And I must own,
such accounts have very much lessened the pleasure I used
to feel in diinking myself an Englishman. We ought
surely not to hold our Colonies totally inexcusable for wish-
ing to exempt themselves from a grievance which has caus-
ed such unexampled devastation ; and, my Lords, it would
be too disgraceful to ourselves, to try so cruel an experi-
ment more than once. Let us reflect, that before these
innovations were diought of, by following the line of good
conduct which had been marked out by our ancestors, we
governed North America with mutual benefit to them and
ourselves. It was a happy idea that made us first consider
them rather as instruments of commerce than as objects of
Government. It was wise and generous to give them the
form and spirit of our own constitution ; an Assembly in
which a greater equality of representation has been pre-
served than at home ; and Councils and Governors, such
as were adapted to their situation, though they must be ac-
knowledged to be very inferior copies of the dignity of this
House, and the majesty of the Crown.
But what is far more valuable dian all the rest, we gave
them liberty. We allowed them to use their own judgment
in the management of their own interest. The idea of
taxing them never entered our heads. On the contrary,
they have experienced our liberality on many public occa-
sions: we have given them bounties to encourage dieir in-
dustry, and have demanded no return but what every State
exacts from its Colonies, the advantages of an exclusive
commerce, and the regulations that are necessary to secure
it. We made requisitions to them on great occasions, in
the same manner as our Princes formerly asked benevolen-
ces of their subjects ; and as nothing was asked but what was
visibly for the public good, it was always granted ; and they
themselves did more than we expected. The matter of
right was neither disputed, nor even considered. And let
us not forget that the People of New England were them-
selves, during the last war, the most forward of all in the
national cause ; that every year we voted them a consider-
able sum, in acknowledgment of their zeal and their ser-
vices ; that in the preceding war, they alone enabled us to
make the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, by furnishing us with
the only equivalent for the towns that were taken from our
allies in Flanders ; and that in times of peace, they alone
have taken from us six times as much of our woollen man-
ufactures, as the whole Kingdom of Ireland. Such a Co-
lony, my Lords, not only from the justice, but from the
gratitude we owe them, have a right to be heard in their
defence ; and if their crimes are not of the most inexpiable
kind, I could almost say, they have a right to be forgiven.
But in die times we speak of, our public intercourse was
carried on with ease and satisfaction. We regarded them
as our friends and fellow-citizens, and relied as much . upon
their fidelity as on die inhabitants of our own country.
They saw our pow er with pleasure ; for they considered
it only as dieir protection. They inherited our laws, our
language, and our customs; diey preferred our manufac-
tures, and followed our fashions with a partiality that secur-
ed our exclusive trade with diem, more effectually than all
the regulations and vigilance of the custom-house. Had
we suffered tliem to enrich us a little longer, and to grow a
little richer themselves, their men of fortune, like the West
Indians, would undoubtedly have made this country their
place of education and resort. For they 'looked up to
England with reverence and affection, as to the country
of their friends and ancestors. They esteemed and they
called it their home, and thought of it as the Jews once
diought of the Land of Canaan.
Now, my Lords, consider with yourselves what were the
chains and ties that united diis People to their mother
country, with so much warmth and affection, at so amazing
a distance. The Colonies of other nations have been dis-
contented with their treatment, and not without sufficient
cause ; always murmuring at their grievances, and_ some-
times breaking out into acts of rebellion. Our subjects at
home, with all their reasons for satisfaction, have never
been entirely satisfied. Since the beginning of this centu-
BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
100
ly we have liad two rebellions, several plots and conspira-
cies; and we ourselves have been witnesses to the most
dangerous excesses of sedition. But the Provinces in
North America have engaged in no party, have excited
no opposition ; they iiave been utter strangers even to the
name of Wiiig and Tory. In all chiuiges, in all revolu-
tions, they have quietly followed the fortunes and submitted
to the Government of England.
Now let me appeal to your Lordships as to men of en-
larged and liberal minds, who have been led by your office
and rank to the study of history. Can you fmd in the
long succession of ages, in the whole extent of human af-
fairs, a single instance, where distant Provinces liave been
preserved in so flourishing a state, and kej)! at the same
time in such due subjection to their mother country ? My
Ijords, there is no instance ; the case never existed before.
It is perhaps the most singular phenomenon in all civil
history ; and the cause of it well deserves your serious con-
sideration. The true cause is, that a motlier country never
existed before, wJio placed her natives and her Colonies
on the same equal footing ; and joined with them in fairly
canying on one common interest.
y ou ought to consider this, my Lords, not as a mere
iiistorical fact, but as a most important and invaluable dis-
covery. It enlarges our ideas of the power and energy of
good Government, beyond all former exanq>les ; and shews
that it can act like gravitation at tlie greatest distances.
It proves to a demonstration that you may have good sub-
jects in the remotest corners of the earth, if you will but
treat them with kindness and equity. If you have any
doubts of the truth of this kind of reasoning, the experience
we have had of a different kind will entirely remove them.
The good genius of our country had led us to the simple
and happy method of governing freemen, which I have
endeavoured to describe. Our Ministers received it from
their predecessors, and for some tune continued to observe
it ; but without knowing its value. At length, presuming
on their own wisdom, and the quiet disposition of the Ame-
ricans, they flattered themselves that we might reap great
advantages from their prosperity by destroying liie cause
of it. They chose in an unlucky hour to treat them as
other nations have thought fit to treat their Colonies ; they
threatened and they taxed them.
1 do not now inquire whether taxation is matter of right;
I only consider it as matter of experiment ; for surely the
art of government itself is founded on experience. I need
not suggest what were the consequences of this change of
measures. The evils produced by it were such as we still
remember and still feel. We suflljred more by our loss of
trade with them, than the wealth flowing in from India was
able to recompense. The bankmptcy of the East India
Company, may be sufficiently ficcounted for by the rapine
abroad and the knavery at home ; but it certainly would
have been delayed some years, harl we continued our com-
merce with them in the single article of tea. But that and
many other branches of trade have been diverted into other
channels, any may probably never return entire to their old
course. But what is worst of all, we have lost their confi-
dence and friendship; we have ignorantly undermined the
most solid foundation of our own power.
In order to observe the strictest impartiality, it is but
just for us to inquire what we have gained by these
taxes as well as what we have lost. I am assured that
out of all the sums raised in America the last year but
one, if the expenses are deducted, which the natives
would else have discharged themselves, the net revenue
paid into the Treasury to go in aid of the sinking fund,
or to be employed in wiiatever public services Parliament
shall think fit, is eighty-five pounds. Eighty-five pounds,
my Lords, is the whole equivalent, we have received
for all the hatred and mischief, and all the infinite losses
this Kingdom has suffered during that year in her disputes
with North America. Money that is earned so dearly
as this, ought to be expended with great ivisdom and
economy. My Lords, were you to take up but one
thousand pounds more from North America upon the
same terms, the nation itself would be a bankrupt. But
the most amazing and the most alarming circumstance is
still behind. It is that our case is so incurable, that all
this experience has made no impression upon us. And
yet, my Lords, if you could but keep these facts, which
I have ventured to lay before you, for a few moments in
your minds (supposing your right of taxation to be never
so clear) yet I think you must necessarily perceive that it
cannot be exercised in any manner that can be advanta-
geous to ourselves or them. We have not always the
w isdom to tax ourselves with propriety ; and I am confi-
dent we could never tax a People at that distance, without
infinite blnndei-s, and infinite oppression. And to own the
truth, my Lords, we are not honest enough to trust
ourselves with the power of shifting our own burthens
upon them. Allow me, therefore, to conclude, I think,
unanswerably, that the inconvenience and distress we have
.felt in this change of our conduct, no less than the ease
and tranquillity we formerly found in the ))ursuit of it,
will force us, if we have any sense left, to return to the
good old path we trod in so long, and found it the way
of pleasantness.
I desire to have it understood, that I am opposing no
rights that our legislature may think proper to claim : I
am only comparing two different methods of government.
By your old rational and generous administration, by
treating the Americans as your friends and fellow-citizens,
you made them the happiest of human kind ; and at the
same time drew from them, by commerce, more clear
profit than Spain has drawn from all its mines ; and their
growing numbers w-ere a daily-increasing addition to your
strength. There was no room for improvement or altera-
tion in so noble a system of policy as this. It was
sanctified by time, by experience, by public utility. I will
venture to use a bold language, my Ijords; I will assert,
that if we had uniformly adopted this equitable administra-
tion in all our distant Provinces as far as circumstances would
admit, it would have placed this country, for ages, at the
head of human affaire in every quarter of the world. My
Lords, this is no visionary or chimerical doctrine. The
idea of governing Provinces and Colonies by force is
visionary and chimerical. The experiment has often been
tried and it has never succeeded. It ends infallibly in the
niin of the one country or the other, or in the last degree
of wretchedness.
If there is any tnith, my Lords, in what I have said,
and I most firmly believe it all to be true, let me recom-
mend it to you to resume that generous and benevolent
spirit in the discussion of our differences, which used to
be the source of our union. We certainly did wrong in
taxing them : when the Stamp Act was repealed, we did
wrong in laying on other taxes, which tended only to keep
alive a claim, that was mischevious, impracticable, and
useless. We acted contrary to our own principles of
liberty, and to the generous sentiments of our Sovereign,
when we desired to have their judges dependent on the
Crown for their stipends, as well as their continuance. It
was equally unwise to wish to make the Governors inde-
pendent of the People for their salaries. We ought to
consider the Governors, not as spies entrusted with the
management of our interest, but as the servants of the
People, recommended to them by us. Our ears ought to
be open to every complaint against the Governors ; but
we ought not to suffer the Govcnioi-s to complain of the
People. We have taken a different method, to which no
small part of our difficulties arc owing. Our ears have
been open to the Governors and shut to the People.
This must necessarily lead us to countenance the jobs of
interested men, under the pretence of defending the rights
of the Crown, But the People are certainly the best
judges whether they are well governed ; and the Crown
can have no rights inconsistent with the happiness of the
People.
Now, my Lords, we ought to do what I have suggested,
and many things more, out of prudence and justice, to
win their affection, and to do them public service. If
we have a right to govern them, let us exert it for the tnie
ends of Government, But, my Lords, what we ought
to do, from motives of reason and justice, is much more
than is sufficient to bring them to a reasonable accommo-
dation. For thus, as I apprehend, stands the case. They
petition for the repeal of an Act of Parliament, which
they complain of as unjust and oppi-cssive. And there is
not a man amongst us, not the warmest friend of Adminis-
tration, who does not sincerely wish that act had never
been made. In fact, they only ask for what we wish to
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BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
102
be rid of. Under such a disposition of mind, one would
imagine there could be no occasion for fleets and armies
to bring men to a good understanding. But, my Lords,
our difficulty lies in the point of lionour. We must not
let down the dignity of the motlier country ; but preserve
her sovereignty over all the parts of the Briiish Empire.
This language has something in it that sounds pleasant
to the ears of Englishmen, but is otherwise of little
weight. For sure, my Lords, there are niediods of making
reasonable concessions, and yet without injuring our dignity.
Ministers are generally fi-uitfiil in expedients to reconcile
difficulties of this kind, to escape the embarrassments of
forms, the competitions of dignity and precedency ; and
to let clashing rights sleep, while tliey transact their busi-
ness. Now, my Lords, on this occasion can they find
no excuse, no pretence, no invention, no happy turn of
language, not one colourable argument for doing the great-
est service, they can ever render to their country ? It
must be something more than incapacity that makes men
barren of expedients at sucii a season as this. Do, but
for once, remove this impracticable stateliness and dignity,
and treat the matter with a little common sense and a
little good humour, and our reconciliation would not be the
work of an hour. But after all, my Lords, if there is
any thing mortifying in undoing the errors of our Ministers,
it is a mortification we ought to submit to. If it was
unjust to tax them, we ought to repeal it for their sakes ;
if it was unwise to tax them, we ought to repeal it for our
own. A matter so trivial in itself as the three-penny
duty upon tea, but which has given cause to so much
national hatred and reproach, ought not to be sufiered to
subsist an unnecessary day. Must the interest, the com-
merce, and the union of this country and her Colonies, be
all of them sacrificed to save the credit of one imprudent
measure of Administration ? I own I cannot comprehend
that there is any dignity either in being in the wrong, or
persisting in it. I have known friendship preserved and
afliection gained, but I never knew dignity lost, by the
candid acknowledgment of an error. And, my Lords, let
me appeal to your own experience of a few years back-
ward, (I vsrill not mention particulars, because I would pass
no censures and revive no unpleasant reflections,) but I
think every candid Minister must own, that Administration
has suffered in more instances than one, both in interest
and credit, by not chusing to give up points, that could
not be defended.
With regard to the People of Hoston, I am free to own
that I neither approve of their riots nor their punishment.
And yet if we inflict it as we ought, with a consciousness
that we were ourselves the aggressors, that we gave the
provocation, and that their disobedience is the fruit of our
own imprudent and imperious conduct, I think the punish-
ment cannot rise to any great degree of severity.
I own my Lords, I have read the report of the
Lords Committees of this House, with very different senti-
ments from those with which it was drawn up. It seems to
be designed, that we should consider their violent measures
and speeches, as so many determined acts of opposition
to the sovereignty of England, arising from the malignity
of their own hearts. One would think the mother coun-
try had been totally silent and passive in the progress of
the whole affair. I, on the contrary, consider these violen-
ces as' the natural cftects of such measures as ours on the
minds of freemen. And this is the most useful point of
view in which Government can consider them. In their
situation, a wise man would expect to meet with the
strongest marks of passion and imprudence, and be pre-
parecl to forgive them. The first and easiest thing to be
done is to correct our own errors ; and I am confident we
should find it the most effectual method to correct theirs.
At any rate let us put ourselves in the right ; and then
if we must contend with North America, we shall be
unanimous at home, and the wise and the moderate there
will be our friends. At present we force every North
American to be our enemy ; and the wise and moderate
at home, and those immense multitudes, which must soon
begin to suffer by the madness of our rulers, will unite to
oppose them. It is a strange idea we have taken up, to
cure their resentments by increasing their provocations : to
remove the efibcts of our own ill conduct, by multiplying
the instances of it. But the spirit of blindness and infat-
uation is gone forth. We are hurrying wildly on without
any fixed design, without any important object. We
pursue a vain phantom of unlimited sovereignty, which
was not made for man, and reject the solid advantages ol'
a moderate, useful and intelligible authority. That just
God, whom we have all so deeply offended, can hardly
inflict a severer national punishment, than by committing
us to the natural consequences of our own conduct. In-
deed, in my opinion, a blacker cloud never hung over this
island.
To reason consistently with the principles of justice
and national friendship, which I have endeavoured to es-
tablish, or rather to revive what was established by our
ancestors, as our wisest rule of conduct for the government
of America, I must necessarily disapprove of the Bill
before us ; for it contradicts every one of them. In our
present situation every act of the legislature, even our
acts of severity, ought to be so many steps towards the
reconciliation we wish for. But to change the Government
of a People, without their consent, is the highest and most
arbitrary act of sovereignty, that one nation can exercise
over another. The Romans hardly ever proceeded to this
extremity even over a conquered nation, till its frequent
revolts and insurrections had made them deem it incorrigi-
ble. The very idea of it implies a most total abject and
slavish dependency in the inferior State. Recollect that
the Americans are men of like passions with ourselves,
and think how deeply this treatment must affect them.
They have the same veneration for their charters that we
have for our Magna Charta, and they ought in reason to
have greater. They are the title deeds to all their rights
both public and private. What ? my Lords, must these
rights never acquire any legal assurance and stability ? Can
they derive no force from the peaceable possession of near
two hundred years ? And must the fundamental constitu-
tion of a powerful State be for ever subject to as capri-
cious alterations as you may think fit to make in the char-
ters of a little mercantile company, or the corporation of a
borough ? This will undoubtedly furnish matter for a more
pernicious debate than has yet been moved. Every other
Colony will make the case its own. They will complain
that their rights can never be ascertained ; that every thing
belonging to them depends upon our arbitrary will ; and
may think it better to run any hazard, than to submit to the
violence of their mother country, in a matter in wliich they
can see neither moderation nor end.
But let us coolly inquire, what is the reason of this un-
heard of innovation. Is it to make them peaceable ? My
Lords, it will make them mad. Will they be belter go-
verned if we introduce this change ? Will they be more
our friends ? The least that such a measure can do is to
make them hate us. And would to God, my Lords, we
had governed ourselves with as much economy, integrity,
and prudence, as they have done. Let them continue to
enjoy the liberty our fathere gave them. Gave them, did
I say ? They are coheirs of liberty with ourselves ; and
their portion of the inheritance has been much better look-
ed after than ours. Suffer them to enjoy a little longer
that short period of public integrity and domestic happi-
ness, which seems to be the portion allotted by Providence
to young rising States. Instead of hoping that t'leir con-
stitution may receive improvement from our skill in Go-
vernment, the most useful wish I can form in their favour
is, that heaven may long preserve them from our vices and
our politics.
Let me add farther, that to make any changes in their
Government, without their consent, would be to transgress
the wisest ndes of policy, and to wound our most impor-
tant interests. As they increase in numbers and in riches,
our comparative strength must lessen. In another age,
when our power has begun to lose something of its superi-
ority, we should be happy if we could support our authori-
ty by mutual good will and the habit of commanding ; but
chiefly by those original establishments, which time and
public honour might have rendered inviolable. Our pos-
terity will then have reason to lament that they cannot
avail themselves of those treasures of public friendship and
confidence which our fathers had wisely hoarded up, and
we are throwing away. 'Tis hard, 'tis cruel, besides all
our debts and taxes, and those enoi-mous expenses which
are multiplying upon us every year, to load our unhappy
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BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
104
sons witli the hatred and curses of North America. Indeed,
my Lords, we are treating posterity very scurvily. We
have mortgaged all the lands; we have cut down all the
oaks ; we are now traniplins; down the fences, rooting up
the seedlings and sajjliiigs, and mining all the resources ot
another age. We shall send tlie next generation into the
world, like the wretched heir of a worthless father, without
money, credit, or friends ; with a stripped, encumbered, and
perhaps untenanted estate.
Having spoke so largely against the principles of the
Bill, it is hardly necessary to enter into the merits of it. 1
siiall only observe, that even if we had the consent of the
People to alter their Government, it would be unwise to
make such alterations as these. To give the afjpointnient
of the Governor and Council to the Crown, and the dispo-
sal of all places, even of the Judges, and with a power of
removing them, to the Governor, is evidently calculated
with a view to form a strong jxirty in our favour. This I
know has been done in other Colonies ; but still this is
opening a source of perpetual discord, where it is our in-
terest always to agree. If we mean any thing by this
establishment, it is to support the Go\ernor and the Coun-
cil against the People, i. e. to quarrel with our friends, that
we may please their servants. This scheme of governing
them by a party is not wisely unagined, it is nnicli too pre-
mature, and at all events, must turn to our disadvantage.
If it fails, it will only make us contemptible; if it succeeds,
it will make us odious. It is our interest to take very
little part in their domestic administration of Government,
but purely to watch over them for their good. We never
gained so much by North America as when we let them
govern themselves, and were content to trade with them
and to protect them. One would think, my Lords, there
was some statute law, prohibiting us, under the severest
penalties, to profit by experience.
My Ijords, I have ventured to lay my tliouglus before
you, on the greatest national concern that ever came under
your deliberation, with as much honesty as you will meet
with from abler men, and with a melancholy assurance,
that not a word of it will be regarded. And yet, my
Lords, with your permission, I will waste one short argu-
ment more on the same cause, one that I own I am fond
of, and which contains in it, what, I think, must affect
every generous mind. My Lords, I look upon North Ame-
rica as the only great nui-sery of freemen now left ujjon
the face of the earth. We have seen the liberties of Po-
land and Sweden swept away, in the course of one year,
by treachery and usurpation. The free towns ui Germany
are like so many dying sparks, that go out one after ano-
thw, and which must all be soon extinguished under the
destructive greatness of their neighbours. Holland is little
more than a great trading company, with luxurious man-
ners, and an exhausted revenue ; with little strength and
with less spirit. Switzerland alone is free and happy with-
in the narrow enclosure of its rocks and vallies. As for
the state of this country, my I^rds, I can only refer my-
self to your own secret thoughts. I am disposed to think
and hope the best of Public Liljerty. Were I to describe
her, according to my own ideas at present, I should say
that she has a sickly countenance, but I trust she has a
strong constitution.
But whatever may be our future fate, the greatest glory
that attends this country, a greater than any other nation
ever acquired, is to have formed and nursed up to such a
state of happiness, those Colonies whom we are now so
eager to butcher. We ought to cherish them as the
immortal monuments of our public justice and wisdom ;
as the heii-s of our better days, of our old arts and man-
ners, and of our expiring national virtues. What work of
art, or power, or public utility, has ever eijualled the glory
of having peopled a continent without guilt or bloodshed,
with a multitude of free and happy commonwealths; to
have given them the best arts of life; and Government,
and to have suffered them under the shelter of our author-
ity, to acquire in peace the skill to use tiiem. In compa-
rison of this, the policy of governing by influence, and
even the pride of war and victory, are dishonest tricks and
poor contemptible pageantr)'.
We seem not to be sensible of the high and important
trust which Providence has committed to our charge.
The most precious remains of civil liberty, that the world
can now boast of, are lodged in our hands ; and God forbid
that we should violate so sacred a deposit. By enslaving
your Colonies, you not only ruin the peace, tlie commerce,
and the fortunes of both countries, but you extinguisii
the fairest hopes, shut up the last asylum of mankind. I
tliink, my Lords, without being weakly superstitious, that
a good nian may hope tiiat heaven will take part against
tiie execution of a plan which seems big, not oidy witii
mischief, but inqjiely.
Let us be content witli the spoils and the destruction of
the East. If your l^ordsliips can see no impropriety in it,
let the ])lunderer and tlie oppressor still go free. But let
not the love of liberty be tlie only crime you tliink worthy
of punishment. I fear we shall soon make it a part of
our national character, to ruin every thing that has li.e
misfortune to depend upon us.
i\o nation has ever before contrived, in so short a space
of time, without any war or public calamity (unless unwise
measures may be so called) to jjestroy such ample resour-
ces of commerce, wealth, and power, as of late were
ours, and which, if they had been rightly improved, might
have raised us to a state of more honorable and more
permanent greatness tiian die world has yet seen.
Let me remind tlie noble Lords in Administration, that
before the Stamp Act, they had power sulHcient to answer
all the just ends of Government, and they were all
completely answered. If that is the power they want,
tiiough we have lost much of it at present, a few kind
words would recover it all.
But if the tendency of this Bill is, as I own it appears
to me, to acquire a power of governing them by influence
and corruption ; in the first place, my I^ords, this is not
true Government, but a sopiiisticated kind which counter-
feits the appearance, but without tlie spirit or virtue of the
tmc : and then, as it tends to debase their spirits and
corrupt their mannei-s, to destroy all that is great and
respectable in so considerable a part of the human species,
and by degrees to gather them together with the rest of
the world, under the yoke of universal slavery; I think,
for these reasons, it is the duty of every wise man, of
every honest man, and of every Ensrlishman. by all lawful
means, to oppose it.
Anno Decimo (Quarto Georgii III. Regis.
An Act for the Better Regulating the Government of the
Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England.
Whereas by Letters Patent under the great seal of Eng-
land, made in the third year of the reign of their late
Majesties King William and Queen Mary, for uniting,
erecting, and incorporating, the several Colonies, Territo-
ries, and tracts of land therein mentioned, into one real
Province, by the name of Their Majesties Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in iSeiv England; whereby it was,
amongst other things, ordained and established, that the
Governor of the said Province should, from thenceforth, be
appointed and commissionated by their Majesties, their
heirs and successors; it was, however, granted and ordain-
ed, that, from the expiration of the term for and during
which the eight and twenty persons named in the said
letters patent were appointed to be the first Counsellors or
Assistants to the Governor of the said Province for the time
being, the aforesaid number of eight and twenty Counsel-
loi-s or Assistants should yearly, once in every year, for ever
thereafter, be, by the General Court or Assembly, newly
chosen : and whereas the said method of electing such
Counsellors or Assistants, to be vested with the several
powers, authorities, and privileges, therein mentioned, al-
ihouffh conformal)le to the practice theretofore used in such
of the Colonies thereby united, in which the appointment
of the respective Governors had been vested in the General
Courts or Assemblies of the said Colonies, hath, by re-
peated experience, been found to be extremely ill adapted
to the plan of Government established in the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, by the said letters patent herein-before
mentioned, and hath been so far from contributing to the
attainment of the good ends and jjurposes thereby intended
and to the promoting of the internal welfare, peace, and
good government, of the said Province, or to the mainte-
nance of the just subordination to, and confonnitv with, the
105
BILL FOR GOVERNMEIVT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY,
106
laws of Great Britain, that the manner of exercising the
powers, authorities, and privileges aforesaid, by the persons
so annually elected, hath, for some time past, been such as
had the most manifest tendency to obstruct, and, in great
measure defeat, the execution of the laws ; to weaken the
attachment of his Majesty's well disposed subjects in the
said Province to his Majesty's Government, and to en-
courage the ill disposed among them to proceed even to
acts of direct resistance to, and defiance of, liis Majesty's
authority : and it hath accordingly happened, that an open
resistance to the execution ol the laws hath actually taken
place in the town of Boston, and the neighbourhood tliereof,
within the said Province: and whereas it is, under these
circumstances, become absolutely necessary, in order to the
preservation of the peace and good order of the said Pro-
vince, the protection of his Majesty's well disposed subjects
therein resident, the continuance of the mutual benefits
arisiiii; from the commerce and correspondence between
this Kingdom and the said Province, and the maintaining
of the just dependence of the said Province upon the Crown
and Parliament of Great Biitain, that the said method of
annuallv electing the Counsellors or Assistants of the said
Province should no longer be suffered to continue, but that
the appointment of the said Counsellors or Assistants should
henceforth be put upon the like footing as is established in
such other of his Majesty's Colonies or Plantations in
America, the Governors whereof, are appointed by his
Majesty's commission, under the great seal of Great
Britain : Be it therefore enacted by the King's most ex-
cellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the
I^ords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this
present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the
same, that from and after the first day of August, one
thousand seven hundred and seventy-four, so much of the
charter granted by their Majesties King William and
Queen Mary, to the inhabitants of the said Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, in New England, and all and every
clause, matter, and thing, therein contained, which relates
to the tune and manner of electing the Assistants or Coun-
sellors for the said Province, be revoked, and is hereby re-
voked and made void and of none effect ; and that the offi-
ces of all Counsellors and Assistants, elected and appointed
in pursuance thereof, shall from thenceforth cease and de-
termine; and that, from and after the said first day of
August, one thousand seven himdred and seventy-four, the
Council, or Court of Assistants of the said Province for the
time being, shall be composed of such of the inhabitants or
proprietors of lands within the same as shall be thereunto
nominated and appointed by his Majesty, his heirs and
successors, from tinv? to time, by warrant under his or their
signet or sign manual, and with the advice of the Privy
Council, agreeable to the practice now used in respect to
the appointment of Counsellors in such of his Majesty's
other Colonies in America, the Governors whereof aie ap-
pointed by commission under tlie great seal of Great
Britain : provided, that the number of the said Assistants
or Counsellors shall not, at any one time, exceed thirty-six,
nor be less than twelve.
And it is hereby further enacted, That the said Assis-
tants or Counsellors, so to be appointed as aforesaid, shall
hold their ofiices respectively, for and during the pleasure
of his Majesty, his heirs or successors ; and shall have and
enjoy all the powers, privileges, and immunities, at present
held, exercised, and enjoyed, by the Assistants or Coun-
sellors of the said Province, constituted and elected, from
time to time, under the said charter, (except as hereinafter
excepted :) and shall also, upon their admission into the
said Council, and before they enter upon the execution of
their offices respectively, take the oaths, and make, repeat,
and subscribe, the declarations required, as well by the
said charter as by any law or laws of the said Province now
in force, to be taken by the Assistants or Counsellors who
have been so elected and constituted as aforesaid.
Anil he it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That from an<l after the first day of July, one thousand
seven hundred and seventy-four, it shall and may be law-
ful for his Majesty's Governor for the time being of the
said Province, or, in his absence, for the Lieutenant Gover-
nor, to nominate and appoint, under the seal of the Pro-
vince, from time to time, and also to remove, without the
I'onsent of the Council, all Judges of the Inferior Courts of
Common Pleas, Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, llie
Attorney General, Provosts, Marshals, Justices of the
Peace, and other officers to the Council or Courts of
Justice belonging ; and that all Judges of the Inferior
Courts of Common Picas, Conmiissioners of Oyer and
Terminer, the Attorney General, Provosts, Marshals,
Justices, and other olHcers so appointed by the Governor,
or, in his absence, by the Lieutenant Governor alone, shall
and may have, hold, and exercise their said offices, powers,
and authorities, as fully and completely, to all intents and
purposes, as any Judges of the Inferior Courts of Common
Pleas, Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, Attorney
General, Provosts, Marshals, or other officei-s, have or
might have done heretofore under the said letters patent, in
the third year of the reign of their late Majesties King
f-Villiam and Queen Mary ; an}- law, statute, or usage, to
the contrary notwithstanding.
Provided ahvays, and be it enacted, That nothing herein
contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to annul
or make void the commission granted before the said first
day of July, one thousand seven hundred and sevent}-four,
to any Judges of the Inferior Courts of Common Pleas,
Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, the Attorney Gene-
ral, Provosts, Marshals, Justices of the Peace, or other
oiKcers ; but that they may hold and exercise the same, as
if this act had never been made, until the same shall be
determined by death, removal by the Govenior, or other
avoidance, as the case may happen.
A7td be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That, from and after the said first day of July, one thou-
sand seven hundred and seventy-four, it shall and may be
lawful for his Majesty's Governor, or, in his absence, for
the Lieutenant Governor for the time being of the said Pro-
vince, irom time to time, to nominate and appoint the
Sheriffs without the consent of the Council, and to remove
sucii Sheriffs with such consent, and not otherwise.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That, upon every vacancy of the offices of Chief Justice
and Judges of the Superior Court of the said Province,
from and after the said first day of July, one thousand seven
hundred and seventy-four, the Governor for the time being,
or, in his absence, the Lieutenant Governor, without the
consent of the Council, shall have full power and authority
to nominate and appoint the persons to succeed to the said
offices, who shall hold their commissions during the pleasure
of his Majesty, his heirs and successors : and that neither
the Chief Justice and Judges appointed before the said
first day of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-
four, nor those who shall hereafter be appointed pursuant
to this Act, shall be removed, unless by the order of his
Majesty, his heii-s or successors, under his or their sign
manual.
And whereas, by several Acts of the General Court,
which have been from time to time enacted and passed
within the said Province, the freeholders and inhabitants of
the several townships, districts, and precincts, qualified, as
is therein expressed, are authorized to assemble together,
annually, or occasionally, upon notice given, in such man-
ner as the said Acts direct, for the choice of Selectmen,
Constables, and other officers, and for the making and
agreeing upon such necessary rides, orders, and bye-laws,
for the directing, managing, and ordering, the prudential af-
fairs of such townships, districts, and precincts, and for
odier purposes ; and w hereas a great abuse has been made
of the power of calling such meetings, and the inhabitants
have, contrary to the design of their institution, been misled
to treat upon matters of the most general concern, and to
})ass many dangerous and unwarrantable resolves : for reme-
dv whereof, Be it enacted, that from and after the said first
day of August, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-
four, no meeting shall be called by the Selectmen, or at
the request of any number of freeholder of any township,
district, or precinct, without the leave of the Governor, or.
in his absence, of the Lieutenant Governor, in writing, ex-
pressing the special business of the said meeting, first had
and obtained, except the annual meeting in the months of
March or May, for the choice of Selectmen, Constables,
and other officers, or except for the choice of persons to
fill up the offices aforesaid, on the deatli or removal of any
of the persons first elected to such offices, and also, except
any meeting for the election of a Representative or Repre-
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BILL FOR GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
108
sentatives in the General Court ; and that no other matter
shall be treated of at such meetings, except tlie election oi
their aforesaid ofiicers or Representatives, nor at ajiy other
iiiectini;, except tlie business expressed "ui the leave given
by tlie Governor, or, in his absence, by tlie Lieutenant
Governor.
And wliereas the method at present used in the Pro-
vince of Massac/iusetts Bay, in America , of electin;;: ])ei-sons
to serve on Grand Juries, and other juries, by tiie free-
holders and inhabitants of tlie several towns, affords occasion
for many evil practices, and tends to pervert the free and
impartial administration of justice : for remedy whereof,
Be it further enactvil by the (iiithority nforcsaid, That trom
and after the respective times appointed for the holding o(
the General Sessions of tlie Peace, in the several counties
within tlie said Province, next after the month of Stjitem-
ber, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-four, the
Jurors to serve at the Superior Courts of Judicature, Courts
of Assize, General Gaol Delivery, General Sessions of the
Peace, and Inferior Court of Common Pleas, in the several
counties within the said Province, shall not be elected,
nominated, or appointed, by the freelioldere and inhabitants
of the several towns within the said respective counties,
nor summoned or returned by the Constables of the said
towns ; but that, from thenceforth, the Jurors to serve at
the Superior Courts of Judicature, Courts of Assize, Gene-
ral (iaol Delivery, General Sessions of the Peace, and In-
ferior Court of Common Pleas, within the said Province,
shall be summoned and returned by the Sherifis of the re-
spective counties within the said Province ; and all writs of
Venire Facias, or other process or warrants to be issued
for the return of Jurors to serve at the said Courts, shall be
directed to the Sheriffs of the said counties respectively,
any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary notwithstanding.
Provided always, and be it further enacted by the au-
thority aforesaid, That wherever the Sheriff of any county
shall happen to be a part)-, or interested or related to any
party or person interested in any prosecution or suit de-
pending in any of the said Courts, that then, in such case,
the writ of Venire Facias, or other process or warrant for
the summoning and return of a Jury, for the trial of such
prosecution or suit, shall be directed to, and executed by,
the Coroner of such county ; and in case such Coroner
shall be also a party, or interested in, or related to, any
party or person interested in such prosecution oi' suit, then
the Venire Facias, or other process or warrant, for the
summoning and return of a Jury for the trial of such prose-
cution or suit, shall be directed to, and executed by, a
proper and hidifferent person, to be appointed for that pur-
pose by the Court wherein such prosecution or suit shall be
depending.
And that all Sheriffs may be better informed of persons
qualified to serve on Juries at the Superior Courts of Judi-
cature, Courts of Assize, General Gaol Delivery, General
Sessions of the Peace, and Inferior Court of Common
Pleas, within the said Province, Be it further enacted by
the authority aforesaid. That the Constables of the respec-
tive towns, within the several counties of the said Province,
shall, at the General Sessions of the Peace, to be holden for
each county, next after the month of September, in every
year, upon the first day of the said Sessions, return and
deliver to the Justices of the Peace, in open Court, a true
list, in writing, of the names and places of abode of all
persons within the respective towns for which they serve,
or the districts thereof, qualified to serve upon Juries, with
their titles and additions, between the age of one and
twenty years, and the age of seventy years ; which said
Justices, or any two of them, at the said Sessions in the re-
spective counties, shall cause to be delivered a duplicate of
the aforesaid lists, by the Clerk of the Peace of every
county, to the Sheriffs, or their Deputies, within ten days
after such Sessions ; and cause each of the said lists to be
fairly entered into a book, by die Clerk of the Peace, to be
by him provided, and kept for that purpose amongst the
records of the said Court ; and no Sheriff shall empannel or
return any person or persons to serve upon any Grand Jury,
or Petit Jury, whatsoever, in any of the said Courts that
shall not be named or mentioned in such list : and, to pre-
vent the failure of justice, through the neglect of Consta-
bles to make such returns of persons qualified to serve on
such Juries, as in and by this Act is directed, the Clerks
of the Peace of the said several counties are hereby required
and commanded, twenty days at least next before the
mondi of September, yearly, and every year, to issue forth
precepts or warrants, under their respective hands and
seals, to the respective Constables of the several towns
within the said respective counties, requiring them, and
every of them, to make such return of persons, qualified to
serve upon Juries as hereby respectively directed ; and
every Constable failing at any time to make and deliver
such return to the Justices in open Court, as aforesaid,
shall forfeit and incur the penalty of five pounds sterling to
his Majesty, and his successors, to be recovered by bill,
plaint, or information, to be prosecuted in any of the Courts
aforesaid ; and, in order that the Constables may be the
better enabled to make complete lists of all persons qualified
to serve on Juries, die Constables of the several towns shall
have free liberty, at all seasonable times, upon recjuest by
them made to any officer or officers, who shall have in his or
their custody any book or account of rates or taxes on the
freeholders or inhabitants within such respective towns, to
inspect the same, and take from thence the names of such
persons qualified to serve on Juries, dwelling wuthin the re-
spective towns for which such lists are to be given in and
returned, pursuant to this Act ; and shall, in the month of
September, yearly, and every year, upon two or more
Sundays, fix upon the door of the church, chapel, and
every other public place of religious worship, within their
respective precincts, a true and exact list of all such persons
intended to be returned to the said General Sessions of the
Peace, as qualified to serve on Juries, pursuant to the di-
rections of this Act ; and leave at the same time a duplicate
of such list with the Town Clerk of the said place, to be
perused by the freeholders and inhabitants thereof, to the
end that notice may be given of persons duly qualified vvho
are omitted, or of persons inserted by mistake who ought to
be omitted out of such lists ; and it shall and may be law-
ful to and for the Justices, at the General Sessions of the
Peace to which the said list shall be so returned, upon due
proof made before them of any person or persons duly
([ualified to serve on Juries being omitted in such lists, or
of any pereon or persons being inserted therein who ought
to have been omitted, to order his or their name or names
to be inserted or struck out, as the case may require : and
in case any Constable shall wilfully omit, out of such list,
any person or pei-sons, whose name or names ought to be
inserted, or shall wilfully insert any ]ierson or persons who
ought to be omitted, eveiy Constable so oflending, shall,
for every person so omitted or inserted in such list, con-
trary to the true intent and meaning of this Act, be fined
by the said Justices, in the said General Sessions of the
Peace, in the sum of forty shillings sterling.
Provided always, and be it chactcd by the authority
aforesaid. That in case default shall at any time hereafter
be made, by any Constable or Constables, to return lists of
persons qualified to serve on Juries within any of the said
towns to the said Court of General Sessions of the Peace,
then, and in such case, it shall and may be lawful for the
Sheriff of the county, in which such default shall be made,
to summon and return to the several Courts aforesaid, or
any of thein, such and so many jiersons dwelling in such
towns, or the districts thereof, qualified to serve on Juries,
as he shall think fit to serve on Juries at such respective
Courts ; any tliinsr herein contained to the contrary thereof
in any wise notwithstanding.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That every summons of any person, to serve upon any of
the Juries at the said Courts, or any of them, shall be made
by the Sheriff, or other ])erson, ten days at the least before
the holdinu' of every such Court; and in case any Jurors,
so to be summoned, he absent from the usual place of his
habitation at the time of such summons, notice of such
summons shall be given, by leaving a note, in writing, under
the hand of such Sheriff, or person, containing the contents
thereof, at the dwelling house of such Juror, with some
person iiiliahiting in the same.
Provided always, and be it further enacted by the au-
thority aforesaid. That in case a sufficient number of
persons qualified to serve on Juries shall not appear at the
said Courts, or any of them, to perform the service of
Grand or Petit Jurors, that then, and in such case, it shall
be lawful for the said Court to issue a writ or precept to
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BILL FOR GOVERMVIENT OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
110
the Sheriff, requiring him to summon a sufficient number
of other persons qualified to serve on Juries, immediately
to appear at such Court, to fill up and complete the num-
ber of Jurors to serve at such Court ; and such persons are
liereby required to appear and serve as Jurors at the said
Courts accordingly.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That no person who shall serve as a Juror, at any of the
said Courts, shall be liable to serve again as a Juror at the
same Court, or any other of the Courts aforesaid, for the
space of three years then next following, except upon
special Juries.
And, in order that the Sheriffs may be informed of the
persons who have served as Jurors, It is hereby further
enacted by the authority aforesaid, That every Slieritr
sjiall prepare and keep a book, or register, wherein the
names of all such persons who have served as Jurors, with
their additions and places of abode, and the times when,
and tiie Courts in wiiich they served, siiall be alphabetically
entered and registered ; which books or registers shall,
from time to time, be delivered over to the succeeding
Sheriff of the said county, within ten days after he shall
enter upon his oflice ; and every Juror, who shall attend
and serve at any of the Courts aforesaid, may, at the expi-
ration of the time of holding every, such Court, upon ap-
plication to the Sheriff, or his Deputy, have a certificate
immediately, §Ta^M, from the Sheriff, or his Deputy, testify-
ing such his attendance and service ; which said certificate
the said Sheriff, or his Deputy, is required to give to every
such Juror.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That if, by reason of challenges, or otherw'ise, their shall
not be a sufficient number of Jurors for the trial of any
prosecution for any misdemeanor, or any action depending
in any of the said Courts, then, and in such case, the Jury
shall be filled up de talibus circumstantibus, to be returned
by the Sheriff, unless he be a party, or interested or rela-
ted to any party or person interested in such prosecution or
action ; and, in any of which cases, to be returned by the
Coroner, unless he be a party, or interested or related to
any party or person interested in such prosecution or action ;
and, in any of these cases, to be returned by a proper and
indifferent person, to be appointed by the Court for tliat
purpose.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That in case any person summoned to serve upon the
Grand or Petit Jury, at any of the Courts aforesaid, or
upon the Jury, in any prosecution, action, or suit, depend-
ing in any of the said Courts, shall not appear and serve at
the said Courts, according to the said summons, (not having
any reasonable excuse to be allowed by the Judges or
Justices at such Court,) he shall be fined by the Judges or
Justices of such Court in any sum not exceeding tlie sum
of ten pounds, nor less than twenty shillings sterling.
And be it further enapted by the authority .aforesaid,
That every Sheriff, or other officer, to whom the Venire
Facias, or other process or warrant, for the trial of causes,
or summoning of Juries, shall be directed, shall, upon his
return of every such writ, or other process or warrant,
(unless in cases where a special Jury shall be stuck by
order or mle of Court, pursuant to this Act,) annex a
pannel to tlie said writ, or process, or warrant, containing
the christian and surnames, additions, and places of abode,
of a competent number of Jurors, named in such lists,
which number of Jurors shall not be less than twenty-foin-,
nor more than forty-eight, without direction of the Judges
or Justices of such Court of Session, or one of them, who
are hereby respectively empowered and required, if he or
they see cause, by order, under his or their respective hand
or hands, to direct a greater number ; and then such
number as shall be so directed shall be the number to be
returned to serve on such Jury.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That for the trials of all actions or suits depending in any
of tlie said Courts, the name of each and every person who
shall be summoned and returned as aforesaid, with his ad-
dition, and the place of his abode, shall be written in several
and distinct pieces of parchment, or paper, being all as
near as may be of equal size and bigness, and shall be de-
livered unto the officer to be appointed by the Court for
that purpose, by the Sheriff, Under Sheriff, or some Agent
of his ; and shall, by direction and care of such officer, be
rolled up all as near as may be, in the same manner, and
put together in a box or gliiss, to be provided for that pur-
jiose ; and when any cause shall be brought on to be tried,
some indifferent person, by direction of the Court, may and
shall, in open Court, draw out twelve of the said parch-
ments or papers, one after anotlier; and if any of the
persons, wliose names siiall be so drawn, shall not appear,
or shall be challenged, and such challenge allowed, then
such person shall proceed to draw other parciiments or
papers from the said box, till twelve indifferent persons
shall be drawn ; which twelve indifferent persons being
sworn shall be tlio Jury to try the said cause : and the
names of the persons so drawn and sworn shall be kept
apai't by tiiemselves in some other box or glass, to be kept
for that purpose, till such Jury shall have given in their
verdict, and the same is recorded, or until such Jury shall,
by consent of tlie parties, or leave of the Court, be dis-
charged ; and tiien the same names shall be rolled up again,
and returned to tiie former box or glass, there to be kept,
witii the other names remaining at that time undrawn, and
so toties quoties, as long as any cause remahis then to be
tried.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That it shall and may be lawful to and for the Superior
Court of Assize, and Court of Common Pleas, upon motion
made on behalf of his Majesty, his heirs or successors, or on
the motion of any prosecutor or defendant, in any indict-
ment or information for any misdemeanor depending, or to
be brought or prosecuted in the said Court, or on the
motion of any plaintiff or plaintiffs, defendant, or defen-
dants, in any action, cause, or suit whatsoever, depending,
or to be brought and carried on in the said Court, and the
said Court is hereby authorized and required, upon motion
as aforesaid, in any of the cases before mentioned, to order
and appoint a Jury to be struck for the trial of any issue
joined in any of the said cases, and triable by a Jury of
twelve men, by such officer of the said Court as the Court
shall appoint ; and for that purpose the Sheriff, or his
Deputy, shall attend such officer with the duplicate of the
lists of persons qualified to serve on Juries ; and such offi-
cer shall thereupon take down, in writing, from the said
duplicate, the names of forty-eight persons qualified to
serve on Juries, with their additions, and places of abode,
a copy whereof shall forthwith be delivered to the prosecu-
tors or plaintiffs, their attorneys or agents, and another
copy thereof to the defendants, their attorneys or agents, in
such prosecutions and causes ; and the said officer of the
Court aforesaid shall, at a time to be fixed by him for that
purjiose, strike out the names of twelve of the said persons
at the nomination of the prosecutors or plaintiffs, their at-
torneys or agents, and also the names of twelve others of
the said persons, at the nomination of the said defendants
in such prosecutions and suits, and the twenty-four remain-
ing persons shall be struck and summoned, and returned to
the said Court as Jurors, for the trial of such issues.
Provided always. That in case the prosecutors or plain-
tiffs, or defendants, their attorneys or agents, shall neglect
or refuse to attend the officer at the time fixed for striking
the names of twenty-four persons as aforesaid, or nominate
the persons to be struck out, then, and in such case, the
said officer shall, and he is hereby required to strike out the
names of such number of the said persons as such prosecu-
tors or plaintiffs, or defendants, might have nominated to
be struck out.
And he it further enacted, That the person or party
who shall apply for such special Jury as aforesaid, shall not
only bear and pay the fees for striking such Jury, but shall
also pay and discharge all the expenses occasioned by the
trial of the cause by such Special Jury, and shall not have
an)- further or other allowance for the same, upon taxation
of costs, than such person or party would be entitled unto in
case the cause had been tried by a Common Jur)', unless
the Judge, before whom the cause is tried, shall, immedi-
ately after the trial, certify, in open Court, under his hand,
upon the back of the record, that the same was a cause
proper to be tried by a Special Jury.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That, in all actions brought in any of the said Courts,
where it shall appear to the Court in which such actions
are depending, that it will be proper and necessary that
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Bir.L FOR ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
112
the Juroi-s who are to try the issues in any such actions,
siiouki have the view of the messuages, lauds, or phice in
question, in order to tiieir better understandiuif the evidence
that will be given upon the trial of such issues ; in every
such ciise tiie respective Courts in which sucii actions shall
be depending, may order the Jury to the place in question,
who tiion and there shall liave the mailers in question
shewn them by two persons to he appointed by the Court;
and the special costs of all such views as allowed by the
Court, shall, before the trial, be paid by the ])arty who
moved for the view, (the adverse party not consenting
thereto ;) and shall at the taxation of the bill of costs, have
the same allowed him, upon his recovering judgement in
sucli trial ; and upon all views with the consent of jiarties,
ordered by tlie Court, tiie costs thereof, as allowed by the
Court, shall, before trial, be equally paid by the said
parties ; and in the taxation of the bill of costs, the party
recovering judgment shall have the sum by him j)aid, al-
lowed to him ; any law, usage, or custom, to the contrary
notwithstanding.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That if any action shall be brought against any SherifT, for
what he sliall do in execution, or by virtue of this Act, he
may plead the general issue, and give the special matter in
evidence ; and if a verdict shall be found for him, he shall
recover treble costs.
IV. BILL FOR THE LMPARTIAL ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IIV
TIIE PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Monday, March 28, 1774.
The House having had under consideration, in Commit-
tee of the Whole, on Friday, the '25th instant, the King's
Message of die 7th, and sundry other Papers, received the
Report diis day, and granted leave to bring in the Bill lor
the better regulating the Government of the Province of
Mnssachmetts Bay.
Sir Charles fVhitworth, dien acquainted die House that
he was directed by the Committee to move, that they may
have leave to sit again.
Resolved, That this House will, upon Wednesday fort-
night, the 13th day of April next, resolve itself into a Com-
mittee of the whole House, to consider further of the said
Message and Papers.
Wednesday, April 13, 1774.
The order of the day, for considering the Message and
Papers, in a Committee of the whole House, was read :
Resolved, That this House will, upon Friday morning
next, resolve itself into the said Committee.
Friday, April 15, 1774.
Tlie Lord North presented to the House, by his Ma-
jesty's command.
No. 1 . Copy of a Letter from Governor Hutchinson to
the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 14th February,
1774 ; received 5th of April, enclosing,
No. 2. Copy of Governor Hutchinson's Speech to the
Council and House of Representatives ; and their
Answer.
No. 3. Copy of a Requisition from the House of
Representatives of Massachusetts Bay, to the
Judges of the Superior Court.
No. 4. Copy of a Remonstrance of the House of
Representatives of Massachusetts Bay, against the
Chief Justice.
No. 5. Copy of the Vote of the Council and House
of Representatives of Massachusetts Bay, for ad-
journing the Superior Court, not consented to by
the Governor.
No. 6. Copy of Governor Hutchinson^s Answer to
the Remonstrance of the House of Representatives,
against the Chief Justice.
Together witli a list of the said Papers.
And the said list was read :
Ordered, That the said Papers be referred to the con-
sideration of the Committee of the whole House, to whom
it is referred to take into further consideration his Majesty's
most gracious Message of Monday, the 7th day of March
last, together with the Papers which were presented to the
House by the Lord North, upon the 7th and 11th da\s of
March last, by his Majesty's command.
The order of the day, for the House to resolve itself into
a Committee of the whole on the said Message and Papers,
was read, and
The House resolved itself into the said Committee, Sir
Charles IfTiittoorth in the Chair.
The Papers presented this day were then read ; when
the reading was finished,
Lord North rose, and said, he meant now to propose a
third Bill, which he hoped wouh' eflectually secure the
Province of Massachusetts Bay from future disturbances.
The Bill that he meant to propose was, to give every man
a fair and hiipartial trial ; that the Juries of that country it
was true, were not established after the manner in which
our Juries here were, and therefore were not so likely to
give to each offender that impartial trial, which, by the laws
of this country, he was entitled to ; for if it shall be found
in that country, that a man is not likely to meet with a fair
and impartial trial, the Governor will be empowered to send
him to any of the other Colonies, where the same kind of
spirit has not prevailed ; but if it shall be thought that he
cannot have such fair and impartial trial in any of the Colo-
nies, in that case he is to be sent to Great Britain, to be
tried before the Court of King's Bench, the expenses of
which trial were to be drawn for on the Customs ui
England. Unless such a Bill as this now proposed should
pass into a law, the Executive power will be imwilling to
act, thinkuig they will not have a fair trial without it. I
would not, said his Lordship, wish to see the least doubt or
imperfection remain in the jjlan w Inch we have adopted : if
there does, the consequence may be that it may produce
bloodshed ; that the whole plan may be clear and decisive ;
that every part of it may be properiy supported ; and I tmst
that such a measure as this, which we have now taken, will
shew to that country, that this nation is roused to defend
their rights, and protect the security of peace in its Colo-
nies; and when roused, that the measures which they lake
are not cruel nor vindictive, but necessary and efficacious.
Temporary distress requires temporary relief; I shall there-
fore only propose this Bill for the limited time of three or
four years. We must consider, that every thing that we
have that is valuable to us is now at stake : and the ques-
tion_ is very shortly this : Whether they shall continue the
subjects of Great Britain or not ? This I propose as the
last measure that Parliament will take ; after which, it re-
quires, that his Majesty's servants shall be vigilant in the
execution of their duty, and keep a watchful eye over every
encroachment against the power we shall now pass, and not
suffer the least degree of disobedience to our measures to
take place in that country. Such a watchful and carefid
eye to prevent the first rise of disobedience, may be a sure
peventive agauist future mischiefs. The customary relief
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BILL FOR ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
114
of troops that is ordered for that country, is ordered, in the
first place, to Boston, four regiments being the usual relief.
Governor Hutchinson comes liome, and his Majesty has
appointed General Gage as Commander and Governor in
Chief, a man whose great abilities, and extensive know-
ledge of that country, will give him a superior advantage,
and his occasional residence there will prevent him from
shewing any impolitic partiality to the Americans, and
thereby enforce a due observance of those measures which
we have taken, and shall send out. There is one thing I
much wish, which is, the punishment of those individuals
who have been the ringleaders and forerunners of these
mischiefs. Our attention will be continually active in that
point. A prosecution has been already ordered against
them by his Majesty's servants, but I cannot promise
myself any very good effijct until this law shall have reached
the Province. We must particularly guard against any il-
legal or ineffectual proceedings, or else, after all our trouble,
we shall find ourselves at last in the same dilemma we
were in at first. We must observe a perfect innocence, and
a conscientious avoidance of the breach of any laws. His
Majesty's servants, I make no doubt, will be thoroughly
watchful against such breach, nor will they at any time pro-
ceed upon slight grounds. They have the happiness to be
assisted by the ablest lawyers, who have both great reso-
lution and abilities ; and guarded by such outlines, I make
no doubt, that tiie spirit of disobedience, which has hitherto
unfortunately prevailed, will be tempered and brought to
reason by a due observance of those measures which we
have now taken, and, 1 trust, will secure to us the blessings
of peace, radicated out of the boiling disturbances and vio-
lent spirit of opposition in that country. When those
measures are pursued with that resolution, and those abili-
ties which I have mentioned, I doubt not the event will be
advantageous to this country. I have no more. Sir, to add
but with permission will make the motion, " That the Chair-
" man be directed to move the House, that leave be given
" to bring in a Bill for the impartial administration of justice,
" in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by
" them in the execution of the laws, or for the suppression
" of the riots and tumults in the Province of Massachusetts
'• Bay, in New England."
[It was observed that Lord North trembled and faultered
at every word of his motion.]
Colonel Barre. I rise. Sir, with great unwillingness to
oppose this measure in its very infancy, before its features
are well formed, or to claim that attention which this House
seems to bestow with so much reluctance on any arguments
in behalf of America. But I must call you to witness that
1 have been hitherto silent, or acquiescing, to an unexpect-
ed degree of moderation. While your proceedings, severe
as they were, had the least colour of foundation in justice,
1 desisted from opposing them ; nay more — though your
Bill for stopping up the port of Boston contained in it many
things most cruel, unwarrantable, and unjust, yet, as they
were couched under those general principles of justice,
retribution for injury, and compensation for loss sustained, I
not only desisted from opposing, but assented to its passing.
The Bill was a bad way of doing what was right ; but
still it was doing what was right. I would not therefore,
by opposing it, seem to countenance those violences which
had been committed abroad ; and of which no man disap-
proves more than 1 do.
Upon the present question I am totally unprepared.
The motion itself bears no sort of resemblance to what was
formerly announced. The noble Lord and his friends have
had every advantage of preparation. They have reconnoi-
tred the field, and chosen tiieir ground. To attack them in
these circumstances may, perhaps, favour more of the gal-
lantry of a soldier than of the wisdom of a senator.
But, Sir, the proposition is so glaring; so unprecedented
in any former proceedings of Parliament ; so unwarranted
by any delay, denial, or perversion of justice in America;
so big with misery and oppression to that country, and with
danger to this — that the first blush of it is sufficient to alarm
and rouse me to opposition.
It is proposed to stigmatize a whole People as persecu-
tors of innocence, and men incapable of doing justice ; yet
you have not a single fact on which to ground that imputa-
tion. I expected the noble Lord would have supported
this motion by producing instances of the officers of Go-
Fourth Series.
vemnnent in America having been prosecuted with unremit-
ting vengeance, and brought to cruel and dishonourable
deaths, by the violence and injustice of American Juries.
But he has not produced one such instance ; and I will tell
you more. Sir, — he cannot produce one. The instances
which have happened are directly in the teeth of his propo-
sition. Captain Freston and the soldiers, who shed the
blood of the People, were fairly tried, and fully acquitted.
It was an American Jury, a Nexo England Jury, a Boston
Jury, which tried and acquitted them. Captain Preston
has, under his hand, publicly declared, that the inhabitants
of the very town in which their fellow-citizens had been
sacrificed, were his advocates and defenders. Is this the
return you make them ? Is this the encouragement you
give them to persevere in so laudable a spirit of justice and
moderation ? When a Commissioner of the Customs,
aided by a number of ruffians, assaulted the celebrated Mr.
Otis in the midst of the town of Boston, and with the most
barbarous violence almost murdered him, did the mob.
which is said to rule that town, take vengeance on the per-
petrators of this inhuman outrage against a person who is
supposed to be their demagogue ? No, Sir, the law tried
them ; the law gave heavy damages against them ; which
the irreparably injured Mr. Otis most generously forgave
upon an acknowledgment of the offence. Can you expect
any more such instances of magnanimity under the princi-
ple of the Bill now proposed ?
But the noble Ijord says, " We must now shew the
" Americans that we will no longer sit quiet under their
" insults." Sir, I am sorry to say that this is declamation,
unbecoming the character and place of him who utters it.
In what moment have you been quiet? Has not your
Government for many years past been a series of irritating
and offensive measures, without policy, principle, or
moderation ? Have not your troops and your ships made
a vain and insulting parade in their streets and in their
harbours ? It has seemed to be your study to irritate and
inflame them. You have stimulated discontent into disaf-
fection, and you are now goading that disaffection into re-
bellion. Can you expect to be well informed when you
listen only to partizans ? Can you expect to do justice
when you will not hear the accused ?
Let us consider. Sir, the precedents which are offered to
warrant this proceeding — the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act in 1745 — the making smugglers triable in
Middlesex, and the Scotch rebels in England. Sir, the
first was done upon the most pressing necessity , flagrante
bello, with a dangerous rebellion in the very heart of the
Kingdom ; the second, you well know, was warranted by
the most evident facts : armed bodies of smugglers marched
publicly without presentment or molestation from the
People of the county of Sussex ; who, even to their Ma-
gistrates, were notoriously connected with them. They
murdered the officers of the revenue, engaged your troops,
and openly violated the laws. Experience convinced you.
that the Juries of that, and of the counties similarly cir-
cumstanced, would never find such criminals guilty; and
upon the conviction of this necessity you passed the Act.
The same necessity justified the trying Scotch rebels in
England. Rebellion had reared its dangerous standard in
Scotland, and the principles of it had so universally tainted
that People, that it was manifestly in vain to expect
justice from them against their countrymen. But in Ameri-
ca, not a single act of rebellion has been committed. Let
the Crown law ofiicers, who sit by the noble Lord, declare,
if they can, that there is upon your table a single evidence
of treason or rebellion mAinerica. They know. Sir, there
is not one, and yet are proceeding as if there were a
thousand.
Having thus proved, Sir, that the proposed Bill is with-
out precedent to support, and without facts to warrant it,
let us now view the consequences it is like to produce. A
soldier feels himself so much above the rest of mankind,
that the strict hand of the civil power is necessary to con -
troul the haughtiness of disposition which .such supenority
inspires. You know. Sir, what constant care is taken in
this country to remind the military that they are under the
restraint of the civil power. In America their superionty
is felt still greater. Remove the check of the law, as this
Bill intends, and what insolence, what outrage may you not
expect ? Every passion that is pernicious to society will
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BILL FOR ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
116
be let loose upon a People unaccustomed to licentiousness
and intemperance. On the one hand will be a People who
have been long complaining of oppression, and see in the
soldiery those who are to enforce it upon them ; on the
other, an army studiously prepossessed with the idea of that
People being rebellious, unawed by the apprehension of
civil conlroul, and actuated by that arbitrary sjiirit which
prevails even among the best of troops. In this situation the
prudent officer will find it impossible to restrain his soldiers
or prevent that provocation which will rouse the tamest
People to resistance. Tlie inevitable consequence will be
that you will produce the rebellion you pretend to obviate.
I have been bred a soldier ; have served long. 1 respect
the profession, and live in the strictest habits of friendship
with a great many officers; but there is not a country
gentleman of you all, who looks upon the army with a
more jealous eye, or would more strenuously resist the set-
ting them alK)ve the controul of the civil power. No man
is to be trusted in such a situation ; it is not a fault of the
soldier, but the vice of human nature, which, unbridled by
law, becomes insolent and licentious, wantonly violates the
peace of society, and tramples upon the rights of human kind.
With respect to those gentlemen who are destined to
this service, they are much to be pitied. It is a service,
which an officer of feeling and of worth must enter upon
with infinite reluctance ; a service, in which his only
merit must be, to bear much, and do little. With the me-
lancholy prospect before him of commencing a civil war,
and embruing his hands in the blood of his fellow subjects,
his feelings, his life, his honour, are hazarded, without a
possibility of any equivalent or compensation. You may
perhaps think a law, founded upon this motion will be his
protection. I am mistaken if it will. Who is to execute
it ? He must be a bold man indeed who makes the at-
tempt. If the People are so exasperated, that it is unsafe
to bring the man who has injured them to trial, let the
Governor who withdraws him from justice look to himself.
Tlie People will not endure it ; they would no longer de-
serve the reputation of being descended from the loins of
Englishmen, if they did endure it.
When I stand up as an advocate for America, I feel
myself the firmest friend of this country. We stand upon
the commerce of America. Alienate your Colonies, and
you will subvert tlie foundation of your riches and your
strength. Let the banners of rebellion be once spread in
America, and you are an undone People. You are urging
it with such violence, and by measures tending so manifestly
to that fatal point, that, but that a state of madness only
could inspire such an intention, it would appear to be your
deliberate purpose. In assenting to your late Bill I resist-
ed the violence of America, at the hazard of my popularity
there. I now resist your phrenzy at the same risk here.
Yon have changed your ground. You are becoming the
aggressors, and offering the last of human outrages to the
People of America, by subjecting them, in effect, to mili-
tary execution. I know the vast superiority of your dis-
ciplined troops over the provincials ; but beware how you
supply the want of discipline by desperation. Instead of
sending them the olive branch, you have sent the naked
sword. By the olive branch, I mean a repeal of all the
late laws, fruitless to you, and oppressive to them.
Ask their aid in a constitutional manner, and they will
give it to the utmost of their ability. They never yet re-
fused it, when properly required. Your Journals bear the
recorded acknowledgments of the zeal with which they
have contributed to the general necessities of the State.
What madness is it that prompts you to attempt obtaining
that by force which you may more certainly procure by
requisition ? They may be flattered into any thin", but
they are too much like yourselves to be driven. Have
some indulgence for your own likeness ; respect their sturdy
English virtue ; retract your odious exertions of authority,
and remember that the first step towards makinj; them con-
tribute to your wants, is it to reconcile them to your Go-
vernment.
Mr. Solicitor General Wcddtrhurn. I take this Bill to
be nothing more than conveying a general security to all
persons whatsoever, as well as the military. It is necessa-
ry there should be a reform of the laws, and a proper secu-
rity under such magisterial authority. The Americans do
not attack the law, otherwise than attacking the Legislature
that made it. It is not this nor that law that is particulai'ly
disagreeable to them ; they say, no laws shall be put in
force there: you say, all laws shall. A singular case may
happen of not meeting with that fair trial which is expected ;
this Bill will be a remedy for it ; it is a temporary relief
for the limited space of three years. They have, m that
country, an unwillingness to obey all Magistrates, who have
authority from this country, acting under its laws ; nay,
they even dispute the commission, and may not allow the
appointment ; a trial, in such a case, would certainly be
doubtful. The revenue law gives the power of trial in
another country ; this case is a direct precedent of that
impartial trial at which you want to come ; for if you can-
not have it in one county, you must remove and try to
find it in another. No man will deny me the doctrine,
that such fair trial ought and must be had. It is now no
longer a question of expediency, it is a question of necessi-
ty ; and it will he found necessary, at all events to break
into their charters, if you mean to produce that subordina-
tion which you are seeking ; but I hope, and firmly wish, that
even the idea of your authority being known to them, will
at once prevent the exertion of it. I agree with tlie
honorable gentleman, that the olive branch ought to go in
one hand, but the sword should be carried in the otlier.
Peace will be established upon proper princii)les, when there
is a power to enforce it ; and your authority once establish-
ed, I would tlien drop the point of the sword, and make use
of the olive branch, as far and as much as possible. I could
very easily tell the colour of all which has already happened
in America, and the ground from which it arose ; but 1
stop short, hoping that when they see and know that you
have both courage and firmness to jjroceed in your plan, it
will prevent even the exertion of this necessary measure.
I would not have them be too confident in our weakness
and irresolution, but adopt the measure of reformation, as
arising and occasioned by our firmness and courage in the
exertion of those powers which are entrusted to us for the
preservation of the peace of our Colonies.
Captain Phipps. I commend much, and am glad to
hear of, the appointment of General Gage. I think his
abilities and knowledge of the People of that country will
sufficiently ensure to him their affections, and be a means of
inducing them to obey those measures which are to be exe-
cuted under his direction ; and as much approve of the re-
moval of one of the worst, one of the most exceptionable
servants the Crown ever had, I mean Governor Hutchin-
son. I wish to see the Bill before us without the trial by
Jury, for I always apprehended that the advantage of such
trial was from the vicinage, and by men who knew the cir-
cumstaoces, as well as the characters of the ofl'enders ; nor
do I wish to see men sent to England to be tried. These
men in America are all brought up to mercantile business,
and I do not know any recompense or satisfaction whatever
that can be made to a man for the loss of his time in coming
here and going back. I wish much for unanimity, becaust
I think it would add a chief support to our measures ; but
I think it impossible to send a man from America to be tried
here, when we are three thousand miles asunder. It would
be better that America and England were separated en-
tirely, than to offer to bring men here to be tried. I wish
this Bill to go on without that trial by Jury. I wish much
also the removal of" Governor Bernard, because he was the
first man who opposed a revenue law. He did it upon the
same principle as a smuggler does, because he would lose
by it. If this Bill goes on in its present form, it will extort
from me that opinion ininy vote of affirmative, which I am
unwiUing to give.
Mr. T. Townshend. I cannot. Sir, agree with my hon-
orable friend, in approving of the removal of Governor
Hutchinson. The Bill is one of those measures to which
I can easily give my consent as, I think, it contains a secu-
rity that the lives of innocent men may be safe. I approve
much of the appointment of General Gage ; and as I do
not find that the troops are with him, 1 nmst express a wish
that they may be able to arrive time enough to prevent a
riot, sooner than to quell one, and to let America see we
do not want to quiirrel with tiiemupon mere punctilio ; do
not let us, for God's sake, when we have asserted our au-
thority to all that we wish to do, and enforced that obe-
dience, continue that little paltry duty upon tea; let us,
then, nobly lay aside those little, teazing, irritating measures.
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118
having once gained the grand point of peace and submis-
sion to our laws.
Mr. Dowdesrvell. I am the last man to entertain pre-
judices against Juries. I revere and honour the institution.
1 rejoice also that Governor Hutchinson is removed, be-
cause he has not acted as he ought to do, either towards
this country or America.
Lord Carmarthen. I do not mean, Sir, to trouble the
House long, but I hope I am justified, by the importance
of the question, in delivering my sentiments. Great
Britain neither can nor ought to sit silent, and behold the
riots and disturbances that have been committed in Ameri-
ca ; committed, I say, by a People sent out from this coun-
try, as it were from our own bowels ; to see these men
disobey the laws and precepts of Great Britain, and to sit
tamely, and take no notice, would be insipid conduct, high-
ly unworthy the British Legislature. For what purpose
were they suffered to go to that country, unless the profit
of their labour should return to their masters here ? I think
the policy of colonization is highly culpable, if the advan-
tages of it should not redound to the interests of Great
Britain. I cannot see this Act in any other light, than as
giving that same degree of relief to every subject in Ameri-
ca, in the same manner as it gives protection and security
to the military ; I shall therefore give it my affirmative,
and hope, upon some future day, to express my further
sentiments upon that part relating to the trial by Juries.
Lord North. I rise once more to wipe off the aspersion
that has been thrown upon Governor Hutchinson, and I
am much surprised to find that it was the sentiment of even
one gentleman in this House, that the removal of Governor
Hutchinson was considered as part of the merit of this
measure. I do not know a man who has a greater share
of merit ; nor did I ever hear any charge brought against
him. He was shamefully abandoned in the execution of
his duty, by those who ought to have supported him.
Governor Hutchinson had before this affair desired and
obtained leave to come home. A shij) is now arrived at
Bristol, in which he had taken a passage, but as the go-
ven.ment of the Province, in those disturbed times, would
have fallen into the hands of the Council in his absence, in
case of the death of the Lieutenant Governor, who was
then very ill, he chose rather to adhere to his duty, and
stay in that country, to endeavour to quiet those alarming
disturbances. This surel}'. Sir, was acting the part of a
faithful servant of tiie Crown; I would only tell the House
that Governor Hutchinson is not recalled home upon ac-
count of any misconduct ; and that he is not here at pre-
sent is certainly a mark of his duty, and deserves the thanks
of this Assembly.
Captain Phipps rose to explain, and said, that he did
not blame Governor Hutchinson for his conduct without
reason, which he would give to the House ; he thought
liim culpable upon two occasions, the one for suffering his
son to be appointed a consignee of the tea, and the other
for setting at defiance the Assembly. 1 think him also
highly blaineable (says he) for not acting without his Coun-
cil. Here seems to be in him a pretended mildness, and a
determined prepossession of irritation.
General Conway. We ought not. Sir, I think to dive
into People's characters ; the more important business re-
quires our serious consideration ; the measure that is now
before you is full of difficulties ; it has given a serious turn
to his Majesty's Ministers ; and this Bill is the produce of
many laboured hours, whicli we may felicitate ourselves
upon. I shall not give my opinion now. I am for this
plan, and for giving it its due consideration, though I am
apt to think that this measure will have no other tendency
than a distrust of the Americans. lam a friend to Ameri-
ca. There must be a kind of connection with Great
Bntain, whicli is necessary for the carrying on the
measures of Government. Let us preserve temper in our
proceedings. The Americans have obeyed the laws, ex-
cept that of taxation ; and 1 should be glad to hear how
this olive branch, that is so much talked of, is to go out.
Nothing less than non-taxation, in my opinion, can be the
olive branch ; if the system of taxation is to be maintained,
I am sure it will give trouble enough ; but if his Majesty's
Ministers have tiie least thoughts of putting an end to the
taxation, let them adopt it now at once, and it will put an
end to every thing.
Mr. Van. I do not rise to give the House much trouble,
but just to make one observation upon what an honorable
gentleman has said ; that if we will not tax that country,
they will return to their duty. I do most heartily agree
with him ; I believe they will ; but if they opjiose the
measures of Government that are now sent out, I would do
as was done of old, in the time of ancient Britons, I would
burn and set fire to all their woods, and leave their country
open, to prevent that protection they now have ; and if we
are likely to lose that country, I think it better lost by our
own soldiers, than wrested from us by our rebellious children .
Lord North's motion was then agreed to, and the Com-
mittee rose.
Sir Charles Whitworth reported from the Committee,
that he was directed by the Committee, to move the House,
that leave be given to bring in a Bill, for the Impartial Ad-
ministration of Justice, in the cases of persons questioned
for any acts done by them in the execution of tlie law, or
for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, in the Province of New England :
Ordered, That leave be granted to bring in the Bill ;
and that Sir Charles Whitivorth, the Lord North, Mr. At-
torney General, and Mr. Solicitor General, do prepare,
and bring in the same.
Thursdav, April 21, 1774.
Immediately after presenting the Papers this day, [See
folio 70.]
The Lord North presented to the House, according
to order, the Bill :
And the same was read the first time, upon which,
Mr. Sawbridge arose, saying. Sir, I am astonished at
the noble Lord's proceeding, in bringing in a Bill of the
utmost consequence, at a time when there is so thin a
House. [There were only forty-one members.] It is an
improper time ; it is taking us by surprise ; it is cowardly.
But, Sir, I should think myself highly unworthy a seat in
this Assembly, were I to suffer so pernicious a Bill to pass
in any stage, without giving my hearty negative to it. I
will oppose it every time I have an opportunity, although I
do not imagine I shall be much attended to. This is a Bill,
Sir, of such a ridiculous and cruel nature, that I really am
astonished how any person could think of making it.
Does the noble Lord think that a man who chances to see
a person murdered in America, will come over here as an
evidence against the aggressor? Does the noble Lord
think that any American would hazard a trial here, or
that he would expect to have justice done him, if he was
to come over ? Then a person would be brought over here
to be tried, and you would have evidences only on one
side ; but I imagine if those evidences should not be
sufficient, evidence here, who never saw the transaction,
would be procured, and the criminal acquitted. I plainly
foresee the dangerous conseqences of this Bill ; it is meant
to enslave America ; and the same Minister who means to
enslave them, would, if he had an opportunity, enslave
England; it is his aim, and what he wishes to do; but I
sincerelv hope the Americans will not admit of the execu-
tion of these destructive Bills, but nobly refuse them ; if
they do not, they are the most abject slaves that ever the
earth produced, and nothing that the Minister can do is
base enough for them.
Lord North. Sir, I think myself called upon to vindi-
cate my conduct for bringing in the Bill in so tliin a
House.' Sir. was I to know there would be few members
attend ? I did as I promised I would do, which was, to
bring in tlie Bill as soon as it was ready ; it was but just
finished when I brought it, and I little expected to have
any debate upon it in tins stage: I thought, Sir, the debate
would be upon the second reading ; it usually is so ; and
I sincerely hope when this Bill is read a second time,
that we shall have a very full House, and let every
gentleman give his opinion upon it. I wish to have it
thoroughly discussed, and if it should be found to be a bad
Bill, in God's name throw it out; if found otherwise, yon
cannot he too unanimous in assenting to it ; the more una-
nimity there is, the stronger effect it will have. As to its
being meant to enslave America, I deny it, I have no such
intention ; it is an unpleasant, but necessary step to bring
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120
iliem to a sense of their duty ; that assertion has much
the same truth in it as what has been before said, that the
Americans had seen their error, and were wilhnu; to satii^fy
tlie India Company. Sir, there is a ship arrived, I tiiink
her name is the Fortune, Captain Gorcham ; she arrived
in Boston harbour the latter end of February, or beirin-
ning of March, 1774, I cannot say which ; she was loaded
with tea ; the inhabitants came immediately and unloaded
her, and emptied the contents of her cargo into the sea.
Is this, Sir, seeing their error ? Is this Sir, reforming ?
Is this making restitution to the India Company r Surely
no gentleman will, after this, urge any thing in their
defence. The honorable gentleman has said this Bill is
a pernicious one ; 1 trust, when gentlemen come to consi-
der it, they will see it is quite otlierwlse.
Sir Thomas Frankland rose only to acquaint the
House, that he, yesterday afternoon, after the House broke
up, was shewn a letter whicli a friend of his received
from Boston, dated March, 1774, which mentioned the
tea being destroyed, which was the cargo of Captain
Goreham, as the noble Ijord had mentioned.
Mr. Byng. Sir, I cannot help rising to oppose tiiis
Bill. I agree with my worthy friend, that it is a most
jiemicious Bill, and, I fear, made with no good intention.
1 really am surprised at the noble Lord, who said, his
wish was to make their laws in America as near as
possible to our own. Is this Bill any thing like it ?
No, it is quite the reverse ; dragging People from one
country to another to give evidence, is such a proposition as
I never heard before, nor could have thought of; but,
Sir, every person must know, and will allow, that the
noble Lord finds his other two Bills are so defective and
dangerous, that no pereon will venture to put them into
execution ; he is therefore obliged to have recourse to a
third, to indemnify such persons as shall be concerned in
executing his destructive project. I shall oppose this Bill
every time I have an opportunity, and I trust every lover
of his country will do the same. He further said, that
whatever professions of candour were thrown out, he should
trust to them with great caution ; that for his part these at-
tacks made abroad, seemed to be intended to prepare men's
minds for measures of a similar nature to be enforced at
home ; and that the conduct and complexion of public
measures in general wore the appearance of a systematic
design of enslaving the People, as well in Great Britain
as the Colonies.
Lord Beauchamp. I really am surprised, Sir, to hear
an honorable gentleman say, that every person must know
that the two former Bills are defective. Sir, I will ven-
ture to say the fact is otherwise ; every person must
allow they are necessary for the preservation of peace,
and restoring the Americans to a sense of their duty.
Does the honorable gentleman think the soldiery at Boston
will act without they are indemnified ? No ; they could
not. No person would execute the laws half so well, was
this Bill not to pass. I think it a necessary Bill ; it will
make their trials by Juries like oui-s, which are so much
approved of; and I shall give my hearty affirmative to it.
Mr. Sawbridge. Sir, I rise to explain to the noble
Iiord why I think it a pernicious Bill. I am certain, that
however willing I might be to bring an offender to justice,
was I to see a murder committed in London, my love of
justice might induce me to go to any part of the country
to appear as an evidence ; but I assure the noble Lord I
would not go over to America on any account, nor for any
mandate that he could issue ; and I believe that the noble
l^rd will allow, that not any sum would induce him to
go over now ; therefore we have the same right to imagine,
that People in America will not come over here. I make
no doubt but Government will take care to bring over
evidence in support of their side, but they will not trouble
themselves with evidence on the contrary ; therefore all
your trials will be ex parte, and nothing but a mockery
of justice. I do not mention this as an advocate for Ame-
rica, but mention it as an Englishman.
The question on the second reading was then put :
Resolved, That the Bill be read a second time.
Ordered, That the said Bill be printed.
Ordered, Tliat the said Bill be read a second time on
Monday morning next.
Monday, April 2.5, 1774.
The order of tiie day, for the second reading of the
Bill, being read,
Mr. Dowdeswell said, he did not mean to oppose the
Bill now, but he meant to present a petition from the
Agent of America, Ix^fore the third reading ; and he would
then confine his debate to the injustice of preventing the
parties to be heard at the Bar, on the validity of their
charter. To this point only he should direct his opposi-
tion, and he meant to do it, and collect all his force
against the two Bills ; the one for the regulating the civil
Government, and the other for the impartial administra-
tion of justice, in regard to trials, on the third reading,
which was apjiointed for Monday.
Mr. Dyson desired leave to observe, that neither in one
case or the other of the two Bills, did the House proceed
as a court of justice, but in tiieir capacity as a legislative
body, regulating and controlling the deficiency of charters
which had been granted by the Crown.
Lord North said he intended to move for commitment
of the present Bill for the 29th, and for the third reading
of them both on the 2d of May.
Mr. Cavendish wished to be informed from the Hou'e,
whether it was the usual custom of Pariiament to debate
the principle of a Bill, after it had been committed ?
Colonel Barrc said, he thought the Bill deserved to
be opposed in every stage on the principle on which it was
framed ; but on the third reading, was as proper a stage
as any. He had considered with himself, and weighed in
his own mind the grounds upon which this Bill was form-
ed ; and the result of his deliberation was, that it will be
odious to the persons for whose benefit it is intended, by
being odious to the People ; and that it will be oppressive
to America at large.
The Bill was then read the second time, and committed
to a Committee of the whole House.
Resolved, That this House will, upon Friday morning
next, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House,
upon the said Bill.
Friday, April 29, 1774.
The order of the day being read.
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the
whole on the Bill, Sir Charles Whitworih in the Ciiair ;
After some time spent therein.
The Speaker resumed the Chair,
And Sir Charles Whitivorth reported from the Com-
mittee that they had gone through the Bill, and made
several amendments thereunto.
Ordered, That the Report be received on Monday
morning next.
Monday, May 2, 1774.
A Petition from several Natives of America, against
this Bill, and the Bill for the better Regulating the Go-
vernment of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in North
America, was presented by Sir George Savile. [See folio
81.]
The order of the day, for receiving the Report of the
Committee of the whole House, to whom the Bill was
committed, being read,
And it being half an hour after two of the clock, on
Tuesday morning.
Ordered, That the Report be received to-morrow
morning.
Wednesday, May 4, 1774.
Sir Charles fVhitworth, according to order, reported fronj
the Committee of the whole House, the Bill willi the
amendments, which the Committee had made ; several of
which were disagreed to, and the rest were, with amend-
ments to several of them, agreed to by the House.
A clause was offered by Mr. fVallace, to be added to
the Bill, for taking away ap]ieals in the Massachusetts
Bay, in cases of murder, during the continuance of the
Act.
And a motion being made, that the said clause be
brought up ;
Mr. Moreton desired to know if the appeal for murder
did actually exist now in the Colonies ?
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122
i
Governor Johnstone desired to know if it was to extend
to tlie trial of those sent to England?
Mr. Wallace answered them botli, by saying, he meant
it should extend, in both cases, as far as the Bill purported.
[This brought on a debate concerning tlie appeal for
murder being to be taken away in general.]
Mr. Duruihig. Sir, I rise to support that great pillar
of the constitution, the appeal for murder; and I am not
satisfied that a precedent should be instituted in order to
operate as an example for the taking it away in Great
Britain, as well as the Colonies. This clause considers
it now as an existing law in America ; I cannot say that I
look upon it in that light ; but this is not the first time this
question has been agitated in this House, and has been
called and treated as a remnant of barbarism and gothic-
ism The whole of our constitution, for aught I know,
is Gothic. Is it then, the present idea to destroy every
part of that Gothic constitution, and adopt a Macaroni
one in its stead ? If so, it is a system of ministerial des-
potism that is adopted here ; when a political purpose is in
view, things may be adopted that may tend to operate as
a precedent, that may become at last prejudicial to the
public welfare. I wish. Sir, that, in every step of this
matter, gentlemen would be a little more cautious, as I
much fear the system would soon be adopted in England;
it is a proposition produced on a sudden ; and as in its
extent it may turn out dangerous, I shall dissent from it.
Mr. Solicitor General Wedderburn. I confess. Sir,
that this part of our constitution has never appeared to
me as essential ; it is very much of a footing with a trial
by ordeal. Till laws and society took place, there was
no other method of deciding between right and wrong.
There is now no law in being to prevent trial by battle ;
and not in very ancient times was it that the Court of
Common Pleas attended in Tothill-fields to judge of the
trials. None but the wife of the deceased, as a female,
can appeal; and this may be compromised by a sum of
money ; it may be reduced into a civil suit ; but by being
adopted in the manner proposed in this clause, it can
operate to no bad purpose ; nor do I conceive that the
liberty of this country will be at all in danger, as it is only
for a temporary expedient.
Mr. Edmund Burke. I don't controvert, in an adverse
line, what is advanced by the learned gentleman. There
is nothing more true than that man has given up his share
of the natural right of defence into that of the State,
in order to be protected by it. But this is part of the
whole law, which you ought not separate, or else you will
soon lay the axe to the root of it in England. If there is
an appeal for rape and robbery, you ought to have one
for murder. I allow, that combat was part of this appeal ;
but it was superstition and barbarism to the last degree.
I cannot, in any degree, consent that the common law
should, in any case, be taken away from one part of his
Majesty's subjects, and not from the other. But as this
is a question of great magnitude, whenever it comes on
with respect to Great Britain, I hope then humbly to
offer my opinion on it.
Mr. IV. Burke. No man has the least doubt but the
learned gentleman (Mr. Wallace) is fully acquainted with
every part of the law, ancient as well as modern ; but
1 think. Sir, he should have brought you in a Bill to have
repealed the law in England first ; but when this great
question comes on, I shall readily give my opinion on it.
Mr. Stanh.y entered deeply into the pohty of our con-
stitution, and dwelt a long time on the repeal of the law
respecting a])peals in general. I think it is hard, says
he, that a man should be tried twice for the same offence,
and when you have an advantage by knowing his secrets
and defence. I apprehend that criminal laws were made
to save the lives of persons, and not to destroy them ;
that the power of grace or pardon is constitutional, and is
a very valuable and glorious prerogative in the Crown ;
and a trial is not complete without it. There never was
an instance wherein the trial by appeal was instituted,
that it was not for the sake of obtaining a sum of money ;
and it is part of the law that it may be reduced into
such compensation, the whole being allowed to be a civil
suit ; but taking it in its utmost sense, it is nothing but
barbarism and cruelty ; and I wish to abolish it as an
improper part of that code of law for which we are so
much famed.
Mr. T. Toimshend. This is a question, Sir, which
has frequently been before the House, and has as often
been rejected. I cannot agree to the repeal in part,
unless I hear reasons given for the abolition of the wfiole,
or at least better arguments than those 1 have heard, to
induce me to give my opinion to abolish that part which
relates to America.
Mr. Cornwall. The appeal for murder, Sir, is incor-
porated in tile law of England, either as a natural or
political right. Is then, Sir, the redress of a particular
injury to be remedied only by a sacrifice of the lives of
others ? Every body knows that manslaughter is a bar to
appeal. But, Sir, can it be intended as a wise, pohtical
institution, that after a trial by jury, a single individual, to
satisfy his revenge, may overturn the solemn judgment
and verdict of a jury ? It appears to me, upon examina-
tion, to be neither a political nor a natural right, and i
should be soiTy to give my negative to the clause.
Mr. Moreton. I think the provisions of the Bill right :
but I did not apprehend that the question would have been
debated in this manner; nor did I think that such an ex-
tent would have been in view ; so that an example in future
might have been brought of this, to attack one of the
greatest pillars in this constitution, the appeal for murder.
If the prisoner is to be sent here, were is the use of
taking the appeal away in America 1 I only wanted that
you should not give a constitution of appeal for murder
to the Colonies, when in my own mind I am convinced
they have it not, nor is a part of their law ; and as I
think that they have no sucii power of appeal, I cannot
vote for this clause.
Mr. Phipps. I would wish to give. Sir, to every man
in America, the same kind of right that we enjoy our-
selves ; did they not carry with them all the privileges,
laws, and liberties of this country ? If they have a right
to part of those laws, they have a right to the whole.
I think the appeal for murder ought to be sacred in this
country ; and whatever doctrines gentlemen may imbibe
from Mr. Blacksione, I cannot conceive them to be of
tliat authority which ought to guide and direct us. There
is not a more insidious way of gaining proselytes to his
opinion than that dangerous pomp of quotations which he
has practised ; it conveys some of the most lurking doc-
trines to lead astray the minds of young men. To talk of
the finger of nature pointing out law, is to me an absurdity ;
but I would not advise gentlemen to seek for law in the
channels of these times. The rust of antiquity dims the
sight of his readers ; but if a man will open his eyes,
he will find that the finger of nature will never point out
the principle of law. The great argument which I dwell
upon is, that the appeal for murder is the law of the land ;
I am also for j)reserving mercy in the Crown ; I think it
the brightest jewel in it ; but I think that it is a blight
that will destroy all our harvest if it is without controul.
I cannot. Sir, give my consent to this part of the law
being annihilated.
Mr. Skynner. We are got now upon the most impor-
tant question that can come on. I think the cause does
not want advocates ; and therefore it might be improper for
me to give my opinion ; but. Sir, it is no unnatural thing,
that the death of a relation should be attempted to be
redressed, and that the friends of the deceased should
seek for justice. The appeal for murder. Sir, is considered
as a civil action, and to go on hand in hand with the
criminal prosecution ; and surely. Sir, there is nothing
then so exceedingly savage or barbarous in it, if it may be
compensated by civil action. But let us consider how this
will operate in the Colonies ; let us consider in what man-
ner this action can be brought ; the Americans cannot
make use of it unless their constitution allows it : a writ
must first issue out of the Court of Chancery ; but as
they have no such Court in that country, it cannot take its
rise there. A writ of this kind can only issue when the
person is in the actual custody of the Mai-shal. In the
process which you have laid down in the Bill before
us, bail is allowed to be taken for the offence ; so that
he never can be actually in the custody of the Mar-
shal. Therefore, at present, as their constitution stands,
I look upon the writ of an execution of appeal to be
impossible there. The Americans will think that we
are breaking into their civil rights ; and I think it highly
improper to introduce the appeal for murder in this in-
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124
stance, as it is not necessary. But, Sir, I cannot sit down
without saying a few words in defence of that able person
alluded to, now a great Magistrate, who has thought there
is something in our constitution worth preserving. And
sorry 1 am to hear that great and able writer has received
any reproach or admonition in this Senate ; and I believe
the honoPiible gentlemen (Captain Phipps) is singular in
his opinion upon this head ; and I am glad to find there
are no strangers in the gallery,* for his own sake, to hear
what he said. But, Sir, I am of a different opinion from
that honorable gentlemen ; and 1 dare say the House will
agree with me when I think that book one of the best
that ever was written upon the laws of this constitution,
and will do more honor to himself and this country than
any that ever yet appeared ; and I am sorry to hear him
reproached even by an individual, when I am sure the
greatest honor will redound to this country from that able
perfomiance.
Sir Richard Sutton. Sir, I do not think that the appeal
for murder ought to be partially taken away ; if you take it
away from any part of the Dominions, you should take it
from the whole. 1 am much against the measure, because
I think it vindictive and cruel.
Mr. Charles Fox. I am for taking away the appeal for
murder entirely, but I am not for taking it away in part. If
die appeal is allowed, you take away the power of pardon-
ing in the Crown. I look upon the power of pardon as
much a right in the subject to claim, as part of the trial.
Suppose a criminal should be tried and convicted, and he
should appear to be out of his senses, in this case he is cer-
tainly not to be hanged, the pardon being the only mode of
saving his life. Appeal for murder is the only instance in
our laws in which satisfaction is allowed to the injured by
the blood of another, as it may be compensated by a sum
of money. I shall vote against this clause, because I think
the Americans have a right to the same laws as we
have.
Captain Phipps rose to explain himself with regard to
Mr. Blackstone, and said, however he might have repre-
sented his performance, he was glad to find it was so well
defended by the warmth of friendship ; that he had heard,
and was sorry to hear, that book had undergone some
regulations with regard to its eligibility, which he hoped
was not true. He sat down rather chagrined to find his
opinion with regard to that work was singular.
Sir George Savile. Sir, the appetite of revenge is,
like that of hunger, never to be satisfied. There are
certain rights which we bring into society which we give
up for the good of the whole; the passion of revenge
seems to be under that description ; and in this instance
only the blood of another may be conii)ensaled by civil
action. But I will not contend that to be a civil suit
which ends in hanging, which the appeal for murder does
when not compensated for ; but it is necessary that men
should give up certain rights which tiiey enjoy for the
good of society at large. 1 would wish a fair and impar-
tial trial to be secured, which 1 think is already done in
the Colonies without meddling with the appeal for murder.
Mr. Skyimcr. Sir, I only rise to explain, that the ap-
peal for murder may be reduced to a civil action ; that
there also lies an appeal b robbery and rape ; and if the
woman who had been injured, wiien the man was under
the gallows to be hanged, should marry him, he would, by
the ancient law, be saved, because all her civil right would
he vested in lier husband by that act, and therefore com-
pensated for as such : by that act she vests those civil
rights, which he had deprived her of, in him as her hus-
band.
Mr. Wallace then, with leave of tlie House, withdrew
tjie motion.
Mr. R. Fuller. Sir, I am the more convinced by what
1 have heard to day, that the whole law relative to the ap-
peal for murder, ought to be repealed. I will therefore
give notice, on some future day, when 1 shall make the
motion.
Mr. Dunning desired to know whether his learned
friend (Mr. Wallace) had made any jirovision against a
faulty indictment.
Mr. Wallace said, he had not, as he did not diink it nc-
• The standing order, for the exclusion of strangers, was strictly
enforced during the progress of the three bills relating to the Distur-
k&nces in America.
cessary ; that if the prisoner returned, he might there be
indicted again.
Mr. Dunning said, so, then, it is intended that the
prisoner may go over again if he chooses.
Mr. Wallace then offered a clause to limit the continu-
ance of the Act to three years, from the first day of /une,
next ; which was agreed to.
Ordered, That the Bill, with the amendments, be en-
grossed.
A motion was made, and the question put, that such a
number of copies of the Bill, with the amendments, be
printed, as shall be sufficient for the use of the members of
the House ?
It passed in the Negative.
Ordered, That the Bill be read the third time, upon
Friday morning next, if the said Bill shall be then en-
grossed.
Fhidav, May 6, 1774.
The order of the day, for the third reading of the Bill,
being read :
Mr. Dempster. I do not apprehend. Sir, that the Bill
before you is at all adetpiate to the purpose intended ; nor
do 1 think that experience warrants the assertion, tiiat a
fair trial cannot be had in the Colonies. Surely. Sir, the
bringing men over to England to be tried, is not only a
direct breach of their constitution, but is a deprivation of
the right of every British subject in America. I should
have thought that a power of reprieve, lodged in the Go-
vernor, after conviction, would have been fully sufficient,
without bringing men to England. Whenever murder is
committed, it must inevitably go off with impunity ; for
whenever any person present shall find he is to go over the
Atlantic as an evidence, to the detriment of his familj^ and
his fortune, there is no doubt but that he will evade the
necessity of his appearance as an evidence. This, Sir,
will be a means of subjecting the People of that country
to assassination, in the room of legal trial ; and the invaria-
ble consequence has always been, tliat when a fair trial
cannot be procured, the revenge of the relations of the de-
ceased will exercise itself in this kind of cruel assassination.
1, perhaps. Sir, may be wrong in my ideas ; but I have
looked into the history of that country with care and cir-
cumspection, and it has inspired me with the highest vene-
ration for those who were tlie first settlers ; they emigrated
when that Star Chamber doctrine was practised in this
country. Oppressed as they thought themselves by the
niotlier country, by the cruelty of those arbitrary laws,
sooner than suffer themselves to be opj)ressed by tyranny,
they choose rather to combat with tygers and Indians in
America, than live in a place where ojjpression and tyran-
ny nded. It it no new thing. Sir, that they have refused
to comply with the payment of taxes demanded from this
country ; tliis exemption is a very old demand of theirs,
and supported by tlieir charier. Imprisonment of two
persons, who held this kind of doctrine, was made in the
time of Sir Edmund Andrews, who w as tlu n Governor ;
and the Americans passed a law, declaring that this coun-
try had no right to tax ; it is true, when that law came
over here, it was rejected. Let gentlemen consider, that
if we tax America at this present period, her trade and
every thing else will decline. 1 think that Boston has the
most merit with this country of any place I know ; she is a
most valuable ally, or a subordinate Colony ; take it in
either sense, her possession is inestimable ; but I really
fear very much, that the Americans are to be thus treaterl
without the parties beine heard. I do not like to see public
liberty and tlie riushts of persons infringed. There are two
articles in tliis Bill, which 1 cannot blame the Americans
for resisting ; I mean that of the Council and the Judges
being chosen In the Crown : the ancient way which tlieir
charter directed of chosing their Council, was far more
eligible; they were men at a certain age, to which experi-
ence generally adds wisdom, that were elected Council ;
but this is a new system, that carries with it neither experi-
ence nor wisdom ; and I think the change unnecessary,
thougii not oppressive. I think the office of Sheriff is
more oppressive, because he is an engine of power in the
hands of the Governor ; nor do I approve of taking away
the town meetings ; there is but one precedent of this kind
to be found in history ; but 1 could wish, on the present oc-
casion, that a second had not been made. [He concluded
125
BILL FOR ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
126
in praise of the character of Dr. Franklin, whom he called
the ornament of human nature ; and said he thought him
highly praise-worthy, for those very acts for which lie had
been so much blamed.]
Mr. Grey. I think this House and the nation at large,
owe their best thanks to the noble Lord who has brought
forward this business ; and 1 must allow, that nothing but
necessity, in urgent cases like these, warrants a deviation
from the constitution ; the law should not be invaded on
every frivolous pretence, but this requires the serious atten-
tion of the whole Legislature. It would be cruel to the
last degree, when your subjects are employed in preserving
the peace, not to give them the utmost security in the exe-
cution of their duty. But let me ask. Sir, in what situation
will that Navy and Army be, that has no protection for the
execution of the laws which you have vested in their hands?
Will you leave them a sacrifice to the rapacity of the re-
vengeful dispositions of the relations of those unhappy men
who may fall by their hands, in the execution of their duty ?
I cannot think this Act will operate in any shape to the
detriment of the People, if they return to their duty ; if
that is the case ; if they do return, and he obedient, the Act
will be a waste piece of paper ; but the trial of persons in
England will seldom take place, I apprehend, as nothing
but the most absolute necessity will drive the Governor to
have recourse to the Act.
Mr. Paulet observed, that nothing was ever more just
than the measure proposed In the Bill before the House ;
that it was the most cruel thing to let a man lie even one
hour in prison, in expectation of being tried by a Jury
whose minds were biased ; but for the sake of justice, a
voyage across the Atlantic would surely be thought, on
such an account, an undertaking not pregnant with much
danger.
Mr. Sawhridge. I hope. Sir, the House will hear me a
few words, as it is the last opportunity I shall have. The
opposition I have given to these measures, does not proceed
from a settled disposition against Administration, nor do I do
it for the sake of popularity ; it is for the love of that liberty
which I have always been strengthened in, and bred up by
education. I had rather bear the badge of the parish, than
that of apostacy. It has been urged in debate, that this
country has a right to pursue those measures adopted in the
Bill, and that necessity is the ground and argument which
urges it on ; but pray. Sir, let me ask, who is to be the judge
of that necessity ? A nation, surely, cannot be called a free
nation, where another has a right to drav/ money out of
their pockets ; but I cannot understand how any one can
agree with these measures, and deny the right of taxation.
If you exercise an authority which does not belong to you,
or if you force an illegal authority, they have a right to re-
sist. I do not see any necessity for bringing over the
People to be tried by a Jury in England; I think the
Crown should have lodged a power in the Governor to
pardon, and I should have thought it the brightest jewel in
it on this occasion. You say, that the Governor is to use
his discretion with regard to their having a fair trial ; but
by this Bill the Governor, I say, is not the judge of that,
for it must be upon the oath of a witness ; he must believe
that witness, and no discretion is left in the Governor. No
man will become a voluntary evidence on such an occasion ;
he will sooner fly from that situation, than be transported
to England. By that means justice will be evaded, as
evidence cannot be had, and the People will soon take
upon themselves to revenge their own injuries.
Colonel Barrc. Sir, I think it oriminal to sit still uppn
the final decision of this question, as I cannot, in any shape,
approve of this measure. I think the pei-sons whom you
employ to execute your laws, inight have been protected
in the execution of their duty in a less exceptionable man-
ner than that Bill proposes. Your Army, Sir, in that
country, has the casting voice ; and it is dangerous to put
any more power into their hands. Consider, Sir, how long
they will bo content with Ad. per day ; I am afraid not long.
You have had one meeting already, you may soon have
another ; the People of America will receive these regula-
tions as edicts from an arbitrary Government. The heaviest
offence they have been guilty of is, that they have resisted
that law which bears such an arbitrary cast. I want to
know if we in this country had not resisted such arbitrary
laws in certain ancient times, whether we should have ex-
isted as a House of Commons here this day ? I object much
against the doctrine which I have heard laid down, that the
particular exigency of the case countenanced the measure.
1 do not apprehend the Americans will abandon their prin-
ciples ; for if they submit, they are slaves : I therefore exe-
crate the present measure, in the manner proposed.
The Bill was then read the third time.
Mr. Pulteney. Sir, I will comprise in a few words
what I have to say : I do not apprehend that the Legisla-
ture can tax a particular county, without shewing some
degree of partiality to others, nor can they justly do it. I
think the principles of this Bill may be tolerably equitable,
and I do believe it will produce a fair trial ; but as there
are some defects in the form in which it now stands, with
regard to the errors and flaws that may be in an indictment
I will offer a clause, by way of rider, to give power to a
Jury in England to find a Bill of indictment, in order to
correct such a deficiency.
Mr. Pulteney, then offered the following clause, which
was thrice read, and agreed to by the House, to be made
part of the Bill, by way of rider:
" That in case, on account of any error or defect in any
" indictment, which, in virtue or under the authority of this
" Act, shall be transmitted to any other Colony, or to
" Great Britain, the same shall be quashed, or judgment
" thereon arrested, or such indictment judged bad upon
" demurrer, it shall and may be lawful to prefer a new in-
" dictment or indictments against the person or persons
" accused in the said Colony, to which such indictment, so
" quashed or adjudged bad, shall have been transmitted, or
" before the Grand Jury of any county in Great Britain,
" in case such former indictment shall have been transmit-
" ted to Great Britain, in the same manner as could be
" done in case the party accused should return to the
" place where the offence was committed ; and the Grand
" Jury and Petty Jury of such other Colony or county in
" Great Britain shall have power to find and proceed
" upon such indictment or indictments, in the same manner
" as if the offence, by such indictment or indictments
" charged, had been committed within the limits of the
" Colony or county for which such Juries shall respective-
" ly be empannelled to serve."
Various other amendments were agreed toby the House,
and the Bill was amended at the table accordingly.
Mr. Fuller. Sir, I will now take my leave of the whole
plan, and will give you my free opinion of it: you will
commence your ruin from this day, if you do not repeal
the tax which has created all this disturbance ; you will
have no degree of confidence with the Americans ; People
will not trust you when your credit is gone ; you may, I
say, date your ruin from this day ; and, I am sorry to say,
that not only this House has fallen into that error, but that
the People of this country approve of the measure. I find
the People wish for the measure proposed in this Bill, as
much as the majority here : it is not all owing to the junto
of a ministry that these measures are taken ; it is the People
at large who, I am sorry to say, are misled : they are in
an error, but a short time will prove the evil tendency of
this Bill. I think the present Bill beai-s the least injury of
any of the three ; but if ever there was a nation running
headlong to its ruin, it is this.
Mr. H. Cavendish. Sir, I am very glad to hear that
there is a majority in this House for these measures ; but
am much better pleased that the country in general ap-
prove of them in as high a degree.
The question then being put, that the Bill do Pass ? the
House divided;
Yeas 127 ; Nays 24.
So it was resolved in the Affirmative.
Ordered, That Mr. Cooper do carry the Bill to the-
Lords, and desire their concurrence.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Monday, May 9, 1774.
A Message was brought from the House of Commons
by Mr. Cooper and others :
With a Bill intituled " An Act for the Impartial Ad-
" ministration of Justice in the cases of persons questioned
" for any acts done by them in the execution oi" the law.
127
BILL FOR ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
128
" or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the Province
*' o( Massachusetts Bay, in Neiv England;" to which
tiiey desire the concurrence of the House ;
And the said Bill was read the firet time.
Ordered. That the Bill be read a second tune on
H'cdnesday next ; and that tlie Lords be summoned.
Ordered, That tlie Bill be printed.
Fkidav, May 13, 1774.
The order of the day being read, the Bill was accord-
ingly read the second time, and committed to a Committee
of the whole House.
Ordered, That the House be put into a Committee
np<in the said Bill on Monday next.
Monday, May 16, 1774.
The House, according to order, was adjourned during
pleasure, and put into a Committee upon the Bill.
After some time the House was resinned :
And Ijord Boston reported from the Committee, that
they had gone through the Bill, and directed him to report
the same to the House, without any amendment.
Ordered, That the said Bill be read a third time, on
fVednesday next ; and that the Lords be summoned.
Tuesday, May 17, 1774.
The Earl of Dartmouth (by his Majesty's command.)
laid before the House more Papers relating to the distur-
bances at Boston, together with a list thereof; which was
read by the Clerk, as follows :
No. 1. Copy of a lietter from Governor Hutchinson to
the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 9th March, 1774 ;
received lStho( May, enclosing.
No. 2. Extracts from the Boston Gazette.
No. 3. Copy of a Letter from Governor Hutchinson
to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Boston, 21st March, 1 774,
received 13th of May, enclosing.
No. 4. Copy of the Resolution of the House of Rep-
resentatives, concurred in by the Council.
No. 5. Copy of a Message from the House of Rep-
resentatives to Governor Hutchinson.
No. 6. Copy of Governor Hutchinson's Message to
the House of Representatives.
And the titles thereof being read by the Clerk,
Ordered, That the said Papers do lie on the table.
Wednesday, May 18, 1774.
The order of the day being read, the Bill was accord-
ingly read the thud time.
Upon reading the Petition of WiUian. Bollan, Esq.,
Agent for the Council of his Majesty's Province of Massa-
chusetts Bay, in New England, taking notice of a Bill de-
pending in this House, intituled, " An Act for the Impar-
'• tial Administration of Justice, in the cases of persons ques-
" tioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the
" law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the Pro-
" vince of Massachusetts Bay, in New England ;" and pray-
ing this right honorable House, " That the same may not
" pass into a law ; and that he may be heard by their I^rd-
" ships in support of his Petition,"
It is Ordered, That the said Petition do lie on the table.
Moved, That Mr. Bollan be called in, and heard at the
Bar.
Which being objected to ;
After debate,
The question was put thereupon ? It was resolved in the
Negative,
Then it was mored "That the Bill do Pass ?"
Which being objected to ; —
A debate en'^ued.
It was opened by the Earl of Buckinghampshire, ^^ho
confessed this to be the most e.xccplionahle of the Ameri-
rnn measures, but thought it was excused by necessity.
He was answered by I^rd Shellnirne, who spoke with
great ability, spirit, and knowledge, of the subject.
The Lords Denbigh, Sandwich, and the Ix)rd Chancel-
lor, were the chief supporters of the Bill.
The Dukeof M«?(fAe«/cr spoke with that grace of man-
tier and elegance of language which so peculiarly distin-
guish him.
The Marquis of Rockingham spoke late in tlie debate.
His speech lasted near three quarters of an hour; and
never was more attention given to a speaker on any occa-
sion. He spoke with all the weight and authority of an
able statesman, and all the feeling of a patriot, deeply con-
cerned for the interest of his country. He entered fully
into the civil policy which had originally given rise to the
disturbances in America, and had in consequence produced
bills and regulations so ill calculated to allay them. He
took post upon the measure of his own administration, the
repeal of the Stamp Act, on which he argued with great
force. He insisted that that repeal w as no more tiian a re-
turn to the ancient policy of Great Britain, from which the
tax had been a deviation. He then stated the new taxes
laid on after his removal from office, as originating from no
plan or policy whatsoever, but merely as the result of pique
and jjassion ; that they were in effect confessed to be so,
because they were afterwards repealed for the greater part,
as being laid by the avowal of Administration itself, in con-
tradiction to all the principles of commerce. — That the Tea
Duty, equally uncommercial and unproductive, was left as
a pepper-corn, merely for tlie sake of contest with America.
as the Ministry had likewise avowed. He censured very
severely the doctrine of taxing for the sole purpose of ex-
ercising an invidious right, and insisted that taxes ought to
be for the real purpose of supporting Government, and not
purely to irritate and stir up dangerous questions. That
the Stamp Act was a great object, and might have produ-
ced in time considerable revenues ; but to risk the Avhole
trade of England, and the affections of the Americans, in a
quarrel with the Colonies for pepper-corns, he thought a
very unwise proceeding. After this, he entered into the
particulars of the Bill, and, among other things, in answer
to the difficulties asserted to be laid on officers without
such protection as was given by tliis Bill, he said that he
thought the condition of men of honor and sensibility to be
far worse under this Bill ; for that no acquittal could be
honorable, where tlie prosecutor had not the usual means
of securing a fair trial. He concluded with a very em-
pliatical recommendation of temper, as necessary in all
things, but particularly in measures of this nature, and in
subjects of so much delicacy : his own remarkable calmness
and steadiness of mind, gave additional force to this part of
his speech.
The Duke of Richmond spoke last in the debate, and
with his usual spirit, pointed his answer chiefly to what
fell from the Chancellor and Ix)rd Sandwich : he concluded
with recommending to the perusal of the House, a pamph-
let, called " Considerations on the Measures carrying on
'■ against America," and the Bishop of St. Asaph's Sermon,
preached 1773, before the Society for propagating the
Gospel, as containing the soundest doctrines and the best
policy.
After long debate,*
The question was put, " Whether this Bill shall Pass ?'"
It was resolved in the Affirmative : Contents, 43.
Non-Contents, 12.
Dissentient.
1st. Because no evidence whatsoever has been laid
before the House tending to prove that persons acting in
support of public autliority, and indicted for murder, can-
not receive a fair trial within the Province ; which is the
object of this Bill. On the contrary, it has happened that
an officer of tlie Array, charged with murder, has there
received a fair and equitable trial, and been acquitted.
This fact has happened even since the commencement of
the present unhappy dissentions.
2dly. Because, after the proscription of the port of
Boston, the disfrancliisement of the Colony of Massachu-
setts Bay, and tiie variety of provisions which have been
made in this session for new modelling the whole polity
and judicature of that Province, this Bill is an humiliating
confession of the weakness and inefficacy of all the pro-
ceedings of Parliament. By supposing that it may be im-
practicable by any means, that the public wisdom could de-
*Tlie Bill p.'.ssnd the Hous.i on Ih- 6tli of May, and being carried
uj) to tlio i^oli8^ of Peers, occjsionod w;irm d^b t-s upon tlic same
priiicipl's upon whicb it was discussed in tlic Housi of ('oninions.
Tbo Ijords of the minority (!ntor3d on this, as on the fonnpr Bill, :i
very s'ronff Protnst. Noitliur Houst' was full during tbo dtbatit on
this Bill, :is till.' argiun-nts on the two latter Bills, had boon all along
very muc',1 blended ; and the parties had tried their strength by divi-
sion on the Bill for altering the Massai-husett» Charter. On both ques-
tion*, however, the numbers of the minority had all along continued
very low and disproportioned. — Ann. Regit.
129
BILL FOR ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN MASSACHUSETTS BAT.
130
vise, to obtain a fair trial there, for any who act under Go-
vernment, the House is made virtually to acknowledge the
British Government to be universally odious to the whole
Province. By supposing the case that such trial may be
equally impracticable in every other Province of America,
Parliament does in effect admit, that its authority is, or pro-
bably may, become baleful to all the Colonies. This we ap-
prehend is to publish to all the world, in terms the most em-
phatical, the little confidence the Supreme Legislature re-
poses in the affection of so large and so important a part of
the British empire. If Parliament believed that any con-
siderable number of the Peojjle in the Colonies were wil-
ling to act in support of British Government, it is evident
that we might safely trust the persons so acting to their fel-
low Colonists, for a fair trial for acts done in consequence
of such support. The Bill therefore amounts to a declara-
tion that the House knows no means of retaining the Colo-
nies in due obedience, but by an Army rendered indepen-
dent of the ordinary course of law, in the place where they
are employed.
3dly. Because we think, that a military force, sufficient
for governing upon tliis plan, cannot be maintained without
the inevitable ruin of the nation.
Lastly. Because this Bill seems to be one of the many
experiments towards an introduction of essential innovations
into the Government of this empire. The virtual indem-
nity provided by this Bill, for those who shall be indicted
for murders committed under colour of office, can answer
no other purpose. We consider that to be an indemnity
which renders trial, and consequently punislmient, imprac-
ticable ; and trial is impracticable, when the very Govern-
or, under whose authority acts of violence may be commit-
ted, is empowered to send the instruments of that violence
to three thousand miles distance from the scene of their of-
fence, the reach of their prosecutor, and the local evidence
which may tend to their conviction. The authority given
by this Bill, to compel the transportation from America to
Great Britain of any number of witnesses, at the pleasure
of the parties prosecuting and prosecuted, without any re-
gard to their age, sex, health, circumstances, business, or
duties, seems to us so extravagant in its principles, and so
hnpracticable in its execution, as to confirm us further in
our opinion of the spirit which animates the whole system
of tlie present American regulations.
^ Richmond, Portland,
Rockingham, Manchester,
Leinster, Ponsonby,
Fitzwilliam, Craven.
A Message was sent to the House of Commons by the
former Messengers :
To acquaint them, that the Lords have agreed to the
said Bill, without any amendment.
Friday, May 20, 1774.
His Majesty being seated on the Throne, and the Com-
mons attending with their Speaker, the Royal assent to the
Bill was pronounced by tlie Clerk's Assistant.
Anno Declmo Quarto Georgii HI. Regis.
An Act for the Impartial Administration of Justice in the
cases of Persons questioned for any Acts done by them
in Exemtion of the Law, or for the Suppression of
Riots and Tumults, in the Province of the Massachu-
setts Bay, in New England.
Whereas in his Majesty's Province of Massachusetts
Bay, in New England, an attempt hath lately been made
to throw off the authority of the Parliament of Great
Britain over the said Province, and an actual and avowed
resistance, by open force, to the execution of certain Acts
of Parliament, hath been suffered to take place, uncontroul-
ed and unpunished, in defiance of his Majesty's authority,
and to the utter subversion of all lawful Government : and
whereas, in the present disordered state of the said Pro-
vince, it is of the utmost importance to the general welfare
thereof, and to the re-establislinient of lawful authority
throughout the same, that neither the Magistrates acting in
support of the laws, nor any of his Majesty's subjects aiding
FoUBTH Sk&ijbs. 9
and assisting them therein, or in the suppression of riots and
tumults, raised in opposition to the execution of the laws
and statutes of this realm, should be discouraged from the
proper discharge of their duty, by an apprehension, that in
case of their being questioned for any acts done therein,
they may be liable to be brought to trial for the same
before persons who do not acknowledge the validity of the
laws, in the execution whereof, or the authority of the Ma-
gistrate in the support of whom, such acts had been done:
in order therefore to remove every such discouragement
from the minds of his Majesty's subjects, and to induce
them, upon all proper occasions, to exert themselves in
support of the public peace of the Province, and of the au-
thority of the King and Parliament of Great Britain over
the same ; Be it enacted by the King's most excellent Ma-
jesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present
Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same,
that if any inquisition or indictment shall be found, or if
any appeal shall be sued or preferred against any person,
for murder, or other capital offence, in the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, and it shall appear, by information
given upon oath to the Governor, or, in his absence, to the
Lieutenant Governor of the said Province, that the fact
was committed by the person against whom such inquisi-
tion or indictment shall be found, or against whom such ap-
peal shall be sued or preferred, as aforesaid, either in the
execution of his duty as a Magistrate, for the suppression
of riots, or in the support of the Laws of Revenue, or in
acting in his duty as an Officer of Revenue, or in acting
under the direction and order of any Magistrate, for the
suppression of riots, or for the carrying into effect the Laws
of the Revenue, or in aiding and assisting in any of the
cases aforesaid ; and if it shall also appear, to the satisfac-
tion of the said Governor, or Lieutenant Governor respec-
tively, that an indifferent trial cannot be had within the
said Province, in that case, it shall and may be lawful for
the Governor, or Lieutenant Governor, to direct, with the
advice and consent of the Council, that the inquisition, in-
dictment, or appeal, shall be tried in some other of his Ma-
jesty's Colonies, or in Great Britain; and for that purpose
to order the person against whom such inquisition or indict-
ment shall be found, or against whom such appeal shall be
sued or preferred, as aforesaid, to be sent, under sufficient
custody, to the place appointed for his trial, or to admit
such person to bail, taking a recognizance, (which the said
Governor, or in his absence, the Lieutenant Governor, is
hereby authorized to take,) from such person, with suffi-
cient sureties, to be approved of by the said Governor, or,
in his absence, the Lieutenant Governor, in such sums of
money as the said Governor, or, in his absence, the Lieu-
tenant Governor, shall deem reasonable, for the personal
appearance of such person, if the trial shall be appointed to
be had in any other Colony, before the Governor, or Lieu-
tenant Governor, or Commander-in-Chief of such Colony ;
and if the trial shall be appointed to be had in Great
Britain, then before his Majesty's Court of King's Bench,
at a time to be mentioned in such recognizances ; and the
Governor, or Lieutenant Governor, or Commander-in-
Chief of the Colony, where such trial shall be appointed to
be had, or Court of King's Bench, where the trial is ap-
pointed to be had in Great Britain, upon the appearance
of such person, according to such recognizance, or in cus-
tody, shall either commit such person, or admit him to
bail, until such trial ; and which the said Governor, or
Lieutenant Governor, or Commander-in-Chief, and Court
of King's Bench, are hereby authorized and empowered
to do.
And, to prevent a failure of justice, from the want of
evidence on the trial of any such inquisition, indictment, or
appeal, Be it further enacted, that the Governor, or, in his
absence, the Lieutenant Governor, shall, and he is hereby
authorized and required, to bind in recognizances to hi^
Majesty all such witnesses as the prosecutor or person
against whom such inquisition or indictment shall be found,
or appeal sued or preferred, shall desire to attend the trial
of the said inquisition, indictment, or appeal, for their per-
sonal appearance, at the time and place of such trial, to give
evidence: and the said Governor, or in his absence, the
Lieutenant Governor, shall thereupon appoint a reasonable
sum to be allowed for the expenses of every such witness.
131
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
132
and sliall thereupon give to eacli witness a certificate, in
writins;, under his liand and seal, that such witness has en-
tered into a recognizance to give evidence, and specifying
tiie sum allowed tor his expenses ; and tiie Collector and
Collectors of the Customs, or one of tliem, within the said
Province, upon the delivery of such certificate, are, and is
hereby authorized and required, forthwith to pay to such
witness the sum specified tlierein for his expenses.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That all prosecutors and witnesses, wlio sliall be under re-
cognizances to appear in any of his Majesty's Colonies in
America, or in Great Britain, in pursuance of this Act,
shall be free from all arrests and restraints, in any action or
suit to be coinmenced against them during their going to
such Colony, or coming to Great Britain, and their ne-
cessary stay and abiding there, on occasion of such jirose-
cution, and returning again to the said Province of the
Massachusetts Bay.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That all and every his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, and
other Justices and Coroners, before whom any person shall
be brought, charged with murder, or other capital crime,
where it shall appear by proof, on oath, to such Justices or
Coroners, that the fact was committed by such person,
either in the execution of his duty as a Magistrate, for the
suppression of riots, or in the support of the Laws of Reve-
nue, or in acting in his duty as an Officer of Revenue, or in
acting under the direction and order of any Magistrate, for
the suppression of riots, or for the carrying into effect the
Laws of Revenue, or in aiding and assisting in any of the
cases aforesaid, are hereby authorized and required to admit
every such person so brought before him or them, as afore-
said, to bail ; any law, custom, or usage, to the contrary
thereof in any wise uotwithstandiig.
And be it further enacted by the avihority aforesaid,
That where it shall be made appear to the Judges or
Justices of any Court, within the said Province of Massa-
chusetts Bay, by any person, against whom any inquisition
or indictment sliall be found, or appeal sued or preferred
for murder, or other capital crime, that the fact was com-
mitted by such person, either in the execution of his duty
as a Magistrate, for the suppression of riots, or in the sup-
port of the Laws of Revenue, or in acting in his duty as an
Officer of Revenue, or in acting under the direction and
order of any Magistrate, for the suppression of riots, or for
the carrying into effect the laws of revenue, or in aiding and
assisting in any of the cases aforesaid, and that he intends
to make application to the Governor, or Lieutenant Go-
vernor of the said Province, that such inquisition, indictment,
or appeal, may be tried in some other of his Majesty's
Colonies, or in Great Britain, the said Judges or Justices
are hereby authorized and required to adjourn "or postpone
tlie the trial of such inquisition, indictment, or appeal, for a
reasonable time, and admit the person to bail, in order that
lie may make application to the Governor, or Lieutenant
Governor, for the purpose aforesaid.
And be it further enacted, That the Governor, or in his
absence, the Lieutenant Governor, if he shall direct the
trial to be had in any other of his ftlajesty's Colonies, shall
transmit the inquisition, indictment, or appeal, together
with the recognizances of the witnesses, and other recogni-
zances, under the seal of the Province, to the Governor,
or Lieutenant Governor, or Commander-in-Chief, of such
other Colony, wiio shall immediately issue a commission of
Oyer and Terminer, and deliver, or cause to be delivered,
the said inquisition, indictment, or appeal, with the said
recognizances, to the Chief Justice, and such other persons
as have usually been Commissioners of Oyer and Termi-
ner, Justices of Assize, or General Gaol Delivery there ;
who shall have power to proceed upon the said intjuisition,
indictment, or appeal, as if the same had been returned,
found, or preferred before them; and the trial sliall tliere-
ii])on proceed in like manner, to all intents and purposes,
as if the offence had been committed in such ])lace : and
in case the Governor, or, in his absence the Lieutenant
Governor, shall direct the trial to be had in Great Britain,
lie shall then transmit the inquisition, indictment, or ap-
peal, together with the recognizances, of the witnesses, and
other recognizances, under the seal of the Province, to one
of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, who shall
deliver, or cause to be delivered, the same, to the Master
of the Croun Office, to be filed of record in the Court of
King's Bench, and the inquisition, indictment, or appeal,
shall be tried and proceeded upon, in the next term, or at
such other time as the Court shall appoint, at the Bar of
the Court of King's Bench, in like manner, to all intents
and purposes, as if the offence had been committed in the
county of Middlesex, or in any other county of that part of
Great Britain called England, where the Court of King's
Bench shall sit, or else before such Commissioners, and in
such county, in that part of Great Britain called England
as shall be assigned by the King's Majesty's commission, in
like manner and form, to all intents and purposes, as if such
otience had been coinmitted in the same county where
such inquisition, indictment, or appeal, shall be so tried.
And be it enacted by the authority aforesaid. That
in case, on account of any error or defect in any indict-
ment, which, in virtue, or under the authority of this Act,
shall be transmitted to any other Colony, or to Great
Britain, the same shall be quashed, or judgment thereon
arrested, or such indictment adjudged bad on demuiTer, it
shall and may be lawful to prefer a new indictment or in-
dictments against the person or persons accused in the said
Colony, to which such indictment, so quashed or adjudged
bad, shall have been transmitted, or before the Grand Jury
of any county in Great Britain, in case such former in-
dictment shall have been transmitted to Great Britairi, in
the same manner as could be done in case the party accused
should return to the place where the offence was commit-
ted ; and the Grand Jury and Petty Jury of such other
Colony or county in Great Britain shall have power to
find and proceed upon such indictment or indictments, in
the same manner as if the offence, by such indictment or
indictments charged, had been committed within the limits
of the Colony or county for which such Juries shall respec-
tively be einpannelled to serve.
And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
That this Act, and every clause, provision, regulation,
matter, and thing, herein' contained, shall commence and
take eflect upon the first day of June, one thousand seven
hundred and seventy-four ; and be, and continue in force,
for and during the term of three years.
V. MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
HOUSE OF COMiMONS.
Friday, April 15, 1774.
Mr. Rose Fuller, gave notice that he intended to move
on Tuesday next, for a Committee on the Tea Duty, to see
whether or not it was possible to repeal the Act, laying
tliat duty, before the Bill for the better regulating the Go-
vernment of Massachusetts Bay, took effect.
Tuesday, April 19, 1774.
Mr. Fuller moved, that an Act, made in the seventh
year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, " An
" Act for granting certain Duties in the British Colonies
" and Plantations in America ; for allowing a Drawback of
" the Duties of Customs upon the exportation from this
" Kingdom of coffee and cocoa nuts, of the produce of the
133
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
134
I
" said Colonies or Plantations, for discontinuing the draw-
" backs payable on china earthen ware exported to Ameri-
" ca; and for more effectually preventing the clandestine
" ninning of goods in the said Colonies and Plantations,"
might be read :
And the same was read accordingly.
Mr. Fuller then made the motion of which he had given
notice :
" That this House will, upon this day sevennight, re-
" solve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take
" into consideration the Duty of three pence per pound
" weight, upou Tea, payable in all his Majesty's Dominions
" in America, imposed by the said Act ; and also tiie ap-
" propriation of the said duty."
On offering it, he declared that the Boston Port Bill,
and the other regulations, would be totally ineffectual
without repealing the Tea Duty Bill. He said he was
very sure that the motion would be productive of a great
deal of good ; and that it could not possibly do harm. He
spoke much to the temper and feelings of tlie House ; and
the arguments which he used served rather to point out the
former considerations which the House had had upon this
question, and that the subject of taxation of America was
no new matter. After a short opening, he concluded by
making the preceding motion.
Mr. Pennant seconded the motion, and said, he wished
much it might go to a Committee, because he thought the
principle upon which the Bill was established, as set forth
in the preamble, was unjust and impolitic ; that it changed
the nature of their constitution, and it took away the power
which had always been held sacred to an Englishman, that
of levying their own money ; that it was similar to raising
the ship mgney in King Charles' time ; that those who
condemned that measure must of course condemn this, the
one being as arbitrary and unconstitutional as the other.
He said, he subscribed to the supremacy of Parliament, but
he thought there was a plain method for raising by requisi-
tion the money which we wanted ; that the People of that
country would be better able to ascertain how, and in what
manner the same ought to be raised, on account of the local
circumstances which might attend it. The People of
Boston would be the first victims to our resentment ; repeal
this Bill, said he, and you will meet with support from the
rest of the Colonies.
Mr. Rice. This, Sir, is a motion upon the plan of re-
conciliation, and there is no man would go further than my-
self to correct any thing that 1 thought would be the means
of bringing about such reconciliation ; but I cannot concur
in any thing that endangers the supremacy of Parliament.
Let us but consider the consequence of such a repeal at
this present time. Whenever we have made the least con-
cession, they have always required more ; they will think
that we acknowledge that we have no right, if we should
repeal this law. The objection has hitherto been made on
the ground of taxation. I will consider truly what that
ground is ; but I very much fear that they object to that
controul which may be improper to take off; they submit-
ted to external taxation ; to internal, they always objected.
1 will take that period, then, as the fixed era for their al-
lowing taxation, by the repeal of the Stamp Act, as an in-
ternal tax. If you repeal tiiis Act, you will allow that you
have no right. I desire to keep my stand here, and not to
give up that autiiority which I am clear in. I wish no
new taxes to take place, but I wish to keep the right and
controul, which if you give up, you part with all. The in-
terest of America is the interest of Great Britain, and I
would wish to make their happiness the object, and to do
that which would be satisfactory to tJieir minds ; but, in
this present case, I am greatly afraid if you give up this,
you will be required to give up much more.
Captain Phipps. I should be the last person in the
House to give trouble, if the importance of this question did
not urge me to it : but I cannot take the acts of the Pro-
vince of Massachusetts Bay to be the opinion of all Ameri-
ca, nor those of a few designing interested men in Boston,
to be the disposition of the whole Province at large. I per-
fectly agree that the Americans cannot resist, and that the
doctrine of supremacy is good ; but I tiiink the Americans
have a real security in Parliament, which is, that you can
do notliing that docs not affect Great Britain equally
with America. I will consider the present measure as an
act with which they cannot comply, or, more properly they
will not. In the light, then, of a mercantile tax, it is tri-
fling and ridiculous; as a matter of revenue, it is absurd.
If they cannot resist, they will find some means of avoiding
it. God and nature has given them an extensive coast,
and of course an opportunity of smuggling. You will in-
jure the manufactures of this country in a very high
degree ; I do not mean by tlieir non-importation agree-
ments, but by making them prefer the manufacture which
is worse than yours, Irom your enemies, to those of this
country, which is better. May the right long remain in
the expediency of not exercising it ! 1 would only have it
called for at particular times, when the emergency of af-
fairs requires it, and when the whole of Great Britain and
America are to receive equal benefit ; but if you exercise
that right when you have no occasion or urgent reason for
raising a revenue, you will throw the quiet man of that
country into the factious man. But how can you expect
an obedience of that country, when the emoluments of it
are taken from them to supply the luxuries of men who
live in this ? The Province of Virginia, before Lord
Botetourt was made Governor, was annually plundered of
£.5,000 per annum, by the non-residence of fonner Go-
vernors. I knew a person in that country who held eleven
offices, the emoluments of which were appropriated to the
support of men of bad description in this. I approved
much of the Stamp Act, as a necessary measure to destroy
that nest of small petty-fogging attorneys, whose business
it was to create disturbances and law suits, and live by the
plunder. There is a wide difference between giving up
a right and exercising it, but I cannot see that Parliament
in fact gives up that right, when they say it is not expedient
to exercise it. I therefore wish much for the repeal of this
Act, which I think you will one day or other be forced
to do.
Mr. Stephen Fox. I rise. Sir, much in favour of the
motion on your table ; and I think the only reason that has
been urged against it, is, that America cannot resist. Do
not, Sir, let us exercise such a conduct merely to show
our power. I am far from saying we ought not to exert
this power upon proper occasions, but to make use of it by
way of irritation, is to me the highest ill policy, as well as
absurdity ; I shall therefore give my hearty affinnative to
the motion.
Mr. Cornwall. I wish gentlemen would take into con-
sideration the justice of their former proceedings, and the
policy and expediency which the present times require
and occasion. I do not love entering into the long debates
which have formerly happened upon this business ; I think
it wrong, and wish only to pursue the present expediency
of the measure. The proposition which we are now
called upon to decide, is simply this : Whether the whole
of our authority over the Americans shall be taken away ?
It has been said we have irritated the Americans by taxes
that are neither for the purpose of revenue, nor for com-
mercial regulations. That tax will be found to produce
much more than gentlemen think ; and however little it
may produce, the taking it off at this time would be both
inqiolitic and imprudent. Much has also been said about
gaining the affections of the Arnericans. If this were a
new question, I should think the gaining of their affections
is worth a thousand times the produce of the Tea Duty.
It is true. Sir, that England is loaded with a debt of a
very considerable amount, on account of the last American
war ; and it is but just and right that they should bear their
proportion of expense. Gentlemen say, that the propo-
sition should have been made to them by way of requisi-
tion. If I saw or apprehended the least inclination from
them to assist us in any other mode as to taxation, I would
readily give up this particular tax ; but has any one offered
any tiling on this head ? Has any person been authorized
to treat; or any ambassador sent on tliat occasion ? I
would meet them half way in this proposition. It has
been said, that all their labours are centered in this coun-
try, and that we should injure ourselves by laying tliis tax.
I look upon the interest of this country to be so nearly
connected with that, that our own actions will be the guide
of their security. America does not meet you on the
mode of taxation, but upon the question of right; and, for
my part, I cannot comprehend the distinction between in-
ternal and external taxation. You repealed the Stamp
*
135
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
136
Act : did America then receive this boon of repeal cheer-
fijUy? Disturbances have been fomenting and growing
ever since. Some few years past you repealed three or
four of these taxes ; I wish much the debate on this ques-
tion had then been agitated. The question now is,
whether it is prudent to repeal this tax at this critical junc-
ture? The Americans say, restore us to the same situa-
tion we were in before tiie Stamp Act passed. Suj)pose
we do, we put them in a worse situation than they are now
in. The consumer of a pound of tea before that Act took
place paid twelve-pence, by this Act he pays only three-
pence, the consumer therefore certainly gains nine-pence
by every pound he uses. This tax upon tea is certainly
not uncommercial, because tea is much cheaper now than
before ; and therefore I think it cannot have any aspect
of grievance as a commercial tax. What, then, are we to
expect, if we shew such a pusillanimous timidity in repeal-
ing this tax, merely because they object to it ? On the
question of right, they will certainly consider us in a more
contemptuous light than they ever yet did. Let me ask
what answer will they give, when, after tiiis, the Ameri-
cans shall voluntarily apply to repeal the duty on wine,
fee. ? The same principle that operates for the repeal of
this, will go to that. I do not see what answer you can
give, nor where the complaint is likely to stop, until you
have given up the whole, and, by that means, America
itself. If you persist in the measures you have begun
with, I think there is not a doubt of your succeeding, and
of becoming, if I may use the word, victorious ; but I would
have this victory obtained by a firm, consistent, just, and
manly conduct. I do not see what line of discrimination
you can draw ; for many parts of America have, in a
measure, disobeyed the precepts of this country, and be-
haved much in the same manner as Boston. It has been
said, and it is a doctrine I readily agree to, that you ought
to twine the olive branch round the sword ; but if, Sir,
they will return to their duty as they ought to do, the
sword will have no edge. Let us not give way to false
conceits, or factious proceedings ; be calm, and persist in a
just conduct. Deep as our debt is on account of America,
you will be deprived of a fourth part of the revenue, in the
day when the system of taxation will be found necessary
for carrying on the supplies of war, and the exigencies of
Government ; and when business must be stopt, without
some resource of supply, there will not then be found two
voices about taxing America.
Mr. Edmund Burke. Sir, I agree with the honora-
ble gentleman who spoke last, that this subject is not
new in this House. Very disagreeably to this House,
▼ery unfortunately to this nation, and to the peace and
prosperity of this whole empire, no topic has been
more familiar to us. For nine long years, session after
session, we have been lashed round and round this mis-
erable circle of occasional arguments and temporary
expedients. I am sure our heads must turn, and our
stomachs nauseate with them. We have had them in every
shape ; we have looked at them in every point of view.
Invention is exhausted ; reason is fatigued ; experience has
given judgment ; but obstinacy is not yet conquered.
The honorable gentleman has made one endeavour
more to diversify the form of this disgusting argument.
He has thrown out a speech composed almost entirely
of challenges. Challenges are serious things ; and as he
is a man of prudence as well as resolution, I dare say
he has very well weighed those challenges before he
delivered them. I had long the happiness to sit at the
same side of the House, and to agree with the honora-
ble gentleman on all the American questions. My sen-
timents, I am sure, are well known to him ; and I thought
I had been perfectly acquainted with his. Though I
find myself mistaken, he will still pennit me to use the
privilege of an old friendship ; he will permit me to
apply myself to the House under the sanction of his
authority ; and, on the various grounds he has measured
out, to submit to you the poor opinions which I have
formed, upon a matter of injportance enough to demand
the fullest consideration I could bestow upon it.
He li:is stated to the House two grounds of deliberation ;
one narrow and simple, and merely confined to the ques-
tion on your paper; the other rfiore large and more
complicated ; comprehending the whole series of the Par-
liamentary proceedings with regard to America, their
causes, and their consequences. With regard to the latter
ground, he states it as useless, and thinks it may be even
dangerous, to enter into so extensive a field of inquiry.
Yet, to my surprise, he had hardly laid down this restrictive
proposition, to which his authority would have given so
much weight, when directly, and with the same authority,
he condemns it, and declares it absolutely necessary to
enter into the most ample historical detail. His zeal has
thrown him a little out of his usual accuracy. In this
perplexity what shall we do, Sir, who are willing to submit
to the law he gives us ? He has reprobated in one part of
his speech the nde he had laid down for debate in the
other; and, after narrowing the ground for all those wlio
are to speak after him, he takes an excursion himself, as
unbounded as the subject and the extent of his great
abilities.
Sir, when I cannot obey all his laws, I will do the best
I can. I will endeavour to obey such of them as have the
sanction of his example, and to stick to that rule which,
though not consistent with the other, is the most rational.
He was certainly in the right when he took the matter
largely. I cannot prevail on myself to agree with him in
his censure of his own conduct. It is not, he will give
me leave to say, either useless or dangerous. He asserts,
that retrospect is not wise ; and the proper, the only proper,
subject of inquiry is, " not how we got into this difficulty,
but how we are to get out of it." In other words, we
are, according to him, to consult our invention, and to
reject our experience. The mode of deliberation he re-
commends is diametrically opposite to every rule of rea-
son, and every principle of good sense established amongst
mankind. For that sense and that reason, I have always
understood, absolutely to prescribe, whenever we are in-
volved in difficulties from the measures we have pursued,
that we should take a strict review of those measures, in
order to correct our errors if they should be corrigible ; or
at least to avoid a dull uniformity in mischief, and the unpi-
tied calamity of being repeatedly caught in the same snare.
Sir, I will freely follow the honorable gentleman in his
historical discussion, without the least management for men
or measures, Rirther than as they shall seem to me to
deserve it. But before I go into that large consideration,
because I w^ould omit nothing that can give the House
satisfaction, I wish to tread the narrow ground to which
alone the honorable gentleman, in one part of his speech,
has so strictly confined us.
He desires to know, whether, if we were to repeal this
tax, agreeably to the proposition of the honorable gentleman
who made the motion, the Americans would not take post
on this concession, in order to make a new attack on the
next body of taxes ; and whether tliey would not call for
a repeal of the duty on wine as loudly as they do now
for the repeal of the duty on tea? Sir, I can give no
security on this subject. But I will do all that I can, and
all that can be fairly demanded. To the experience which
the honorable gentleman reprobates in one instant, and
reverts to in the next, to that experience, without the
least wavering or hesitation on my part, I steadily appeal ;
and would to God there was no other arbiter to decide on
the vote with which the House is to conclude tliis day !
When Parliament repealed the Stamp Act in the year
1766, I affirm, first, that the Americans did not in conse-
?uence of this measure call upon you to give up the former
'arliamentary revenue which subsisted in that country,
or even any one of tfie articles which compose it. I
affirm also, that when, departing from the maxims of that
repeal, you revived the scheme of taxation, and thereby
filled the minds of the Colonists with new jealousy, and
all sorts of apprehensions, then it was that they quarreled
with the old taxes, as well as the new; then it was, and
not till then, that they questioned all the parts of your
legislative power ; and, by the battery of such questions,
have shaken the solid structure of this empire to its
deepest foundations.
Of those two propositions I shall, before I have done,
give such convincing, such damning proof, that however
the contrary may be whispered in circles, or bawled in
newspapers, they never more will dare to raise their
voices in this House. I speak with great confidence. I
have reason for it. The Ministers are with me. They
137
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
13S
at least are convinced that the repeal of the Stamp Act
had not, and that no repeal can have, the consequences
which tlie honorable gentleman who defends their measures
is so much alarmed at. To their conduct, I refer him for
a conclusive answer to his objection. I carry my proof
irresistibly into the very body of both Ministry and Par-
liament ; not on any general reasoning growing out of
collateral matter, but on the conduct of the honorable gen-
tleman's ministerial friends on the new revenue itself.
The Act of 1767, which grants this Tea Duty, sets forth
in its preamble, that it was expedient to raise a revenue in
America, for the support of the civil Government there,
as well as for purposes still more extensive. To this
support the Act assigns six branches of duties. About
two years after this Act passed, the Ministry, I mean the
present Ministry, thought it expedient to repeal five of the
duties, and to leave (for reasons best known to themselves)
only the sixth standing. Suppose any person, at the time
of that repeal, had thus addressed the Minister:* " Con-
" dcmning, as you do, the repeal of the Stamp Act, why
" do vou venture to repeal the duties upon glass, paper,
" and painters' colours ? Let your pretence for the repeal
" be what it will, are you not thoroughly convinced, that
" your concessions will produce, not satisfaction, but inso-
" lence in the Americans ; and that the giving up these
" taxes will necessitate the giving up of all the rest ?"
This objection was as palpable then as it is now ; and it
was as good for preserving the five duties as for retaining
the sixth. Besides, the Minister will recollect, that the
repeal of the Stamp Act had but just preceded his repeal ;
and the ill policy of that measure (had it been so impolitic
as it has been represented,) and the mischiefs it produced,
were quite recent. Upon the principles therefore of the
honorable gentleman, upon the principles of the Minister
himself, the Minister has nothing at all to answer. He
stands condemned by himself, and by all his associates, old
and new, as a destroyer, in the first trust of finance, of the
revenues ; and in the first rank of honor, as a betrayer
of the dignity of his country.
Most men, especially great men, do not always know
their well-wishers. I come to rescue that noble Lord out
of the hands of those he calls his friends ; and even out
of his own. I will do him the justice he is denied at
home. He has not been this wicked or imprudent man.
He knew that a repeal had no tendency to produce the
mischiefs which give so much alarm to his honorable friend.
His work was not bad in its principle, but imperfect in its
execution ; and the motion on your paper presses him only
to complete a proper plan, which, by some unfortunate
and unaccountable error, he had left unfinished.
I hope, Sir, the honorable gentleman who spoke last, is
thoroughly satisfied, and satisfied out of the proceedings of
Ministry on their own favourite Act, that his fears from a
repeal are groundless. If he is not, I leave him, and the
noble Lord who sits by him, to settle the matter, as well as
they can, together ; for if the repeal of American taxes de-
stroys all our Government in America — He is the man ! —
and he is the worst of all the repealers, because he is the last.
But I hear it rung continually in my ears, now and
formerly, — " Tlie preamble ! -wliat will become of the
preamble, if you repeal this tax?" I am sorry to be com-
pelled so often to expose the calamities and disgraces of
Parliament. The preamble of this law, standing as it now
stands, has the lie direct given to it by the provisionary
part of the Act, if that can be called provisionary which
makes no provision. I should be afraid to express myself
in this manner, especially in the face of such a formidable
array of ability as is now drawn up before me, composed
of the ancient household troops of that side of the House,
and the new recruits from this, if the matter were not clear
and indisputable. Nothing but truth could give me this
finnness ; but plain truth and clear evidence can be beat
down by no ability. The Clerk will be so good as to turn
to the Act, and to read this favourite preamble :
" Whereas it is expedient that a revenue should be rais-
" ed in your Majesty's Dominions in America, for making
" a more certain and adequate provision for defraying the
"charge of the Administration of justice and support of
" civil Government, in such Provinces where it shall be
" found necessary ; and tovinrds further defraying the ex-
• Lord North, then ChancoUor of tlio Exchequer.
" penses of defending, protecting, and iteUring the. taid
" Dominions."
You have heard this pompous performance. Now
where is the revenue which is to do all these mighty
things ? Five-sixths repealed — abandoned — sunk — gone —
lost for ever. Does the poor solitary Tea Duly support
tl)e purposes of this preamble ? Is not the supply there
stated as effectually abandoned as if the Tea Duty had
perished in the general wreck ? Here, Mr. Speaker, is a
precious mockery — a preamble without an Act taxes
granted in order to be repealed — and the reasons of the
grant still carefully kept up ! This is raising a revenue in
America! This is preserving dignity in £n^/anrf / If you
repeal this tax in compliance with the motion, I readily
admit that you lose this fair preamble. Estimate your
loss in it. The object of the Act is gone already ; and all
you suffer is the purging the statute-book of the opprobrium
of an empty, absurd, and false recital.
It has been said again and again, that the five taxes
were repealed on commercial principles. It is so said
in the paper in my hand ;* a pajjer which I constantly
carry about; which I have often used, and shall often
use again. What is got by this paltry pretence of com-
mercial principles I know not ; for, if your Government
in America is destroyed by the repeal of taxes, it is of
no consequence upon what ideas the repeal is grounded.
Repeal this tax too upon commercial principles if you
please. These principles will serve as well now as they
did formerly. But you know that, either your objection
to a repeal from these supposed consequences has no
validity, or that this pretence never could remove it. This
commercial motive never was believed by any man, either
in America, which this letter is meant to soothe, or in
England, which it is meant to deceive. It was impossible
it should. Because every man, in the least acquainted
with the detail of commerce, must know, that several
of the articles on which the tax was repealed were fitter
objects of duties than almost any other articles that could
possibly be chosen ; without comparison more so, than the
tea that was taxed ; as infinitely less liable to be eluded
by contraband. The tax upon red and white lead was of
this nature. You have, in this Kingdom, an advantage
in lead, that amounts to a monopoly. When you find
yourself in this situation of advantage, you sometimes
venture to tax even your own export. You did so soon
after the last war, when, upon this principle, you ventured
to impose a duty on coals. In all the articles of American
contraband trade, who ever heard of the smuggling of
red lead, and white lead? You might, therefore, well
enough without danger of contraband, and without injury
to commerce (if this were the whole consideration) have
taxed these commodities. The same may be said of glass.
Besides, some of the things taxed were so trivial, that the
loss of the objects themselves and their utter annihilation
out of American commerce, would have been comparative-
ly as nothing. But is the article of tea such an object
in the trade of England, as not to be felt, or felt but
strictly like white lead, and red lead, and painters colours ?
tea is an object of far other importance. Tea is perhaps
the most important object, taking it witli its necessary
connections, of any in the mighty circle of our commerce.
If commercial principles had been the true motives to the
repeal, or had they been at all attended to, tea would
have been the last article we should have left taxed for a
subject of controversy.
Sir, it is not a pleasant consideration, but nothing ia
the world can read so awful and so instructive a lesson,
as the conduct of Ministry in this business, upon the
mischief of not having large and liberal ideas in the man-
agement of great affairs. Never have the servants of the
State looked at the whole of your complicated interests in
one connected view. They have taken things by bits
and scraps, some at one time and one pretence, and some
at another, just as they pressed, without any sort of regard
to their relations or dependencies. They never had any
kind of system, right or wrong, but only invented occa-
sionally some miserable tale of the day, in order meanly
to sneak out of difficulties, into which they had proudly
• I>or(l HilhboTougk'f Circular Letter to the Oovornors of the Co-
lonioa concorniiig tlie Repeal of some of the Duties laid in the Act
of 1767.
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MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
140
strutted. And they were put to all these shifts and
devices, full of meanness and full of mischief, in order to
pilfer piecemeal a repeal of an act, which they had not
the generous courage, when they found and felt their error,
lionorahly and fairly to disclaim. By such management,
by the irresistible operation of feeble councils, so paltry
a sum as three-pence, in the eyes of a financier, so insig-
nificant an article as tea in the eyes of a piiilosopher, have
sliaken the pillars of a commercial empire that circled the
whole globe.
Do you forget that, in the very last year, you stood on
the precipice of general bankruptcy? Your danger was
indeed great. You were distressed in the aflairs of the
East India Company ; and you well know what sort of
things aie involved in the comprehensive energy of tliat
significant appellation. I am not called upon to enlarge to
you on that danger, which you tliought proper yourselves
to aggravate, and to display to the world with all the
parade of indiscreet declamation. Tiie monojjoly of the
most lucrative trades, and possession of imperial revenues,
had brought you to the verge of beggary and ruin. Such
was your representation — such, in some measure was your
■case. The vent of ten millions of pounds of this com-
modity, now locked up by the operation of an injudicious
tax, and rotting in the warehouses of the Company, would
have prevented all this distress, and all that series of
desperate measures which you thought yourselves obliged
to take in consequence of it. America would have fur-
nished that vent, which no other part of the world can
furnish but America, where tea is next to a necessary of
life, and where tlie demand grows upon the supply. I
hope our dear-bougiit .East India Committees have done
us at least so much good, as to let us know, that without
a more extensive sale of that article our East India re-
venues and acquisitions can ha\e no certain connection
with this country. It is through the American trade of
tea that your East Itidia conquests are to be prevented
from crushing you with their burthen. They are ponderous
indeed ; and they must have that great country to lean
upon or they tumble upon your head. It is the same folly
that has lost you at once the benefit of the West and of the
East. This folly has thrown open folding-doors to contra-
band ; and will be the means of giving the profits of the
trade of your Colonies, to every nation but yourselves.
Never did a People suffer so much for the empty words of
a preamble. It must be given up. For on wliat principle
does it stand ? This famous revenue stands, at this hour, on
all the debate, as a description of revenue not as yet known
in all the compreliensive (but too comprehensive !) vocabu-
lary of finance — a iireavibularij tax. It is indeed a tax of
sophistry, a tax of pedantry, a tax of disputation, a tax of
war and rebellion, a tax for any thing but benefit to the
imposers, or satisfaction to the subject.
Well ! but whatever it is, gentlemen will force the
Colonists to take the teas. You will force them? has
seven years struggle been yet able to force them ? O ! but
it seems " we are in the right. — The tax is trifling — in
" effect it is rather an exoneration than an imposition ; three-
" fourtlis of the duty formerly payable on teas exported
" to America is taken off; the place of collection is only
" shifted ; instead of the retention of a sliilling from the
'• drawback here, it is three-pence custom paid in Amc-
" rica." All this. Sir, is very true. But this is the very
folly and mischief of the Act. Incredible as it may seem,
you know, that you have deliberately tiirown away a large
duty which you held secure and quiet in your hands, for the
vain hope of getting one three-fourtlis less, tlu-ough every
liazard, througli cert^iin liti'^ation, and possibly tlirougii war.
The manner of proceeding in the duties on paper and
glass, imposed by tlie same Act, was exactly in the same
spirit. Tliere are heavy excises on those articles when
used in England. On export these excises are drawn
back. But instead of withholding the drawback, which
might have been done, with ease, without cliarge, without
possibility of smuggling ; and instead of applying the money
(money already in your hands) according to your pleasure,
you began your operations in finance by flingin<'' awav
your revenue ; you allowed tiie whole drawback on
export, and then you chari!;ed the duty, (which you had
before discharged,) payable in the Colonies, where it was
certain the collection would devour it to the bone, il" any
revenue were ever suffered to be collected at all. One
spirit pervades and animates the whole mass.
Could any thing be a subject of more just alarm to
America, than to see you go out of the plain high road of
finance, and give up your most certain revenues and your
clearest interests, merely for the sake of insulting your
Colonies ? No man ever doubted that the commodity of
tea could bear an imposition of three-pence. But no
commodity will bear three-pence, or will bear a penny,
when the general feelings of men are irritated, and two
millions of People are resolved not to pay. The feelings
of the Colonies were fonnerly the feelings of Great Bri-
tain. Theirs were formerly the feelings of Mr. Hampden,
when called upon for the payment of twenty shillings.
Would twenty shillings have ruined Mr. Hampden's for-
tune ? No ! but the payment of half twenty shillings, on
the principle it was demanded, would have made him a
slave. It is the weight of that preamble, of which you
are so fond, and not the weight of the duty, that the
Americans are unable and unwilling to bear.
It is then, Sir, upon the principle of this measure, and
nothing else, that we are at issue. It is a principle of
political expediency. Your Act of 1767 asserts, that it is
ex])edient to raise a revenue in America; your Act of
1769, which takes away that revenue, contradicts the Act
of 1767 ; and, by something much stronger than words,
asserts, that it is not expedient. It is a reflection upon
your wisdom to persist in a solenm Parliamentary declara-
tion of expediency of any object, for which, at the same
time, you make no sort of provision. And pray, Sir, let
not this circumstance escape you ; it is very material ;
that the preamble of this act, which we wish to repeal, is
not declaratory of a right, as some gentlemen seem to
argue it ; it is only a recital of the expediency of a certain
exercise of a right supposed already to have been asserted ;
an exercise you are now contending for by ways and
means, which you confess, though they were obeyed, to
be utterly insufficient for their purpose. You are therefore
at this moment in the awkward situation of fighting for a
phantom ; a quiddity ; a thing that wants, not only a
substance, but even a name ; for a thing, which is neither
abstract right, nor profitable enjoyment.
They tell you, Sir, that your dignity is tied to it. 1
know not how it happens, but this dignity of yours is a
terrible incumbrance to you ; for it has of late been ever
at war with your interest, your equity, and every idea of
your policy. Shew the thing you contend for to be rea-
son ; shew it to be common sense ; shew it to be the
means of attaining some useful end ; and then I am
content to allow it what dignity you please. But what
dignity is derived from the pei-severance in absurdity is more
than ever I could discern. The honorable gentleman has
said well — indeed, in most of his general observations I
agree with him — he says, that this subject does not stand
as it did formerly. Oh, certainly not! every hour you
continue on this ill-chosen ground, your difficulties thicken
on you ; and therefore my conclusion is, remove from a
bad position as quickly as you can. The disgrace, and
the necessity of yielding, both of them, grow upon you
every hour of your delay. ,
But will )ou repeal the Act, says the honorable gentle-
man, at this instant, when America is in open resistance to
your authority, and that you have just revived your system
of taxation ? He thinks he has driven us into a corner.
But thus pent uj), I am content to meet him, because I en-
• tcr the lists supported by my old authority, his new friends,
the Ministers themselves. The honorable gentleman re-
members, that about five years ago as great disturbances as
the present prevailed in America on account of the new
taxes. The Ministers represented these disturbances as
treasonable ; and this House thought proper, on that repre-
sentation, to make a famous address for a revival, and for
a new application of a statute of H. VIII. We besought
the King in that well-considered address, to inquire into
treasons, and to bring the supposed traitors from America
to Great Britain for trial. His Majesty was pleased
graciously to promise a compliance with our request. All
the attem])ls from this side of the House to resist these
violences, and to bring about a repeal, were treated with the
utmost scorn. An apprehension of the \ery consequences
now stated b}- the honorable gentleman, was then given as
141
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
142
a reason for shutting the door against all hope of such an
alteration. And so strong was the spirit for supporting
the new taxes, that the session concluded with the follow-
ing remarkable declaration. After stating the vigorous
measures which had been pursued, the speech from the
Throne proceeds :
" You have assured me of your frm support in the pro-
" secution of them. Nothing, in my opinion, could be
" more likely to enable the well-disposed among my sub-
" jects in that part of the world, eflectually to discourage
" and defeat tiie designs of the factious and seditious, than
" the hearty concurrence of every branch of the Legisla-
" ture, in maintaining the execution of the laws in every
" part of my Dominions."
After this no man dreamt that a repeal under this Min-
istry could possibly take place. The honorable gentleman
knows as well as 1, that the idea was utterly exploded by
those who sway the House. This speech was made on
the ninth day of May, 1769. Five days after this speech,
that is, on the 1 3th of the same month, the public circular
letter, a part of which I -axn going to read to you, was
written by Lord Hillsborough, Secretary of State for the
Colonies. After reciting the substance of the King's
speech, he goes on thus :
" I can take upon me to assure you, notwithstandmg
" insinuations to the contrary, from men \\'\\\\ factious and
"■ seditious views, that his Majesty's present Administra-
" tion have at no time entertained a design to propose to
" Parliament to lay any further taxes upon America, _/br
" the purpose of raising a revenue ; and that it is at
" present their intention to propose, the next session
" of Parliament, to take off the duties upon glass, pa-
" per, and colours, upon consideration of such duties
" having been laid contrary to the true principles of
" commerce.
" These have always been, and still are, the sentiments
" of his Majesty's present servants ; and by which their
" conduct in respect to America has been governed. And
" his Majesty relies upon your prudence and fidelity for
" such an explanation of his measures, as may tend to
" remove the prejudices which have been excited by the
" misrepresentations of those who are enemies to the peace
" and prosperity of Great Britain and her Colonies, and
" to re-establish that mutual confidence and affection, upon
" which the glory and safety of the British empire de-
« pend."
Here, Sir, is a. canonical book of ministerial scripture;
the general epistle to the Americans. What does the
gentleman say to it ? Here a repeal is promised ; promised
without condition ; and while your authority was actually
resisted. I pass by the public promise of a Peer relative
to the repeal of taxes by this House. I pass by the use
of the King's name in a matter of supply, that sacred and
reserved rigiit of the Commons. I conceal the ridiculous
figure of Parliament, hurling its thundei-s at the gigantic
rebellion of America, and then five days after, prostrate
at the feet of those Assemblies we affected to despise,
begging them, by the intervention of our ministerial
sureties, to receive our submission, and heartily promising
amendment. These might have been serious matters for-
merly, but we are grown wiser than our fathers. Passing,
therefore, from the constitutional consideration to the mere
policy, does not this letter imply, that the idea of taxing
America, for the purpose of revenue, is an abominable
project, when the Ministry suppose none but factious
men, and with seditious views, could charge them with it ?
Does not this letter adopt and sanctify the American dis-
tinction of taxing for a revenue! does it not formally
reject all future taxation on that principle? does it not
state the ministerial rejection of such principle of taxation,
not as the occasional, but the constant opinion of the
King's servants ? does it not say (I care not how consis-
tently,) but does it not say, that their conduct with regard
to America has been always governed by this policy ? It
goes a great deal further. These excellent and trusty
servants of the King, justly fearful lest they themselves
should have lost all credit with the world, bring out the
image of their gracious Sovereign from the inmost and
most sacred shrine, and they pawn him, as a security for
their promises — " His Majesty relies on your prudence
" and fidehty for such an explanation of his measures."
These sentiments of the Minister, and these measures of
his Majesty, can only relate to the principle and practice
of taxing for a revenue ; and accordingly Lord Botetourt,
stating it as such, did with great propriety, and in the
exact spirit of his instructions, endeavour to remove the
fears of the Virginian Assembly, lest the sentiments, which
it seems (unknown to the world) had ahvays lieen those of
the Ministers, and by which their conduct in respect to
America had been governed, should by some possible
revolution, favourable to wicked American taxers, be here-
after counteracted. He addresses diem in this manner :
" It may possibly be objected, that as his Majesty's
" present Administration are not immortal, their successors
" may be inclined to attempt to undo what the present
" Ministers shall have attempted to perform ; and to that
" objection I can give but this answer ; that it is my finn
" opinion, that the plan I have stated to you will certainly
" take place, and that it will never be departed from ; and
" so detennined am I for ever to abide by it, that I will be
" content to be declared infamous, if I do not, to the last
" hour of my life, at all times, in all places, and upon all
" occasions, exert every power with which I either am, or
" ever shall be legally invested, in order to obtain and
" maintain for the Continent of America that satisfaction
" which 1 have been authorized to promise this day, by the
" confidential servants of our gracious Sovereign, who to
" my certain knowledge rates his honor so high, that he
" would rather part with his Crown, than preserve it by
" deceit."*
A glorious and true character ! which (since we suffer
his Ministers with impunity to answer for his ideas of
taxation) we ought to make it our business to enable his
Majesty to preserve in all its lustre. Let him have cha-
racter, since ours is no more ! Let some part of Govern-
ment be kept in respect !
This epistle was not the letter of Lord Hillsborough
solely, though he held the official pen. It was the letter
of the noble Lord upon the floor, (Lord North) and of
all the King's then Ministers, who (with I think the
exception of two only) are his Ministers at this hour.
The very first news that a British Parliament heard of
what it was to do with the duties which it had given
and granted to the King, was by the publication of the
votes of American Assemblies. It was in America that
your resolutions were pre-declared. It was from thence
that we knew to a certainty, how much exactly, and not
a scruple more nor less, we were to repeal. We were
unworthy to be let into the secret of our own conduct.
The Assemblies had confidential communications from his
Majesty's confidential servants. We were nothing but
instruments. Do you, after this, wonder that you have no
weight and no respect in the Colonies? After this, are
you surprised, that Parliament is every day and every
where losing (I feel it with sorrow, I utter it with reluc-
tance) that reverential affection, which so endearing a
name of authority ought ever to carry with it ; that you
are obeyed solely from respect to the bayonet ; and that
this House, the ground and pillar of freedom, is itself held
up only by the treacherous underpinning and clumsy
buttresses of abitrary power ?
If this dignity, which is to stand in the place of just
policy and common sense, had been consulted, there was
a time for preserving it, and for reconciling it with any
concession. If in the session of 1768, that session of
idle terror and empty menaces, you had, as you were
often pressed to do, repealed these taxes, then your strong
operations would have come justified and enforced, m case
your concessions had been returned by outrages. But,
preposterously, you began with violence, and, before terrors
• A material point is omitted by Mr. Burke in this speech, viz. tht
manner in which the Continent received this Royal assurance. The
Assembly of Virginia, in their Address in answer to Lord Botetourt'*
Speech, express themselves thus: "We will not suffer our present
" hopes, arising from the pleasing prospect your Lordship hath so
" kindly opened and displayed to us, to bo dashed by the bitter reflec-
" tion tliat any future Administration will entertain a wish to depart
" from that pi'nn, which affords the surest and most permanent foun.
" dution of public tranquillity and happiness: No, my Lord, we aro
" sure our most gracious Sovereign, under whatever changes may hap.
" pen in his confidential servants, will remain immutable in the ways
" of truth and justice, and that he is incapable of deceiving his faith-
" Jul subjects ; and we esteem your Lordsliip's information not only
" as warranted, but oven sanctified by the Royal word."
113
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
144
could have any effect, chhwr good or bad, your Ministers
immediately begged pardon, and promised tiiat repeal to
the obstinate Americans which they had refused in an
easy, good natured, complying British Parliament. The
Assemblies which had been publicly and avowedly dis-
solved for their contumacy, are called together to receive
your submission. Your Ministerial directors blustered like
tragic tyrants here ; and then went mumping with a sore
leg in America, canting, and whining, and complaining,
of faction, which represented them as friends to a revenue
from the Colonies. I hope nobody in this House will
hereafter have the impudence to defend American taxes
in the name of Ministry. The moment they do, with this
letter of attorney in my hand, I will tell them in the
authorized terms, they are wretches, " with factious and
" seditious views ; enemies to the peace and prosperity of
" the mother country and the Colonies," and subverters
" of the mutual affection and confidence on which the
" glory and safety of the British empire depend."
After this letter, the question is no more on propriety
or dignity. They are gone already. The faith of your
Sovereign is pledged for the political principle. The gen-
eral declaration in the letter goes to the whole of it. You
must therefore either abandon the scheme of taxing, or
you must send the Ministers tarred and feathered to Ame-
rica, who dared to hold out the royal faith for a renuncia-
tion of all taxes for revenue. Them you must punish, or
this faith you must preserve. The preservation of this
faith is of more consequence than the duties on red lead,
or white lead, or on broken glass, or atlas ordinary, or
demi-fine, or blue-royal, or bastard, or fooFs-cap, which
you have given up ; or the three-pence on tea, which you
retained. The letter went stampt with the public author-
ity of this Kingdom. The instructions for the Colony
Government go under no other sanction ; and America
cannot believe, and will not obey you, if you do not
preserve this channel of communication sacred. You are
now punishing the Colonies for acting on distinctions, held
out by that very Ministry which is here shining in riches,
in favour, and in power, and urging the punishment of
the very offence, to which they had themselves been the
tempters.
Sir, If reasons respecting simply your own commerce,
which is your own convenience, were the sole grounds of
the repeal of the five duties, why does Lord Hillslmrffiigh,
in disclaiming in the name of the King and Ministry their
erer having had an intent to tax for revenue, mention it
as the means " of re-establishing the confidence and affec-
tion of the Colonies ?" Is it a way of soothing others,
to assure them that you will take good care of yourself!
The medium, the only medium, for regaining their affec-
tion and confidence is, that you will take off something
oppressive to their minds. Sir, the letter strongly enforces
that idea ; for though the repeal of the taxes is promised
on commercial principles, yet the means of counteracting
'• the insinuations of men with factious and seditious
" views," is by a disclaimer of the intention of taxing for
revenue, as a constant invariable sentiment and rule of
conduct in the government of America.
I remember that the noble Lord on the floor, not in a
former debate to be sure (it would be disorderly to refer
to it, I suppose I read it somewhere,) but the noble liord
was pleased to say, that he did not conceive how it could
enter into the head of msm to impose such taxes as those
of 1767 : I mean those taxes which he voted for imposing,
and voted for repealing ; as being taxes, contrary to all the
principles of commerce, laid on British manufactures.
I dare say the noble Lord is perfectly well read, because
the duty of his particular office requires he should be so,
in all our revenue laws, and in the policy which is to be
collected out of them. Now, Sir, when he had read this
Act of American revenue, and a little recovered from his
astonishment, 1 suppose he made one step retrograde (it is
hut one) and looked at the Act which stands just before
it in the statute book. The American Revenue Act is the
forty -fifth cliapter ; the other to whicii 1 refer is the forty-
fourth of the same session. These two Acts are both to
tiie same purpose ; both Revenue Acts ; both taxing out of
tlie Kingdom ; and both taxing British manufactures ex-
ported. As the 45tli is an Act for raising a revenue in
America, the 44tli is an Act for raising a revenue in the
Isle of Man. The two Acts perfectly agree in all re-
spects, except one. In the Act for taxing the Isle of
Man, the noble Lord will find (not, as in the American
Act, four or five articles) hut almost the whole body of
British manufactures, taxed from two and an half to
fifteen per cent., and some articles, such as that of spirits,
a great deal higher. You did not think it uncornn)ercial
to tax the whole mass of your manufactures, and, let me
add, your agriculture too ; for, I now recollect, British
com is there also taxed up to ten per cent., and this too in
the very head-quarters, the very citadel of snniggling, the
Isle of Man. Now will the noble Lord condescend to tell
me why he repealed the taxes on your manufactures sent
out to America, and not the taxes on the manufactures
exported to the Isle of Man 1 The principle was exactly
the same, the objects charged infinitely more extensive,
the duties without comparison higher. Why ? why, not-
withstanding all his childish pretexts, because the taxes
were quietly submitted to in the Me of Man ; and because
they raised a flame in America. Your reasons were
political, not commercial. The repeal was made, as Lord
Hillsborough's letter well expresses it, to regain " tho
" confidence and affection of the Colonies, on which the
" glory and safety of the British empire depend." A
wise and just motive surely, if ever there was such. But
the mischief and dishonour is, that you have not done
what you had given the Colonies just cause to expect,
when your Ministers disclaimed the idea of taxes for a
revenue. There is nothing simple, notiiing manly, nothing
ingenuous, open, decisive, or steady, in the proceeding,
with regard either to the continuance or the repeal of the
taxes. The whole has an air of littleness and fraud.
The article of tea is slurred over in the circular letter, as it
were by accident — nothing is said of a resolution either to
keep that tax, or to give it up. There is no fair dealing
in any part of the transaction.
If you mean to follow your true motive and your public
faith, give up your tax on tea for raising a revenue, the
principle of which has, in effect, been disclaimed in your
name, and which produces you no advantage, no, not a
penny. Or, if you choose to go on with a poor pretence
instead of a solid reason, and will still adhere to your cant
of commerce, you have ten thousand times more strong
commercial reasons for giving up this duty on tea, than for
abandoning the five others that you have ah-eady renounced.
The ^wencaw consumption of teas is annually, I believe,
worth £300,000 at the least farthing. If you urge the
American violence as a justification of your perseverance
in enforcing this tax, you know that you can never answer
this plain question — Why did you repeal the others given
in the same Act, whilst the very same violence subsisted ?
But you did not find the violence cease upon that conces-
sion. No ! because the concession was far short of satis-
fying the principle which Lord Hillsborough had abjured ;
or even the pretence on which the repeal of the other taxes
was announced : and because, by enabling the East India
Company to open a shop for defeating the American reso-
lution not to pay that specific tax, you manifestly showed a
hankering after the principle of the Act which you formerly
had renounced. Whatever road you take leads to a com-
pliance with this motion. It opens to you at the end of
every vista. Your commerce, your policy, your promises,
your reasons, your pretences, your consistency, your incon-
sistency— all jointly oblige you to this repeal.
But still it sticks in our throats, if we go so far, the
Americans will go farther. We do not know that. We
ought, from experience, rather to presume the contrar)'.
Do we not know for certain, that the Americans are going
on as fast as possible, whilst we refuse to gratify them?
Can they do more, or can they do worse, if we yield this
point ? I think this concession will rather fix a turnpike to
prevent their further progress. It is impossible to answer
for bodies of men. But I am sure the natural effect of
fidelity, clemency, kindness in Governors, is peace, good
will, order, and esteem, on the part of the governed. I
would certainly, at least, give these fair principles a fair
trial, which, since the making of this Act to this hour they
never have had.
Sir, the honorable gentleman having spoken what he
thought necessary upon the narrow part of the subject, I
have given him, I hope, a satisfactory answer. He next
445
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
146
presses me by a variety of direct challenges and oblique re-
flections to say something on the historical part. I shall
tJierefore, Sir, open myself fully on that important and deli-
cate subject ; not for the sake of telling you a long story
(which, I know, Mr. Speaker, you are not particularly fond
of,) but for the sake of the weighty instruction that, I flatter
myself, will necessarily result from it. It shall not be
longer, if I can help it, than so serious a matter requires.
Permit me, then, Sir, to lead your attention very far
back ; back to the Act of Navigation, the comer stone of
the policy of this country with regard to its Colonies. Sir,
tliat policy was, from the beginning, purely commercial,
and the commercial system was wholly restrictive. It was
tlie system of a monopoly. No trade was let loose from
that constraint, but merely to enable the Colonists to dis-
pose of what, in the course of your trade, you could not
take ; or to enable them to dispose of such articles as we
forced upon them, and for which, without some degree of
liberty, they could not pay. Hence all your specific and
detailed enumerations ; hence the innumerable checks and
counter-checks ; hence that infinite variety of paper chains
by which you bind together tliis complicated system of the
Colonies. This principle of commercial monopoly runs
through no less than twenty-nine Acts of Parliament, from
the year 1660 to the unfortunate period of 1764.
In all those Acts the system of commerce is established,
as that, from whence alone you proposed to make the
Colonies contribute (I mean directly, and by the operation
of your superintending Legislative power) to the strength of
the empire. I venture to say, tiiat during that whole
period, a Parliamentary revenue from thence was never
once in contemplation. Accordingly, in all the number of
laws passed with regard to the Plantations, the words
vrhich distinguished revenue laws, specifically as such, were
I think, premeditately avoided. I do not say. Sir, that a
form of words alters the nature of the law, or abridges the
power of the law giver. It certainly does not. However,
titles and formal preambles are not always idle words ; and
the lawyers frequently argue from them. I state these
facts to shew, not what was your right, but what has been
your settled policy. Our revenue laws have usually a title,
purporting their being grants, and the words give and grant
usually precede the enacting parts. Although Duties were
imposed on America in Acts of King Charles the Second,
and in Acts of King William,, no one title of giving " an
aid to his Majesty," or any other of the usual titles to
Revenue Acts, was to be found in any of them till 1764 ;
nor were the words " give and grant" in any preamble
nntil the sixth of George the Second. However, the title
of this Act of George the Second, notwithstanding the
words of donation, considers it merely as a regulation of
trade, "An Act for the better securing of the trade of his
" Majesty's Sugar Colonies in America." This Act was
made on a compromise of all, and at tlie express desire of
a part of the Colonies theinselves. It was therefore in some
measure with their consent ; and having a title directly pur-
j)orting only a commercial regulation, and being in truth
nothing more, the words were passed by. at a time when no
jealousy was entertained, and things were little scnitinized.
Even Governor Bernard, in his second printed letter,
dated in 1763, gives it as his opinion, that " it was an Act
(i{ Prohibition, not of Revenue." This is certainly true,
that no Act avowedly for the purpose of revenue, and with
tJie ordinary title and recital taken together, is found in the
statute book until the year I have mentioned, that is. the
year 1764. All before this period stood on commercial
refjulation and restraint. The scheme of a Colonv revenue
l)y British avitliority, appeared therefore to the Americans
in the light of a great innovation ; the words of Governor
Bernard's ninth letter, written in JSovember, 1765, state
tliis idea very strongly ; " it must," says he, " have been
" supposed siich an innovation as a Parliamentary taxation,
'• would cause a great alarm, and meet with much opposition
" in most parts of America ; it was f/uite new to the People,
" and had no visible bounds set to it." After stating the
weakness of Government there, he says, " was this a time
" to introduce so great a novelty as a Parliamentary inland
" taxation in America?" Whatever the right might have
been, this mode of using it was absolutely new in policy
and practice.
Sir, they who are friends to the schemes of American
revenue say, that the commercial restraint is full as hard a
law for America to live under. I think so too. I think it,
if uncompensated, to be a condition of as rigorous servitude
as men can be subject to. But America bore it from the
fundamental Act of Navigation, until 1764. Why ? Be-
cause men do bear the inevitable constitution of their origi-
nal nature with all its infirmities. The Act of Navigation
attended the Colonies from their infancy, grew with their
growth, and strengthened with their strength. They were
confirmed in obedience to it, even more by usage than by
law. They scarcely had remembered a time when they
were not subject to such a restraint. Besides, they were
indemnified for it by a pecuniary compensation. Their
monopolist happened to be one of the richest men in the
world. By his immense capital (primarily employed, not
for their benefit, but his own,) they were enabled to proceed
with their fisheries, their agriculture, their ship building,
(and their trade too within the limits,) in such a manner as
got far the start of the slow languid operations of unassisted
nature. Tiiis capital was a hot bed to them. Nothing in
the history of mankind is like their progress. For my
part, I never cast an eye on their flourishing commerce, and
their cultivated and commodious life, but they seem to me
rather ancient nations, grown to perfection through a long
series of fortunate events, and a train of successful industry,
accumulating wealth in many centuries, than the Colonies
of yesterday ; than a set of miserable out-casts, a few years
ago, not so much sent as thrown out, on the bleak and
barren shore of a desolate wilderness three thousand miles
from all civilized intercourse.
All this was done by England, whilst England pursued
trade and forgot revenue. You not only acquired com-
merce, but you actually created the very objects of trade
in America ; and by that creation you raised the trade of
this Kingdom at least four-fold. America had the com-
pensation of your capital, which made her bear her servi-
tude. She had another compensation, which you are now
going to take away from her. She had, except the com-
mercial restraint, every characteristic mark of a free People
in all her internal concerns. She had the image of the
British constitution. She had the substance. She was
taxed by her own Representatives. She chose most of
her own Magistrates. She paid them all. She had in
efl^ect the sole disposal of her own internal Government.
This whole state of commercial servitude and civil liberty
taken together, is certainly not perfect freedom ; but com-
paring it with the ordinary circumstances of human nature,
it was an happy and liberal condition.
I know. Sir, that great and not unsuccessful pains have
been taken to inflame our minds by an outcry, in this House
and out of it, that in America the Act of Navigation
neither is, or ever was obeyed. But if you take the Colo-
nies through, I affirm, that its authority never was dispu-
ted ; that it was no where disputed for any length of time ;
and, on the whole, that it was well observed. Wherever
the Act pressed hard, many individuals indeed evaded it.
This is nothing These scattered individuals never denied
the law, and never obeyed it. Just as it happens whene-
ver the laws of trade, whenever the laws of revenue, press
hard upon the People in England, in that case all your
shores are full of contraband. Your right to give a mo-
nopoly to the East India Company, your right to lay im-
mense duties on French brandy, are not disputed in Eng-
land. You do not make this charge on any man. But
you know that there is not a creek from Pentland Frith to
the Isle of Wight, in which they do not smuggle immense
quantities of teas, East India goods, and brandies. I take
it for granted, that the authority of Governor Bernard in
this point is indisputable. Speaking of these laws, as they
regarded that part of America now in so unhappy a condi-
tion, he says, " I believe they are no where better sup-
" ported than in this Province ; 1 do not pretend that it is
" entirely free from a breach of these laws ; but that such
" a breach, if discovered, is justly punished." What more
can you say of the obedience to any laws in any country ?
An obedience to these laws formed the acknowledgment,
instituted by yourselves, for your superiority ; and was the
payment you originally imposed for your protection.
Whether you'were right or wrong in establishmg the
Colonies on the principles of commercial monopoly, rather
than on that of revenue, is at this day a problem of mere
Fourth Series.
10
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MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
148
speculation. You cannot have Ix)th by the saine autliority.
To join together the restraints of an universal internal and
external monopoly, witli an universal internal and external
taxation, is an umiatural union ; perfect uncompensated
slavery. You have long since decided for yourself and
them ; and you and they have prospered exceedingly
under that decision.
This nation, Sir, never thought of departing from that
choice until the period immediately on the close of the last
war. Then a scheme of Government, new in many things
seemed to have been adopted. 1 saw, or thought 1 saw,
several symptoms of a great change whilst I sat in your
gallery, a good wliile before I had the honor of a seat in
this House. At that period the necessity was established
of keeping up no less tlian twenty new regiments, with
twenty Colonels, capable of seats in this House. This
scheme was adopted with very general applause from all
sides, at the very time that by your conquests in America,
your danger from foreign attempts in that part of the world
was much lessened, or indeed rather quite over. When
this huge increase of military establishment was resolved on,
a. revenue was to be found to support so great a buitiicn.
Country gentlemen, the great patrons of economy, and the
great resisters of a standing armed force, would not have
entered with much alacrity into the vote for so large and so
expensive an army, if they had been very sure tiiat they
were to continue to pay for it. But hopes of another kind
were held out to them ; and, in particular, I well remember
tliat Mr. Townshcnd, in a brilliant harangue on this subject
(lid dazzle them, by playing before their eyes the image of
a revenue to be raised in America.
Here began to dawn the first glimmerings of this new
Colony system. It appeared more distinctly afterwards,
when it was devolved upon a pereon to whom, on other
accounts, this country owes very great obligations. I do
believe, that he had a very serious desire to benefit tlie
public. But with no small study of the detail, he did not
seem to have his view, at least equally, carried to the total
circuit of our affairs. He generally considered his objects
in lights that were rather too detached. Whether the busi-
ness of an American revenue was imposed upon him alto-
gether ; whether it was entirely the result of his own specu-
lation; or, what is more probable, that his own ideas rather
coincided with the instiiictions he had received, certain it
is, that, with the best intentions in the world, he first
brought this fatal scheme into form, and established it by
Act of Parliament.
No man can believe, that at this time of day I mean to
lean on the venerable memory of a great man, whose loss
we deplore in common. Our little party dift'erences have
been long ago composed, and I have acted more with him,
and certainly with more pleasure with him, than ever I
acted against him. Undoubtedly Mr. Grenville was a first
rate figure in this country. With a masculine understand-
ing, and a stout and resolute heart, he had an application
undissipated and unwearied. He took public business, not
as a duty which he was to fulfil, but as a pleasure he was
to enjoy ; and he seemed to have no delight out of this
House, except in such things as some way related to the
business that was to be done within it. If he was ambi-
tious, I will say this for him, his ambition was of a noble
aijd generous strain. It was to raise himself, not by the
low pimping politics of a court, but to win his way to
power, through the laborious gradations of public service ;
and to secure to himself a well-earned rank in Parliament,
by a thorough knowledge of its constitution, and a perfect
practice in all its business.
Sir, if such a man fell into errors, it must be from defects
not intrinsical ; they must be rather sought in the particu-
lar habits of his life ; which, though they do not alter the
groundwork of character, yet tinge it with their own hue.
He was bred in a ])rofession. He was bred to tiie law,
which is, in my opinion, one of the first and noblest of
human sciences ; a science which does more to quicken
and invigorate the understanding than all the other kinds
of learning put together ; but it is not apt, except in
))erson8, very happily born, to open and to liberalize the
mind exactly in the same proportion. Passing from that
study he did not go very largely into the world ; but
plunged into business ; I mean into the business of office ;
and the limited and fixed methods and forms established
there. Much knowledge is to be had undoubtedly in that
line ; and there is no knowledge which is not valuable.
But it may be truly said, that men too much conversant in
office, are rarely minds of remarkable enlargement. Their
habits of office are apt to give them a turn to think the
substance of business not to be much more unportant than
the forms in which it is conducted. These forms are adapt-
ed to ordinary occasions ; and therefore persons who are
nurtured in office do admirably well, as long as things goon
in their common order; but when the high roads are broken
up, and the waters out, when a new and troubled scene is
opened, and the file affords no precedent, then it is that a
greater knowledge of mankind, and a far more extensive
comprehension of tilings, is requisite than ever office gave,
or than office can ever give. Mr. Grenville thought better
of the wisdom and power of human legislation than in truth
it deserves. He conceived, and many conceived along
with him, that the flourishing trade of this country was
greatly owing to law and institution, and not quite so much
to liberty ; for but too many are apt to believe regulation
to be commerce, and taxes to be revenue. Among regu-
lations, that which stood first in reputation was his idol. — I
mean the Act of Navigation. He has often professed it to
be so. The policy of that Act is, I readily admit, in many
respects well understood. But I do say that if the Act \>e
suliered to run the full length of its principle, and is not
changed and modified according to the change of times and
the fluctuations of circumstances, it nnist do great mischief,
and frequently even defeat its own purpose.
After the war, and in the last years of it, tiie trade of
America had increased far beyond the speculations of the
most sanguine imagination. It swelled out on every side.
It filled all its proper channels to the brim. It overflowed
with a rich redundance, and breaking its banks on the right
and on the left, it spread out upon some places where it
was indeed improper, upon others where it was only irregu-
lar. It is the nature of all greatness not to be exact ; and
great trade will always be attended with consideraljle
abuses. The contraband will always keep pace in some
measure with the fair trade. It should stand as a funda-
mental maxim, that no vulgar precaution ought to be em-
ployed in the cure of evils, which are closely connected
with the cause of our prosperity. Perhaps this great
person turned his eye, somewhat less than was just, towards
the incredible increase of the fair trade ; and looked with
something of too exquisite a jealousy towards the contra-
band. He certainly felt a singular degree of anxiety on llie
subject ; and even began to act from that passion earlier
than is commonly imagined. For whilst he was fii-st Lord
of the Admiralty, though not strictly called upon in liis of-
ficial line, he presented a very strong memorial to the Lords
of the Treasury, (my Lord Bute was then at the head of
the Board,) heavily complaining of the growth of the illicit
commerce in America. Some mischief happened, even at
that time, from this over-earnest zeal. Much greater hap-
pened afterwards when it operated with greater power in
tiie highest department of the finances. Tlie bonds of the
Act of Navigation were straitened so much, that America
was on the point of having no trade, either contraband or
legitimate. They found, under the construction and exe-
cution then used, the Act no longer tying but actually
strangling them. All this coming with new enumerations
of conuuodities ; with regulations which in a manner put a
stop to the mutual coasting intercourse of the Colonies;
with the appointment of Courts of Admiralty under various
improper circumstances ; with a sudden extinction of the
paper currencies ; with a compulsory provision for the
quartering of soldiei-s ; the People of America thought
themselves proceeded against as delinquents, or at best as
People under suspicion of delinquency ; and in such a
manner, as they imagined, their recent services in the war
did not at all merit. Any of these innumerable regulations
perhaps, would not have alarmed alone ; some might be
thought reasonable ; the multitude struck them with terror.
But the grand manoeu\'re in that business of new regula-
ting the Colonies, was the fifteenth Act of the fourth of
George III., which, besides containing several of the mat-
ters to which I have just alluded, o])ened a new principle :
and here properly began the second period of the policy of
this country with regard to the Colonies; by which the
scheme of a regular Plantation Parliamentary revenue was
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MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
150
adopted in tlieory, and settled in practice. A revenue not
substituted in the place of, but superadded to, a monopoly ;
which monopoly was enforced at the same time with
additional strictness, and the execution put into military
hands.
This Act, Sir, had for the first time the title of " grant-
" ing duties in the Colonies and Plantations of America f
and for the first time it was asserted in the preamble, " that
" it was ju^t and necessary thai a revenue should be raised
" there." Then came the technical words of " giving and
granting ;" and thus a complete American Revenue Act
was made in all the forms, and with a full avowal of the
right, equity, policy, and even necessity of taxing the Colo-
nies, without any formal consent of theirs. There are con-
tained also in the preamble to that Act these very remarka-
ble words — the Commons, &,c. — " being desirous to make
" some provision in the present session of Parliament to-
" wards raising the said revenue." By these words it ap-
peared to the Colonies that this Act was but a beginning
of sorrows ; that every session was to produce something of
tiie same kind ; that we were to go on from day to day, in
cliarging them with such taxes as we pleased, for such a
military force as we should think proper. Had this plan
been pursued, it was evident that the Provincial Assemblies,
in which the Americans felt all their portion of importance,
and beheld their sole image of freedom, were ipso facto an-
nihilated. This ill prospect before them seemed to be
boundless in extent, and endless in duration. Sir, they
were not mistaken. The Ministry valued themselves
when this Act passed, and when they gave notice of
tlie Stamp Act, that both of the duties came very short of
their ideas of American taxation. Great was the applause
of this measure here. In England we cried out for new
taxes on America, whilst they cried out that they were
neai'ly crushed with those which the war and their own
gi-ants had brought upon them.
Sir, it has been said in the debate, that when the first
American Revenue Act (the Act in 1764, imposing the
Port Duties) passed, the Americans did not object to the
principle. It is true they touched it, but very tenderly. It
was not a direct attack. They were, it is true, as yet
novices ; as yet unaccustomed to direct attacks upon any
of the rights of Parliament. The duties were Port Duties,
like those they had been accustomed to bear ; with this
difference, that the title was not the same, the preamble
not the same, and the spirit altogether unhke. But of
what service is this observation to the cause of those that
make it? It is a full refutation of the pretence for their
present cruelty to America ; for it shews, out of their own
mouths, that our Colonies were backward to enter into the
present vexatious and ruinous controversy.
There is also another circulation abroad (spread with a
malignant intention, which I cannot attribute to those who
say the same thing in this House,) that Mr. Grenville gave
the Colony Agents an option for their Assemblies to tax
themselves, which they had refused. I find that much
stress is laid on this, as a fact. However, it happens
neither to be tiue nor possible. I will observe first, that
Mr. G'renville never thought fit to make this apology for
liimself in the innumerable debates that were had upon the
stil)ject. He might have proposed to the Colony Agents,
that they should agree in some mode of taxation as the
ground of an Act of Parliament. But he never could have
proposed that they should tax themselves on requisition,
which is tiie assertion of tlie day. Indeed, Mr. Grenville
well knew, that the Colony Agents could have no general
powers to consent to it ; and they had no thne to consult
tlieir Assemblies for particular powers, before he passed his
first Revenue Act. If you compare dates, you will find it
impossible. Burlhened as tiie Agents knew the Colonies
were at that time, they could not give the least hope of
such grants. His own favourite Governor was of opinion
that the Americans were not then taxable objects.
" IS'or was the time less favourable to the equity of such
" a taxation. I don't mean to dispute the reasonableness
" of America contributing to the charges of Great Britain
" when she is able; nor, 1 believe, would the Americans
" themselves have disputed it, at a jnoper time ami season.
" But it should be considered, that the American Govern-
" meiits themselves have, in the prosecution of the late war,
" conUacted very large debts, which it will take some years
" to pay off, and in the mean time occasion very burdensome
" taxes for that purpose only. For instance, this Govem-
" ment, which is as much before hand as any, raises every
" year £37,500 sterling for sinking their debt, and must
" continue it for four years longer at least before it will be
" clear."
These are the words of Governor Bernard's letter to a
member of the old Ministry, and which he has since printed.
Mr. Grenville could not have made this proposition to the
Agents, for another reason. He was of opinion, which he
has declared in this House an hundred times, that the Colo-
nies could not legally grant any revenue to the Crown,
and that infinite mischiefs would be the consequence of such
a power. When Mr. Grenville had passed the first Reve-
nue Act, and in the same session had made this House
come to a resolution for laying a Stamp Duty on America,
between that time and the passing the Stamp Act into a
law, he told a considerable and most respectable merchant,
a member of this House, whom I am truly sorry I do not
now see in his place, when he represented against this pro-
ceeding, that if the Stamp Duty was disliked, he was wil-
ling to exchange it for any other equally productive ; but
that if he objected to the Americans being taxed by Parlia-
ment, he might save himself the trouble of the discussion,
as he was determined on the measure. This is the fact,
and, if you please, I will mention a very unquestionable
authority for it.
Thus, Sir, I have disposed of this falsehood. But false-
hood has a perennial spring. It is said, that no conjecture
could be made of the dislike of the Colonies to the princi-
ple. This is as untrue as the other. After the resolution
of the House, and before the passing of the Stamp Act, the
Colonies of Massachusetts Bay and New York did send
remonstrances, objecting to this mode of Parliamentary
taxation. What was the consequence ? They were sup-
pressed ; they were put under the table ; notwithstanding
an Order of Council to the contrary, by the Ministry
which composed the very Council that had made the order;
and thus the House proceeded to its business of taxing,
without the least regular knowledge of the objections which
were made to it. But to give that House its due, it was
not over desirous to receive information, or to hear remon-
strance. On the 15th of February, 1765, whilst the
Stamp Act was under deliberation, they refused with scorn
even so much as to receive four petitions presented from
so respectable Colonies as Connecticut, Rhode Island,
Virginia, and Carolina, besides one from the traders of
Jamaica. As to the Colonies, they had no alternative left
to them, but to disobey, or to pay the taxes imposed by
that Parliament which was not suffered, or did not suffer
itself, even to hear them remonstrate upon the subject.
This was the state of the Colonies before his Majesty
thought fit to change his Minisfars. It stands upon no au-
thority of mine. It is proved by uncontrovertible records.
The honorable gentleman has desired some of us to lay our
hands upon our hearts, and answer to his queries upon the
historical part of this consideration ; and by his manner (as
well as my eyes could discern it) he seemed to address
himself to me.
Sir, I will answer him as clearly as I am able, and with
great openness : I have nothing to conceal. In the year
sixty-five, being in a very private station, far enough from
any line of business, and not having the honor of a seat in
this House, it was my fortune, unknowing and unknown to
the then Ministry, by the intervention of a common friend,
to become connected with a very noble person, and at the
head of the Treasury Department. It was indeed in a situa-
tion of little rank and no consequence, suitable to the
mediocrity of my talents and pretensions ; but a situation
near enough to enable nie to see, as well as others, what
was going on ; and 1 did see in that noble person such
sound principles, such an enlargement of mind, such clear
and sagacious sense, and such unshaken fortitude, as have
bound me, as well as others much better than me, by an in-
violable attachment to him from that time forward. Sir,
Lord Rockingham, very early in that summer, received a
strong representation from many weighty English mer-
chants and manufacturers, from Governors of Provinces, and
Connnanders of men-of-war, against almost tlie whole of the
American commercial regulations: and particularly with
regard to the total ruin which was threatened to the Spanish
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MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
152
trade. I believe, Sir, the noble Lord soon saw his way in
tliis business. But he did not rashly determine against Acts
which it might be supposed were the result of much de-
liberation. However, Sir, he scarcely began to open the
ground, when the whole veteran body of office took the
alarm. A violent outcry of all (except those who knew
and felt the mischief) was raised against any alteration. On
one hand, his attempt was a direct violation of treaties and
public law ; on the other, the Act of Navigation, and all
the corps of trade laws, were drawn up in array against it.
The first step the noble Lord took, was to have the
opinion of his excellent, learned, and ever lamented friend
tiie late Mr. Yorke, then Attorney General, on the point
of law. When he knew that formally and officially, wliich
in substance he had known before, he immediately dis-
patclied orders to redress the grievance. But I will say it
for the then Minister, he is of tliat constitution of mind,
that I know he would have issued, on the same critical oc-
casion, the very same ordei-s, if the Acts of Trade had
been, as tiiey were not, directly against him ; and would
have cheerfully submitted to the equity of Parliament for
his indemnity.
On the conclusion of this business of the Spanish trade,
the news of the troubles, on account of the Stamp Act,
arrived in England. It was not until the end of October
that these accounts were received. No sooner had the
sound of that mighty tempest reached us in England, than
the whole of the then opposition, instead of feeling humbled
by the unhappy issue of their measures, seemed to be in-
finitely elated, and cried out, that the Ministry, from envy
to the glory of their predecessors, were prepared to repeal
the Stamp Act. Near nine yeai-s after, tlie honorable gen-
tleman takes quite opposite ground, and now challenges me
to put my hand to my heart, and say, whether the Ministry
had resolved on the repeal till a considerable time after the
meeting of Parliament. Though I do not very well know
what the honorable gentleman wishes to infer from the ad-
mission, or from the denial, of this fact, on which he so
earnestly adjures me, I do put my hand on my heart, and
assure him, that they did not come to a resolution directly
to repeal. They weighed this matter as its difficulty and
importance required. They considered maturely among
themselves. They consulted with all who could give ad-
rice or information. It was not determined until a little
before the meeting of Parliament ; but it was determined,
and the main lines of their own plan marked out before
that meeting. Two questions arose (I hope I am not going
into a narrative troublesome to the House)
(Aery of, go on, go on.]
The first of the two considerations was, whether the re-
peal should be total, or whether only partial ; taking out
every thing burtliensome and productive, and reserving
only an empty acknowledgment, such as a stamp on cards
or dice. The other question was, on what principle the
Act should be repealed ? On this head also two principles
were started. One, that the Legislative rights of this
country, with regard to America, were not entire, but had
certain restrictions and limitations. The other principle
was, that taxes of this kind were contrary to the fundamen-
tal principles of commerce, on which the Colonies were
founded ; and contrary to every idea of political equity ; by
which equity we are bound, as much as possible to extend
the spirit and benefit of the British constitution to every
part of the British Dominions. The option, both of the
measure, and of the principle of repeal, was made before
tlie session ; and I wonder how any one can read the King's
speech at the opening of that session, without seeing, in
that speech, both the repeal and Declaratory Act very
sufficiently crayoned out. Those who cannot see this can
see nothing.
Surely the honorable gentlemen will not think that a
great deal less time than was then employed ought to have
been spent in deliberation, when he considers that the
news of the troubles did not arrive till towards the end of
October. The Parliament sat to fill the vacancies on the
I4th day o{ December, and on business the 14th of the fol-
lowing January.
Sir, a partial repeal, or, as the bon ton of the court then
was, a modification, would have satisfied a timid, unsyste-
matic, procrastinating Ministry, as such a measure has since
done such a Ministry. A modification is the constant re-
source of weak undeciding minds. To repeal by a denial
of our right to tax in the preamble (and this too did not
want advisers,) would have cut in the heroic style, the
Gordian knot with a sword. Either measure would have
cost no more than a day's debate. But when the total re-
peal was adopted, and adopted on principles of policy, of
equity, and of commerce, this plan made it necessary to
enter into many and difficult measures. It became neces-
sary to open a very large field of evidence, commensurate
to these extensive views. But then this labour did knights
service. It oj)ened the eyes of several to the true state of
the American affairs ; it enlarged their ideas ; it removed
prejudices ; and it conciliated the opinions and alFections of
men. The noble Lord who then took the lead in Adminis-
tration, my honorable friend, (Mr. Doiodeswell) under me
and a right honorable gentleman (General Comvay,') (if he
will not reject his share, and it was a large one of this busi-
ness) exerted the most laudable industry in bringing before
you the fullest, most impartial, and least garbled body of
evidence, that ever was produced to this House. I think
the inquiry lasted in tiie Committee for six weeks, and at
its conclusion this House, by an independent, noble, spirit-
ed, and unexpected majority, by a majority that will re-
deem all the acts ever done by majorities in Parliament,
in the teeth of all the old mercenary Swiss of State, in des-
pite of all the speculators and augurs of political events, in
defiance of the whole embattled legion of veteran pension-
ers and practised instruments of a court, gave a total repeal
to the Stamp Act, and (if it had been so permitted) a
lasting peace to this whole empire.
I state. Sir, these particulars, because this act of spirit
and fortitude has lately been, in the circulation of the season,
and in some hazarded declamations in this House, attribu-
ted to timidity. If, Sir, the conduct of Ministry, in pro-
posing the repeal, had arisen from timidity with regard to
themselves, it would have been greatly to be condemned.
Interested timidity disgraces as much in the cabinet, as
personal timidity does in the field. But timidity, with re-
gard to the well being of our country, is heroic virtue.
The noble Lord who then conducted aflitirs, and his worthy
colleagues, whilst they trembled at the prospect of such
distresses as you have since brought upon yourselves, were
not afraid steadily to look in the lace that glaring and daz-
zling influence at which the eyes of eagles have blenched.
He looked in the face one of the ablest, and, let me say,
not the most scrupulous opjiositions, lliat perhaps ever was
in this House, and withstood it, unaided by even one of tlie
usual supports of Administration. He did this when he
repealed the Stamp Act. He looked in the face a person
he had long respected and regarded, and whose aid was
then particularly wanting, I mean Lord Chatham. He
did this when he passed the Declaratory Act.
It is now given out for the usual j)urposes, by the usual
emissaries, that Lord Rockingham did not consent to the
repeal of this Act until he was bullied into it by Lord
Chatham ; and the reporters have gone so far as publicly
to assert, in an hundred companies, that the honorable gen-
tleman under the gallery (General Conway.^ who proposed
the repeal in the American Conmiittee, had another set of
resolutions in his pocket directly the reverse of those he
moved. These artifices of a desperate cause are, at tin?
time, spread abroad, witii incredible care, in every part of
the town, from the highest to the lowest companies, as if
the industry of tiie circulation were to make amends for the
absurdity of the rejiort.
Sir, whether the noble Lord is of a complexion to be
bullied by Lord Chatham or by any man, I must submit
to those who know him. I confess, when I look back to
that time, I consider hhii as placed in one of the most try-
ing situations in which, perhaps, <iny man ever stood. In
the House of Peers there were very k\\ of the Ministry,
out of the noble Lord's own particular connexion (except
Lord Egmont,) who acted as far as I could discern, an
honorable and manly part,) that did not look to some other
future arrangement, which warped his politics. There
were in both Houses new and menacing appearances that
might very naturally drive any other, than a most resolute
]\linister, from his measure, or from his station. The house-
hold troops openly revolted. The allies of Ministry (those
I mean, who supported some of their measures, but refus-
ed responsibility for any) endeavoured to undermine their
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MOTION FOR REPEAL ON DUTY ON TEA.
154
credit, and to take ground that must be fatal to the success
of the very cause which tliey would be thought to counte-
nance. The question of the re])eal was brought on by
Ministry in the Committee of this House, in the very in-
stant when it was known that more than one court nego-
tiation was carrying on with the heads of the opposition.
Every thing, upon every side, was full of traps and mines.
Earth below sliook ; Heaven above menaced ; all the ele-
ments of ministerial safety were dissolved. It was in the
midst of this cliaos of plots and counter-plots, it was in
the midst of this complicated warfare against public oppo-
sition and private treachery, that the firmness of that noble
person was put to the proof. He never stirred from his
ground, no, not an inch. He remained fixed and deter-
mined, in principle, in measure, and m conduct. He
practised no managements. He secured no retreat. He
sought no apology.
I will likewise do justice, I ought to do it, to the honora-
ble gendeinan who led us in this House, (General Comvay.')
Far from the duplicity wickedly charged on him, he acted
his part with alacrity and resolution. We all felt inspired
by the example he gave us, down even to myself, the
weakest in that phalanx. 1 declare for one, I knew well
enough (it could not be concealed from any body) the true
state of things ; but, in my life, I never came with so much
spirits into this House. It was a time for a ?na?j to act in. We
had powerful enemies, but we had faithful and determined
friends, and a glorious cause. We had a great battle to
fight, but we had the means of fighting ; not as now, when
our arms are tied behind us. We did fight that day, and
conquer.
I remember, Sir, with a melancholy pleasure, the situation
of the honorable gentleman (Genera! Conway) who made
tlie motion for the repeal ; in that crisis, when the whole
trading interest of this empire, crammed into your lobbies,
with a trembling and anxious expectation, waited, almost
to a winter's return of light, their fate from your resolutions.
When, at length, you had determined in their favour, and
your doors, thrown open, shewed them the figure of their
deliverer in the well-earned triumph of his important vic-
tory, from the whole of that grave multitude there arose an
involuntary burst of gratitude and transport. They jump-
ed upon him like children upon a long absent father.
They clung about him as captives about their redeemer.
All England, all America, joined to his applause. Nor
did he seem insensible to the best of all earthly rewards,
the love and admiration of his fellow-citizens. Hojjc ele-
vated and joy brightened his crest. I stood near him ;
and his face, to use the expression of the Scripture of the
first martyr, •' his face was as if it had been the face of an
angel." I do not know how others feel; but if I had
stood in that situation, I never would have exchanged it
for all that Kings in their profusion could bestow. I did
hope, that that day's danger and honor would have been a
bond to hold us all together for ever. But, alas ! that, with
other pleasing visions, is long since vanished.
Sir, this act of supreme magnanimity has been represent-
ed, as if it had been a measure of an Administration that,
having no scheme of their own, took a middle line, pilfered
a bit from one side and a bit from the other. Sir, they
took no middle lines. They differed fundamentally from
tlie schemes of both parties ; but they preserved the ob-
jects of both. They preserved the authority of Great
Britain. They preserved the equity of Great Britain.
They made the Declaratory Act ; they re])ealed the Stamp
Act. They did both fully; because the Declaratory Act
was tvithout qualification, and the repeal of the Stamp Act
total. This they did in the situation I have described.
Now, Sir, what will the adversary say to both these
Acts ? If the principle of the Declaratory Act was not
good, the principle we are contending for this day is
monstrous. If the principle of the repeal was not good,
why are we not at war for a real substantial effective reve-
nue ? If both were bad, why has tliis Ministry incurred
all tlie inconveniences of both and of all schemes ? Why
have they enacted, repealed, enforced, yielded, and now
attempt to enforce again ?
Sir, I think I may as well now, as at any other time,
speak to a certain matter of fact, not wholly unrelated to
the question under your consideration. We, who would
persuade you to revert to the ancient policy of this King-
dom, labour under the effect of this short current phrase,
which the court leaders have given out to all their corps,
in order to take away the credit of those who would pre-
vent you from that frantic war you are going to wage upon
your Colonies. Their cant is this : " all tlie disturbances
" in ^7«enc« have been created by the repeal of the Stamp
" Act." I suppress for a moment my indignation at the
falseiiood, baseness, and absurdity of this most audacious
assertion. Instead of remarking on the motives and cha-
racter of those who have issued it for circulation, 1 will
clearly lay before you the state of America, antecedentlv
to that repeal ; after the repeal ; and since the renewal of
the schemes of American taxation.
It is said, that the disturbances, if there were any, before
the repeal, were slight, and, without difficulty or inconve-
nience, might have been suppressed. For an answer to
this assertion, I will send you to the great author and
patron of the Stamp Act, who certainly, meaning well to die
authority of this country, and fully apprized of the state of
that, made, before a repeal was so much as agitated in this
House, the motion which is on your Journals; and which,
to save the Clerk the trouble of turning to it, I will now
read to you. It was for an amendmeiit to the Address of
the 17th o{ December, 1765:
" To express our just resentment and indignation at the
" outrageous tumults and insurrections which have been
" excited and canied on in North America, and at the re-
" sistance given by open and rebellious force to the execu-,
" tion of the laws in that part of his Majesty's Dominions.
" And to assure his Majesty, that his faithful Commons,
" animated with the wannest duty and attachment to his
" Royal Person and Government, will firmly and effectu-
" ally support his Majesty in all such measures as shall be
" necessary for preserving and supporting the legal de-
" pendance of the Colonies on the mother country, &tc.,
" &c."
Here was certainly a disturbance preceding the repeal ;
such a disturbance as Mr. Grenville thought necessary to
qualify by the name of an insurrection, and the epithet
of a rebellious force : terms much stronger than any by
which those, who then supported his motion, have ever
since thought proper to distinguish the subsequent distur-
bances in America. They were disturbances which seem-
ed to him and his friends to justify as strong a promise of
support, as hath been usual to give in the beginning of a
war with the most powerful and declared enemies. When
the accounts of the American Governors came before the
House, they appeared stronger even than the warmth of
public imagination had painted them ; so much stronger,
than the papers on your table bear me out in saying that
all the late disturbances, which have been at one time the
Minister's motives for the repeal of five out of six of the
new court taxes, and are now his pretences for refusing to
repeal that sixth, did not amount — why do I compare
them ? — no, not to a tentli part of the tumults and violence
which prevailed long before the repeal of that Act.
Ministry* cannot refuse the authority of the Commander-
in-Chief, General Gage, who, in his letter of the 4th of
November, from New York, thus represents the state of
things :
" It is difficult to say, from the highest to the lowest,
" who has not been accessory to this insurrection, either by
" writing, or mutual agreements, to oppose the Act by, what
" they are pleased to tenn, all legal opposition to it.
" Nothing effectual has been proposed, either to prevent or
" quell the tumult. The rest of the Provinces are in the
" same situation as to a positive refusal to take the Stamps ;
" and threatening those who shall take them, to plunder
" and murder them; and this affair stands in all the Pro-
" vinces, that unless the Act, from its o\vn nature, enforce
" itself, nothing but a very considerable military force can
" do it."
It is remarkable. Sir, that the persons who formerly
trumpeted forth the most loudly, the violent resolutions of
Assemblies ; the universal insurrections ; the seizing and
the burning of the stamped papers ; the forcing Stamp Offi-
cers to resign their commission under the gallows ; the ri-
fling and pulling down of the houses of Magistrates ; and
the^expulsion from their country of all who dared to write
or speak a single word in defence of the powers of Parlia-
ment ; these very trumpeters are now the men that repre-.
155
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
156
sent the whole as a mere trifle ; and clioose to date all the
disturbances from the repeal of the Stamp Act, which put
an end to them. Hear your officers abroad, and let them
refute this shameless falsehood, who, in all their correspon-
dence, state the disturbances as owing to their true causes,
tlie discontent of the People from the taxes. You have
this evidence in your own archives — and it will give you
complete satisfaction ; if you are not so far lost to all Par-
liamentary ideas of information, as rather to credit the lie
of the day, than the records of your own House.
Sir, this vermin of court reporters, when they are
forced into day upon one point, are sure to burrow in
another ; but they shall have no refuge ; I will make them
bolt out of all their holes. Conscious that they must be
baffled, when they attribute a ])recedent disturbance to a
subsetjuent measure, they tiike other ground, almost as ab-
surd, but very common in modern practice, and very
wicked, which is, to attribute the ill effect of ill-judged
conduct to the arguments which had been used to dissuade
us from it. Tliey say, that the opposition made in Par-
liament to the Stamp Act at the time of its passing, en-
couraged the Americans to their resistance. This has
even formally appeared in print in a regular volume, from
an advocate of that faction, a Dr. Tucker. This Dr.
Tucker is already a Dean, and his earnest labours in
the vineyard will, I suppose, raise him to a Bishoprick.
But this assertion too, just like the rest, is false. In all
tlie pa])ers which have loaded your table ; in all the vast
CTOwd of verbal witnesses that appeared at your bar, wit-
nesses which were indiscriminately produced from both
sides of the House, not the least hint of such a cause of
disturbance has ever appeared. As to the fact of a strenu-
ous opposition to tlie Stamp Act, I sat as a stranger in your
gallery when the Act was under consideration. Far from
any thing inflammatory, I never heard a more languid de-
bate in this House. No more than two or three gen-
tlemen, as I remember, spoke against the Act, and that
with great reserve and remarkable temper. There was
but one division in the whole progress of the Bill ; and the
minority did not reach to more than thirty-nine or forty.
Li the House of Lords I do not recollect that there was
any debate or division at all. I am sure there was no
protest. In fact, the affair passed with so very, very little
noise, that in town they scarcely knew the nature of what
you were doing. The opposition to the Bill in England
never could have done this mischief, because there scarce-
ly ever was less of opposition to a Bill of consequence.
Sir, the agents and distributor of falsehoods have, with
their usual industry, circulated another lie of tlie same
nature with the former. It is this, that the disturbances
arose from the account which had been received in Ameri-
ca of the change in the Ministry. No longer awed, it
seems, with the spirit of the former rulers, they thought
themselves a match for what our calumniators choose to
qualify by the name of so feeble a Ministry as succeeded.
Feeble in one sense these men certainly may be called ;
for with all their efforts, and they have made itiany, they
have not been able to resist the distempered vigour, and
insane alacrity with which you are rushing to your ruin.
But it does so happen, that the falsity of this circulation is
(like the rest) demonstrated by indisputable dates and re-
cords.
So little was the change known in America, that the
letters of your Governors, giving an account of these dis-
turbances long after they had arrived at their highest pitch,
were all directed to the old Ministry, and particidarly to
the Earl of Halifax, the Secretary of State, corresponding
with tlie Colonics, without once, in the smallest degree,
intimating the slightest suspicion of any ministerial revolu-
tion whatsoever. The Ministry was not changed in Eng-
land until the lOth day of July, 176.5. Qji the 14th "of
the preceding Ju7u\ Governor Faur/uier, from Virginia,
writes thus ; and writes thus to the Earl of Halifax :
'• Government is set at defiance, not having strength
" enough in her hands to enforce obedience to the laws of
" the community. The private distress, which every man
" feels, increases the general dissatisfaction^ at the duties
"laid by die Stamp Act, which bre;dvs out, and shews
" itself upon every trifling occasion." The general dissa-
tisfaction had produced some time before, tliat is on the
2&tli of May, several strong public resolves against the
Stamp Act ; and those resolves are assigned by Governor
Bernard, as the cause of the insurrections in Massachusetts
Bay,in his letter of the 15th of August, still addressed to
the Earl of Halifax ; and he continued to address such ac-
counts to that Minister quite to the 7th of September of the
same year. Similar accounts, and of as late a date, were
sent from other Governors, and all directed to Lord Hali-
fax. Not one of these letters indicates the slightest idee
of a change, either known, or even apprehended.
Thus are blown away the insect race of courtly false-
hoods ! Thus perish the miserable inventions of the
wretched runners for a wretched cause, which they have
fly-blown into every weak and rotten part of the country, in
vain hopes that when their maggots had taken wing, their
importunate buzzing might sound something like the pub-
lic voice !
Sir, I have troubled you sufficiently with the state of
America before the repeal. Now I turn to the honorable
gentleman who so stoutly challenges us to tell, whether,
after the repeal, the Provinces were quiet ? This is coming
home to the point. Here I meet him directly ; and
answer most readily — they were quiet. And, I in my
turn challenge him to prove when, and where, and by
whom, and in what numbers, and with what violence, tlie
other laws of trade, as gentlemen assert, were violated in
consequence of your concession ; or that even your other
revenue laws were attacked ? But I quit the vantage
ground on which I stand, and where I might leave tlie
burthen of the proof upon him : I walk down upon the
open plain, and undertake to shew that they were not only
quiet, but showed many unequivocal marks of acknow-
ledgment and gratitude. And to give him every advan-
tage, I select the obnoxious Colony of Massachusetts Bay,
which at this time (but without hearing her) is so heavily
a culprit before Parliament ; I will select their proceedings
even under circumstances of no small irritation. For a
little imprudently I must say. Governor Bernard mixed in
the administration of the lenitive of the repeal no small
acrimony, arising from matters of a separate nature. Yet
see. Sir, the effect of that lenitive, though mixed with these
bitter ingredients ; and how this rugged People can ex-
press themselves on a measure of concession.
" If it is not in our power," say they, in their Address
to Governor Bernard, " in so full a manner as will be ex-
" pected, to shew our respectful gratitude to the mother
" country, or to make a dutiful and affectionate return to
" the indulgence of the King and Parliament, it shall be
" no fault of ours ; for this we intend and hope we shall ha
" able fully to effect."
Would to God that this temper had been cultivated,
managed, and set in action ! Other effects than those
which we have since felt would have resulted from it. Oa
the requisition for compensation to those who had suffered
from the violence of the populace, in the same Address
they say, " The recommendation enjoined by Secretary
" Conway's letter, and in consequence thereof made to us,
" we will embrace the first convenient ojiportunity to coii-
" sider and act upon." They did consider; they did act
upon it. They obeyed the requisition. 1 know the mode
has been chicaned upon ; but it was substantially obeyed ;
and much better obeyed than I fear the Parliamentary re-
quisition of this session will be, though enforced by all your
rigour, and backed with all your power. In a word, the
damages of pojiular fury were compensated by Legislative
gravity. Almost every other part of America, in various
ways demonstrated their gratitude. I am bold to say, that
so sudden a calm, recovered after so violent a storm, is
without parallel in history. To say that no other distur-
bance should happen from any other cause, is folly. But
as far as ajipearances went, by the judicious sacrifice of one
law, you procured an acquiescence in all that remained.
After this experience, nobody shall persuade me, when an
whole People are concerned, tliat acts of lenity are not
means of conciliation.
I hope the honorable gentleman has received a fair and
full answer to his question.
1 have done with the third period of your policy ; that
of your re])eal ; and the return of your ancient system, and
your ancient tranquillity and concord. Sir, tliis period
was not as long as it was happy. Another scene was
opened, and other actors appeared on the stage. The
157
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
158
State, in the condition I have described it, was dehvered
into the hands of Lord Chatham — a great and celebrated
name ; a name that keeps the name of this country re-
spectable in every otlier on the globe. It may be truly
called,
Clarum et venerabile nomen
Gentibus, et multim nostra: quod proderat urbi.
Sir, the venerable age of this great man, his merited
rank, his superior eloquence, his splendid qualities, his
eminent services, the vast space he fills in the eye of man-
kind, and, more than all the rest, his fall from power,
which, like death, canonizes and sanctifies a great charac-
ter, will not suffer me to censure any part of his conduct.
I am afraid to flatter him ; I am sure I am not disposed to
blame him. Let those who have betrayed him by their
adulation, insult him with their malevolence. But what I
do not presume to censure, I may have leave to lament.
For a wise man, he seemed to me, at that time, to be go-
verned too much by general maxims. I speak with the
freedom of history, and I ho])e without offence. One or
two of these maxims, flowing from an opinion not the most
indulgent to our unhappy species, and surely a little too
general, led him into measures that were greatly mischiev-
ous to himself, and for that reason, among others, perhaps
fatal to his country ; measures, the effects of which, I am
afraid, are for ever incurable. He made an Administra-
tion so checkered and speckled ; he put together a piece
of joinery, so crossly indented and whimsically dovetailed ;
a cabinet so variously inlaid; such a piece of diversified
Mosaic ; such a tesselated pavement without cement ; here
a bit of black stone, and there a bit of white; patriots and
courtiers ; King's friends and republicans ; whigs and
tories ; treacherous friends and open enemies : that it was
indeed a very curious show ; but utterly unsafe to touch,
and unsure to stand on. The colleagues whom he had as-
sorted at the same boards, stared at each other, and were
obliged to ask, " Sir, your name ? — Sir, you have the ad-
" vantage of me — Mr. such a one — I beg a thousand par-
" dons." I venture to say, it did so happen, that persons
had a single office divided between them, who had never
spoke to each other in their lives, until they found them-
selves, they knew not how, J)igging together, heads and
points, in the same truckle-bed.*
Sir, in consequence of this arrangement, having put so
much the larger part of his enemies and o{)posers into
power, the confusion was such, that his own principles
could not possibly have any effect or influence in the con-
duct of affairs. If ever he fell into a fit of the gout, or if
any other cause withdrew him from public caies, principles
directly the contrary were sure to predominate. When he
had executed his plan, he had not an inch of ground to
stand upon. When he had accomplished his scheme of
Administration, he was no longer a Minister.
When his face was hid but for a moment, his whole
system was on a wide sea, without chart or compass.
The gentlemen, his particular friends, who, with the names
o£ various departments of Ministry, were admitted, to
seem, as if they acted a part under him, with a modesty
that becomes all men, and with a confidence in him, which
was justified even in its extravagance by his superior abihtics,
had never, in any instance, presumed upon any opinion of
their own. Deprived of his guiding influence, they were
whirled about, the sport of every gust, and easily driven
into any port ; and as those who joined with them in
manning the vessel were the most directly opposite to his
ojiinions, measures, and character, and far the most artful
and powerful of the set, they easily prevailed, so as to seize
apon the vacant, unoccupied, and derelict minds of his
friends ; and instantly they turned the vessel wholly out of
tlie course of his policy. As if it were to insult as well as
to betray him, even long before the close of the first session
of his Administration, when every thing was publicly
transacted, and with great parade, in his name, they made
an Act, declaring it highly just and expedient to raise a
revenue in America. For even then. Sir, even before this
splendid orb was entirely set, and while the Western hori-
• Supposed to alluds to the right honorable Lord North and Oeorge
Couke, Esquire, who wore made joint Pavmastors in the summer of
17C6, on the reraoyal of tlio Rockinjjham. Administration.
zon was in a blaze with his descending glory, on the oppo-
site quarter of the heavens arose another luminary, and, for
his hour, became lord of the ascendant.
This light too is passed and set for ever. You under-
stand, to be sure, that I speak of Charles Townshend, offi-
cially the re-producer of this fatal scheme ; whom I cannot
even now remember without some degree of sensibility.
In truth. Sir-, he was the delight and ornament of this
House, and the cliann of every \nhate society which he
honored with his presence. Perhaps there never arose in
this country, nor m any country, a man of a more pointed
and finished wit ; and, (where his passions were not con-
cerned) of a more refined, exquisite, and penetrating judg-
ment. If he had not so great a stock, as some have had
who flourished formerly, of knowledge long treasured up,
he knew better by far, than any man 1 ever was acquainted
with, how to bring together, within a short time, all that
was necessary to establish, to illustrate, and to decorate that
side of the question he supported. He stated his matter
skilfully and powerfully. He particularly excelled in a
most luminous explanation and display of his subject. His
style of argument was neither trite and vulgar, nor subtle
and abstruse. He hit the House just between wind and
water. And not being troubled with too anxious a zeal
for any matter in question, he was never more tedious, or
more earnest, than the pre-conceived opinions and present
temper of his hearers required, to \\hom he was always in
perfect unison. He conformed exactly to the temper of
the House ; and he seemed to guide, because he was al-
ways sure to follow it.
I beg pardon. Sir, if when I speak of this and of other
great men, I appear to digress in saying somethmg of their
characters. In this eventful history of the revolutions of
America, the characters of such men are of much impor-
tance. Great men are the guide-posts and land-marks in
the State. The credit of such men at court, or hi the
nation, is the sole cause of all the public measures. It
would be an invidious thing (most foreign, I trust, to what
you think my disposition) to remark the errors into which
the authority of great names has brought the nation, with-
out doing justice at the same time to the great qualities
whence that authority arose. The subject is instructive to
those who wish to form themselves on whatever of excel-
lence has gone before them. There are many young
members in the House (such of late has been the rapid
succession of public men) who never saw that prodigy,
Charles Townshend, nor of course know what a ferment
he was able to excite in every thing by the violent ebulli-
tion of his mixed virtues and failings ; for failings he had
undoubtedly — many of us remember them ; we are this
day considering the effect of them. But he had no fail-
ings which were not owing to a noble cause ; to an ardent,
generous, perhaps an immoderate passion for Fame ; a pas-
sion which is the instinct of all great souls. He worship-
ped that goddess wheresoever she appeared, but he paid his
particular devotions to her in her favourite habitation, ia
her chosen temple, the House of Commons. Besides the
characters of the individuals that compose our body, it is
impossible, Mr. Speaker, not to observe tliat this House
has a collective character of its own. That character too,
however imperfect, is not unamiable. Like all great public
collections of men, you possess a marked love of virtue,
and an abhorrence of vice. But among vices, there is
none which the House abhors in the same degree with ob-
stinacy. Obstinacy, Sir, is certainly a great vice ; and in
the changeful state of political affairs it is frequently the
cause of great mischief. It happens, however, very unfor-
tunately, that almost the whole line of the great and mascu-
line viitues, constancy, gravity, magnanimity, fortitude,
fidelity, and firmness, are closely allied to this disagreeable
quality, of which you have so just an abhorrence ; and, in
their excess, all these virtues very easily fall into it. He,
who paid such a punctilious attention to all your feelings,
certainly took care not to shock diem by that vice which is
the most disgustful to you.
That feai- of displeasing those who ought most to be
pleased, betrayed him sometimes into the other extreme.
He had voted, and, in the year 1765, had been an advo-
cate for the Stamp Act. Things and the disposition of
men's minds were changed. In short, the Stamp Act
began to be no favourite in tliis House. He therefore at-
IffS
TflOnON FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
160
tended at a private meeting in wliich the resolutions moved
by a rii^ht honorable gentlemaa were settled ; resolutions
leading to the repeal. The next day he voted for that
repeal ; and he would have sjwken for it too, if an illness
(not as was then given out, a political, but, to my know-
ledge, a very real illness) had not prevented it.
The very next session, as the fashion of this world
passetli away, the repeal began to be in as bad an odour
in this House as the Stamp Act had been in the session
before. To conform to the temper which began to pre-
vail, and to prevail mostly among those most in power, he
declared, very early in the winter, that a revenue must be
had out of America. Instantly he was tied down to his
engagements by some who had no objection to such ex-
j)erimeiits, when made at the cost of persons for whom they
had no particular regard. The whole body of courtiers
drove him onward. They always talked as if the King
stood in a sort of humiliated state, until something of the
kind should be done.
Here this extraordinary man, then Chancellor of the
Exchequer, found himself in great straits. To please uni-
versally was the object of his life ; but to tax and to please,
no more than to love and to be vnse, is not given to men.
However he attempted it. To render the tax palatable to
the partizans of American revenue, he made a preamble
stating the necessity of such a revenue. To close with the
American distinction, this revenue was external or port
duty ; but again, to soften it to the other party, it was a
duty of supply. To gratify the Colonists, it was laid on
British manufactures ; to satisfy the merchants of Britain,
the duty was trivial, and (except that on tea, which touched
only the devoted East India Company) on none of the
grand objects of commerce. To counterwork the Ameri-
can contraband, the duty on tea was reduced from a shil-
ling to three-pence. But to secure the favour of those
who would tax America, the scene of collection was
changed, and, with the rest, it was levied in the Colonies.
What need I say more ? This fine spun scheme had the
usual fate of all exquisite policy. But the original plan of
the duties, and the mode of executing that plan, both arose
singly and solely from a love of our applause. He was
truly the child of the House. He never tliought, did, or
said any thing but with a view to you. He every day
adapted himself to your disposition ; and adjusted himself
before it, as at a looking glass.
He had observed (indeed it could not escape him) that
several persons, infinitely his inferiors in all respects, had
formerly rendered themselves considerable in this House
by one method alone. They were a race of men (I hope
in God the species is extinct) who, when they rose in their
place, no man hving could divine, from any known adhe-
rence to parties, to opinions, or to principles ; from any
order or system in their politics ; or from any sequel or
connection in their ideas, what jiart they were going to
take in any debate. It is astonishing how much this un-
certainty, especially at critical times, called the attention
of all parlies on such men. All eyes were fixed on
them, all ears open to hear them : each party gaped and
looked alternately for their vote, almost to the end of their
speeches. While the House hung in this uncertainty, now
the hear-hims rose from this side — now they re-bellowed
from the other ; and that party to whom they fell at length
from their tremulous and dancing balance, always received
tliem in a tempest of applause. Tlie fortune of such men
was a temptation too great to be resisted by one. to wiiotn
a single whiff of incense withheld gave much greater pain,
tlian he received delight in the clouds of it which daily
rose about him from the prodigal superstition of innumera-
ble admirers. He was a candidate for contradictory
honours ; and his great aim was to make those agree in
admiration of him who never agreed in any tiling else.
Hence arose this unfortunate Act, the subject of this day's
debate ; from a disposition which, after niakiiig an Ameri-
can revenue to please one, repealed it to please others, and
airain revived it iu hopes of pleasing a third, and of catch-
ing something in the ideas of all.
This Revenue Act of 1767, formed the fourth period
of American policy. How we have fared since then —
what woeful variety of sciismes have been adopted ;
what enforcing, and what repealing : what bullying, and
wiiai submitting ; what doing, and undoing ; what straining
and what relaxing; what Assemblies dissolved for not
obeying, and called again without obedience ; what troops
sent out to quell resistance, and on meeting that resistance,
recalled ; what shiftings, and changes, and jumblings of all
kinds of men at home, which left no possibility of order,
consistency, vigour, or even so much as a decent unity of
colour in any one public measure — it is a tedious, irksome
talk — my duty may call me to open it out some other time ;
on a former occasion* 1 tried your temper on a part of it ;
for the present I shall forbear.
After all these changes and agitations, your immediate
situation upon the question on your paper is at length
brought to this. You have an Act of Parliament, stating,
that " it is expedient to raise a revenue in America." By
a partial repeal you annihilated the greatest part of that
revenue, which this preamble declares to be so expedient.
You have substituted no other in the place of it. A Sec-
retary of State has disclaimed, in the King's name, all
thoughts of such a substitution in future. The principle of
this disclaimer goes to what has been left, as well as what
has been repealed. The tax which lingers after its com-
panions (under a preamble, declaring an American reve-
nue expedient, and for the sole purpose of supporting the
theory of that preamble) militates with the assurance au-
thentically conveyed to the Colonies ; and is an exhaust-
less source of jealousy and animosity. On this state, which
I take to be fair one, not being able to discern any grounds
of honor, advantage, peace, or power, for adhering either
to the Act or to the preamble, I shall vote for the question
which leads to the repeal of both.
If you do not fall in with this motion, then secure some-
thing to fight for, consistent in theory, and valuable in prac-
tice. If you must employ your strength, employ it to up-
hold you in some honorable right, or some profitable wrong.
If you are apprehensive that the concession recommended
to you, though proper, should be a means of drawing on you
further but unreasonable claims — why, then employ your
force in supporting that reasonable concession against those
um-easonable demands. You will employ it with more
grace, with better effect, and with great probable concur-
rence of all the quiet and rational Peoj)le in the Provinces,
who are now united with, and hurried away by the violent ;
having indeed different dispositions, but a common interest.
If you apprehend that on a concession you shall be pushed
by metapliysical process to the extreme lines, and argued
out of your whole authority, my advice is this, when you
have recovered your old, your strong, your tenable posi-
tion, then face about — stop short— do nothing more —
reason not at all — oppose the ancient policy and practice of
the empire, as a rampart against the speculation of inno-
vators on both sides of the question, and you will stand
on great, manly, and sure ground. On this solid basis fix
your machines, and they will draw worlds towards you.
Your Ministers, in their own and his Majesty's name,
have already adopted the American distinction of internal
and external duties. It is a distinction, whatever merit it
may have, that was originally moved by the American*
themselves ; and I tliink they will acquiesce in it, if they
are not pushed with too much logic and too little sense, in
all the consequences. That is, if external taxation be un-
derstood, as they and you understand it when you please^
to be not a distinction of geography, but of policy ; that it
is a power for regulating trade, and not for supporting es-
tablishments. The distinction, which is as nothing with
regard to riglit, is of most weighty consideration in prac-
tice. Recover your old ground, and your old tranquillity —
try it — I am persuaded the Americans will compromise
with you. When confidence is once restored, the odious
and sus])icious summumjiis will perish of course. The
spirit of practicability, of moderation, and mutual conveni-
ence, will never call in geometrical exactness as the arbi-
trator of an amicable settlement. Consult and follow your
ex])erience. Let not the long story with which 1 have ex-
ercised your patience, prove fruitless to your interests.
For my part, 1 should choose (if I could have my wish)
that the proposition of the honorable gentleman (Mr.
Fuller) for the repeal, could go to America without the at-
tendance of the Penal Bills. Alone I could almost answer
for its success. I cannot be certain of its reception in the
* Resolutions moTed in Mat/, 1770.
161
MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
162
bad company it may keep. In such heterogeneous assort-
inents, the most innocent person will lose the effect of his
innocency. Though you should send out this angel of
peace, yet you are sending out a destroying angel too ;
and what would be the effect of the conflict of these two
adverse spirits, or which would predominate in the end, is
what I dare not say : whether the lenient measures would
cause American passion to subside, or the severe would in-
crease its fury — all this is in the hand of Providence ; yet
now, even now, I should confide in the prevailing virtue,
and efficacious ope»ition of lenity, though working in dark-
ness, and in chaos, in the midst of all this unnatural and
turbid combination. I should hope it might produce order
and beauty in the end.
Let us, Sir, embrace some system or other before we
end this session. Do you mean to tax America, and to
draw a productive revenue from thence ? If you do, speak
out : name, fix, ascertain this revenue ; settle its quantity ;
define its objects ; provide for its collection ; and then fight
when you have something to fight for. If you murder —
rob '. If you kill, take possession ; and do not appear in
the character of madmen, as well as assassins, violent, vin-
dictive, bloody, and tyrannical, without an object. But
may better counsels guide you!
Again, and again, revert to your old principles — seek
peace and ensue it — leave America, if she has taxable
matter in her, to tax herself. I am not here going into the
distinctions of rights, nor attempting to mark their bounda-
ries. I do not enter into these metaphysical distinctions ;
I hate the very sound of them. Leave the Americans as
they anciently stood, and these distinctions, born of our un-
happy contest, will die along with it. They, and we, and
their and our ancestors, have been happy under that
system. Let the memory of all actions, in contradiction
to that good old mode, on both sides, be extinguished for
ever. Be content to bind America by laws of trade ; you
have always done it. Let this be your reason for binding
their trade. Do not burthen tiiem by taxes ; you were not
used to do so from the beginning. Let this be your reason for
not taxing. These are the arguments of States and King-
doms. Leave the rest to the schools ; for there only they
may be discussed with safety. But if, intemperately, un-
wisely, fatally, you sophisticate and poison the very source
of Government, by urging subtle deductions, and conse-
quences odious to those you govern, from the unlimited
and illimitable nature of supreme sovereignty, you will teach
them by these means to call that sovereignty itself in
question. When you drive him hard the boar will surely
turn upon the hunters. If that sovereignty and their free-
dom cannot be reconciled, which will they take ? They
will cast your sovereignty in your face. No body will be
argued into slavery. Sir, let the gentlemen on the other
side call forth all their ability ; let the best of them get up
and tell me, what one character of liberty the Americans
have, and what one brand of slavery they are free from, if
they are bound in their property and industry^, by all the re-
straints you can imagine on commerce, and at the same
time are made pack horses of every tax you choose to im-
pose, without the least share in granting them ? When
they bear the burthens of unlimited monopoly, will you
bring them to bear the burthens of unlimited revenue too ?
The Englishman in America will feel that this slavery —
this legal slavery, will be no compensation, either to his
feelings or his understanding.
A noble Lord (Lord Carmarthen,) who spoke some
time ago, is full of the fire of ingenuous youth ; and when
he has modelled the ideas of a lively imagination by further
experience, he will be an ornament to his country in either
House. He has said, that the Americans are our children ;
and how can they revolt against their parent ? He says,
that if they are not free in their present state, England is
not free ; because Manchester, and other considerable
places, are not represented. So then, because some towns
in England are not represented, America is to have no
Representative at all. They are " our children ;" but
when children ask for bread, we are not to give a stone. Is
it because the natural resistance of things, and the various
mutations of time hinders our Government, or any scheme
of Governuient from being any more than a sort of approxi-
mation to the right, is it therefore that the Colonies are to
recede from it infinitely ? When this child of ours wishes
Fourth Series. 1
to assimilate to its parent, and to reflect with a true filial
resemblance the beauteous countenance of British liberty,
are we to turn to them the shameful parts of our constitu-
tion ? Are we to give them our weakness for their strength ;
our opprobrium for dieir glory; and the slough of slavery,
which we are not able to work off, to serve them for their
freedom ?
If this be the case, ask yourselves this question — will
they be content in such a state of slavery ? If not, look to
the consequences. Reflect how you are to govern a
People, who think they ought to be free, and think ihey are
not. Your scheme yields no revenue ; it yields nothing
but discontent, disorder, disobedience ; and such is tlie state
of America, that after wading up to your eyes in blood,
you could only end just where you begun ; that is, to tax
where no revenue is to be found, to — my voice fails me ;
my inclination indeed carries me no further — all is confu-
sion beyond it.
Well, Sir, I have recovered a little, and before I sit
down I must say something to another point with which
gendemen urge us. What is to become of the Declarato-
ry Act asserting the entireness of British Legislative au-
thority, if we abandon the practice of taxation ?
For my part, I look upon the rights stated in that Act,
exactly in the manner in which I viewed them on its very
first proposition, and which 1 have often taken the libertyj
with great humility, to lay before you. I look, I say, on
the imperial rights of Great Britain, and the privileges
which the Colonists ought to enjoy under these rights, to
be just the most reconcileable things in the world. The
Parliament of Great Britain sits at the head of her exten-
sive empire in two capacities : one as the local Legisla^
ture of this Island, providing for all things at home, imme-
diately, and by no other instrument than the Executive
power. The other, and I think her nobler capacity, is
what I call her imperial character ; in which, as from the
throne of heaven, she superintends at the several inferior
Legislatures, and guides and controls them all without anni-
hilating any. As all these Provincial Legislatures are onlv
co-ordinate to each other, they ought all to be subordinate
to her ; else they can neither preserve mutual peace, nor
hope for mutual -justice, nor effectually afford mutual assis-
tance. It is necessary to coerce the negligent, to restrain
the violent, and to aid the weak and deficient, by the over-
ruling plenitude of her power. She is never to intrude
into the place of the others, whilst they are equal to the
common ends of their institution. But in order to enable
Parliament to answer all these ends of provident and bene-
ficent superintendence, her powers must be boundless.
The gentlemen who think the powers of Parliament limit-
ed, may please themselves to talk of requisitions. But
suppose the requisitions are not obeyed? What! Shall
there be no reserved power in the empire to supply a de-
ficiency which may weaken, divide, and dissipate the whole?
We are engaged in war — the Secretary of State calls upon
the Colonies to contribute — some would do it, I think
most would cheerfully furnish whatever is demanded — one
or two, suppose hang back, and easing themselves, let the
stress of the draft lie on the others — surely it is proper thai
some authority might legally say — " Tax yourselves for
'' the common supply, or Parliament will do it for you."
This backwardness was, as I am told, actually the case of
Pennsylvania, for some short time towards the beginning
of the last war, owing to some internal dissentions in the
Colonj'. But, whether the fact were so, or otherwise, the
case is equally to be provided for by a competent sover-
eign power. But then this ouglit to be no ordinary
power, nor ever used in the first instance. This is what I
meant, when I have said at various times, that I consider
the power of taxing in Parliament as an instrument of
empire, and not as a means of supply.
Such, Sir, is my idea of the constitution of the British
empire, as distinguished from the constitution of Britain ;
and on these grounds I think subordination and liberty may
be sufficiendy reconciled through the whole ; whether to
serve a refining speculatist, or a factious demagogue, 1
know not; but enough, surely, for the ease and happiness
of man.
Sir, whilst we held this happy course, we drew more
from the Colonies than all the impotent violence of despo-
tism ever could extort from them. We did this abundant-
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MOTION FOR REPEAL OF DUTY ON TEA.
164
ly in tlie last war. It lias never been once denied — and
what reason have we to imagine that the Colonies would
not have proceeded in supplying Government as liberally,
if you had not stepped in and hindered them from contribu-
ting, by interrupting the channel in which their liberality
flowed with so strong a course ; by attempting to take, in-
stead of being satisfied to recei\-e. Sir IViUiam Temple,
says, that Holland has loaded itself with ten times the
impositions which it revoked from Spain, rather than sub-
mit to. He says tnie. Tyraimy is a poor provider. It
knows neither how to accumulate, nor how to extract.
I charge, therefore, to this new and unfortunate system
the loss not only of peace, of union, and of commerce, but
even of revenue, which its friends are contending for. It is
morally certain, that we have lost at least a million of free
grants since the peace. I think we have lost a great deal
more ; and that those who look for a revenue from the Pro-
vinces, never could have pursued even in that light, a
course more directly repugnant to their purposes.
Now, Sir, I trust I have shewn, first on that narrow
ground which the honorable gentleman measured, that you
are like to lose nothing by complying with the motion,
except what you have lost already. 1 have shewn, after-
wards, that in time of peace you flourished in commerce,
and when war required it, had sufficient aid from the Colo-
nies, while you pursued your ancient policy ; that you
threw every thing into confusion when you made the Stamp
Act; and that you restored every thing to peace and order
when you repealed it. I have shewn that the revival of
the system of taxation has produced the very worst effects ;
and that the partial repeal has produced, not partial good,
but universal evil. Let these considerations, founded on
facts, not one of which can be denied, bring us back to
your reason by the road of your experience.
I cannot, as I have said, answer for mixed measures ;
but surely this mixture of lenity would give the whole a
better chance of success. When you once regain confi-
dence, the way will be clear before you. Then you may
enforce the Act of Navigation when it ought to be enforced.
You will yourselves open it where it ought still further to
be opened. Proceed in what you do, whatever you do,
from policy, and not from rancour. Let us act like men,
let us act like statesmen. Let us hold some sort of con-
sistent conduct. It is agreed that a revenue is not to be
had in America. If we lose the profit, let us get rid of
the odium.
On this business o( America, I confess, I am serious, even
to sadness. I have had but one opinion concerning it
since I sat, and before I sat in Parliament. The noble
Ijord, (Lord North) will, as usual, probably, attribute the
part taken by me and my friends in this business, to a de-
sire of getting his places. Let him enjoy this happy and
original idea. If I deprived him of it, I should take away
most of his wit and all his argument. But I had rather
bear the brunt of all his wit, and indeed blows much
heavier, than stand answerable to God for embracing a
system that tends to the destruction of some of the very
best and fairest of his works. But I know the map of
England, as well as the noble Lord (Lord North,) or as
any other person ; and I know that the way I take is not
the road to preferment. My excellent and honorable
friend under me on tiie floor, (Mr. Dowdeswell,) has trod
that road with great toil for upwards of twenty years to-
gether. He is not yet arrived at the noble Lord's desti-
nation. However, the tracks of my worthy friend are those
I have ever wished to follow ; because I know they lead to
honor. Long may we tread the same road together ;
whoever may accompany us, or whoever may laugh at us
on our journey ! I honestly and solemnly declare, I have
in all seasons adhered to the system of 1766, for no other
reason, than that I think it laid deep in your truest inter-
ests— and that, by limiting the exercise, it fixes on the
finnest foundations, a real, consistent, well-grounded au-
thority in Parliament. Until you come back to that system,
there will be no peace for England.
Mr. Solicitor General IVcdderburn. I am not willing to
trouble the House long ujMn this occasion, as it is impossi-
ble to say any thing that has not been touched upon be-
fore ; but I cannot accede to the characters the honorable
gentleman has given ; I differ much from him in the cha-
racter of that great man, the late Mr. Grenville, of whom
I shall always speak with veneration ; but I cannot. Sir,
help thinking, that if you repeal this Act, the Americans
will consider you weak in the highest degree, and receive
it in the same manner as if you had done it through fear.
The disposition to deny your authority in America, was
long before the passing or repealing the Stamp Act. The
Assembly address the Council, how an Act of the Legis-
lature came to be enrolled in their statute book, not assent-
ed to by them. Was this not a flagrant instance of their
rebellious disposition ? They consider all the Acts that
restrain trade as illegal, and they want to treat with you
upon an independent footing ; but if you give up this tax,
it is not here that you must stop, you will be required to
give up much more, nay, to give up all. Much has been
said about requisition ; but I wish gentlemen would consi-
der how, and in what manner, the Ministers of this coun-
try, treating with the Assemblies of America, are to raise
tiie money without the aid of their Legislature.
Mr. Burke rose to explain, that he did not mean to
cast the least slur upon the character of the late Mr. Gren-
ville; and concluded whh saying, he would not raise the
bodies of the dead, to make them vampires to suck out the
virtues of the living.
Mr. Charles Fox. Let us consider, Sir, what is the
state America appears in to this country ; the Americans
will appear as useful subjects, if you will use them with
that temper and lenity which you ought to do. When the
Stamp Act was repealed nmrmurs ceased, and quiet suc-
ceeded. Taxes have produced a contrary behaviour;
they have been succeeded by riots and disturbances. Here
is an absolute dereliction of the authority of this country.
It has been said that America is not represented here, but
virtually the Ainericans are full as virtually taxed as virtu-
ally represented. A tax can only be laid for three purjx)-
ses : the first for a commercial regulation, the second for a
revenue, and the third for asserting your right. As to the
two first, it has clearly been denied it is for either ; as to
the latter, it is only done with a view to irritate and declare
war there, which, if you persist in, I am clearly of opinion
you will eff(3Ct, or force into o]ien rebellion.
Lord Beauchamp. Sir, I should not intrude at this late
hour of the night, did I not wish to express my thoughts,
that the Americans are not contending for the inode of tax-
ation, but the right. Some years ago, when this Act was
passed, combinations took place, in order to oppose that
authority which you wish to exert. Measures are now
adopted to induce them to consent to this Act, not by force,
but by means which I hope will bring them to a sense of
their duty. Had this repeal been proposed some sessions
ago, I should most probably have adopted it ; but the pre-
sent disturbances in America totally prevent my giving my
consent to it. I think it impracticable to repeal it, because
we give up our right; and I am not prepared to say, that
at no future moment I would tax America. There may
be times when the necessity of supplying the exigencies
of this country may demand that aid ; and therefore I would
exert our authority now by a practicable claiin of right,
whicli I hope will not hereafter be disputed.
General Burgoi/ne. Sir, I look upon America to be our
child, which I think we have already spoiled by too much
indulgence. We are desired to conciliate measures with
the Americans ; I look upon this measure to have a totally
diffijrent effect ; I think it a mis-use of time to go into a
Committee, and that even the inquiry, the news of whicli
will soon reach America, will tend to nothing but to raise
heats, and not appease, but irritate and disturb the more.
It is said, if you remove this duty, you will remove all
grievances in America; but I am apprehensive that it is
the right of taxation they contend about, and not the tax ;
it is the independent state of that country upon the Legis-
lature of this, which is contended for ; but. Sir, I am ready
to resist that proposition, and to contend, at any future
time, against such independence. I will not enter into the
charactei-s of People, nor will I call the great person vvlio
planned these measures a cherubim, seraphim, or arch-an-
gel ; but, as a man, I believe he has a good head and an
honest heart. [The House here seemed very noisy, and
did not attend.] He therefore sat down, concluding, that
he wished to see America convinced by persuasion, rather
than the sword.
Mr. T. Townshend. Sir, I wish much to go into a
165
QUARTERING TROOPS IN AMERICA.
166
Committee upon this occasion, because the Tea Duty, as
an object of revenue, is unworthy your cxinsideration ; but
it is an object which, wiien once removed from the Ame-
ricans, will give ease and satisfaction to their minds ; and
it is preserved by you merely to keep up a continual con-
test. I will not go back to the ground of arguments which
has been so often trod, and which I wisli had not been
brought forth as the ground of former proceedings, mixing
them with the present. I shall look upon this Commit-
tee, if granted, as the prelude to that peace which you want
to restore to America, and shall therefore give my hearty
affirmative.
Lord Clare. Every man who has spoken on this occa-
sion, has prudently avoided going into any thing that gave
rise to the original taxation. I am sorry to find tiiat there
is even a negative voice against continuing this tax ; but
as I find there is dissention upon the occasion, it will give
room to the Americans to say that the question was much
debated, and far from being unanimous ; they will upon that
account, hold resistance to the measure to be a good ground
for some time or other producing a repeal. I could have
wished to have seen the House nearly unanimous against
the motion, as I am afraid our differences here will coun-
tenance resistance there. What, Sir, would they have us
surrender the right of Great Britain! It is impossible, in
the nature of things, that he can carry this question ; and
instead of my honorable friend (Mr. Fuller) wishing to
restore peace and quietude, he will find he is whetting his
sword that it may cut with a keener edge.
Mr. Buller. Sir, I would treat the Americans as sub-
jects of Great Britain, and think them liable to be taxed
as well as any others. I .am afraid that all these distur-
bances have been owing to a change of measures in this
country. I think a repeal of this Act will have a bad
effect, and you will not know where it will end.
Mr. Frederick Montagu. Sir, I feel a strong inclina-
tion to trouble the House on this occasion. There must
be one supreme right of taxing, I allow, but I think it in-
expedient at present to exercise it, and that the only proper
way of taxing of America, is through the medium of com-
merce, and not by hard money. If this motion is reject-
ed, I do not think it will carry the appearance as if we
meant to be pacific.
Colonel Barre. I have spoken. Sir, fully on this affair,
in what I have said at different times before, and it is im-
possible to tread the same ground, and to make it pleasant
to the same hearers. It has been said that millions have
been collected from this country for the use of America ;
but it ought to be considered, that the stroke of war has
been given in many of his Majesty's Dominions, sometimes
necessary in one, sometimes in another, and wherever an
injury has been struck, there Great Britain resents it.
This tax has been said to be not a fruitful one ; I think it
a very fruitful one, for it has produced riots and distur-
bances ; it has been resisted, it has done its duty, let us
dismiss it. I have been much quoted for requisitions ; if
you will make them with some address, they will comply.
I have been also quoted for the olive branch ; I say, you
have let slip several millions in the East, and now look for
a revenue from a pepper-corn in the West. This you will
have to lay to your charge, that you will whet your swords
in the bowels of your own subjects, and massacre many of
your fellow-creatures, who do not know under what con-
stitution of Government they live, by enforcing this tax.
You will at last resort to that romantic idea of requisition.
[The House was very noisy, and did not give much atten-
tion to him, which prevented him from speaking, as he had
usually done.]
Lord North said, he was ashamed to take up the time
of the House at that late hour of the night, and more so,
as what he had to say, chiefly related to himself. He gave
an account of the letter which Mr. Burke had read, from
Lord Hillsborough to the Americans, and stated the mat-
ter of its contents in the best light he could. His Lord-
ship said, this letter of concession was far from quieting
the minds of the Americans; that they were guilty of
all riots and disturbances ; that the non-importation agree-
ment was as impudent and futile a measure as ever ex-
isted ; and said, he was glad he did not, at that time,
propose the repeal of this tax, when all the resolutions
of the town meetings denied the authority of this coun-
try. Nothing but wisdom on our side, and prudence
on theirs, can bring them to a better temper. The tea
tax is not an inconsiderable revenue. Convince your Co-
lonies that you are able and not afraid to controul them,
and, depend upon it, obedience in them will be the result
of your deliberation ; and let us conduct ourselves with
firnmess and resolution throughout the whole of these mea-
sures, and there is no doubt but peace and quietude will
soon be restored.
Mr. Dowdeswell. I wish the noble Lord would consi-
der what will be the result of these measures. I appre-
hend the consequences will be dangerous. We are now
in great difficulties ; let us resolve to do justice before it is
too late.
The question on the motion then being put,
The House divided ; Yeas, 49 ; Nays, 182.
So it passed in the Negative.
VI. BILL FOR QUARTERING TROOPS IN AMERICA
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Friday, April 29, 1774.
Ordered, That leave be granted to bring in a Bill for
the better providing suitable Quarters for Officers and Sol-
diers in his Majesty's service in North America ; and that
the Lord Barrington and Mr. Poumall do prepare, and
bring in the same.
Monday, May 2, 1774.
Tlie Lord Barrington presented the Bill according to
order : And it was read the first time.
Ordered, That the said Bill be read a second time to-
morrow morning.
Wednesday, May 4, 1774.
Tlie Bill was read a second time and committed to a
Committee of the whole House.
Resolved, That this House will, to-morrow morning,
resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, upon
the said Bill.
TntJRSDAY, May 5, 1774.
The order of the day being read, the House resolved
itself in a Committee, on the Bill.
When Mr. Speaker resumed the Chair,
Mr. Whitworth reported from the Committee, that
they had gone through the Bill, and made several amend-
ments thereunto.
Ordered, That the Report be received to-morrow
morning.
Friday, May 6, 1774.
Mr. E^itworth, according to order, reported from the
Committee of the Whole, the Bill with the amendments
167
QUARTERING TROOPS IN AMERICA
168
made by the Committee ; and the amendments were
severally a<?reed to by the House.
Ordered, That the Bill, with the amendments, be
engrossed.
Monday, May 9, 1774.
An eno;rossed Bill for the better providing suitable
Quarters for Officers and Soldiers in his Majesty's service
in North Americn, was read the third time.
Resolved, That the Bill do Pass.
Ordered, That Sir Charles Whitworth do carr)- the
Bill to the I»rds, and desire their concurrence.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Monday, May 9, 1774.
A Message was brought from the House of Commons,
by Sir Charles Whitworth, and others:
With a Bill, intituled, " An Act for the better providing
" suitable Quarters for Officers and Soldiers in his Majesty's
"service in North America f to which they desire the
concurrence of this House.
The said Bill was read the first time,
Ordered, That the said Bill be printed.
Thursday, May 12, 1774.
The order of the day being read, the Bill was accord-
ingly read a second time, and committed to a Commit-
tee of the whole House.
Ordered, That the House be put into a Committee
upon the said Bill, to-morrow ; and that the Lords be
summoned.
Monday, May 16, 1774.
The House, according to order, was put into a Com-
mittee upon the Bill.
After some time the House was resumed :
And the Lord Boston reported from the Committee,
that they had gone tlirough the Bill, and directed him to
report the same to the House, without any amendment.
Ordered, That the said Bill be read a third time on
fVednesday next; and that the Lords be summoned.
Wednesday, May 18, 1774.
The order of the day being read, for the third reading
of the Bill :
Ordered, That the said Bill be read the third time, on
Thursday, the 26th day of this instant. May ; and that
the Lords be summoned.
Thursday, May 26, 1774.
The order of the day being read, for the third readino-
of the Bill :
The said Bill was accordingly read the third time.
Moved, That the Bill do Pass ?
Lord Chatham rose and said :
~ My Lords, the unfavourable state of health under which
1 have long laboured could not prevent me from laying
before your Lordships my thoughts on the Bill now upon
the table, and on the state of American affairs in general.
If we take a transient view of those motives which
induced the ancestors of our fellow-subjects in America to
leave their native country, to encounter the innumerable
difficulties of the unexplored regions of the Western world,
our astonishment at the present conduct of their descen-
dants will naturally subside. There was no comer of the
world into which men of their free and enterprising spirit
would not fly with alacrity, rather than submit to the
slavish and tyrannical principles which prevailed at that
period in their native country. And sliall we Avonder, my
Lords, if the descendants of such illustrious characters
spurn, with contempt, the hand of unconstitutional power,
that would snatch from them such dear-bousht privileges
as they now contend for ? Had the British Colonies been
planted by any otlier Kingdom than our own, the inha-
bitants would have carried with them the chains of slavery.
and spirit of despotism ; but as they are, they ought to be
remembered as great instances to instruct the world, what
great exertions mankind will naturally make, when they
are left to the free exercise of their own powers. And,
my Lords, notwithstanding my intention to give my hearty
negative to the question now before you, I cannot help
condemning, in the severest manner, the late turbulent and
unwarrantable conduct of the Americans in some instan-
ces, particularly in the late riots of Boston. But, my
Lords, the mode which has been pursued to bring them
back to a sense of their duty to their Parent State has
been so diametrically opposite to the fundamental princi-
ples of sound policy, that individuals, possessed of com-
mon understanding, must be astonished at such proceedings.
By blocking up the harbour of Boston, you have involved
the innocent trader in the same punishment with the guilty
profligates who destroyed your merchandise ; and instead
of making a well-concerted effort to secure the real offen-
ders, you clap a naval and military extinguisher over their
harbour, and piniish the crime of a few laAvless depredatoi-s
and their abettors, upon the whole body of the inhabitants.
My Lords, this country is little obliged to the framers
and promoters of this tea tax. The Americans had almost
forgot, in their excess of gratitude for the repeal of the
Stamp Act, any interest but that of the mother country :
there seemed an emulation among the different Provinces,
who should be most dutiful and forward in their expres-
sions of loyalty to their real benefactors; as you will
readily perceive by the following letter, from Governor
Bernard, to a noble Lord then in office : " The House of
" Representatives," says he, " from the time of opening
" the session to this day, has shewn a disposition to
" avoid all dispute with me: every thing having passed
" with as much good humour as I could desire. They
" have acted, in all things, with temper and moderation ;
" they have avoided some subjects of dispute, and have
" laid a foundation for removing some causes of former
" altercation."
This my Lords, was the temper of the Americans ; and
would have continued so, had it not been internipted by
your fruitless endeavours to tax them without their consent ;
but the moment they perceived your intention was renew-
ed to tax thcni, under a pretence of serving the iMst
India Company, their resentment got the ascendant of
their moderation, and hurried them into actions contrary
to law, which, in their cooler hours, they would have
thought on with horrour : for I sincerely believe the de-
stroying of the tea was the effect of despair.
But, my Lords, from the complexion of the whole of
the proceedings, I think that Administration has purposely
irritated them into those late violent acts, for which they
now so severely smart, purposely to be revenged on them
for the victory they gained by the repeal of the Stamp
Act ; a measure to which they seemingly acquiesced, but
at the bottom they were its real enemies. For what other
motive could induce them to dress taxation, that father of
American sedition, in the robes of an East India Director,
but to break in upon tliat mutual peace and harmony,
which then^ so happily subsisted between them and the
mother country ?
My Lords, I am an old man, and would advise the
noble Lords in office to adopt a more gentle mode of go-
verning America; for the day is not far distant, when
America may vie with these Kingdoms, not only in anns,
but in arts also. It is an established fact, that tbe princi-
pal towns in America are learned and polite, and under-
stand the constitution of the empire as well as the noble
Lords who are now in office ; and consequently, they will
have a watchful eye over their liberties, to prevent the
least encroachment on their hereditary rights.
This observation is so recently exemplified in an excel-
lent pamphlet, which comes from the pen of an American
gentleman, that I shall take the liberty of reading to your
Lordships his thoughts on the competency of the British
Parliament to tax America, which in my opinion, puts
this interesting matter in the clearest view : " The High
" Court of Parliament," says lie, " is the supreme Legisla-
" tive power over the whole empire ; in all free States the
" constitution is fixed ; and as the supreme Legislature
" derives its power and authority from the constitution, it
" cannot over-leap the bounds of it, without destroying its
169
QUEBEC BILL.
170
•' own foundation. The constitution ascertains and limits
'•■ both sovereignty and allegiance : and therefore his Ma-
•' jesty's American subjects, who acknowledge themselves
" bound by the ties of allegiance, have an equitable claim
'• to the full enjoyment of the fundamental rules of the
•' English constitution ; and that it is an essential unalter-
" able right in nature, engrafted into the British constitu-
•■' tion as a fundamental law, and ever held sacred and
" irrevocable by the subjects within this realm — that what a
" man has honestly acquired, is absolutely his own ; which
•• he may freely give, but which cannot be taken from him
•' without his consent."
This, my Lords, though no new doctrine, has always
been my received and unalterable opinion, and I will carry
it to my grave, that this country had no right under
heaven to tax America. It is contrary to all the princi-
ples of justice and civil policy, which neither the exigencies
of the State, nor even an acquiescence in the taxes, could
justify upon any occasion whatever. Such proceedings
will never meet their wished-for success ; and, instead of
adding to their miseries, as the Bill now before you most
undoubtedly does, adopt some lenient measures, which
may lure them to their duty ; proceed like a kind and
affectionate parent over a child whom he tenderly loves ;
and, instead of those harsh and severe proceedings, pass
an amnesty on all their youthful errours ; clasp them once
more in your fond and affectionate arms ; and, I will
venture to affirm, you will find them children worthy of
their sire. But should their turbulence exist after your
proffered terms of forgiveness, which I hope and expect
this House will immediately adopt, 1 vi^ill be among the
foremost of your Lordships to move for such measures as
will effectually prevent a future relapse, and make them
feel what it is to provoke a fond and forgiving parent 1
a parent, my Lords, whose welfare has ever been my
greatest and most pleasing consolation. This declaration
may seem unnecessary ; but I will venture to declare, the
period is not far distant, when she will want the assistance
of her most distant friends : but should the all-disposing
hand of Providence prevent me from affording her my
poor assistance, my prayers shall be ever for her welfare —
" length of days be in her right hand, and in her left hand
" riches and honor ; may her ways be ways of pleasantness,
" and all her paths be peace."
When Lord Chatham had concluded, Lord Suffolk
spoke a short time, and was answered by Lord Temple,
who closed the debate.
The question was then put, whether this Bill shall
Pass?
And the House divided : Contents, 57 ; Non-Contents, 16.
So it was resolved in the Affirmative.
Thursdav, June 2, 1774.
The Lord Chancellor acquainted the House " That his
'' Majesty had been pleased to issue a commission to the
" several Lords therein named, for declaring his royal
" assent to several Aots agreed upon by both Houses of
" Padiament."
Then three of the Lords Commissioners, being in their
robes, and seated on a form placed between the Throne
and the Woolsack, the Lord Chancellor in the middle,
with the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury on his right
hand, and the Earl of Sandwich on his left: and the
Commons with their Speaker being in attendance.
The royal assent was pronounced to the Bill, by the
Clerk's Assistant.
Anno Decimo Q^uarto Georgii III. Regis.
An Act for the better providing mitable Quarters for
Officers and Soldiers in his Majesty's Service in North
America.
Whereas doubts have been entertained, whether Troops
can be Quartered otherwise than in Barracks, in case bar-
racks have been provided sufficient for the quartering of
all the Officers and Soldiers within any town, township,
city, district, or place, within his Majesty's Dominions in
North America: and whereas it may frequently happen,
from the situation of such Barracks, that, if troops should
be quartered therein, they would not be stationed where
their presence may be necessary and required ; Be it
therefore enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty,
by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual
and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same, that in
such cases, it shall and may be lawful for the persons who
now are, or may be hereafter, authorized by law, in any of
the Provinces within his Majesty's Dominions in North
America, and they are hereby respectively authorized,
empowered and directed, on the requisition of the Officer
who, for the time being, has the command of his Majesty's
forces, in North America, to cause any Officers or Soldiers
in his Majesty's service to be quartered and billetted in
such manner as is now directed by law where no Bairacks
are provided by the Colonies.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That if it shall happen at any time that any Officers or
Soldiers in his Majesty's service shall remain within any of
the said Colonies without Quarters, for the space of twen-
ty-four hours after such Quarters shall have been demand-
ed, it shall and may be lawful for the Governor of the
Province to order and direct such and so many uninhabited
houses, out-houses, bams, or other buildings, as he shall
think necessary to be taken (making a reasonable allowance
for the same) and make fit for the reception of such
Officers and Soldiers, and to put and quarter such Officers
and Soldiers therein, for such time as he shall think proper.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That this Act, and every thing herein contained, shall
continue and be in force, in all his Majesty's Dominions in
North America, until the twenty-fourth day of March,
one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six.
VII. tilLL FOR GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCE OF QUEBEC.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Monday, May 2, 1774.
The Earl of Dartmouth presented to the House a Bill,
intituled, " An Act making more effectual provision for
" the Government of the Province of Quebec, in North
•' America."
The said Bill was read the first time.
Ordered, That the said Bill be printed.
Tuesday, May 3, 1774.
Ordered, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, to desire " That he will be graciously pleased to
" give directions that there be laid before this House copies
" of such parts of the Instructions given by his Majesty
" to the Governors in tiie royal Governments in America,
" relative to the taking up of Lands by Settlers, and the
" granting Lands therein, particularly in the Colony oi
" Quebec."
Wednesday, May 4, 1774.
Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time on
Monday next ; and that the Lords be summoned.
Hi
QUEBEC BILL.
172
Friday, May 6, 1774.
Ordered, Tlial the second reading of the Bill, which
stands appointed for Monday next, be put off to Thursday
next ; and tliat the Lords be summoned.
The Earl of Dartmont/i laid before the House, pur-
suant to an Address to his Majesty for that purpose, of
the :3d instant,
No. 1 . Copy of Instructions from his Majesty to Guy
Carkton, Esquire, Governor of (Quebec, respecting the
f;ranting of Lands in that Province, dated 12th August,
1768, and the 2d of July, 1771.
No. 2. Copy of his Majesty's Instructions to the Go-
vernors of Nova Scotia, I^'ew Hampshire, New York, Vir-
ginia, North Carolina, Sotith Carolina, Georgia, East
Florida, and West Florida, respecting the granting of
Lands in those Provinces, dated 3d February, 1774.
Thursday, May 12, 1774.
The order of the day being read, the Bill was accord-
ingly read a second time.
Ordered, That the said Bill be committed to a Com-
mittee of the whole House.
Ordered, That the House be put into a Committee
ujwn the said Bill to-morrow ; and that the Lords be
.summoned.
Fkidav, May 13, 1774.
Tlie order of the day being read, the House was put
into Committee on the Bill.
After some time the House was resumed :
And the Lord Boston reported from the Committee,
" That diey had gone tlirough tlie Bill, and made several
" amendments thereto, which he was ready to report when
" the House will please to receive the same."
Ordered, That the said report be received on Monday
next.
Monday, May 16, 1774.
The Lord Boston, according to order, reported the
amendments made by tlie Committee of the Whole to the
Bill: which were severally read and agreed to by the
House.
Ordered, That the said Bill be read a third tune to-
morrow ; and that the Lords be summoned.
Tuesday, May 17, 1774.
The order of the day being read, the Bill was accord-
ingly read a third time.
Proposed to insert the following Proviso at the end oi
the Bill:
[" Provided, Tliat this Act shall be in force for the
" space of seven years, and to the end of the then next
'■' session of Parliament, and no longer."]
Which being objected to ;
After debate, the question was put thereupon, and it was
resolved in the Negative.
Moved, " That the Bill do Pass ?"
Which being objected to ;
After debate, the question was put, whether this Bill
shall Pass ?
It was resolved in the Affirmative.
A Message was sent to the House of Commons to
carry down the Bill, and desire their concurrence thereto.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Wednesday, May 18, 1774.
A Message from the Lords, by Mr. Browning and Mr.
Anguish:
.Sir. Speaker, tlie Lords have passed a Bill, intituled,
" An Act making more effectual provision for the Go-
" veniment of the Province of (Quebec, in North America ;"
to which tlie I^rds desire the concurrence of the House.
The Bill was read the first time.
Ordered, That tiie said Bill be printed.
Resolved, That the said Bill be read a second time, to-
mon'ow sevennight, the 26th day of this instant. May.
Friday, May 20, 1774.
Resolved, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give direc-
tions, that there be laid before this House, a copy of his
Majesty's Proclamation, respecting the settling the Acqui-
shions at the Peace, in November, 1763 ; and also a copy
of General Murray's commission, as Captain General of
the Province of Quebec.
Thursday, May 26, 1774.
The Lord North presented to the House, pursuant to
their Address to his Majesty :
No. 1. Printed Proclamation, dated 7th October, 1763 ;
viz :
By the King. — A Proclamation.
GEORGE R.
Whereas we have taken into our royal consideration
the extensive and valuable acquisitions in America, secured
to our Crown by the late definitive treaty of peace con-
cluded at Paris, the tenth day of February last ; and being
desirous tliat all our loving subjects, as well of our King-
doms as of our Colonies in America, may avail themselves,
with all convenient speed, of the great benefits and advanta-
ges which must accrue therefrom to their commerce, manu-
factures, and navigation ; we have thought fit, with the
advice of our Privy Council, to issue this, our royal pro-
clamation, hereby to publish and declare to all our loving
subjects, that we have, with the advice of our Privy Coun-
cil, granted our letters patent under our great seal of Great
Britain, to erect within the countries and islands, ceded
and confirmed to us by the said treaty, four distinct and
separate Governments, styled and called by the names of
Quebec, East Florida, West Florida, and Grenada, and
limited and bounded as follows, viz :
First, The Government of Quebec, bounded on the La-
brador coast by the river St. John, and from thence by a
line drawn from the head of that river, through the Lake
St. John, to the South end of the Lake Nipissim ; from
whence the said line, crossing the river St. Lawrence and
the Lake Champlain in forty-five degrees of North latitude,
passes along the highlands, which divide the rivers that
empty themselves into the said river St. Lawrence, from
those which fall into the sea ; and also along the North
coast of the Baye des Chulcurs, and the coast of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence to Cape Rosieres, and from thence
crossing the mouth of the river St. Lawrence by the West
end of the island of Anticosti, terminates at the aforesaid
river St. John.
Secondly, The Government of East Florida, bounded
to the Westward by tlie Gulf of Mexico and the Apala-
chicola river ; to the Northward, by a line drawii from that
part of the said river where the Chatahouchee and Flint
rivers meet, to the source of St. Mary's river, and by the
course of the said river to the Atlantic Ocean ; and to
the East and South by the Atlantic Ocean, and the Gulf
of Florida, including all islands within six leagues of the
sea coast.
Thirdly, The Government of West Florida, bounded
to the Southward by the Gulf of Mexico, including all
islands within six leagues of the coast from the river Apa-
lachicola to Lake Pontchartrain; to the Westward by the
said lake, the Lake Mauripas, and the river Mississippi ;
to the Northward, by a line drawn due East from that part
of the river Mississippi which lies in thirty-one degrees
North latitude, to the river Apalachicola, or Chatahouchee ;
and to the Eastward by the said river.
Fourthly, The Government of Grenada, comprehend-
ing the island of that name, together with the Grenadines,
and the islands of Dominico, St. Vincent, and Tobago.
And to the end that the open and free fishery of our
subjects may be extended to, and carried on upon the
coast of Labrador and the adjacent islands, we have
thought fit, with the advice of our said Privy Council, to
put all tiiat coast, from the river St. John's to Hudson's
Streights, togetlier with the islands of Anticosti and Made-
laine, and all other smaller islands lying upon the said
coast, under the care and inspection of our Governor of
Neufoundland.
We have also, with the advice of our Privy Council,
173
QUEBEC BILL.
174
thought fit to annex the islands of Si. John and Cape
Breton, or Isle Royale, with the lesser islands adjacent
thereto, to our Government of Nova Scotia.
We have also, with the advice of our Privy Council
aforesaid, annexed to our Province of Georgia, all the
lands lying between the rivers Altamaha and .S'^ Martfs.
And whereas it will greatly contribute to the speedy
settling our said new Governments, that our loving subjects
should be informed of our jjaternal care for the security of
the liberty and properties of those who are, and shall
become inhabitants thereof; we have thought fit to publish
and declare, by this our proclamation, that we have, in the
letters patent under our great seal of Great Britain, by
which the said Governments are constituted, given express
power and direction to our Governors of our said Colonies
respectively, that so soon as the state and circumstances of
the said Colonies will admit thereof, they shall, with the
advice and consent of the members of our Council, sum-
mon and call General Assemblies within the said Govern-
ments respectively, in such manner and form as is used and
directed in those Colonies and Provinces in America,
which are under our immediate Government ; and we have
also given power to the said Governors, with the consent
of our said Councils, and the Representatives of the people,
so to be summoned as aforesaid, to make, constitute, and
ordain laws, statutes, and ordinances for the public peace,
welfare, and good Government of our said Colonies, and
of the people and inhabitants thereof, as near as may be,
ao-reeable to the laws of England, and under such regula-
tions and restrictions as are used in other Colonies ; and in
the mean time, and until such Assemblies can be call-
ed as aforesaid, all persons inhabiting in, or resorting to,
our said Colonies, may confide in our royal protection for
the enjoyment of the benefit of the laws of our realm of
England : for which purpose we have given power under
our great seal to the Governors of our said Colonies
respectively, to erect and constitute, with the advice of our
said Councils respectively, courts of judicature and public
justice within our said Colonies, for the hearing and deter-
mining all causes, as well criminal as civil, according to law
and equity, and, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws
of England, with liberty to all persons who may think
themselves aggrieved by the sentences of such courts, in
all civil cases, to appeal, under the usual limitations and
restrictions, to us, in our Privy Council.
We have also thought fit, with the advice of our Privy
Council as aforesaid, to give unto the Governors and
Councils of our said three new Colonies upon the continent,
full power and authority to settle and agree with the inha-
bitants of our said new Colonies, or with any other persons
who shall resort thereto, for such lands, tenements, and
hereditaments, as are now, or hereafter shall be, in our
power to dispose of, and them to grant to any such person
or persons, upon such terms, and under such moderate
quit-rents, services, and acknowledgments, as have been
appointed and settled in other Colonies, and under such
other conditions as shall appear to us to be necessary and
expedient for the advantage of the grantees, and the im-
provement and settlement of our said Colonies.
And whereas we are desirous, upon all occasions, to
testify our royal sense and approbation of the conduct and
bravery of the officers and soldiers of our armies, and to
reward the same, we do hereby command and empower
our Governors of our said three new Colonies, and all other
our Governors of our several Provinces on the Continent
of North America, to grant, without fee or reward, to such
reduced officers as have served in North America during
the late war, and to such private soldiers as have been or
shall be disbanded in America, and are actually residing
there, and shall personally apply for the same, the follow-
ing quantities of land, subject, at the expiration of ten
years, to the same quit-rents as other lands are subject
to in the Province within which they are granted, as also
subject to the same conditions of cultivation and improve-
ment, viz:
To every person having the rank of a field officer,
5,000 acres.
To every captain, 3,000 acres.
To every subaltern or staff" officer, 2,000 acres.
To every non-commission officer, 200 acres.
To every private man, 50 acres.
We do likewise authorize and require the Governors
and Commanders-in-chief of all our said Colonies upon the
Continent of North America to grant the like quantities of
land, and upon the same conditions, to such reduced
officers of our navy of like rank, as served on board our
ships of war in North America at the times of the reduc-
tion of Louisbourg and (Quebec in the late war, and who
shall personally apply to our respective Governors for
such grants.
And whereas it is just and reasonable, and essential to
our interest, and the security of our Colonies, that the
several nations or tribes of Indians, with whom we are con-
nected, and who live under our protection, should not be
molested or disturbed in the possession of such parts of
our dominions and territories, as, not having been ceded to,
or purchased by us, are reserved to them, or any of them,
as their hunting grounds ; we do therefore, with the advice
of our Privy Council, declare it to be our royal will and
pleasure, that no Governor, or Commander-in-chief, in any
of our Colonies of Quebec, East Florida, or JVest Florida,
do presume, upon any pretence whatever, to grant warrants
of survey, or pass any patents for lands beyond the bounds
of their respective Governments, as described in tiieir com-
missions ; as also that no Governor or Commander-in-chief
in any of our other Colonies or Plantations in America, do
presume for the present, and until our further pleasure be
known, to grant warrants of survey, or pass patents for any
lands beyond the heads or sources of any of the rivers
which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, from the West or
Northwest ; or upon any lands whatever, which not having
been ceded to, or purchased by us, as aforesaid, are reserv-
ed to the said Indians, or any of them.
And we do further declare it to be our royal will and
pleasure, for the present, as aforesaid, to reserve under our
sovereignty, protection, and dominion, for the use of the
said Indians, all the lands and territories not included with-
in the limits of our said three new Governments, or within
the limits of the territory granted to the Hudson^ s Bay
Company ; as also, all the lands and territories lying to the
westward of the sources of the rivers which fall into the
sea from the West and Northwest as aforesaid ; and we do
hereby strictly forbid, on pain of our displeasure, all our
loving subjects from making any purchases or settlements
whatever, or taking possession of any of the lands above
reserved, without our especial leave and license for that
purpose first obtained.
And we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons
whatever, who have either wilfully or inadvertently seated
themselves upon any lands within the countries above de-
scribed, or upon any c<her lands, which not having been
ceded to, or purchased by us, are still reserved to the said
Indians as aforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from
such settlements.
And whereas great frauds and abuses have been com-
mitted in the purchasing lands of the Indians, to the great
prejudice of our interests, and to the great dissatisfaction
of the said Indians; in order therefore to prevent such
irregularities for the future, and to the end that the Indians
may be convinced of our justice and determined resolution
to remove all reasonable cause of discontent, we do, with
the advice of our Privy Council, strictly enjoin and require
that no private person do presume to make any purchase
from the said Indians of any lands reserved to the said
Indians within those parts of our Colonies where we have
thought proper to allow settlement ; but that if at any
time any of the said Indians should be inclined to dispose
of the said lands, the same shall be purchased only for us,
in our name, at some public meeting or assembly of the
said Indians, to be held for that purpose by the Governor
or Commander-in-chief of our Colonies respectively within
which they shall lie : and in case they shall lie within the
limits of any proprietary Government, they shall be pur-
chased only for the use and in the name of such pro-
prietaries, conformable to such directions and instructions
as we or they shall think proper to give for that purpose :
and we do, by the advice of our Privy Council, declare
and enjoin, that the trade with the said Indians shall be
free and open to all our subjects whatever, provided that
every person who may incline to trade with the said In-
dians, do take out a license for carrying on such trade,
from the Governor or Commander-in-chief of any of our
175
QUEBEC BILL.
476
Colonies respectively, where such person shall reside, and
also give security to observe such regulations as we shall
at any time think fit, by ourselves or by our Commissa-
ries, to be appointed for this purpose, to direct and appoint
for the benefit of the said trade : and we do hereby autho-
rize, enjoin, and require tlie Governors and Commanders-
in-chief, of all our Colonies respectively, as well those
under our immediate Government, as those under the Go-
vernment and direction of proprietaries, to grant such li-
censes without fee or reward, taking especial care to insert
therein a condition that such license shall be void, and the
security forfeited, in case the person to whom the same is
granted, shall refuse or neglect to observe such regulations
as we shall think proper to prescribe as aforesaid.
And we do further expressly enjoin and require all offi-
cers whatever, as well military as those employed in the
management and direction of Indian aflairs williin the ter-
ritories reserved, as aforesaid, for the use of the said In-
diana, to seize and apprehend all persons whatever, who
standing charged with treasons, misprisons of treasons,
murders, or other felonies or misdemeanours, shall fly from
justice and take refuge in the said territory, and to send
them under a proper guard to the Colony where the crime
was committed of which they stand accused, in order to
take their trial for the same.
Given at our Court at St. James's, the seventh day of
October, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three,
in the third year of our reign.
God save the King.
IVo. 2. Copy of a Commission for James Murray, Esq,.
to be Captain General and Governor-in-chief of the Pro-
vince of Quebec ; viz :
G. R.
George the Third, by the Grace of God, of Great Biitain,
France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, and
so forth, to our trusty and well-beloved James Murray,
Esquire, greeting :
We, reposing especial trust and confidence in the pru-
dence, courage, and loyalty of you, the said James Murray,
of our especial gi-ace, certain knowledge and mere motion,
have thought fit to constitute and a])point, and by these
presents do constitute and appoint you, the said James
Murray, to be our Captain General and Governor-in-chief
in and over our Province of Quebec, in America ; bounded
on the Labrador coast by tlie river St. John ; and from
thence by a line drawn from the head of that river through
the Lake St. John to the South end of the Lake Nipissim,
from whence the said line crossing tthe river St. Lawrence
and the Lake Champlain, in forty-five degrees of northern
latitude, passes along the highlands which divide the rivers
that empty themselves into the said river St. Laivrence
from those which fall into the sea ; and also along the
North coast of the Baye des Chaleurs and the coast of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence to Cape Rosieres; and from thence
crossing the mouth of the river St. Lawrence by the West
end of the Island of Anticosti, terminates at the aforesaid
river St. John : together with all the rights, members, and
appurtenances whatsoever thereunto belonging.
And we do hereby require and command you to do and
execute all things in due manner that shall belong to your
said command and the tmst we have reposed in you, ac-
cording to the several powers and directions granted or ap-
pointed you by this present commission, and the instruc-
tions and authorities herewith given unto you, or by such
other powers, instructions, and authorities as shall at any
time hereafter be granted or appointed under our signet and
sign manual, or by our order in our Privy Council, and ac-
cording to such reasonable laws and statutes as shall hereaf-
ter be made and agreed upon by you with the advice and
consent of the Council and Assembly of our said Province
under your Government, in such manner and form as is
hereinafter expressed.
And our will and [ileasure is, that you, the said James
Murray, do, after the publication of these our letters jiatent
and after the appoiiument of our Council for our said Pro-
vince, in such manner and form as is prescribed in tlie in-
structions whicii you will herewith receive, in the first
place, take the oaths appointed to be taken by an Act
passed in the first year of tb.c reign of King George the
First, intituled, "An .\ct forthe further security of his Ma-
" jesty's person and Government, and the succession of the
" Crown in the heirs of the late Princess Sophia, being
" Protestants, and for extinguishing the hopes of the pre-
" tended Prince of Wales, and his open and secret abet-
" tors ;" as also that you make and subscribe the declara-
tion mentioned in an Act of Parliament made in the twenty-
fifth year of the reign of King Charles the Second, inti-
tuled, " An Act for preventing dangers which may happen
" from Popish recusants;" and likewise, that you take the
oath of office usually taken by our Governors in the other
Colonies for the due execution of the office and trust of
our Captain General and Governor-in-chief in and over
our said Province, and for the due and impartial adminis-
tration of justice; and further, that you take the oath re-j
quired to be taken by the Governors of the Plantations, to
do their utmost that the several laws relating to trade and
plantations be duly observed : whicii said oaths and decla-
rations our Council of our said Province, or any three of
the members thereof, have hereby full power and authority
and are hereby required, to tender and administer to you.
All whicii being duly performed, you shall yourself ad-
minister to each of the members of our said Council, and
to the Lieutenant Governors of Montreal and Trois Ri-
vieres, the said oaths mentioned in the said Act, intituled,
" An Act for the further security of his Majesty's ])erson
" and Government, and the succession of the Crown in the
" heirs of the late Princess Sophia, being Protestants, and
" for extinguishing the hopes of the pretended Prince of
" Wales, and his open and secret abettors ;" and also to
cause them to make and subscribe the afore-mentionetl
declaration, and also shall administer unto them the usual
oaths for the due execution of their places and trust.
And we do further give and grant unto you, the said
James Murray, full power and authority fiom time to time »
and at any time hereafter, by yourself, or by any other to
be authorized by you in this behalf, to administer and give
the oaths mentioned in the said Act, " for the further se-
" curity of his Majesty's person and Government, and the
" succession of the Crown in the heirs of the late Princess
" Sophia, being Protestants, and for extinguishing the
" hopes of the pretended Prince of Wales, and his open
" and secret abettors ;" to all and every such person or
persons as you shall think fit, who shall at any time or
times pass into our said Province, or shall be resident or
abiding there.
And we do hereby authorize and empower you to keep
and use the public seal which will herewith be delivered to
you, or shall be hereafter sent to you, for sealing all things
whatsoever that shall pass the great seal of our Province.
And we do hereby give and grant unto you. the said
James Murray, full power and authority, with the advice
and consent of our said Council to be appointed as afore-
said, so soon as the situation and circumstances of our said
Province under your Government will admit thereof, and
when and as often as need shall require, to summon and
call General Assemblies of the freeholders and plantei-s
within your Government, in such manner as you in your
discretion shall judge most proper ; or according to such
further powers, instructions, and authorities, as shall be at
any time hereafter granted or appointed you under our
signet or sign manual, or by our order in our Privy
Council.
And our will and pleasure is, that the persons tiiereupon
duly elected by the major part of the freeholders of the re-
spective parishes or precincts, and so returned, shall, before
tlieir sitting, take the oaths mentioned in the said Act, in-
tituled, " An Act for the further security of his Majesty's
" person and Government, and the succession of the Crown
" in the heirs of tlie late Princess Sophia, being Protes-
" tants, and for extinguisiiing the hopes of the pretended
" Prince of Wales, and his open and secret abettors;"' and
also make and subscribe the fore-mentioned declaration :
which oaths and declaration you shall commissionate fit
persons under the public seal of that our Province to ten-
der and administer unto them ; and, until tlie same shall
be so taken and subscribed, no person shall be capable of
sitting, t'lMHigh elected.
And we do hereby declare, that the persons so elected
and qualified shall be called the Assembly of that our Pro-
vincje of Quebec ; and that you. tlie said James Murray,
177
QUEBEC BILL.
178
by and with the advice and consent of our said Council and
Assembly, or the major part of them, shall have full power
and authority to make, constitute, and ordain, laws, statutes,
and ordinances, for the public peace, welfare, and good
Government of our said Province, and of the people and
inhabitants thereof, and such others as shall resort thereiui-
to, and for the benefit of us, our heirs and successors ;
which said laws, statutes, and ordinances, are not to be re-
pugnant, but. as near as may be, asreeable to the laws and
statutes of this our Kinsdom of Grea' Britain.
Provided that all such laws, statutes, and ordinances, of
what nature or duration soever they be, shall be, within
three mcHitlis, or sooner, alter the making therecrf", trans-
mitted to us, under our seal of our said Province, for our ap-
probation or disallowance of the same, as ako dupUcates
thereof, by the next conveyance.
And in case any, or all, of the said laws, statutes, and
ordinances, not before confirmed by us, shall at any time
be disallowed and not approved, and so signified by us, our
heirs, and successors, under our, or their, signet and sign
manual, or by order of our, or their, Priv\- Council, unto
you, the said James Murray, or to the Commander-in-
cljief of our said Province for the time being, then such
and so many of the said laws, statutes, and ordinances, as
shall be so disallowed and not approved, ^all firom thence-
forth cease, determine, and become utterly void and of no
efiect ; any thing to the contrary thereof notwithstanding.
And to the end tliat notiiing may be passed or done by
our said Council or Assembly to the prejudice of us, our
heirs, and successors, we will and cMtlain tliat you, the said
James Murrai/, shall have and enjoy a negative voice in the
making and passing all laws, statutes, and ordinances, as
aforesaid ; and tliat you shall and may likewise from time
to time, as you shall judge necessary, adjourn, prorogue,
or dissolve all General Assemblies as aforesaid.
And we do by these presents give and grant unto you,
the said James Murray, fail power and autliority, with the
advice and consent of our said Council, to erect, constitute,
and establish such and so many courts of judicature and
public justice within our said Province under your Go-
vermnent as you and they shall think fit and necessar)',
for the hearing and detennininsr of all causes, as well crimi-
nal as civil, according to law and equity, and for awarding
execution thereupon, with all reasonable and necessarj-
powers, autliorities, fees, and privileges belonging thereto ;
as also to appoint and comraissionate fit persons in the
several parts of your Government to administer the oaths
mentioned in the albresaid Act, intituled, " An Act for
" the further security of his Majesty's person and Go-
" vemment, and the succession of the Crown in the heirs
" of the late Princess iiophia, being Protestants, and for
" extinguishmg the hopes of the pretended Prince of
" Wales, and his open and secret abettors ;" as also to
tender and administer the aforesaid declaration to such
persons belonging to the said courts as shall be obliged to
take the same.
And we do hereby grant unto you fiill power and au-
thority to constitute and appoint Judges, and, in cases re-
quisite. Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, Justices of
the Peace, and other necessary officers and ministers, in
our said Province, for the belter administration of justice,
and puttini: the laws in execution ; and to administer, or
cause to be administered, unto them, such oath or oatlis as
are usually given for the due execution and performance of
offices and places, and for clearing the truth in judicial
causes.
And we do hereby give and grant unto you full power
and authority, when you shall see cause, or shall judge
any offender or offenders in criminal matters, or for anv
fines or foriieitures due unto us, fit objects of our mercy, to
pardon all such offenders, and remit all such offences, fines,
and forfeitures, treason and wilful murder only excepted ;
in whicli cases you shall likewise have power, upon extra-
ordinary' occasions, to grant reprieves to the offender until,
and to the intent that, our royal pleasure may be knowTi
therein.
And we do by these presents give and grant unto you full
power and authority to collate any person or persons to anv
ciiurches. chapels, or other ecclesiastical benefices within
our said Province, as often as any of them shall happen to
be void.
Fourth Series. 18
And we do hereby give and grant unto you, the said
James Murray, by yourself, or by your Captains and Com-
manders by you to be authorized, foil power and autlicffiiy
to lev\-. arm, muster, command, and employ all person^
whatsoever residing within our said Province ; and, as occa-
sion shall ser\-e, them to march, embark, or transport, fitMii
one place to another, for the resisting and withstanding of
all enemies, pirates, and rebels, both at land and sea ; and
to transport such forces to any of our Plantations in America.
if necessity shall require, for the defence of the same against
the invask)n or attempts of any of our enemies ; and such
enemies, pirates, and rebels, il' there should be occasion, to
pursue and prosecute in or o»it of the Umits of our said Pro-
vince : and, if it shall so please God, them to vanquish, ap-
prehend, and take ; and, being taken, according to law to
put to death, or keep and preserve alive, at your discretion ;
and to execute martial law in time of invasion, war, or other
times, when by law it may be executed ; and to do and
execute all and everv- otiier tiling and things which to our
Captain General and Grovernor-in-chief doth, or of right
ought to belong.
And we do hereby give and grant unto you fiill power
and authority, by and with the advice and consent of our
said Council, to erect, raise, and build in our said Province,
such and so many forts, platforms, castles, cities, boroughs,
towns, and fortifications, as you, by the advice aforesaid,
shall judge necessar}-, and the same, or any of them, to
fortifv- and fornish with ordinance, ammunition, and all sorts
of arms fit and necessary for the security and defence of our
said Province ; and by the advice aforesaid, the same again,
or any of them, to demolish or dismantle as may be most
convenient.
And forasmuch as divers mutinies and disorders may hap-
pen by persons shipped and employed at sea during the
lime of war, and to the end that such as shaU be shipped
and employed at sea during tlie time of war may be better
governed and ordered, we hereby give and grant unto you,
the said James Murray, foil power and authority to consti-
tute and appcMnt Captains, Lieutenants, Masters of Ships,
and other Commanders and Officers ; and to grant to such
Captains, Lieutenants, Masters of Ships, and other Com-
manders and Officers, commissions to execute the law mar-
tial, durins the time of war, according to tlie directions of
an Act passed in the twent}' -second year of tlie reign of our
late royal grandfather, intitided, " An Act for amending,
" explaining, and reducing into one act of Parliament, the
•' laws relating to tlie Government of his Majesty's ships,
" vessels, and forces, by sea ;" and to use such proceedings,
authorities, pmiisliments, corrections, and executions upon
ever)' offender or offenders, who shall be mutinous, sedi-
tious, disorderly, or any way unruly, either at sea, or during
the time of their abode or residence in any of the pans,
harbours, or bays in our said. Province, as the case shall be
found to require, according to martial law ; and the said
directions, during the time of war, as aforesaid.
Provided, that nothing herein contained shall be con-
strued to the enabling you, or any by your authority-, to
hold plea, or have any jurisdiction of any offence,' cause,
matter, or tiling committed or done upon the high sea, or
within any of the havens, rivers, or creeks of our said
Province under your GJovemment, by any Captain. Com-
mander, Lieutenant, Master, Officer, Seaman, Soldier, or
person whatsoever, who shall be in actual service and pay,
in or on board any of our ships of war, or other vessels
acting by immediate commission or warrant fiom our Com-
missioner for executing the office of High Admiral of Great
Britain, or fixjni our High Admiral of Great Britain, for
the time beins, mider the seal of our Admiralty ; but that
such Captain, Commander, Lieutenant, Master, Officer,
Seaman, Soldier, or otlier person, so offending, shall be
left to be proceeded against, and tried, as their offences
shall require, either by commission under our great seal of
this Kingdom, as the statute of the twenty-eightli of Henry
VHL directs ; or bv commission from our said Commis-
sioners for executing the office of High Admiral of Great
Britain, or from our High Admiral of Great Britain, for the
time beinsT, accordins; to the aforementioned Act, intituled,
'■ An Act for aniendins, explaining, and reducing into one
'• act of Parliament, the laws relating to the Government
" of his Majesty's ships, vessels, and forces, by sea;" and
not otherwise.
179
QUEBEC BILL.
180
Provided nevertheless, that all disorders and misdemea-
nors committed on shore by any Captain, Commander,
Lieutenant, Master, Oflicer, Seaman, Soldier, or other per-
son whatsoever, belonging to any of our ships of war, or
other vessels acting by immediate commission or warrant
from our Commissioners for executing the office of High
Admiral of Great Britain, or from our Higii Admiral of
Great Britain, for tiie lime behig, under the seal of our
Admiralty, may be tried and punished according to the
laws of the place, where any such disorders, offences, and
misdemeanors shall be committed on shore ; notwithstand-
ing such offender be in our actual service, and borne in
our pay on board any of our ships of war, or other ves-
sels acting by our innnediate commission, or warrant from
our Commissioners for executing the office of High Admi-
ral of Great Britain, or from our High Admiral of Great
Britain, for the time being, as aforesaid, so as he sliall not
receive any protection for the avoiding of justice for such
offences committed on shore from any pretence of his being
employed in our service at sea.
And our further will and pleasure is, that all public
moneys raised, or which shall be raised, by any act here-
after to be made vvitliin our said Province, be issued out
by warrant from you, by and with the advice and consent
of our Council, as aforesaid, for the support of the Govern-
ment, and not otherwise.
And we likewise give and grant unto you full power and
authority, by and witli the advice and consent of our said
Council, to settle and agree with the inhabitants of our said
Province, for such lands, tenements, and hereditaments, as
now are, or hereafter shall be in our power to dispose of,
and them to grant to any person or persons upon such
terms and under such moderate quit-rents, services, and
acknowledgments to be thereupon reserved unto us, as you,
with the advice aforesaid, shall tiiink fit ; which said grants
are to pass, and be sealed by our public seal of our said
Province, and being entered upon record by such officer
or officers as shall be aj)pointed thereunto, shall be good
and effectual in law against us, our lieirs, and successors.
Provided the same be conformable to the instructions
herewith delivered to you, or to such other instructions as
niay hereafter be sent to you under our signet and sign
manual, or by our order in our Privy Council ; which in-
structions, or any articles contained therein, or any such
order made in our Privy Council, so far as the same shall
relate to tiie granting of lands as aforesaid, shall from time
to time be published in the Province, and entered on re-
cord in like manner as the said grants are hereby directed
to be entered.
And we do hereby give you, the said James Murray,
full power and authoiity to order fairs, marts, and markets ;
and also such and so many ports, harbours, bays, havens,
and other places for the conveniency or security of ship-
ping, and for the better loading and unloading of goods and
merchandises, in such and so many places, as by you, with
the advice and consent of our said Council, shall be thought
fit and necessary.
And we do hereby require and command all officers and
ministers, civil and military, and all other inhabitants of our
said Province to be obedient, aiding, and assisting unto you,
the said James Murray, in the execution of this our com-
mission, and of tlie powei-s and authorities therein contain-
ed ; and in case of your death or absence from our said
Province and Government, to be obedient, aiding, and as-
sisting, as aforesaid, to the Commander-in-chief for the time
i)eing, to whom we do therefore by these presents give and
grant all and singular the powers and authorities herein
granted to be by him executed and enjoyed, during our
pleasure, or until your arrival witliin our said Province.
And in case of your deatii or absence from our said Pro-
vince, our will and pleasure is, that our Lieutenant Go-
vernor of Montreal or Trois Rivieres, according to the
priority of their commissions of Lieutenant Governor, do
execute our said commission with all the powers and au-
tliorities therein mentioned, as aforesaid. And in caSe of
the death or absence of our Lieutenant Governors of Mon-
treal and Trois liivieres from our said Province, and that
there shall be no person within our said Province ajipoint-
ed by us to be Lieutenant Governor or Commander-in-
chief of our said Province, our will and pleasure is, that
die eldest Counsellor, who shall be, at the time of vour
death or absence, residing within our said Province, shall
take upon him the administration of the Government, and
execute our said commission and instructions, and the sev-
eral powers and anthorities therein contained, in the same
manner and to all intents and purposes, as other our Go-
vernor or Commander-in-chief should or ought to do, in
case of your absence, or until your return, or in all cases
until our further ])leasure be known.
And we do hereby declare, ordain, and appoint, tliat
you, the said James Murray, shall and may hold, execute,
and enjoy the office and place of our Captain General and
Governor-ill-chief, in and over our said Province of Qtie-
bec, and all the territories dependant thereon, with all and
singular the powers and authorities hereby granted unto
you, for and during our will and pleasure.
In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to
be made patent.
Witness ourself at Westminster, the twenty-first day
of November, in the fourtii year of our reign.
By writ of Privy Seal.
(Signed) YORKE & YORKE.
The Order of the Day, for the second reading of the Bill,
being read,
Mr. T. Townshend said, the very deplorable situation of
the Canadians ever since the late peace, has been a matter,
I confess, which has repeatedly engaged my attention.
Without law, without regulation, or any protection what-
ever, I must own, I often pressed that they should be
put under some form of Government, or left to themselves,
to choose a mode of regulation suited to their immediate
wants ; but little did I think that my solicitude was press-
ing on to a measure of so extraordinary a nature as the
present; little did I think, that a country as large as half
Europe, and within the Dominions of the Crown of Great
Britain, was going to have the Romish religion establish-
ed in it, as the religion of the State.
Little did I think, that so many thousand men, entitled
and born to the rights of Englishmen, settling on the faith
of the King's proclamation, should, contrary to that assis-
tance, contrary to every idea of the constitution, be sub-
jected to French Papists, and French laws. Little did I
think, that when the noble Lord opposite me v\as frequent-
ly applied to, session after session, in this House, to restore
order and regulation, in a country where nothing for full
twelve years had prevailed but anarchy and confusion ;
and that his liOrdship assured us, that the Crown Officers
in that country, the Crown Officers over the way (Solicitor
and Attorney General,) the sages learned in the law, the
first great law officer under the Crown in the other House,
nay, even the Lord President of the Council, had been
consulted, and had turned their closest attention to this
subject ; little did I think, 1 say, that any measure like the
present could have been the united result of so many great,
wise, grave, and learned men. Standing as 1 do, and as-
tonished as I am, 1 call upon the noble Lord to answer
and tell to whicii of those sages does the nation, do the
Canadiam, stand indebted for this extraordinary act of le-
gislation. Is it to the Lord President, to the first law officer
in the other House ? Is it to tiie very able and learned
gentleman over tlie way ? or to his Majesty's law servants
in Canada 1 JJut let it have originated where it might, 1
rise not only to condemn the several clauses, but the very
principle of the Bill, and shall be therefore against its being
read a second time.
The Bill establishes a despotic Government in that
country, to whicli tlie Royal Proclamation of 1763 promis-
ed the protection of tlie la^vs of England. I call it despo-
tic ; for so in fact it is, as the Council of Seventeen or
Twenty-three is, with the Go\ernor, tlie legislative authori-
ty of the Province. This Council the Governor can ap-
point, suspend, and turn out, at his pleasure : there is no
(]uoruin appointed ; for what purpose omitted, no one can
tell. Now, Sir, tliis is rendering the Governor securely
absolute ; you had much better have made him literally so,
and then he would not have had a Council to screen him:
he is resjionsible in England, if he acts tyrannically ; but
by means of this convenient Legislative Council, he can do
any thing with impunity.
Well, Sir, not content with constituting this Legislative
Council, the mere creature of a Governor, who must ne-
181
QUEBEC BILL.
182
cessarily be the creature of a Minister, you go farther, and
throw under this absokite power a country never considered
as Canada, and peopled by British subjects alone ; for you
extend the Government to the Mississippi on the West,
to the Ohio on the South, to Hudson's Bay on the North,
and on the East, to God knows where ; for no mortal can
tell from the Bill where the Eastern boundaries are, so ex-
ceedingly indefinite and unintelligible is the Bill. I should
be glad to know for what purpose the Colony is thus ama-
zingly extended.
In the next place, Sir, the internal arrangement of the
Colony consists in leaving the inhabitants the civil law
of France. You take away tiie trial by Jury, in civil
mattere, and you cut off the habeas corpus from them.
Thus, in giving a Government to the Canadians, you de-
prive many British borri subjects, residing in countries
where they never dreamed of such innovations, of the
dearest birth-rights of Britains. And as by this Act all
commissions to the legal Magistrates are revoked, I sup-
pose the Province is to change her present excellent Chief
Justice for a new one to be appointed. It is for these
reasons, Sir, and for others, which I am clear will suggest
themselves to all the members of the House, that I shall
give my hearty negative to the Bill.
Lord North. Tlie honorable gentleman has put a string
of questions to me, which I am in no way able, nor, if I were,
should I look upon myself bound to answer. I know not
who drew the Bill up. I know not whether it was this great
Lawyer, or that noble Lord. All I know about the matter
is, that it is a Bill from the other House offered to us for
consideration, and on which the House is at liberty to form
that opinion best suited to its wisdom and judgment. I
know further, that very great and uncommon pains have
been taken to form a Bill least liable to inconvenience or
objection from any quarter. The honorable gentleman has
often pressed the King's servants on this subject, and now
owns that the affairs of that country call loudly for regula-
tion and redress ; yet the very first attempt that is made to
put them on a proper footing, he at once condemns in the
gross, and is willing to continue the evils he complains of,
rather than attempt their correction in the first instance.
For my part, all circumstances considered, I think the Bill
is tlie best that can at present be devised ; other gentlemen,
may think otherwise ; but at all events it seems to me
proper that it should be permitted to go to a Committee ;
and if it shall then appear to be the sense of tlie House,
that the Bill should pass in its present form, that it should
receive amendments, or that particular clauses should be
struck out, and others substituted in their stead ; or, in fine,
that it should be totally rejected ; in any or either of these
events, I shall be perfectly satisfied.
I wish to give the right honorable member all the satis-
faction in my power upon this measure. Respecting the
Government given to the Province, the right honorable
gentleman objects, I suppose, to an Assembly not being
appointed. The reason why a Council alone, appointed
by the Governor, was preferred, was the small number of
English settlers who must choose that Assembly, in order
for their acts to govern and bind all the French and
Roman Catholic subjects. This, Sir, was thought to be
very unequal, and even cruel, tohave an Assembly, chosen
by so small a body, govern so large a one ; and if the busi-
ness is considered maturely, it will, I believe, be found the
most conducive to the happiness of the People. Next,
Sir, as to the extent given to this Colony ; it takes in no
countries regularly jilanted by British settlers, but merely
distant military posts, at present without any Government
but that of tiie respective commanding officers. Now, the
question here is merely this, will you annex them under
the present Government ? Will you leave them without
any Government ? Or will you form separate Govern-
ments and Colonies of them ?
It was thought by the Lords, that the plan in which there
were the fewest inconveniences, was to throw the scattered
{)osts to the Government of (^mhcc. As to the civil law
of France being left to the Canadians, it was thought more
humane to them than to change it for a now law, of which
they must be entirely ignorant, as the trial by Jury, in
criminal matters is given them. The present officers in
the Province were not meant to be changed, most cer-
tainly.
Mr. Dunning. I cannot omit this opportunity of giving
my hearty protest against a Bill, which, in my conscience,
I think destnictive of every principle of freedom, and
abounding with mischief of a most serious tendency. Sir,
I shall beg leave to follow the noble I>ord in the reply he
has given to the honorable member who stated his objec-
tions to the Bill ; a reply which by no means answers those
objections ; on the contrary, they appear to me to remain
in full force. And in endeavouring to do this, 1 shall divide
what I have to observe into two considerations : first, the
consequences which will attend this Bill if it passes, in case
Canada siiould ever be restored to France, an idea which
by no means hurts me ; for if it should pass, I must own ]
would as soon see the one Sovereign reigning there as the
other ; I mean, it will be of little consequence to the
People, and they will be as free in one case as in the
other. My second consideration will be, if the Province
should remain to England.
Consider what it was for which you engaged in the
last war, encroachments of the French upon our Colon-
ies ; they passed down their rivers, they seized upon
large tracts, and built forts about this very country to
the southward of Canada, claiming it as a part of Canada.
You repelled force by force ; they offered to you to with-
draw from the South of the Ohio, and retire to the North,
making that river the boundary of the two Colonies. No,
you replied ; the river of St. Lawrence is the boundary of
Canada ; we will admit of no other ; the tracts which you
claim are parts of our Colonies of Virginia, Pennsylvania,
&;c., and we cannot grant away the certain and undoubted
rights of our subjects in such a manner. This refusal
brought on the war; and in case a future war should
happen, in which your arms do not succeed in the manner
they did in the last war, you may then find yourself treat-
ing upon the re-cession of Canada to France ; will not the
French demand the cession of Canada as you limit it by
Act of Parliament ? Will they not say, you have, by a
solemn act of your whole Legislature, proved to all the
world, that in the dispute of limits at the opening of the
war we were right, and you wrong ; you have chalked out
the very limits to it, which we insisted on ; and you have
confirmed them by an act of Parliament ; how therefore can
you, with any propriety, talk of restoring any thing less
than what we always claimed as Canada, and what you
have since solemnly adjudged to be Canada 1 And this, I
think, in a negotiation, may be attended with most serious
consequences.
Next Sir, supposing you preserve the possession of it,
let us consider the consequences that flow from this Act ;
you throw at once the whole People of that Colony into an
arbitrary power, for such is that of your Governor, as it has
been well stated ; and you not only do this to the Canadian
subjects, but, by giving to the new Province this monstrous
southern extent, you run it down upon the back of the
planted part of many of our Colonies, and take away, by
one stroke, the charter properties confirmed by act of Par-
liament of those Colonies, you violently seize their rights,
and the People who pass the mountains to settle on the
eastern side of them, will immediately find, that by going
to live in what they ever esteemed their direct property,
they find themselves gone from the freedom of the British
constitution, and meet with all the power of despotism.
This is not only a cruel, violent, and odious measure, but
it tears up justice, and all its principles, by the root. To
think that the inhabitants of those countries, settling in
them under the protection of this free Government, and as-
sured by law and Parliament that they settle under the
liberty of their old charter constitutions, finding themselves,
by crossing an imaginary line, deprived of the dearest
rights and privileges of English subjects, is a most tyran-
nical and inhuman conduct. It is sporting with property
in a manner that cannot be defended, and for attaining no
end whatever that deserves attention.
But there are much greater and more solid objections to
the present Bill, than can possibly arise from the limits
within wliich it is intended to operate. I am well warrant-
ed in affirming, and do without reserve affirm, that it is
a Bill the most pernicious in its frame, and destnictive of
the principles of the constitution in its tendency, that was
ever introduced into this House. What does it do ? It
appoints a Legislative Council, under the absolute controul
183
QUEBEC BILL.
184
and dominion of the Goveraor ; that Governor equally de-
pendant on those in power here ; that Council to he com-
posed of Papists and Frenchmen ; and this is the Govern-
ment and the mode of legislation which British subjects and
Englishmen are hound implicitly to obey. But what are
they to l)ave in return ? Oh ! The criminal law of
England is to be retained ; that is, when they grossly of-
fend against the laws of society, they are entitled to the
superior lenity of those criminal laws ; but when they do
not ofiend, but demean themselves peaceably, or are in the
fair and honest prosecution of their rights and properties,
both one and the other are to be determined on, not by the
fair and equitable laws of England, but by constitutions
they cannot be supposed, nor ever will be able to under-
stand. Suppose those laws were as intelligible as they
are otherwise, would it not add to the misery of an En-
glishman, that he perfectly understood the full meaning and
extent of a lettre de cachet ? Is not this part of the con-
stitutions of Paris, on which the laws of Canada are
framed ? It may be objected, that being within the
criminal jurisdiction, no such thing can possibly happen ;
but I contend for the contrary, as letters of this kind are
issued upon a thousand occasions, in which no crimes are
imputed to the person arrested and confined ; motives of
prudence, motives ofconvenicnce, of family regulation, he,
frequently give birth to steps of this nature. On the whole,
if any thing were wanting to give me the worst opinion of
this Bill, the trial by Jury in civil cases, and the habeas
corpus law being omitted, would be motive strong enough
with me to give it my strongest negative.
Mr. Attorney General Thurlow. Respecting the ill
consequences that may flow from enlarging the Province
of Quebec, in case of being forced by a future war to
restore it, I cannot see that in the same light as my learned
friend ; because I think that the limits and importance of
cessions are never dependant upon such arrangements as
these, but upon the length of the sword ; it is success in
war that gives success in peace, and by no means the
imaginary lines drawn by a State in its Colonies ; nor have
the limits now drawn any thing to do with old Canada ;
they take in countries never claimed by France ; it is a
new scheme, and by no means the restoration of those old
limits the French once contended for.
With regard to the supposed cruelty of not giving the
Canadians the same laws in every instance as we enjoy in
England, 1 am so far from being of the same opinion,
that I think you could not act more cruelly to that People,
than to change at once their law of property, and give them
our trial by Jury, which is necessarily giving our law of
actions. I am clear it would so completely confound them,
as to be more tyrannical than can be easily imagined.
They would not understand the rule of their own actions ;
they would not know on what principles they stood possess-
ed of their own property. In a word, you would give
them the greatest curse, under the notions of a blessing.
There is not a circumstance dearer to a man, nor one which
he ought to be more jealous of, than to be tried in all points
by laws to which he has been used, and whose principles
are known to him.
He condemned in very harsh terms the advisers of the
proclamation, and the imperfect, improper manner in which
it was drawn up. He denied however, that it contained
any such assurance as that contended for by the gentlemen
on the other side. He said, that no such encouragement
should have been given ; that it was impolitic to hold out
any benefits to the natural horn subjects of this country to
emigrate thither from lience, or to go from the other Colo-
nies ; that to form settlements in North America, far dis-
tant from the sea, or from the neigjibourhood of the great
navigable rivers, was extremely improper ; that as to the
establishment of the French laws, relative to property,
being not so proper as those of England, he was astonished
to hear any gentleman object to them, as it would be in tlie
last degree cruel and unjust to force the laws of the con-
querors on the conquered ; that the uniform custom of all
;;reat and conquering nations had been against it; and, that
therefore taking tiie present Bill as applying to French or
English, it was perfectly right the former should receive
every possible encouragement to become good subjects, and
the latter meet witli every possible obstruction from settling
in that Province.
Colonel Bar re said, that the Bill was every way com-
plete ; that its clauses perfectly corresponded with its princi-
ple ; and that taking them unitedly, diey were the most
flagrant attack on the constitution that had hitherto been
attempted. He next stated the probable number of
English settlers and inhabitants ; the situation of the Pro-
vince at the time of the conquest ; explained the terms ol'
the Definitive Treaty of Peace ; the King's Proclamation
in October, 17G3 ; and demonsliated how repugnant they
W'Cre to the design and provisions of the present Bill. He
entered pretty I'ully into several points before spoke to,
particularly relative to ihe French laws; and finished with
observing — I cannot agree that there is any thing in the
laws of England, in the trial by Jury, ami the habeas
corpus, that the Canadians would not very easily under-
stand ; and it is preposterous to suppose, that tlie superiori-
ty of good and just law, and freedom, should not be telt by
People, because they had been used to arbitrary power.
But why is the religion of France, as well as the law of
France, to become the religion of all those People not
Canadians, that pass out of one Colony into another? By
this Act you establish the Roman Catholic religion where
it never was established before, and you only permit the
practice of your own ; you do not so much as let them go
hand in hand. For what purj)ose is the Illinois and the
Ohio to be Roman Catholics? Why is that to be made
the established religion of that vast country, in which are
very many English settlers ?
Lord John Cavendish objected to many of the principles
laid down by Mr. Attorney. He said he did not contend
for the total introduction of the English laws, particularly
on a sudden, but that by blending them with their own,
they might gradually conciliate the Canadians to them, and
in the end be able to conquer all their present prejudices,
so as to lead to the final establishment of tlie laws of this
country. He added, that whatever compromise of this
kind might be entered into on the present occasion, he
could perceive no possible good reason for withholding
from them the extension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and die
trial by Jury.
Mr. Sergeant Glynn controverted most of the positions
laid down by the Attorney General, particularly relative to
the true construction of the Definitive Treaty, his Majesty's
Proclamation, and the propriety of allowing the conquered
to retain their own laws. He observed, that whatever
contrary opinion might be maintained, it was his, that all
conquests, as soon as made, vested in the King, Lords, and
Commons ; but that, until the two latter interfered, the
King, as actual representative of the whole, was justified in
making such regulations as he might think proper, so that
they were not actually repugnant to the laws or constitution.
The latter not being the case of the Proclamation, he
thought the nation in every respect bound to fulfil every
thing promised by that solemn' engagement. He instanced
likewise the cases of Wales and Ireland, as conquered
countries, where our laws had been established ; and en-
larged, in a very able manner on the many imjjortant and
salutary effects that had arisen from our extending them to
those countries.
Mr. Solicitor General denied the fact as stated by the
learned Sergeant ; insisted, that it was not till the reign of
Henry the Eighth, that they were introduced into Wales, nor
until that of James the First, that they obtained in Ireland.
He said, that among all the great or powerful nations we
had an account of, the Romans and English were the only
two who forced their laws on the conquered ; that it was a
most cruel and barbarous policy, and that the English laws,
how much soever we might prize them, would be die
greatest curse imaginable to the Canadians.
Mr. Charles Fox objected to the Bill, as being contrary
to the established usage of Parliament. He said a pro-
vision was made in it for securing the tythes to the Romish
clergy ; that this was raising money on the subject, and
that consequently its originating in the odier House, was
not only irregular and inliirmal, hut directly repugnant to
the custom and law of Parliament.
Mr. Dempster said, the inqiropriety of the Bill stnick
him, for it certainly was a Bill cither to take away or im-
pose a tax, and therefore should have orij^inated in the
Commons, but he should be glad of die Speaker's opin-
185
QUEBEC BILL.
I8i
Mr. Sawbridge rose, saying, he found the Speaker was
unwilling to rise, but that he should not ask his opinion as
a favour, but as a part of his duty, and, if the honorable
gentleman (Mr. Dempster) was willinj;, he would make it
a question, whether the Speaker should give his opinion or
not?
The Speaker rose, seemingly very angry, and said, he
was not used to be called on in that manner, and that he
did not think it his business to give any opinion on the
affair.
A strong debate ensued, in which Mr. Charles jPoa;, Mr.
Dempster, Mr. T. Townshend, Mr. Dunning, Sergeant
Glynn, and Sir George Savile, strongly contended that
the Bill was, to all intents and purposes, either a Bill to
impose a tax, or to repeal a part of a tax, and therefore it
was against a standing order, concerning the privileges of
all money bills, originating in that House. Lord North, and
the Attorney and Solicitor Generals, defended the Bill.
The question was then put. That the Bill be now read
a second time ;
The House divided : Yeas, 105 ; Nays, 29.
So it was resolved in the Affirmative : and the Bill was
accordingly read a second time.
Resolved, That the Bill be committed to a Committee
of the whole House.
Resolved, That the House will, upon Tuesday morning
next, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House,
upon the said Bill.
Tuesday, May 31, 1774.
Mr. Baker presented a Petition of Thomas Penn,
Esquire, on behalf of himself, and of John Penn, Esquire,
true and absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Penn-
sylvania, and the three lower Counties of New Castle,
Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, in America, setting forth,
that his late Majesty King Charles the Second, by letters
patent under the great seal, bearing date the fourth day of
March, in the three and thirtieth year of his reign, was
graciously pleased to grant unto William Penn, Esq., (late
fiither of the Petitioner, Thomas Penn, and grandfather of
the Petitioner, John Penn,) in fee, the said Province of
Pennsylvania ; the extent and bounds whereof were expres-
sed in the said letters patent ; and taking notice of the Bill
for making more effectual provision for the Government of
tiie Province of Qiiebec, in North America; and alleging
that, from the best observations which have been made,"and
the most correct maps which have been laid down of those
parts, and from other evidence, it appears, that the river
Ohio, intersects a very large tract of the Northwestern,
Western, and Southwestern parts of the said Province,
as granted by the said letters patent, the limits or bounda-
ries whereof, in that part, have not, as yet, been allowed
and confirmed by the Crown ; and that, in order to have
the limits and boundaries of the said Province ascertained,
the Petitioners did, on the 27th day of March, 1773,
present a petition to his Majesty, in Council, praying that
his Majesty would be graciously pleased to appoint such
disinterested pereons in those parts, as his Majesty should
think proper, to join with such persons as should be named
by the Petitioners, to mark out and ascertain the Northern,
Western, and Southwestern boundaries of the said Pro-
vince ; which petition has been referred, by his Majesty,
to the consideration of the Lords Commissioners for Trade
and 'Plantations, and is now under consideration of that
Board ; and that the Petitioners conceive that the said
Bill will be injurious to them, if it should pass into a law,
without containing some provision, that the same may not
affect the Petitioners rights under the said letters patent :
and therefore praying, that the description of tlie Territo-
ries, Islands, and Coinitries, to be annexed to the said
Province of (Quebec, may be so confined, as not to affect
tlie Petitioners said Province ; or that a provision mav
be made in the said Bill, that the same shall not affect
ilie Petitioners Province, granted to them by the said let-
ters patent : and that the Petitioners may be at liberty to be
lieard, by their Counsel, upon the matter of their Petition.
Upon the Petition being read, Lord North rose and
said, that he should not think of opposing it, as it was
never the intention of tlie Bill to affect tlie just rights of
any proprietors, or of any of the Colonies.
Ordered, That the said Petition do lie upon the table,
until the Report be received from the Cominittce of the
whole House, to whom die said Bill is committed ; and
that the Petitioners be then heard, by their Counsel, upon
their petition, if they think fit.
Mr. Mackworth. The Petition which I have in my
hand, is from the merchants of London, trading to Quebec,
who finding that a Bill is about to pass this House, which
they apprehend will essentially injure them in their com-
mercial transactions with that Colony, rely on the justice
and the candour of this House to take their case into
consideration. As to the merit. Sir, of the Bill, which is
now coming before us, I must make this general observa-
tion, that a Bill which has confessedly taken nine years
for Administration to consider of effectual means to remedy
the evils complained of; such a Bill, Sir, surely will
demand more time than a few days for the members of
this House, to judge in what manner to give their vote.
Information is what we want. I know not what opinion I
am to form upon the necessity which can call for such a
Bill, and for want of that information which ought now to
be before the House. I cannot but condemn most sin-
cerely several arrangements in the Bill, which seem de-
structive of that liberty which ought to be the ground-work
of every constitution formed by this House ; but I cannot
judge what are the causes which call for such measures,
while I remain so uninformed as at present. There were
reports from the Board of Trade, to the King in Conucil,
upon the state of the Province ; there were representa-
tions from men in the highest offices in the Provinces, upon
the proposed constitution to be given to it ; there were
opinions in writing from the Attorney and Solicitor Gene-
ral, upon the plans proposed ; these papers would, if laid
before us, give that information which we want, and with-
out which it will be impossible for us to give any other
than blind votes, which will, fi-om every thing that we can
at present see in the Bill, establish a most fatal system of
Government in that country.
Mr. Mackivorth then presented a Petition of the seve-
ral merchants of the City of London, trading to the Pro-
vince of Quebec, in North America, whose respective
names are thereunto written, setting forth, that there is a
clause in the said Bill, by which his Majesty's Royal Pro-
clamation, and the grants and commissions issued in conse-
quence thereof, will be revoked and made void ; and that
by anotlier clause in the said Bill, all matters of contro-
versy, relative to the property and civil rights of any of his
Majesty's subjects of the said Province, are to be decided
by the laws of Canada, and by the Judges presiding in the
courts of judicature of that Province, without the inter-
position of a Jury ; and representing to the House, that the
system of government and administration of justice in the
said Province of Quebec, which have taken place in con-
sequence of his Majesty's said Royal Proclamation, have
been hitherto, as nearly as might be, according to the laws
of England, and such government and administration of
justice have been perfectly satisfactory to his Majesty's sub-
jects residing in the said Province of Canada ; and the Pe-
titioners conceive it will be highly injurious to his Majesty's
said subjects trading to the said Province, to have the laws of
Canada substituted in the place of the laws of England,
and to have the trial by Jury abolished : and therefore
praying (in behalf of themselves and others interested in
the prosperity of the said Province) that the said Bill may
not pass into a law, with the above-mentioned clauses
remaining in it ; and that they may be heard, by their
Counsel, against the same.
Ordered, That the said Petition be referred to the
consideration of the Committee of the whole House, to
whom the said Bill is committed ; and that the Petitioners
be heard, by themselves or Counsel, before the said Com-
mittee, upon their petition, if they think fit.
A motion was made, by Mr. Mackworth, that an
humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he will
be graciously pleased to give directions, that there be laid
before this House :
Copy of a Report made by Major General Carleton,
Governor of the Province of Quebec, to his Majesty, rela-
tive to die state of the Province.
Copy of a Report made by William Hey, Esquire,
Chief Justice of the said Province.
187
QUEBEC BILL.
188
Copy of a Report made by Francis Maseres, Esquire,
late Attorney General of the said Province ; and
Copies of the Reports of liis Majesty's Advocate Gen-
eral, Attorney General, and Solicitor General, relating to
the said Province.
Lord North. I sliall oppose the calling for those pa-
pers ; they will take some time in copying ; there have
been several reports from the Board of Trade, vvliich are
long, and if we wait for addressing the Crown to lay them
before us, the season will be delayed too late, and for no
purpose, as we may have the same information at our bar.
The Governor of the Province I see at the bottom of the
House, who may be ordered to attend when you go into
the Committee ; Mr. Hey, who is Ciiief Justice, is near
Canterbury, and may be ordered up ; and Mr. Maseres,
who was Attorney General of that Province, is also in
Ltondon ; as to the Attorney and Solicitor General, we
iiave them amongst us ; therefore I do not see but we may
have just as good information in this manner, and much
more expeditiously, than by addressing for the papers.
Mr. T. Townshend. As this is not the proper time for
going into the principle of the Bill, I shall confine myself
to the absurdity, to say no more of it, of bringing in a
Bill of such magnitude and importance so late in the
session, without previously laying upon the table the
necessary information ; at present we have none ; and if
the noble Lord means that we should know the subject
upon which we are to debate, he certainly will not object
to giving us that information, without which we cannot
proceed with propriety. Let us, in the name of common
sense, see what are the complaints of the Canadians
against their present Government, what are their distress-
es ; what their desires ; and let us see the opinions of
the great law officei-s which have been given upon this
point.
Colonel Barre. I think there will be very little dif-
ficulty in shewing, that the proposition now made by the
noble Lord will be very far from answering the purpose of
those who wish for full information on this subject. The
papers we now call for would give us that information ;
those papers are drawn up coolly, attentively, and upon
long and mature consideration ; and they have been drawn
up at leisure by men of great character and abilities.
Now, Sir, the noble Lord will not, he cannot assert, with
any appearance of justice, that calling those men to your
bar, to be questioned in the desultory manner common
upon those occasions, and in the midst of the contention
between those who patronise the Bill, and others who
condemn it — 'will he tell us that this is such information as
we should receive from the papers referred to? It is
impossible. As to the two great law officers who are
present, I admit that their standing in their places, and
reciting the opinions they gave would be satisfactory ; but
then tliey ought simply to inform us what those opinions
were, and not to enter into the debate on the merit of the
Bill at the same time, or, by a side wind, to warp infor-
mation concerning a past fact into an opinion of a debate
in question. That satisfaction should be made the House
on these points nobody can doubt ; for to tell us that we
cannot have information for want of time to copy papers,
is to tell us plainly that we are to proceed in the dark ; it
ii and will be a deed of despotism, and therefore may well
be linked with darkness. I wish it to be the deed of a
single hand ; it is a projjer exertion of arbitrary power, in
which the less concern Parliament has, tiie better. Intel-
ligence must be kept from us because it will not bear the
light; if it was openly and fairly laid before you, it would
condemn in the strongest and clearest manner the princi-
ples and the provisions of this Bill, all of which it would
be found are equally unnecessary and pernicious.
Mr. Attorney General. My opinion, and that of my
learned colleague, were in writing, and lodged among our
State papers ; nor have we any right to read them in our
jilaces as servants of the Crown. l\o person, without his
Majesty's consent, has a right to them.
Mr. Edmund Burke. I am very sorry to find from
the turn which the debate takes on the other side of the
House that we are to have no satisfaction relative to the
information which every man of common sense must think
necessary on this occasion : this is a fresh reason for
condemning the Bill, since if Administration thought their
conduct in this Bill would bear the light, they would
give you light to view it in, and rejoice in the opportunity
of giving such a proof of their abilities and moderation.
For what purpose is it that you would precipitate this
affair ? You have been nine years considering, weighing
maturely, and reflecting perpetually upon what Govern-
ment should be given to this Province : what harm can
arise from a delay of a single year? What prodigious
mischief is to result from the Government of the Province
continuing one year more in the present situation ?
And the question being put, the House divided : Yeas,
45 ; Nays, 85.
So it passed in the Negative.
Resolved, That an humble Address be presented to his
Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give direc-
tions that there be laid before this House :
The last Report from the Lords Commissioners of Trade
and Plantations, to his Majesty, in Council, relative to the
Constitution of the Province of Quebec; and
The Reports from the Lords Commissioners of Trade
and Plantations, to his Majesty, in Council, dated the 11th
of January, and 3d of September, 1765, relating to the
said Province.
Ordered, That Francis Maseres, Esquire, late Attorney
General of the Province of Quebec, do this day attend the
Committee of the whole House, to whom the engrossed
Bill from the I^ords, intituled, " An Act for making more
" effectual provision for the Government of the Province
" of Quebec, in North America," is committed.
Ordered, That Major General Carleton, Governor of
the said Province, do attend the said Committee, at the
same time.
Ordered, That William, Hey, Esquire, Chief Justice of
the said Province, do attend this House upon Thursday
morning next.
Ordered, That Doctor James Marriott, his Majesty's
Advocate General, do attend this House upon Thursday
morning next.
The Order of the Day being read ;
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole
House, upon the Bill.
Mr. Mansfield, counsel for the Merchants of London,
petitioners against the Bill, was called in, who, after a long
speech, setting forth the dangerous tendency of the Bill,
desired leave to call in Edward Watts.
He being accordingly called in, was asked a number
of questions by Lord Barrington, Lord North, Lord
Clare, Lord Carmarthen, Colonel Barre, Capt. Fhipps,
Mr. W. Burke, Mr. Mackworth, Gov. Johnstone, Mr.
Hopkins, Sic. as to the French and English laws in Can-
ada, and to which the inhabitants gave the preference.
After he withdrew, Mr. Samml Morin was called in.
They both spoke in favour of the English laws being
exercised in Canada, and mentioned that the English resi-
dents there highly approved of the trial by Jury, and seem-
ed to think that an annihilation of that right would greatly
hurt the Colony. The former of the witnesses had been
nine years resident in Canada, the latter eleven.
The Committee then rose, reported progress, and asked
leave to sit again.
Resolved, That this House will, upon Thursday morn-
ing next, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole
House, to consider further of the said Bill.
Ordered, That the several persons, who were ordered
to attend the said Committee this day, do attend the said
Committee upon Thursday morning next.
Wednesday, June 1, 1774.
The Lord North presented to the House, pursuant to
their Addresses to his Majesty :
Copy of a Representation of the Lords Commissioners
for Trade and Plantations, to tlie Lords of the Committee
of Council for Plantation Affairs, dated Whitehall, 2d
September, 1765.
Copy of a Representation of the Lords Commissioners
for Trade and Plantations, to the Lords of the Committee
of Council for Plantation Affairs, dated Whitehall, July
10th, 1769.
189
QUEBEC BILL.
190
Copy of a Representation of the Board of Trade, to the
King, dated January 9th, 1765, on affairs of tlie Province
of Quebec.
Tlie Lord North also presented to the House, by his
Majesty's command :
Copy of a Memorial of the new subjects of Qitebec, to
his Majesty.
Copy of a Memorial of Canadian subjects, to the King.
Copy of a Memorial of the citizens and Burgesses of
Montreal, to the King.
Copy of a Memorial of the principal citizens of Quebec.
Memorial of the principal French inhabitants of Cana-
da, in support of their Petition to the King.
And the titles of the said Papers were read :
Ordered, that the said Papers be referred to the consi-
deration of the Committee of the whole House, on the
Bill.
Thursday, June 2, 1774.
The Lord North presented to the House, by his Majes-
ty's command :
A paper intituled, " Petition from the new Inhabitants
" of Quebec, to his Majesty."
Ordered, That the said Paper be referred to the consi-
deration of the Committee of the whole House, on the
Bill.
The Order of the Day being read, the House resolved
itself into a Committee of Whole, upon the Bill.
General Carleton was called in and examined.
Mr. Mackworth. What was the proceedings and course
of justice in Canada, when you first went there ?
General Carleton. There is a Court of King's Bench
and Court of Common Pleas, in which the proceedings are
in the English form.
Mr. Macktvorth. Did the Canadians express a dislike
to the distribution of justice in that form ?
General Carleton. In some things they did, in others
they did not. I never heard them express a disapproba-
tion of the criminal law of England; but in relation to
the law in civil trials, they have disapproved it greatly.
Mr. Mackworth. Did they disapprove the trial by Jury ?
General Carleton. Very much ; they have often said
to me, that they thought it very extraordinary that En-
glish gentlemen should think their property safer in the
determination of tailors, shoe-makers, mixed with people
in trade, than in that of the judges.
Mr. T. Townshend. But if they had juries such as
they approved of, would they then object to the English
civil law ?
General Carleton. Their objections to that law are
very numerous ; they do not know what it is ; and they
expressed great apprehensions at being governed by a law
of which they were ignorant : they also complained of
the proceedings of tlie Courts being in a language they did
not understand.
Lord North. Did the General hear them complain of
the want of the trial by Jury in civil causes ?
General Carleton. Never. Though I have heard the
same men praise the English law in points wherein it
favoured their own causes, who at other times were much
against it.
Lord North. Did they express wishes of having an
Assembly ?
General Carleton. Very much the contrary. In the
conversation I have had with them, they have all said
that when they found what disputes the other Colonies
had with the Crown, upon account of Assemblies, they
would much rather be without them ; and when they
supposed tliat an Assembly, if they had one, would be
chosen from tiie old British subjects only, expressed an
horror at the idea of one.
Lord North. Does the General know the proportion
of old subjects to those of new ones in Canada 1
General Carleton. Tlie Protestants in Canada are un-
der four hundred; about three hundred and sixty; but
the French inhabitants, who are all Catholics, amount to
one hundred and fifty thousand.
Lord North.
of substance ?
Are those three hundred and sixty, men
General Carleton. Much the greatest part of them
are not. There are some that have purchased seignories,
some in trade, and some reduced soldiers : but the majority
are men of small substance.
Mr. Jenkinson. Is there much intercourse or commu-
nication between those three hundred and sixty and the
rest of the Province ?
General Carleton. Very little.
Lord North. Are those People, upon the whole,
proper and eligible for an Assembly to be chosen from
them ?
General Carleton. I should apprehend by no means.
Mr. Phipps. What is the extent of the cultivated and
populous part of Canada 1
General Carleton. About three hundred miles.
Mr. Phipps. Are there any populous settlements de-
tached from that line, at a distance ?
General Carleton. None of consequence.
Mr. Phipps. Is the cultivation of the lands and the
trade of the Province much increased since the conquest ?
General Carleton. Very much.
Lord North. Does General Carleton attribute that
increase to the introducing of the trial by Jury, and the
English law?
General Carleton. By no means.
Mr. T. Townshend. To what then does the General
attribute it ?
General Carleton. To the change from a state of war
to one of peace ; the Government was before extremely
military ; and military expeditions ever going on to a dis-
tance, great numbers of men lost, population hurt, and the
People taken from the culture of the earth for those
purposes. This change (for they have now enjoyed above
ten years peace, with none of the inhabitants taken for the
military) has wrought the increase of People.
Mr. Turner. Has not the increase of trade and wealth
been much owing to the free export of corn ?
General Carleton. I take it to be owing to the increase
of People.
Mr. Turner. Was not the increase of cultivation owing
to the export ?
General Carleton. The cultivation I attribute to the
increase of People. There must be the People before
there could be the cultivation.
Lord North. Does the General know any thing of a
Monsieur Le Brun ?
General Carleton. I know him very well. He was a
blackguard at Paris, and sent as a lawyer to Canada :
there he gained an extreme bad character in many re-
spects ; he was taken up and imprisoned for a very filthy
crime with children of eight or nine years old ; for tliis he
was fined, I think, twenty pounds, but being unable to
pay it
Mr. T. Townshend. 1 desire the General may with-
draw. [He withdrew.] Sir, I know not what use is to
be made of this part of the evidence ; but sure I am, it is
a most unprecedented thing, and such an one, as an inde-
pendent member of Parliament, I cannot see and hear
without interrupting it ; — you are criminating a man un-
heard— not before you — and with whom you seem to have
nothing to do.
Ijord North. This Monsieur Le Brun has come over
from Canada to make representations that it is the gen-
eral opinion, desire, and wish of the Canadians, to have an
Assembly : I thought it right to know how likely he was
to know the opinion of that country ; and what degree of
dependance could be placed in his testimony — but I shall
ask no more questions concerning him.
[The General called in again.]
Mr. Phipps. Were there any other objections to the
English law than what the General has mentioned i
General Carleton. I recollect an instance against the
criminal law. Some Canadian and English gentlemen
were ajipreliended for a crime, and laid in goal ; — the
whole Province supposed them innocent, and the Jury
found them so ; the nobility complained, that by our law
they were punished by a severe imprisonment, which, in
the French law, they would have escaped. This made a
great impression upon them, and prejudiced them very
much against even our criminal law.
191
QUEBEC BILL.
192
Mr. Maseres called in and examined.
Mr. Soltritor General. What form of Government
have the Canadians expressed themselves most desirous
of?
Mr. Maseres, They have no clear notions of Goveni-
ment, having never been used to any such speculations.
They will be content with any you give them, provided it
be well administered.
Mr. Mackworth. Have they expressed any dissatisfac-
tion at the trial by Jury in criminal matters ?
Mr. Maseres. They like it very well.
Mr. T. Toivnshend. Do you know that they have any
objection to the same trial in civil cases ?
Mr. Maseres. Certainly they have ; but they ])rinci-
pally consist in the expense and trouble of that attendance.
Were they allowed a compensation, I should apprehend
they would be well satisfied in all cases ; and I think so
small a sum as five shillings a man would do for that
purpose.
Mr. Solicitor General. Does Mr. Maseres think that
they would be pleased with the abolition of their old cus-
toms by the introduction of our civil law ?
Mr. Maseres. A total abolition of their customs rela-
tive to descents, dower, and the transfer of land, would
be highly offensive to them. In other matters I beheve
they would be very well satisfied with the English
laws.
Mr. Mackworth. Would they have any objection to
the law^ of habeas corpus ?
Mr. Maseres. It is impossible that any People should
object to that law.
Mr. T. Townshend. Did not the Canadians think
themselves promised, by tlie Proclamation, the benefit of
an Assembly, and do they not now desire to have it ?
> Mr. Maseres. As to an Assembly, they have a very
confused idea of what it is ; the generality of the People
have no desire to have it, for they know not what it is ;
but there are a few among them who have considered the
matter, and they would prefer an Assembly.
Mr. Mackworth. Does Mr. Maseres think that the
pro\nsions of this Bill for the Government of Canada are
the freest that could with propriety be granted ?
Mr. Maseres. Certainly not ; I have sufficiently ex-
plained to the world how I think there might have been a
judicious mixture of a law for the free Government of that
Province.
Mr. Dunning. Is Mr. Maseres acquainted with the
laws of Canada 1
Mr. Maseres. I iiave some slight knowledge of them.
Mr. Dunning. As by this Bill resort is to be had to
the laws of Canada, and not the laws of England, in all
matters of jjroperty and civil rights, I would ask Mr.
Maseres, whether the Governor of the Province will not
have a right by the laws of Canada, if this Bill should
))ass, to issue a lettre de cachet to imprison any of the
King's subjects in the Province ?
Mr. Maseres. I believe he would not have a riu-ht to
imprison persons by Icttres de cachet signed by himself;
because I have always heard that no Icttres de cachet are
ever used for that purpose in France, or the French Do-
minions, but such as are signed by the French Kin;'
himself. But I have also been told, that blank Icttres dc
racket, ready signed by the King, are sometimes given to
Governors .and Intendunts of Provuices, to be used by
them as occasion shall require.
Mr. Dunning. I desire then to Ivuow, whether if lettres
dc cachet, signed by the King, were to be delivered to the
Governor of Canada, after this Bill shall be passed into a
law, these Icttres dc cachet might not, in Mr. Maseres'
opinion, be lawfully made use of by the Governor, to
imprison the King's subjects in that Province ?
Mr. Maseres. [After some pause.] I think tliev
might.
Mr. Solicitor General. I desire to know of Mr.
Maseres, upon what principle of the French law he sup-
lioses the authority of issuing lettres de cachet to be found-
ed ?
I\Ir. Maseres. I do not know. It seems probable,
that it was at first an usurped authority. But it is now
constantly practised, and acquiesced in throughout the
French Dominions, and is therefore now understood to be
the legal prerogative of the Crown of France, whatever
might be its origin.
Mr. Solicitor General. Mr. Maseres does not rightly
apprehend my question. I will explain myself. I want
to know in what capacity the French King is supposed,
by writers upon the French laws and Government, to act,
when he issues a lettre de cachet 7
Mr. Maseres. I do not yet thoroughly comprehend
the question.
Mr. Solicitor General. I mean to ask whether Mr.
Maseres does not understand the King of France to act in
his legislative capacity, when he issues one of those letters ?
Mr. Maseres. I have never yet considered the rela-
tion between a lettre de cachet and the legislative authority.
It may perhaps be on that authority that the right of issu-
ing those letter is grounded, or said to be grounded.
I cannot say to the contrary. Yet there seems, at first
sight, to be a considerable diflierence between a law and a
lettre de cachet ; since a law is generally understood to be
a previous declaration of the will of the lawgiver, or lawgi-
vei-s, whetlier one or many, upon a particular subject, witli
penalties annexed to the breach of it, when so previously
declared ; wliereas a lettre de cachet is a sudden exercise
of power without such a previous declaration of the will of
the legislator.
Mr. Solicitor General. Though Mr. Maseres has not
considered it in that light, yet it is certain, that the French
King's power of issuing lettres de cachet is generally un-
dei-stood by the writers on the French laws and Govern-
ment to be a part of his legislative authority, by which he
provides for the sudden emergencies that occur in Govern-
ment, as he does by the more formal kind of laws for the
usual business of the State. And, consequently, as the
King of Great Britain has not in himself alone the legis-
lative authority over this Kingdom, and the other dominions
of the Crown, but this authority belongs to the King and
tiie two Houses of Parliament conjointly, this power of
issuing lettres de cachet, in the Province of (Quebec, which
'had formerly belonged to the French King, by reason of
his being the sole legislator of that country, cannot, by
this revival of the laws of Canada, accrue to the King of
Great Britain, who is not the sole legislator of it, but only
to the King and the two Houses of Parliament, who are
so. I dare say Mr. Maseres must now see this matter in
the same light that I do, and be convinced, that no lettres
de cachet can legally be used in Canada, by virtue of
this Act.
Mr. Maseres. This reasoning may perhaps be just. It
is so new to me that I cannot undertake just at present to
form a judgment of it. But though it should be just, and,
in consequence of it, the use of lettres de cachet should
not be legal, yet I cannot help thinking that, if they were
used, the subjects against whom they were em|)loyed
would be without any legal remedy against them ; for if a
motion was made on the behalf of a pei-son imprisoned by
one of them in the Court of King's Bench in the Province,
for a writ of habeas corpus, or any other relief against such
imprisonment, the Judges would probably think themselves
bound to declare that, as this was a question concern-
ing personal liberty, which is a civil right, and in all
matters of property and civil rights they are directed, by
this Act of Parliament, to have resort to the laws of
Canada, and not to the laws of England, they could not
award the writ of habeas corpiis, or any other remedy
prescribed by the English law, but could only use such
methods for the relief of the prisoner as were used by the
French Courts of Justice in the Province during the time
of the French Government, for the relief of a person
imprisoned by the Intendant or Governor, by a letti'c de
cachet, signed by the King of France. And such relief
would, I imagine, be found to be none at all. Tlierefore,
if it is intended that the King's subjects in Canada should
have the benefit of the Habeas Corpus Act, I apprehend
it would be most advisable, in order to remove all doubts
and difficulties upon the subject, to insert a short clause for
that purpose in this Act.
Lord North. I desire to know of Mr. Maseres, whe-
ther he does not think it would be criminal in a Governor
to make use of any such lettres de cachet, and in a Ministei'
of State to advise the King to sign them ; and whether they
would not be punishable here in England for doing so ?
Its
QUEBEC BILL.
194
Mr. Maseres. If the lettres dt cachet should not be in
themselves illegal, I do not see how the Governor could
be punished in the courts of law for making use of them,
nor the Ministers of State for advising the King to sign
them. The use of legal powers is in general no crime.
Indeed if legal powers are employed to bad purposes, there
is one method of proceeding against the persons concerned
in such abuse of them, and but one, and that is by
impeachment by this House, before tiie House of Lords.
But tliis is an operose way of proceeding, and out of tlie
common course of things. So that if the issuing lettres de
cachet should not be absolutely illegal when this Bill shall
be passed into an Act (and 1 am still inclined to think they
will not be so,) the poor objects of them may linger a
long time in prison, indeed one may say indefinitely, with-
out any legal method of redress ; therefore a short clause
to establish the Habeas Corpus Act in the Province seems
to be highly expedient.
Lord North. I would ask the witness one question
more before I sit down. Does he think it probable that,
if this Bill should pass into a law, such lettres de cachet
would be made use of?
Mr. Maseres. I do not think it probable that they
would be used.
Mr. Hey, Chief Justice, called in.
Mr. Mackworth. Does Mr. Hey think that the Cana-
dians are well satisfied with the trial by Jury, in criminal
matters ?
Mr. Hey. They are well satisfied with it.
Mr. Mackworth. Would they not be also satisfied with
the same trial in civil matters ?
Mr. Hey. Under certain regulations they might: for
instance, if the unanimity required in England was dis-
pensed with, and a majority of two-thirds of a Jury of
thirteen or fifteen was sufficient ; and if they were allowed
some compensation for the expense and trouble of atten-
dance ; also if the trial by that mode was optional in the
parties ; under these regulations, 'I apprehend, they would
be very well satisfied with that mode of trial in civil as
well as criminal cases. Half tlie year in Canada all
business is stopped by the climate, which makes them
much the busier the other half, and at that season they
consequently find the attendance as jurymen a burden.
Mr. T. Townshend. Would they wish for and approve
the other parts of the English law in civil matters ?
Mr. Hey. They are very little acquainted with the
English law, and from their ignorance of it, would be
very much against its establishment. They are tenacious
of their ancient laws and customs, and would esteem a
total change a great injury to them.
Mr. Baker. Would they esteem the Habeas Corpus
Act an injury ?
Mr. Hey. I cannot imagine that any People would be
so stupid as not to esteem it a benefit.
Mr. T. Townshend. Would not the Canadians think
an Assembly also a great benefit ?
Mr. Hey. Very far from it : they ai'e too ignorant a
People to understand the value of a free Government ;
they are exceedingly obedient: would obey the King's
commands let it be what it may : if he ordered an Assem-
bly to meet they would go, but they would not know what
to do when they came there : the fact is, they are not
capable of that Government : they do not expect it : it is
contrary to all their ideas, to all their prejudices, to all
their maxims : their idea of a House of Assembly is that
of a House of riot and confusion, which meets only to
impede public business, and to distress the Crown : all
which is a system extremely contrary to the ideas and
principles of the Canadians.
Mr. T. Totvnshend. Did Mr. Hey ever hear of a plan
or representation of what Government would probably be
successful in Canada 1
Mr. Hey. There was a commission from his Majesty
to Governor Carleton, the Attorney General, and myself,
to draw up a report of that Government which would be
most proper for Canada. In that deliberation I had the
misfortune to differ in opinion from Governor Carleton ;
my ideas were, that the laws of Canada might be blended
with those of England, so as to form a system perfectly
adapted to the wants of the Canadians, and also to the
FouHTu Series. 13
principles of the polity of this country. I would have left
the Canadians all their laws that in any degree concerned
the transfer, possession, settlement, or mortgage of landed
property. 1 would have secured them their religious
toleration and security : but I proposed to give them the
ciiniinal law of England, and the civil law as far as it
concerned the rights of moveable property, the modes of
trial, &ic. Tliis was a mixture which 1 imagined would
answer the purposes that were wanting.
Mr. Mackworth. Is Mr. Hey acquainted with the laws
of Canada, by which, in matters of property, he must
conduct himself in case this Bill passes.
Mr. Hey. Not as a system : only in the cases which
have come before me from the Court of Common Pleas.
Mr. Baker. If this Bill passes, will there be any legal
remedy for a man's being arbitrarily imprisoned ?
Mr. Hey. That must depend very much on the con-
stitution which his Majesty may be pleased to give to his
Courts of Justice, which he is enabled to erect by this
Bill. But if, as a Chief Justice, I knew of a man's
imprisonment, I should be much induced, if 1 found no law
for the purpose, to make one, to have the prisoner brought
before me, that the cause of his commitment might be
known.
The Committee then reported to the House.
Resolved, That this House will, to-morrow morning,
resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to
consider further of the said Bill.
Ordered, That Major General Carleton, Governor of
the Province of Quebec, William Hey, Esquire, Chief
Justice of the said Province, Doctor James Marriott, his
Majesty's Advocate General, and M. De Lotbiniere,
Esquire, do attend the said Committee at the same time.
Fkiday, June 3, 1774.
The House being informed that the ^eriffs of the City
of London attended at the door, they were called in ; and,
at the Bar, presented to the House,
A Petition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Com-
mons, of the City of London, in Common Council assem-
bled.
And then they withdrew.
And the said Petition was read ;
To the Honorable the Commons of Great Britain, in Par-
liament assembled, the humble Petition of the Lord
Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons, of the City of Lon-
don, in Common Council assembled, sheweth :
That your Petitioners are deeply concerned, and much
alarmed, to find there is now a Bill depending before this
honorable House, intituled, " An Act making more effectual
" provision for the Government of the Province of Q«e-
" bee, in North America," which, in all civil cases, takes
away the exercise of the English law, and that sacred part
of it, the Trial by Jury, and substitutes in its stead the
French law of Canada, whereby the freedom of the per-
son, and security of the property of his Majesty's subjects,
are rendered very precarious.
That if this Bill passes into a law, the Roman Catholic
will be the only legal established religion, without any pro-
vision being made for the free exercise of the Protestant
religion, which may prove greatly injurious and oppressive
to his Majesty's Protestant subjects, who do now, or may
hereafter reside in the said Province.
That the Legislative power is vested solely in persons
appointed during pleasure, by the Crown, which is totally
inconsistent with the liberty and principles of the English
Constitution.
Your Petitioners therefore most humbly pray that th«
said Bill may not pass into a law.
Ordered, That the said Petition do lie upon the table.
The Order of the Day being read, the House resolved
itself into a Committee of the Whole, upon the Bill :
M. De Lotbiniere was called in, and examined in French.
Mr. T. Townshend. Are you of Canada ?
M. De Lotbiniere. I am.
Mr. T. Tomtsherid. Of the corps of nobility ?
M. De Lotbiniere. Yes.
195
QUEBEC BILL.
Mr. T. Totvmhend. Do you know if the Canadians
are desirous of having an Assembly to represent them in
tlie Government of the Province ?
M. De Lotbiniere. Tiiey are very desirous of it.
Mr. T. Townshend. Why then have they not made
representations to tiiat purpose ?
M. Dc Lotbiniere. Because tiiey understand, that if
tliey were gratified witii an Assembly, they would in con-
sequence have the expenses of the Government to sujjport,
which, in the present state of the Province, would be much
more than they can support.
Lord North. Did M. De Lotbiniere ever hear any
material objections to the establishment of a Legislative
Council ?
M. De Lotbiniere. I never heard it particularly debated,
nor any objections.
Mr. T. Townshend. Does he think the Canadians are
not desirous of a more free Government than a Governor,
with a Council, the members of which are appointed, re-
moved, and suspended by him?
M. De Lotbiniere. They would certainly desire a freer
Government.
Lord Beauchamp. But if some of the noblesse were
admitted into that Council, would tliey not then be well
satisfied ?
M. De Lotbiniere. Tliey might tlien be satisfied.
Lord North. Would the noblesse be desirous of an
Assembly in which the Bourgeois were admitted to sit in
common with themselves ?
M. De Lotbiniere. I do not apprehend they would ob-
ject to that, if it was the King's pleasure so to have it.
Mr. T. Townshend. Have they been displeased with
the Ens^Ush law ?
M. De Lotbiniere. While the circumstances of lands
have been left to the Canadian laws, they like the English
judicature very well.
Dr. Marriott, his Majesty's Advocate General, was call-
ed in.
Mr. Macliworth. I desire to know of the gentleman at
the bar, what would be the best establishment of laws in
the Province of Quebec, in his opinion ?
Mr. Marriott. It is difficult to say upon any subject,
in this world, what is best for any men or set of men of
speculation : that which succeeds best in public and private
life is best ; and therefore I cannot tell what will be best
for the Canadians.
Mr. Mackworth. Does he think that the Canadians
would chuse the system of English law, or the French law ?
Mr. Marriott. 1 do not know a single Canadian. I
never was in Canada.
Mr. Mackworth. Does the gentleman think that the
commerce of this country, and the Province, would be
hurt by a revival of the French laws in cases of property?
Mr. Marriott. I cannot tell.
Mr. Mackworth. Does he know any thing of the state
of Canada ?
Mr. Marriott. What I know is from such papers as
have been laid before me, by order of the King, in Coun-
cil, and by information of other persons.
Captain Fhipps. I desire to ask if he understands tlie
French law?
Mr. Marriott. I find it very difficult to understand any
law.
Captain Phipps. Does he know the power of the
French King, under the constitution of the French laws ?
Mr. Marriott, I do not well understand the constitu-
tion of France. I never was in France. It is a very
hard thing for a foreigner to obtain an adequate idea of the
constitution of another country. The constitution of one's
own requires a great deal of close application and study:
I wish I understood it better ; and that many other People
would study it more, and understand it better than I fear
they do.
Captain Phipps. Does he understand the constitution
of Ireland 1
Mr. Marriott. No: I never was in Ireland.
Mr. Dempster, Does ho think it expedient to give the
Province of Quebec any part of the French constitution ?
Mr. Marriott. The question is upon the word " expe-
dient."
Mr. Dempster. I mean, will it be wise and prudent ?
Mr. Marriott. By the words " expedient, wise, and
prudent," I understand the question to mean, whether it
will be pohtically wise and prudent. Expediency is min-
isterial language. It is a word of State : State expediency.
It means that high policy, that great arcanum, the sublime
of Government, extended almost beyond the reach of hu-
man wisdom. Few that can pry into this sort of know-
ledge. Fewer that can comprehend it. I am sure I do not-
Mr. Dempster. The gentleman, by the nature of his
office, and greatly informed as he is from his connections
with Government, and his own reading, must know much
concerning the actual state of the Province of Quebec ; I
desire he will answer what sort of Government he would
give to it ?
Mr. Marriott. The giving laws to mankind is the per-
fection of all knowledge, human and divine. It is not the
work of days, of months, of years, but of ages. For me
to answer that gentleman's question, what sort of Govern-
ment I would give to the Province, I must be the vainest
of men.
Mr. Dempster. From such papers and informations as
have been laid before the gentleman for his consideration,
I desire to know, in general, what is his idea of a civil es-
tablishment for the Province of Quebec, the properest to
be given it by the Legislature of tills country?
Mr. Marriott. It depends upon a most extensive know-
ledge, infinite indeed, of the relations of men and things,
times and circumstances ; the positions of both countries ;
the manners and genius of the People ; the wants of the
Province ; the views of the mother country ; the conduct
of tlie neighbouring Colonies ; the state of the nation vis
a vis, or respecting them and the designs of the rest of
Europe. These relations change every moment ; this vast
political prospect is for ever doubtful and floating ; it con-
tains too many objects for my short vision and poor com-
prehension.— My answer therefore to the question (what
is the properest establisliment for the Province of Quebec,
to be given by the Legislature of this country) is, I can-
not tell.
Mr. JV. Burke. There is an absurdity in this answer.
The gentleman spoke of an infinite knowledge of men
and things, times and circumstances, and yet he says he
cannot tell.
House. — Read the Minutes.
The Clerk read the Minutes — as Mr. Burke had repre-
sented them.
Mr. Marriott. They were not my words — It depends
upon a most extensive knowledge, &,c., Stc, that is, the
question depends — The words "it depends" were left out. —
Repeats as above.
Mr. Baker. I would ask the gentleman at the bar if
ever he has read any thing of the laws of France 1 I
believe he has read a great deal.
Mr. Marriott. I have read a little of the French law.
Mr. Baker. Does he understand it ?
Mr. Marriott. Not the style of it, nor its forms very
well.
Mr. Baker. What does he mean by the style of it ?
Mr. Marriott. There is in every civilized country, in
which a system of civil laws is established, a law language —
as there are in every art and science words and phrases
peculiar to them, only understood by the persons who
practise those arts and sciences ; I correct myself: not
always understood perfectly even by them, for they fre-
quently dispute about the force and meaning. The law
therefore calls these arts, crafts, and mysteries. The French
have a serious word for the style of law ; they call it
jargon; we ludicrously use \i jargon. It is a cant word.
Mr. Baker. Did he ever see any system of the French
law in Canada 1
Mr. Marriott. I have read a collection of Frenchlaws,
which contains, by way of abstract, the laws and usages
of that Province, founded on the laws of the Prevote of
Paris : and it also contains several ordonnances of police .
and arrets of tiie French King.
Mr. Baker. Does he understand them ?
Mr. Marriott. Some part of them : the law language
is difficult.
Mr. Baker. Is there not in that collection something
concerning the jus retractus 1
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QUEBEC BILL.
198
Mr. Marriott. I suppose the gentleman who puts the
question means the retrait lignager. It is the right which
a Lord of a fief or a manor, and the first original possessor
of a grant from the Crown, has to receive some indemni-
fications from those persons who are called the arrier
tenants, who hold under him. There is such a title as
retrait lignager.
Mr. Baker. If the French civil laws were revived, or
suffered to remain in Canada, would it not be a discourage-
ment to the old British subjects to go and trade there, and
make purchases of lands ?
Mr. Marriott. If old British subjects were to go
thither, the French civil law remaining in force, or being
revived, they would go thither at their option, and of their
own free will, as they now go to Jersey or Guernsey,
where the French laws prevail. Or for another instance,
if you please ; if any person on speculation thought of
going to buy an estate in Scotland, if he found that he did
not like the Scotch law and inhabitants, he might do a
better thing, keep his money in his pocket and stay at
home ; a thing much wanted in this country.
Mr. Dempster. On what terms do you think, in the
state of things in Canada, an English merchant going to
settle there, would hold any lands which he should pur-
cliase?
Mr. Marriott. On the same terms as the Canadians
held them who convey the lands : or if the new settler
takes them by grant from the Crown, he will then take
them on the same terms as any other grantee would do ;
that is to say, on such terms as the granter shall please.
All is voluntary on the part of the purchaser or grantee —
he may take the lands, or he may leave them.
Mr. Dempster. Has he given no opinion upon the
subject of Canada!
Mr. Marriott. I have.
Mr. Dempster. In what capacity, and to whom ?
Mr. Marriott. As his Majesty's Advocate General, to
his Majesty, in Council, I drew up a plan of a code of laws.
Mr. Dempster. Will the gentleman be pleased to give
the House some account of the plan ?
Mr. Marriott. I had the honor of his Majesty's com-
mands in Council, together with my brethren in office, the
Attorney and Solicitor General, to consider a great number
of papers referred, and to call for such persons as could give
me information upon the subject ; and to prepare a plan of
civil and criminal law for that Province : it was referred
separately to each of us three, as being the law officers of
the Crown. I drew up my plan accordingly.
Mr. Dempster. What was the plan ?
Mr. Marriott. I drew my plan in the following
method: after stating the principles of legislation, and
representing what appeared to me to have been the late
condition, and now, to be, and likely to be hereafter, the
state of the Colony, I formed my plan under four heads :
the Courts of Judicature ; the Common Law of the Pro-
vince ; the Revenue ; the Religion.
Mr. Dempster. To whom did he deliver that plan ?
Mr. Marriott. To his Majesty in Council.
Mr. Dempster. As doubtless it was very extensive in
point of knowledge and information, the House would be
glad to know tlie contents ?
Mr. Marriott. I stand here as his Majesty's servant :
my colleagues next to me in office, who have given their
opinions as well as myself to his Majesty, are within the
bar. When an advocate or counsellor gives his opinion,
it is the property of his client. His Majesty is in posses-
sion of my opinion. If this House does me the high honor
of being desirous to know my sentiments, such as they are,
(and they are very free ones) the House will then address
his Majesty to lay my opinion before the House. If tiie
House will not agree to that address, my sentiments must
remain deposited with his Majesty, in his great wisdom,
where they now most happily rest.
Mr. Dempster. When somebody moved to have all the
papers laid before the House, the motion was overruled,
on the ground that we might have complete information at
the bar. I fear we shall not have it where we wish it, and
were bidden to expect it. What is the sum and conclu-
sion of that opinion ?
Mr. Marriott. In a question so extensive, and which
inrolved every possible consideration of policy, and very
little of law, I drew up my opinion with all that modesty
and diffidence which became me. The danger of positive-
ness in speculative opinions is too obvious to every man of
a right mind. The more I viewed the subject on every
side, the more difficulties occurred to me. I weighed all
facts and reasonings in a true balance, without bias to any
man or any party, but found it hard, after the whole result
of my inquiries, to fix decisively what the system of law
ought to be for a People so remote from home, of whose
manners and wants we know so little. My method of pro-
ceeding was, I collected all facts as represented to me, and
as far as other persons, who well knew the Colony by
having been in it, were agreed in their reports made to the
King's Government. I then brought all the facts and pro-
bable reasonings together in one general point of view, for
the assistance of my two colleagues in office, that they
might form an easier decision on their part. I drew indeed
my own conclusions, but they were not positive, but open
to better reasonings. I therefore, through the whole,
adopted the style and manner of that which Cicero calls the
deliberativum genus dicendi ; I submitted every thing to his
Majesty's wisdom in Council, aided by opinions and argu-
ments of much higher authority than any which I could
offer.
Mr. Dempster. Can the gentleman recollect any parts
of the opinion which he gave?
Mr. Marriott. I answered before, that doubtless if this
House will address his Majesty, they will have the whole
of it before you : I have no objection, I am sure, for my
part ; but my memory will not serve me to repeat so ex-
tensive a work.
Mr. Dempster. Does it agree in substance, or part,
with the Bill now depending before this House ?
Mr. Marriott. I know nothing of such a Bill officially.
A printed paper, with a title of a Bill relative to the Go-
vernment of Quebec, was put into my hands only two days
ago, by a friend accidentally. Not having the honor to be
a member of this House, I cannot, according to the rules
of it, take notice of any thing proposed within its walls.
If the House were pleased to refer the Bill to me, I should
desire to take it home, to read it with great care and de-
liberation. And if I were within the bar, as I am now
without, I would give my opinion upon the Bill in my
place as freely, and with as much courage, as any man
upon this ground.
Mr. Dempster. The gentleman owns that he has had
much information : I wish he would tell us what ?
Mr. Marriott. The same as the House has already
heard just now, and from some of the same persons.
Mr. Cavendish. If we cannot have the whole of his
opinion, will he give us some of the very learned quota-
tions in his book.
Mr. Marriott. So many compliments would naturally
draw a positive answer from any person capable of feeling
the flattery and giving an answer ; but I do not know what
the honorable gentleman thinks of me. It is not a little
memory or a little time will serve to repeat all the quota-
tions of civil and common law, and all the French and
latin extracts which I have used. I have used a great
many in dressing out my own thoughts. Quotations are
commonly among authors but the mere ornaments, the
fringe and trappings of a book. They only shew that the
man who uses them, has read a great deal ; but they do
not prove how much he has thought, and whether well or
ill ; and they shew he has thought like other people who
have thought and wrote before him. If I could possibly
recollect and repeat this amass of the opinions and infor-
mations of other men, I must be very tedious, and appear
very pedantic to the House. I question much whether a
walking library would be tolerable in these walls. I cannot
remember quotations.
Mr. JV. Burke. Will the gentleman tell us how long
he was composing his plan ? (It must require great labour
and study) and how many pages it contained ?
Mr. Marriott. About three hundred closely written.
Mr. W. Burke. What was the time it took to com-
pose it.
Mr. Marriott. I cannot exactly tell.
Mr. W. Burke. Was it several months ?
Mr. Marriott. Ten or twelve months, at different in-
tervals, to compose it. Bui if I am to speak to all the
199
QUEBEC BILL.
300
time that I vras thinking on the subject, the time was near
two years. 1 took it up, laid it in my desk ; took it up,
and laid it in my desk again, that it might ripen in my
mind. I saw my difficulties of coming to a decision in-
creased. 1 dreaded being hasty or positive, and 1 thought
no trouble too much on such a public subject, which ap-
peared too much for the life of any man, and most certain-
ly for any one man's understanding.
Mr. ff^. Burke. 1 desire to know, Mr. Chairman,
what was the name of the thing which he took up and laid
down so often, and which he delivered in at last to his
Majesty ?
Mr. Marriott, I think Mr. Chainnan, I remember the
face of that gentleman who asks me the question, " what
" is that thing which I took up and laid down so often, and
" delivered in to his Majesty." I answer, when that gen-
tleman was himself in office, he very well know what sort
of things are the opinions of Crown lawyers.
Mr. fV. Burke. Mr. Chairman, the witness at the bar
has behaved without any respect to the House. It was
enough for the House to be insulted elsewhere. We are
in an abject state. I say so, and others think so. We are
very ill used. The upper House had used us ill. They
shut us out, not for fear we should hear what they did, but
for fear we should see they did nothing. They frame the
Bill there, delay it by keeping it in their hands, aad then
send it down to us ; and now we are to hurry through it
without sufficient information ; and nobody will own it.
The doors are shut upon us; nobody will give us informa-
tion. 1 said, the gentleman at the bar said he had a
knowledge of men and things, and yet he said he could
not tell. I am not guilty of any blunders, any Iricism.
The Clerk mistook as well as I. The gentleman says, he
does not know the constitution of France ; he doas not
know the constitution of Ireland ; he never was in Cana-
da ; the King is his client ; he will not tell you what ad-
rice he has given the King ; we have a right to be inform-
ed by him. The Minister told us we sliould be so ; and
now truly the witness will not give an answer to any thing,
what his real ophiion is. By the rules of this House, no
witness at the bar is to answer any thing personally, touching
a member. It is a disrespect to the House. The questions
are to be put to the Chair by a member ; and tlie Chair,
which represents the House, is to put the questions to a
witness. He is to return answers to the Chair, that is to the
House. If an improper question is put, the House may
overmle it. I always behave like a gentleman ; I know
the gentleman at the bar, though I am not intimate with
him. He has taken fire at my expression ; I did not mean
to affront him. He would not tell us what it was he had
delivered: he himself therefore forced me to call it " that
thing" which he delivered. I had no other way to express
it. I am ready every where to demand or give satisfaction,
where there is an aflront offered or received. I desire the
gentleman may withdraw, and to know the sense of the
House, whether I put an improper question, or the gentle-
man made an improper answer ?
[Mr. Marriott was ordered to withdraw.]
Mr. Pulteney. It is certainly very irregular for a witness
at the bar to answer any thing relating to a member, per-
sonally, who puts the question. It was always in my
opinion wrong, considering that gentleman's situation, to
call him to be examined : but we were refused the penisal
of his opinion, and the papers. The Attorney and Solici-
tor General here refused to tell us what were the opinions
which were given in by them. I often have observed
much debate and confusion occasioned in the House, when
a witness of wit and abilities is examined. It should be
remembered by both the persons, by tlie one who puts the
question, and by the other who gives the answer, that the
question is put by the House, and tiie answer is returned
to the House. An attention to this would preserve reci-
procal decorum.
Captain Phipps. I must observe to the Committee,
that this examination is getting into a train which appears
to me to be very improper. Sir, when men of great parts
and abilities, and much wit, come to tliis bar, I cannot
help condemning that kind of applause which is given
tliem for exertions of that wit, though very unseasonable.
I may have been guilty of joining in this encouragement
to a witness, but am sure the Committee sees, by this time,
that if we proceed thus, the witness will have been called
to the bar to very little purpose. Besides, Sir, there is a
conduct in witnesses that is not at all consistent with tha
dignity of this House. I therefore hope, tliat the witness,
as well as any others that may come to this bar hereafter,
would recollect, that although the House owes much to
the situation of a witness, yet does the witness owe some-
thing to the dignity of the House.
Lord North. 1 rise to answer the honorable gentleman
who was so warm. He is angry that the gentleman will
not tell you what his opinion was. He made a complete
answer to his (juestion. He said it was a deliberative
opinion : that he made no decision. I do admit, that the
answer of a witness, by the rules of this House, should not
be any thing personiil to the member questioning, however
impertinent, rude, or absurd, the question may appear to
him. Tlie rank and station of the gentleman at the bar
ought to be considered. The word " thing" is understood
generally as a word of contempt. Nothing contemptible
comes from tiie gentleman at the bar: such a word might
naturally strike him : and his not being a member of this
House, so as to know the rules of it, excuses him for
shewing his spirit on the occasion, when he thought himself
affronted. He is under the j)rotection of the House, and
no improper question ought to be asked. In that case he
may demand the protection of the House, and so may
every person who is examined at this bar.
Mr. Edmund Burke. I rise to apologize for the honor-
able gentleman next me. 1 am perfectly sure he did not
mean to affront the gentleman at the bar. I know the
gentleman there extremely well, his great abilities, learn-
ing, and character ; he has distinguished himself by his
writings and beliaviour, and nobody here or any where else
can treat him with contempt; but we should have been
very glad to have had his information. 1 am sensible that
he is in a very trying situation. His information is with-
held. It is a distress upon him, and an insult upon us to
refer us to him, when it was known beforehand that it was
not likely that he should think himself at liberty to give us
his opinion viva voce, after what he has written was refused
us by others. It was, however, very natural for us to call
for him. We had no other hope of obtaining any informa-
tion of great authority. All tlie world knows that the
King's Advocate General, the Attorney and Solicitor Gen-
eral, from the nature of their very high offices, have the
power of obtaining every sort of information. All is open
to them in every department of Government. They can
enter behind the veil. The sanctum sanctorum of State
must be frequently and confidentially submitted to their
view ; but the curtain is drawn u))on us, and the door is
shut. How, then, are we to get information ? I ask ; shall
we liave it from the other Crown lawyers ? The answer
is, they stand upon their own ground, and take and narrow
it when and where they please, as members within the
bar ; and thf gentleman who proceeds in office, but who
stands without the bar, necessarily suffers from a variety of
torturing questions put to him on speculative points, which
it must put any man under difliculties to answer, especially
one in his station. I never should have concurred in the
motion to examine him, if the former motion for the
address for papers in general had not been overruled.
Mr. Marriott was again called in.
Chairman, Sir, you are to address yourself to th«
Chair.
Captain Phipps. Under what denomination are the
papers which were delivered in by Mr. Marriott to the
King?
Mr. Marriott. A Report.
Mr. Mackworth. I wish tiie gentleman would give a
short account of the substance of that report, as concise as
he pleases to make it.
Mr. Marriott. I thought I had before given an account
of the contents, and of the plan. It is impossible to give a
short account of a long affair.
Mr, Mackworth. In tiiat report does he approve of
Juries ; docs he like them ; what does he think of them ?
Mr. Marriott. I should choose to be tried by thenu
But I think of Juries as I do of every thing else in this
wofld— every thing is imperfect, I have often considered
201
QUEBEC BILLs
202
the different modes of trial in different countries ; the Civil
Law Courts, the Courts of Common Law, and Chancery ;
tlieir modes are all defective in discovering truth. Juries
are like most other men and things ; they have their ex-
cellent qualities, and they have their bad ones.
Mr. Mackworth. Does he think it will be a hardship
upon the Canadians not to have Juries? Not to liave
Uieir lives and properties tried by a Jury out of tiieir own
neighbourhood ? Would it be tlieir happiness or unhappi-
ness ?
Mr. Marriott. If I were a Canadian I could tell what
would make me happy ; if I were to go to Canada I could
tell the same. As an Englishman, I say that Juries are a
mode of trial which I like ; they are very favourable to the
property of the subject, and the natural liberties of man-
kind.
Mr. Dempster. Does Mr. Marriott think that the
present Bill is calculated to give as much freedom to Cana-
da as is expedient to give ?
Mr. Marriott. Expedient to give them ! I answered
before to that question ; it involves a thousand others.
Mr. C. Jenkinson. Does he think that the Canadians
will not suffer greatly if the habeas corpus law is not intro-
duced among them ?
Mr. Marriott. I desire the question may be repeated ;
the merit of the habeas corpus law is a great constitutional
question.
Question repeated.
Mr. Marriott. The idea of the suffering is the idea of
the sufferer, and not of a third person ; I cannot answer for
the feelings of the Canadians.
Mr. C. Jenkinson. Cannot the gentleman conceive the
pain of another person ?
Mr. Marriott. No person has a true impression of the
degree of pain or pleasure of another being; there is
no complete medium to convey the sensations ; words will
not do it. No person can tell what a man of probity and
reflection, who wishes to judge without error, and to do his
public duty in an arduous question, feels, when put upon
tlie rack of opinion. No man in this place exactly knows
how I feel, in my particular and relative situation, by being
so long kept at this bar, and called upon to answer every
sort of question that can be imagined about all possible and
probable things from such a variety of persons. Witnesses,
by all the law I know in the world, are called every where
only to speak to facts ; to opinions, no where ; — except in
one court of religion, in the world.
Mr. C. Jenkinson. The gentleman then has, I find,
some sort of idea of another man's suffering, although not
an adequate and perfect one. Cannot he tell the House,
supposing I were to give the gentleman who sits below me
a slap on the face, what he would suffer? I mean, what
would a person struck suffer when there are visible signs
of a violent blow ? Suppose that the blood gushes out of
tlie nose ?
Mr. Marriott. The noses of some people bleed without
pain. That gentleman might have a blow on the nose, and
he might feel it. I should not. I mean, he would feel it if
he were sober ; if he were drunk he might not ; he might
take it all in good part ; and as for the blood, swear it was
all good claret.
A Member. Repeat the answer.
Mr. Marriott. If he were inebriated he might not feel.
Mr. Chairman, I hope my answers are not improper. I
desire to be serious. I am in earnest. The answer, I
take it, by the law of all evidence, ought to be of the same
colour with the question, and pointed to it.
Chairman. Right, certainly.
Colonel Barrc. I would not desire to distress the learned
gentleman at the bar. He is certainly under personal diffi-
culties in his situation of office, and not being a member.
But I see he bears his examination with much patience and
good humour. We were all going to be very dull, and he
has enUvened us. He has been asked above one hundred
questions, and has parried them all : not one decisive
answer. I did not expect he would have kept his ground
M) stoutly against numbers. I will now beg leave to try
him. I undertake, Sir, to ask him one very easy question,
which I think he may and will answer. What does he
(hiok is the King of Prutsia's religion I
Mr. Marriott. 1 have read some of his works ; if the
writings I mean are really his ; although some people have
doubted the title, " Oeuvres du Phitosophe de Sans Souci."
His religion may be judged from tliem.
Colonel Barre. I desire to know. Sir, what he judges
the King of Prussia's religion to be ?
Mr. Marriott. From them? I believe his Majesty
has no (formal) religion.
Colonel Barrc. Jf the Province of Canada were to be
ceded to his Prussian Majesty, what religion would he in-
troduce into it ?
Mr. Marriott. A soldier's religion.
Colonel Barre. What is a soldier's religion ?
Mr. Marriott. If I were a soldier, Sir, I would answer
the words — my honor.
Colonel Barre. What is a lawyer's religion ?
Mr. Marriott. His honor too ; not to give up his
client. But I suppose the gentleman knows there are two
orders of men in this country, the civilians, and the com-
mon lawyers. I am no conunon lawyer. — ^The religion of
which ?
Colonel Barre. Of both.
Mr. Marriott. The common lawyers must answer for
themselves. I can readily answer for the civilians ; they
are ecclesiastical lawyers, and subscribe ; they are of the
religion of this country by law established.
Colonel Barrc. I see, Sir, there is no hitting the gen-
tleman at the bar. But I have read an opinion of some
weight in a book here in my hand : it is so laid down,
that I think the gentleman cannot escape answering to it.
With the leave of the House, I will read it : —
" In order to judge politically of the expediency of suf-
" feringthe Romish religion to remain an established religion
" of the State in any part of your Majesty's Dominions, the
" Romish religion, I mean its doctrines, not its ceremonies
" ought to be perfectly understood. The opinion of the
" royal author of the Memoires de Brandenburgh, seems to
" be conclusive on this head to every sovereign power, that
" the Protestant religion is best both for the Prince and the
" People ; because there is in it no middle power to inter-
" vene and stand before the Prince against the People, nor
" before the People against the Prince."
The House now sees why I put the other question.
Colonel Barre. Did the gentleman ever read the Me-
moires de Brandenburgh ? Is that which I have read the
King of Pi-ussia's opinion? Is that opinion in the Me-
moires de Brandenburgh 1
Mr. Marriott. I have read a book with that tide : but
whether that book was his writing or whether, being his
book, that was his opinion, (for many people write books,
who are not of an opinion with their own book,) I do not
know. There is something very like that opinion in the book.
Colonel Barrc. The book. Sir, in which this opinion is
recommended and adopted, ends with the name of the
gentleman at the bar. He has subscribed to that opinion. —
Mr. Marriott. [Bowing with great respect round to the
House, and laying his hand on his bosom.] I now subscribB
to that opinion most seriously — and most sincerely.
Mr. Marriott. Was ordered to withdraw.
The House went into a debate, in the course of which
Mr. Charles Fox and Mr. 7'. Toiunshend agreed witli Mr.
Edmund Burke, that it was wrong to have examined the
King's Advocate General, and to force him to give an
opinion to the House ; and laid the blame on the Minister,,
and those persons who opposed the motion for the papers.
Mr. Baker moved, " That General Murray be examin-
ed as a witness."
Notice being given, that the General was not in the
House, the Sergeant was sent out for him, but he was
gone home.
The Committee then reported progress, and asked leave
to sit again.
Resolved, That this House will, upon Monday mommg
next, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House,
to consider furtiier of the said Bill.
Mr. Baker then moved, "That Lieutenant General
" Murray, late Governor of Canada, and present Govem-
" or of the town of Quebec, do attend the said Committee,
" on Monday next."
203
QUEBEC BILL.
204
The motion was seconded by
Mr. T. Toumshend, who set forth the necessity of his
attendance ; and said, he could assign no other reason for
his evidence being denied, unless it was that he himself
had been imprudent enough to declare to the House, tliat
General Murray coincided with Mr. Maseres ; and said,
lie believed when the noble Lord gave his consent to hear
him, and sent the Sergeant to look for him, he well knew
he was not in the House.
Lord North rose in a terrible passion, and said, he cared
not what the honorable gentleman thought of him ; that he
never paid any respect to what a passionate and prejudiced
person said ; that he knew the honorable gentleman had an
ill opinion of him, and he was welcome to think so still.
He said, had General Murray been in the House he would
have heard him, but as he was not, summoning him for
another day would greatly delay the business, and he
should therefore oppose the motion.
Mr. T. Townshend rose, and in a spirited manner an-
swered, that he would submit to the House which seemed
most passionate ; that he was certain General Murray's
evidence was material ; and as to prejudice, he desired
nothing but that it miglit be remarked, he was prejudiced
to hear General Murray, the noble Lord was prejudiced
against hearing him. He then set forth, that, by this law,
the fishery on the Labrador coast would be altered, which
would affect the Newfoundland fishery ; that as it was an
affair of great consequence. Admiral PaUiscr would be ne-
cessary to be examined ; but as the noble Lord objected as
to time, he would not move for his attendance, but only
wish to refer the noble Lord to him for information.
Colonel Barre set forth how material it was to have
General Murray's evidence, as he was at the taking of
Quebec, was Governor of the Colony the first after it was
taken, and remained Governor several jears after, and
therefore, consequently, knew the manners and customs of
the Canadians; that, as he had been resident there at so
critical a juncture, he must have seen how they liked the
French laws, and how they liked the English laws.
Captain Phipps was likewise much for the General
being heard, saying, that the evidence produced had been
deficient in many points of information which he could have
wished to have heard.
Mr. Charles Fox rose, and in the most sarcastic manner
attacked Lord North, as to passion and prejudice. He
said, the noble Lord always had two opinions ; that most
people's second opinion was best, but the noble Lord's
second thought was generally the worst ; that he was al-
ways very uniform in his conduct ; for about half an hour
before he gave leave for General Murray to be heard, but
now he was against it. He said there had been no other
objection started against the motion except want of time ;
that that was ridiculous, for the persons who brought in
the Bill now, might have brought it in at tl^e beginning of
the session, or even last session ; that they could not make
an excuse, and say it was a case of such urgent necessity,
tliat if the Bill did not pass in a day or two, the place
would be entirely ruined, therefore the Bill must pass.
Ijord North rose to explain himself, and said he had
often been accused of having panegyrists in pay to write in
favour of him in the newspapers ; that he then would
solemnly protest that he never had employed, or knew any
person that ever did write in favour of him ; that he did not
wish for newspaper applause, as it was generally meant to
serve some end ; and as to panegyrics on him, he believed,
if they only looked into the opposite scale, that which held
abuse, they would find the account had been more than
balanced.
Mr. Dempster, Governor Johnstone, Mr. Burke, Mr.
Baker, Mr. Turner, &.C., spoke in favour of the motion,
and none but Lord North against it.
When the question was put, the House divided : Yeas,
36; Nays, 90.
So it passed in the Negative.
Monday, June 6, 1774.
The House again went into Committee of the Whole,
upon the Bill.
Governor Johnstone, after stating his objections to the
principle of the Bill, and to/ the extension of Canada,
(which another member informed the House, was no less
than 11,400,000 acres more than as claimed by France,)
read a list of propositions, which, he said, appeared to him,
to be contained b the Bill, amongst which were —
That a state of Slavery is better than a state of Free*
dom:
That the Popish Religion is better than the Protestant :
That Juries are unnecessary, and therefore to be disused;
That Monopolies are useful to Trade :
That French Laws and Commercial Regulations aro
preferable to English :
And that the Constitution which our ancestors had fram-
ed widi so much wisdom, and established at the expense
of so much blood and treasure, is to be destroyed by their
wiser sons.
Mr. E. BurJce spoke against the Bill ; but confined himself
to the point of ascertaining the limits of New York ; and
proposed the following to be the boundaries of Canada,
against that Province, viz : by a line drawn from a point
on the East side of Lake Champlain, in 45 degrees North
latitude, and by a line drawn in that parallel West to the
river St. Lawrence, and up that river to Lake Ontario),
and across that lake to the river Niagara, and from Niaga-
ra across Lake Erie, to the Northwest point of the boun-
dary of Pennsylvania, and down the West boundary of
that Province, by a line drawn from thence till it strike the
Ohio. After some debate this passed. The limits of
Qtiebec were next carried along the Ohio to the Missis-
sippi. Governor Johnstone spoke against the annexing
tlie Illinois to Canada. There was another debate on an-
nexing the coast of Labrador to Quebec. The objection
was begun by Sir C. Saunders, who deduced from it the
loss of the fishery to the Americans. Lord North gave an
account of the sea cow and seal fishery on the Labrador
coast, and shewed, that from the sedentary nature of it, it
could not be conducted upon the same principles as the
Newfoundland fishery.
Upon tliis clause the House divided: Yeas, 88;
Nays, 49.
The Committee then reported progress ; and it was.
Resolved, That this House will, to-morrow morning,
resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to
consider -further of the said Bill.
Tuesday, June 7, 1774.
The House, according to order, went into a Committee
of the Whole, upon the Bill.
An objection was made to a part of the preamble of a
clause, which says, " It will be highly expedient to grant
" them the same laws, by which their lives and property
" have been heretofore governed, protected, and ordered."
Mr. Dempster and Mr. E. Burke objected to the word
" protected," as it was, in their opinion, not true, and was
at the same time, paying the French too great a compli-
ment.
Lord North, Lord Beauchamp, and Mr. Grey Cooper,
insisted the word was proper, and that the law that govern-
ed, protected.
The next objection was made to the clause, which re-
peals all laws and ordinances passed by the Governor and
Council, for the civil Government of Quebec, and the King's
Proclamation, in 1763, so far as it relates to the Province
of Quebec, from and after the first day of May, 1775.
A very strong debate ensued, in which Mr. Dunning
spoke for near an hour and an half against it ; he was sup-
ported by Mr. E. Burke, Captain Phipps, Mr. Howard,
&,c. Lord North, Mr. Cornwall, Lord Clare, Mr. Rice,
&ic., &CC., as strongly suppoi'ted the clause.
And on the motion, that the clause shall stand, tlie
Committee divided : Ayes, 91 ; Nays, 31.
The next objection was made to the clause, which
settles that Tytlies and Dues shall be paid to the Romish
clergy.
A .very strong debate here ensued, in which Mr. E.
Burke, Mr. Baker, Mr. Dunning, Mr. W. Burke, Mr. C.
Fox, Captain Phipps, Stc, strongly opposed, not only the
whole clause, but particularly an alteration proposed by
Ijord North, which was, " that his Majesty should have
" power to appropriate, when he thought proper, the said
" tythes unto the establishing a Protestant clergj'."
205
QUEBEC BILL,
206
Lord North, the Attorney and Solicitor General, &c.,
fcc, as strongly supported the clause, with the amendment,
which was carried without a division.
A motion was then made to adjourn, it being past eleven
o'clock, but the friends of the Bill insisting to go on, a
debate arose, and the Committee divided ; for proceeding,
75 ; against it, 31.
Several of the most strenuous opposers of the Bill now
quitted the House, and the Committee proceeded, with
very little interruption, through the two next clauses, the
fourth and fifth. After which
The Committee reported further progress ;
And it being half an hour after twelve of the clock, on
Wednesday morning.
Resolved, That the House will, this day, resolve itself
into a Committee of tlie whole House, upon the said Bill.
Wednesday, June 8, 1774.
The House, according to order, was resolved into a
Committee of the Whole, upon the Bill.
Mr. Burke said, he had last night, when it was past
eleven o'clock, moved to adjourn, hut his motion was re-
jected on account of the great necessity of going through
die Bill with all possible d^patch ; yet he understood they
were to adjourn on account of a champetre to be given by
a noble Lord (Stanley,) and therefore desired to know
which ought to be given way to most, the pleasures of dis-
sipation, or a Bill of such magnitude as that before them ?
He said, he had several very material amendments to pro-
pose to the clauses, which had been so slovenly and scan-
dalously gone through that morning, but now he was pre-
cluded.
Lord North replied, he was sure he had shewn great
candour to the House at the time the honorable gentleman
. mentioned, and that he should always trust to his con-
science for the uprightness of his conduct.
Mr. T. Townshend rose, and answered the noble Lord
as to the slovenly manner in which the two clauses men-
tioned had been carried through the Committee ; he said,
he likewise understood that the House was to adjourn a day
on account of a champetre, and to be sure, the ninth day of
June was more proper for a champetre, than for a Com-
mittee of the House of Commons to be sitting on so impor-
tant a Bill ; but he, at the same time, could not but allow
that the noble Lord had an amazing foresight, in ordering,
above all days in the year, the tenth day of June, for the
finishing a Bill to establish Popery : he said, the day was
truly characteristic to the business ; and he made no doubt,
but the noble Lord and his party would come with white
roses in their breasts, which would at once make them
tndy respectable ; he said, however, he should have a
dause to introduce on the report, which, if the noble Lord
would suffer it to pass, he should be so far devoted to him
ts to smirk and smile with the rest of his friends.
Mr. Edmund Burke also, in a most pointed speech, at-
tacked the noble Lord as to candour and conscience ; he
ran on in such a vein of humour that the House was in a
continual laugh during the whole of his speech. He said,
the noble Lord ought to be highly commended for his hu-
mility, for he always gave way to the majority of the
House ; he said, as to the father of the Bill, he would be
bold to say the noble Lord was the father; he brought it
into that House, he supported it, and he was responsible
for the mischiefs that might ensue from it.
Colonel Bar re severely attacked the noble Lord as to
his candour and conscience. He said, the Bill had origin-
ated with the Lords, who were the Romish Priests that
would give his Majesty absolution for breaking his promise
given by the Royal Proclamation, in 1763 ; that they, in
this Bill, had done like all other Priests, not considered
separately the crimes with which the Bill abounded, but
had huddled them all up together, and, for despatch, had
determined to give absolution for the whole at once. He
said, the noble Lord might go on and support that or any
sinful affair, as he was sure of getting absolution for all at
last. He said, he was certain, by the noble Lord and his
dependants proceedings, that after their death. People
might say as they did after the death of King Charles,
" that by papers found in their closets, they appeared to
" have died in the Roman Catholic belief."
Mr. Dempster, Governor Johnstone, Mr. Baker, &c.,
attacked Lord North, for hurrying the two clauses through
the Committee at such an improper time of the morn-
ing.
Mr. C. Jenkinson, Mr. Welhore Ellis, Lord Beau-
champ, he, supported Lord North, and said, as they were
Roman Catholics, and were deemed near their end, it
would be kind to let them die in peace ; but that they
found their case was like most Roman Catholics, who,
generally, at their end, were surrounded by a number of
troublesome People.
The House was full two hours and a half thus wrangling
about the manner in which the business had been conduct-
ed the night before. After which. Sir Charles Whit-
worth, the Chairman, read the clause which mentions the
number of the Legislative Council to be appointed, which
is not to be more than twenty-three, nor less than seven-
teen.
Mr. Dempster objected as to the number, and proposed
thirty. Lord North strongly opposed the amendment, and
on the question being put, it was rejected.
Mr. jB. Burke, Captain Phipps, Mr. Baker, Mr. C
Fox, Mr. Dempster, Governor Johnstone, &,c., opposed
the clause, and Lord North, Lord Beauchamp, Mr. C.
Jenkinson, Mr. Welhore Ellis, Mr. Gascoigne, &,c., sup-
ported it ; which clause, on the question being put, was
carried without a division. They next proceeded to seve-
ral of the provisos annexed to the clause, which likewise
occasioned much debate. Several amendments were pro-
posed by the enemies to the Bill, but rejected, and other
amendments inserted in their stead, proposed by Lord
North; after which the last clause was read without any
debate.
Mr. Jenkinson said, he had the other evening heard an
honorable gentleman mention, that the oath to be taken by
any person who was entrusted with power, would not suit
the Roman Catholics, he had therefore substituted a new
oath, which he begged leave to bring up, and to have it in-
serted as a clause, which being brought up and read, was
approved of, as follows :
" Provided always, and be it enacted. That no person
" professing the religion of the Church of Rome, and re-
" siding in the said Province, shall be obliged to take the
" oath required by the said statute, passed in the first year
" of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, or any other oaths sub-
" stituted by any odier Act in the place thereof; but that
" every such person, who by the said statute is required to
" take the oath, therein mentioned, shall be obliged, and is
" hereby required to take and subscribe the following oath,
" before the Governor, or such other person, or in such
" court of record, as his Majesty shall appoint ; who is
" hereby authorized to administer the same ; videlicet :
" I, A — ■ B — , do solemnly promise and swear, that I will
" be faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majesty, King
" George, and him will defend to the utmost of my power,
" against all traitorous conspiracies and attempts whatso-
" ever, which shall be made against his person, crown, and
" dignity ; and I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose
" and make known to his Majesty, his heirs, and successors,
" all treasons and traitorous conspiracies and attempts
" which I shall know to be against him, or any of them;
" and all this I do swear, without any equivocation, mental
" evasion, or secret reservation, and renouncing all pardons
" and dispensations from any power whomsoever, to the
" contrary. So help me God.
" And every such person who shall neglect or refuse to
" take the said oath before mentioned, shall incur, and be
" hable to the same penalties, forfeitures, disabilities, and
" incapacities, as he would have incurred, and been liable
" to, for neglecting or refusing to take the oath required by
" the said statute, passed in the first year of the reign of
" Queen Elizabeth."
The Committee then rose, and
Sir Charles Whitworth reported from the Committee,
that they had gone through the Bill, and made several
amendments thereunto ; which they had directed him to
report, when the House will be pleased to receive the
same.
Ordered, That the Report be received on Friday
morning next.
*07
QUEBEC BILL.
208
Friday, June 10, IT74.
The Order of the Day being read,
Sir Charles Whitworth reported the amendments made
to the Bill, by the Committee of the whole House.
And the House being informed, Thomas Penn, Esquire,
who petitioned this House, upon the 31st day of May last,
on behalf of himself, and of John Pcnn, Esquire, true and
absolute Proprietaries of the Province ol Pennsylvania, and
tlie three lower Counties of New Castle, Kent, and Hu^sex,
on Delaware, in America, praying to be heard by Counsel
upon the matter of said Petition, and which Petition was
then ordered to lie upon tlie table, until the Report should
be received from the Commhtee, to whom the said Bill
was committed, declined being now heard by Counsel upon
the said Petition.
The amendments of the Committee, were then severally
read and agreed to by the House, except that made on
the motion of Mr. Burke, on the 6lh instant, in relation
to the Southern boundary of Canada, which was amended
to read as follows, and then adopted :
'• Bounded on the South by a line drawn from the Bay
" of Chaleurs, along the iiigh lands which divide the rivers
" that empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence,
" from those which fall into the sea, to a point of forty-five
" degrees of Northern latitude, on the Eastern bank of the
" river Connectiait, keepuig the same latitude, directly
" West, through the Lake Champlain, until, in the same
" latitude, it meets the river ^V. Lawrence ; from thence,
" up the Eastern bank of the said river, to the LaJce On-
" tario ; thence through the Lake Ontario, and the river
" commonly called Niagara, along the Eastern and South-
" eastern bank of Lake Erie, following the said bank, until
" the same shall be intersected by the Northern boundary
" granted by the charter of the Province of Penmylvania,
" in case the same shall be so intersected ; and from thence
" along the said Northern and Western boundaries of the
" said Province, until the said Western boundary strike the
" Ohio. But in case the said bank of the said lake shall
" not be found to be so intersected, then following the said
" bank, until it shall arrive at that point of the said bank
" which shall be nearest to the Northwest angle of the said
" Province of Pennsylvania ; and thence, by a right line
" to the said Northwest angle of the said Province ; and
" thence along tlie Western boundary of the said Pro-
" vince."
Mr. Mackioorth moved, that a clause should be added
to the Bill, " That in all trials relating to property and civil
" rights, where the value shall exceed a certain sum, either
" of the contending ])ailies may demand a trial by Jury,
" constituted according to the laws of England, and that
" the issue between the parties shall be determined by the
•' verdict of such Jury, and not otherwise." He recom-
mended the clause as a security for the English, in Quebec,
aoTiinst the French laws.
Iiord North opposed it. He recapitulated part of the
evidence that had been produced at the bar, and said Go-
vernor Carkton had informed the House, that the Cana-
dians had a dislike to the English laws in general ; and it
was his opinion, that giving the Canadians their old sys-
tem of laws would be the only means of making them a
happy People ; that Mr. Hey, the Chief Justice, had said
it was his opinion, that the Canadians, at first, might have
been brought to like the English laws, but since they had
been so indulged, they expected now nothing less than a
repeal of the whole of the laws by which they are governed
at present ; and that the noblesse of the country thought
trial by Jury was humiliating and degrading to them, as it
subjected their property to the decision of barbei-s and tai-
lors ; that Mr. Maseres, had to be sure, said, that Juries,
he believed would be liked under proper regulations, but
the People of Canada did not choose to irive their time
and attendance for nothing ; that Mons. Lotbiniere, on a
que^ion being put to him, whether he did not think the
Enrrlish laws the best for the Canadians in general? Said,
" Imake no doubt but your hws are good and wise, and
" make you a happy People, but I do not think they are
" suited to every climate." His Lordship afterwards en-
tered much upon the subject of Juries, and said, the Cana-
dians could have but a bad opinion of English Juries, when
a Grand Jury there had presented the Roman Catholics
as a nuisance ; he said, the Canadians, in their petition K>
the Throne, had desired to have the whole of their ancient
laws restored to them, which the Bill was meant to do ; that
in his opinion, the trial 'by Jury was not necessary there ;
and that, by what he had been informed, the French law»,
were sufficient to protect property without it ; that People
had very industriously circulated a report that he had mado
a ministerial question of this ; he would assure the House,
upon his honor he had not ; that, after once fixing the Go-
vernment of (Quebec, in the hands of this nation, it was a
matter of indifference to him what law or religion was esta-
blished, so that it made the People happy ; that the British
merchants saying their property would not be secure with-
out English laws, let gentlemen recollect that British
merchants trade to all parts of the world, and think their
property secure in Portugal or Sjjain, where they know
the Roman Catholic religion is the religion of the land,
and that the number of old or English subjects in Canada
were so few in number, that the cries of one hundred and
fifty thousand ought to be given way to in preference of
three hundred and sixty.
Sergeant Glynn recapitulated the parts of the evidence
which the noble Ijord had so. ingeniously selected ; he
said, tlie noble Lord had laid great stress on the imprudence
of the Grand Jury presenting the Roman Catholics as a
nuisance, and seemed to think, for that reason, they ought
to have the trial by Jury taken away ; did the noble Lord
never recollect, that the British House of Commons had
committed equally flagrant acts of injustice ; and that, if
the reason for abolishing held good in one point, it ought in
the other ; yet he sincerely hoped that the House would
never be taken away ; for, bad and corrupt as it was be-
lieved to be by ignorant People, it still remained some
safeo-uard to the nation ; he afterwards launched forth into
the praise of Juries, and mentioned many particular
circumstances where Juries had been found extremely
beneficial to the welfare of the public ; he afterwards
stated the account of the seizing the papers of Mr. Wilkes,
the general warrants, &ic., Sic. He said, all State causes
would be carried as desired, was it not for Juries : he mein
tioned tlie affair of Hampden, concerning ship money, and
concluded with saying, that the tenth day of June, 1774,
would be handed down to posterity as a day when the
members of a British House of Commons preferred
Popery and French laws to the established religion and
laws of their own country ; and, at the same time, that
trials by Jury, which their forefathers accounted a blessing,
they deemed a curee.
Mr. Attorney General Thurlow said, he did not agree
with the honorable and learned gentleman, that whoever
was against the allowing a trial by Jury in that Bill thought
the mode a curse ; far from it ; he had, himself, in many
cases, often thought the trial by Jury a great blessing ; yet
it would be highly imprudent, unparliamentary, ridiculous,
and absurd, to establish a clause at the end of the Bill, (as
that must be,) which clause would entirely repeal that
clause in the body of the Bill, which allows the Canadians
all their ancient laws ; for would any body say, that trial by
Jury was one of their ancient customs, or assert that it was
necessary ; that, as for the petitioning Canadians, they
only desired to have their ancient laws and customs restored
to them ; and that he by no means thought an optional
Jury any thing like an English Jury ; that, by the former,
any party that thought he could gain a preference in his
trial over the other, would adopt it ; and that it must be
allowed, that where the option was liked by one, it would
displease the other ; besides, the evidences at the bar had
declared, that the Canadians were averse to the form of an
English Jury, especially in that part which obliges them
to be unanimous in their verdict ; and that, if you took
away that part, in his opinion, you destroyed the whole;
that lie believed the learned gentleman had been wrong in
giving {iraise to a Jury in the case of Mr. Hampden, for
no Jury was consulted on that case.
Mr. Dunning said, that as to the learned gentleman men-
tioning that he by no means approved of optional Juries,
had we not, every term, instances in the Court of Chan-
cery, where it was in the power of the Lord Chancellor to
appoint a Jury, if he thought proper ? That, as to the es-
209
QUEBEC BILL.
210
tablishing the French laws in Canada, who had we fit to
administer them ? Had not the two learned and respect-
able gentlemen at the bar, Mr. Hey and Mr. Maseres,
informed the House, that they by no means thought them-
selves capable of learning the French law sufficiently to
administer it with justice ; and if such learned gentlemen
had not abilities sufficient to understtuid it, sure he was,
that no person the Minister could produce was capable of
undertaking the task, so as to do justice to the People and
honor to himself. He said, the noble Lord had been
repeatedly called upon to declare the author of the Bill ; let
the author now stand forth and clear himself; but he would
be bold to say, no man would dare to own a bill which
was meant to establish Popery. The noble Lord had said
the Canadians had not desired to have a Jury ; could the
noble Lord say the Canadians had desired not to have a
Jury ? He then entered fully into the nature of Juries;
said they were fit in all cases ; that he had known many
instances where Juries had found for the Crown, and that
he could wish to see Juries established throughout the world,
as they were a check upon evil judges, and consequently
if they were not so good judges of law, they were judges
of fact ; he said, as to the People of Canada being negli-
gent of attending to serve on Juries, it was the case here ;
there was scarce a term passed but jurymen were fined
for non-attendance.
Mr. Solicitor General Wedderhum said, he could not
agree with the learned Serjeant, that the supporters of the
Bill deserved the appellation of traitors to their country ;
that he had no objection to a Jury hereafter being establish-
ed there, but let it be left in the power of the Crown, and
if they saw it was necessary, they could at any time adopt
it ; but this was not the time, when the People were so
much enraged against the proceedings of Juries in that
country ; that as to the Jury which Mr. Maseres had
formed for that country, in the pamphlet he had published,
he by no means thought it like an English Jury, for it
was to be formed of an odd number of people, thirteen,
fifteen, or seventeen, and a majority of those people to be
decisive, and the jurymen to have five shillings per day
allowed them for their attendance. He said he never would
allow that the Canadians were fit persons to serve, upon a
Jury ; they understood nothing of its form, and therefore
were not judges enough how to act upon it ; that as to
cases of revenue, we had had two instances of their de-
ciding different to an English Jury ; that a Jury in Eng-
land had found for the Crown, they in Canada had twice,
on the same trial, found for the defendant ; and the witness
at the bar, Mr. Hey, had informed the House, that he had
often been put to trouble, because he never could get the
Canadians to give a special verdict.
Mr. Byng. The noble Lord had given them such of
the evidence as he thought proper, and mentioned the
equality of the numbers of the two sorts of subjects ; that
as to the numbers, it was a matter of indifference to him
whether they were three hundred and sixty or three hun-
dred and sixty thousand, they had equally a claim to com-
passion ; that he thought it proper, that wherever an Eng-
lish Colony was settled, English laws ought to be esta-
blished ; that he did not approve of the clause now offered,
because he thought it not sufficient, yet he would gladly
accept of it as part of a good thing, and he made no doubt
but the Canadians would, when they became used to the
nature of it, love it, and wish to have it in its full extent ;
that General Carleton had informed them that the Cana-
dians were a docile People ; had we any occasion to go to
Canada to look for docile creatures ? No ! There was a
sufficient number always to be seen on the opposite side of
the House, docile enough to do any thing the noble Lord,
their leader, should direct them to do.
Governor Johnstone spoke highly in favour of Juries,
and recommended the clause.
Mr. T. Townshcyid spoke against the whole of the Bill,
and much in praise of Juiies ; and recommended the clause
offered in a strenuous manner, setting forth, that the Eng-
lish residents there had not gone to that Colony, had
they not been invited by his Majesty's Jloyal Proclama-
tion ; but those who advise him to break his promise,
would advise him to do any thing that was bad.
Mr. Edmund Burke, in a long speech, the first part of
which was a keen, pointed vein of humour, against the
ministerial members, who just then came into the House in
great numbers, said, he should not then have risen, only he
thought he now seized a happy moment when he should
carry his point, for the House, had filled, all of a sudden,
with members who had not heard any thing that had been
said against the Bill, no, not even from its being first agi-
tated in the House ; that they had now come with good
English dinners in their bellies, which would, he trusted,
make them good humoured, and by being thus full of likg-
lish meat, would undoubtedly be for English laws that
could secure to them that meat ; that he should have been
afraid to attack such a body of power and wisdom as the
other side of the House contained, had he not fortunately
observed, that the noble Lord, and his two great oracles of
wisdom and order, had all difiiered in their opinions ; that
finding them thus at variance, he thought the moment
would be fortunate to his cause ; the one was for a Jury,
only now was not the proper time ; the other against any
Jury at all ; and a third that it could not be inserted in the
Bill. He then divided the People concerned in the Bill
under three heads : first, the English merchants ; second,
the English subjects ; and thirdly, the Canadians ; he
said they all deserved support ; and, though the noble
Lord, and his supporters, had so industriously always made
use of the number three hundred and sixty, as suitable to
their cause, let them only recollect what all the evidence
at the bar agreed in, which was, that the English subjects
were possessed of upwards of two-thirds of the whole
trade : did the noble Lord think then that they were a
body of People to be minded ? That as to their numbers
being small, the noble Lord might recollect that there was
an old vulgar saying, " that one Englishman was always
worth two Frenchmen," that, in this case, he thought
them preferable to fifty Frenchmen ; that he would be
willing to give a Canadian every indulgence in his power,
but not grant that indulgence at the expense of the jEn^^--
lish ; that if these noblesse were the only persons (as
they appeared to be by the evidences at the bar,) that were
against the English laws, he would sacrifice them and all
the noblesse of England and other countries, but he would
make the majority of the People happy. But the reason
the noblesse did not like the English laws, was on account
of the manner in which they had been represented to
them ; namely, that they were a string of religious and civil
persecutors, which would entirely hinder them either from
exercising their own religion, or from having any share in
the Government of their own country ; that, remove those
prejudices which the noblesse had imbibed from misrepre-
sentations, and he would be bound to say they would not
only admire our laws, but petition to have them ; that, as
to the noblesse hating Juries, because it trusted their pro-
perty to their inferiors, it was a principal reason why he
would give the Canadians a Jury, in order to protect their
property from the arbitrary proceedings of the noblesse,
who, in all countries, always wished to have the poor under
their controul ; that as to the English laws not being
esteemed by the French, he could produce mountains of
books written by Frenchmen, on the justness and excellen-
cy of our laws, where they approved of the trial by Jury
as one of the greatest excellencies our Constitution pro-
duced ; that the noble Lord had invited him, and others, to
come and offer their opinions; setting forth, that the Bill
was imperfect, and he wished to alter it, yet he had not at-
tended to what had been offered ; that, in the Committee,
when he meant to propose a clause, the noble Lord told
him he might do it with propriety on the Report, and that
there would be no other obstacle in his way, than that he
would oppose it : he said he was greatly obliged to the
noble Lord for his candour, for it had spared him much
trouble, having intended to offer several clauses, which he
should, with great justice be called obstinate, were he now
to attempt it, when he knew there was such a glorious
triumvirate of power and wisdom formed against him ; that
he sincerely believed the French were in awe of us, yet
he could not help thinking that they must be astonished
that a People, who had such powerful arms, should have
such weak heads : he strongly recommended the state of
the merchants as an object of the noble Ijonl's attention,
setting forth, tiiat their property was always in a fluctuating
state, and that they run great risks of their whole fortune,
to benefit Government as well as themselves.
FouKTH Series.
14
211
QUEBEC BILL.
212
The question was then put, and tlie House divided :
Yeas 40 ; Nays, 83.
So it passed in the Negative.
Mr. T. Townshend offered an amendment, making tem-
porary tliat part of the Bill which relates to the Legislative
Council.
Tiiis produced a short debate, but it passed in the Nega-
tive, without a division.
Mr. Dempster offered an amendment, for establishing
rules to be observed in the making of Ordinances ; which
also passed in tlie Negative.
Mr. C. Fox proposed an amendment, to secure the reli-
gious Orders their rights and properties, as a corporate
body claiming under the capitulation.
Which was rejected without a division.
Mr. Dempster then proposed to amend the Bill, giving
to the Canadians, claiming it, the benefit of the English
laws oi habeas corpus, and bail, in cases of commitment.
And the question being put, the House divided : Yeas,
21 ; Nays 76.
So it passed in the Negative.
Ordered, That the Bill be read the third time, upon
Monday morning next.
Monday, June 13, 1774.
The Order of the Day being read, the Bill was accord-
ingly read the third time.
Mr. Cooper moved, that the Bill do Pass.
Mr. Charles Fox opposed this, on the ground of its
being a money Bill, and having originated in the other
"House ; he moved, therefore, that the Journals of the
House of Commons, of the 5th of March, 1677, might be
read ; and the same being read accordingly, it appeared
that they had rejected a Bill from the Lords, for the pur-
pose of collecting customary tythes and other dues. He
then argued from this precedent as a case exactly applica-
ble and in point to the clause in the Bill, which provides
for the security of the accustomed rights and dues of the
Romish clergy ; and appealed to the sense of the House if
the present Bill, under such circumstances, was permitted
to pass, whether it would not be, in fact, a relinquishment
of the ancient and hitherto undisputed right of the House
of Commons, to originate money Bills.
Mr. Cooper, in answer, quoted another precedent, from
the Journals in the year 1691, on the Bill for the recovery
of small tythes, in which the Lords had made an amend-
ment.
Mr. Howard observed, that Mr. Cooper^s precedent did
not apply, and that he knew of but one in the whole
records of Parliament that did, which was in the reign of
Edward the Sixth, on which the learned Bishop who wrote
the History of the Reformation remarked, that it was a
direct infringement on the rights and privileges of the
Reformation.
Then the question being put, That the Bill, with the
amendments, do Pass ; the House divided : Yeas, 56 ;
Nays, 20.
So it passed in the Affirmative.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
Tuesday, June 14, 1774.
A Message was brought from the House of Commons,
by Mr. Cooper and others :
To return the Bill, and to acquaint this House, that they
have agreed to tlie same, with some amendments, to which
they desire their Lordships concurrence thereto.
Ordered, That the said amendments be taken into
consideration on Friday next ; and that the Lords be
summoned.
Ordered, That the said Bill with the amendments, be
printed.
Friday, June 18, 1774.
The Order of the Day being read, the amendments to
the Bill were read three times by the Clerk ;
it was proposed, " To agree with the Commons in tlie
said amendments."
Lord Chatham rose, and entered fully upon tlie subject
of tiie Bill. He said it would involve a great country in
a thousand difficulties, and in the worst of despotism, and
put the whole People under arbitrary power ; that it was a
most cruel, oppressive, and odious measure, tearing up
justice and every good principle by tlie roots; that by
abolishing the trial by Jury, he supposed the framers of the
Bill thought that mode of proceeding, togetlier with the
habeas corpus, mere moonshine, whilst every true Eng-
lishman was ready to lay down his life sooner than lose
those two bulwarks of his personal security and property.
The merely supposing that the Canadians would not be
able to feel the good elFects of law and freedom, because
tliey had been used to arbitrary power, was an idea as
ridiculous as false. He said the Bill established a despotic
Government in that country, to which the Royal Proclama-
tion, of 1763, promised the jirotection of the English laws.
Here the noble Lord read part of the Proclamation, and
then entered fully on tlie Council and power vested in the
Governors, tlie whole mode of which, he said, was tyran-
nical and despotic : he was likewise very particular on the
bad consequences that would attend the gr^at extension
of that Province, tliat the whole of the Bill appeared to
him to be destructive of that liberty which ought to be the
ground-work of every constitution : ten thousand objec-
tions, he was confident, might be made to the Bill, but the
extinction of the mode of trial above mentioned, was a
very alarming circumstance, and he would pronounce him
a bold man who proposed such a plan. When his Lordship
came to the religious part of the Bill, he directed his
discourse to the bench of Bishops, telling them, that as by
the Bill the Catholic religion was made the establisiied
religion of that vast Continent, it was impossible they
could be silent on the occasion. He called the Bill a child
of inordinate power, and desired and asked if any of that
bench would hold it out for baptism ; he touciied again
upon the unlimited power of the Governor, in appointing^
all the membei-s, and who might be made up of Roman
Catholics only. He also took notice of an amendment
which had been made in the House of Commons, which
was a new clause, repealing so much of the Act of Refor-
mation of the first of Elizabeth, as relates to the oath of
supremacy, and substituting a common oath of allegiance
in its place. This Act of Elizabeth, he said, had always
been looked upon as one that the Legislature had no more
right to repeal, than the Great Charter, or the Bill of
Rights.
His Lordship stated, with great force, many objections
to the clause giving to the French Canadians so advanta-
geous a part of the fisheries of cod on the Labrador coast,
to the great prejudice of the English fishemien on the
banks of Newfoundland; considering the said fisheries of
Labrador as a nursery of French Canadian seamen, to
man, in case of a French war, any squadrons of France,
in those seas. He exposed the train of fatal mischiefs
attending the establishment of popery and arbitrary power
in that vast and fertile region now annexed to the Govern-
ment of (Quebec, and capable of containing (if fully peo-
pled) not less than thirty millions of souls. He deduced the
whole series of laws from the supremacy first re-vindicated
under Henry the Eighth, down to this day, as fundamentids
constituting a clear compact that all establishments by law
are to be Protestant ; which compact ought not to be
altered, but by tlie consent of the collective body of the
People. He further maintained, that the dangerous inno-
vations of this Bill were at variance with all the safeguards
and barriers against the return of Popery and of Popish
influence, so \visely provided against by all the oaths of
office and of trust, from the Constable up to the members
of both Houses, and even to the Sovereign, in his corona-
tion oath. He pathetically expressed his fears, that it
might shake the affections and confidence of his Majesty's
Protestant subjects in England and Ireland ; and finally
lose the hearts of all his Majesty's American subjects.
His Lordship then said, that for these and other reasons,
he gave his hearty negative to the Bill.
Lord Dartmouth said a few words in favour of the Bill.
Lord Lyttclton he'^aii by observing, that whatever fell
from that noble Earl, fell with such weight as to make the
deepest impression on those who heard him : that from the
solemn opposition he had given to that clause of the Bill,
which excused the Canadians from the oath of suprema-
cy, and imposed an oath of allegiance in the room of it,
213
QUEBEC BILL.
214
he was induced to give his reasons why he differed from
Lord Chatham ; that so far from thinking with the noble
Lord hxst named, that no man who was a Protestant in his
heart could give his consent to the passing of that clause,
he affirmed that no true Protestant could refuse it his
hearty concurrence, because the doctrinal principles of our
holy religion, drawn from that pure and excellent source
die Gospel of our Saviour, breathed forth a spirit of mo-
deration, candour, and universal toleration to all religions
that were not incompatible with the precepts of morality,
and the general welfare and happiness of mankind. That
to oblige Catholics to deny the supremacy of the Pope,
was to compel them forcibly to abjure their religion, and
in reality, to commence a persecution against them ; that
opposition always grew and strengthened under the scythe
of persecution, and that fanaticism was never formidable
till it was oppressed. He said that the Canadians had,
ever since the conquest of that country, behaved like good
and peaceable subjects, that therefore they were justly
entitled to a beneficial code of civil policy, and to a free
exercise of their religion. That though he had the great-
est reverence for the Protestant faith, yet he had no less
respect for the safety and good government of the State ;
that to force the inhabitants of Canada to renounce those
errors which they had imbibed with their mother's milk, was
to alter by violence the constitution of their mind, and by so
doing, to lay a foundation for resistance, which if it did not
proceed to rebellion, would at least tend to alienate their
minds from that allegiance which they had but just adopt-
ed, and which, under the mild government we exercised
over them, would, he hoped, be daily strengthened and
matured by time. That it was matter of triumph to this
great and free country to treat the conquered subjects of
France with more lenity, and to give them a better form
of Government than that which they had received from
their mother country ; that so far was he from believing
that Administration had predetermined in the closet the
result of the proceedings of Parliament, and that, as the
noble Earl expressed himself, " what must be, must be,"
that on the contrary, in every stage of the Bill, they had
shewed the greatest candour and desire of information, and
in the House of Commons, liad actually adopted many
ideas that had been thrown out by opposition, especially
in regard to a very important part of the Bill, the defini-
tion of the limits of Canada. He said, he approved of
the Bill, chiefly from Us lenity and moderation, and that
he deemed it sound policy for a conquering nation to lay
tlie yoke lightly over the necks of those who were subject-
ed to its dominion. That as the noble Earl had observed
how much Canada was inclined towards France, he
thought nothing was more likely to win them over to Eng-
land than to improve and meliorate their commercial as
well as political situation, and, above all, to give them
liberty of conscience in religious matters.
His Lordship then observed, the dark times of super-
stition were past, that the gloomy reign of persecution
and priestcraft were now at an end, that science every
where diffused — had every where enlightened the human
mind; he took notice that the noble Earl had said, if the
Bill passed you might take down the bells from your
steeples, and the steeples from your churches ; but that if
even that was to happen, the evil would not be great, for
that Christian men might meet in the faith of Christ and in
Christian charity without these things, which to the pure
of heart and to the truly devout were of little importance ;
tJiat they were the externals of religion, the internals of
which were charity and universal benevolence; and that
these principles gave birth to the clause which the noble
Earl had so unciiaritably censured.
After Lord LijHelton had thus answered Lord Chotham^s
objections to the religious tendency of the Billy he pro-
ceeded to shew why he approved of the genersf policy of
it: he said, he would not pretend to be sufficiently versed
in the deep science of politics to affirm whether or no a
better system of legislation might not have been invented,
but that lie insisted upon the code contained in the Bill to
be conformable to the genius of the country over which it
is to be exercised ; that it was consistent with the political
notions of the inhabitants, and the form of Government to
which they had been accustomed ; that forms of Govern-
ment must always be suited to the dispositions of the
governed, and infinitely varied in different climates ; that
the mild Constitution of this country would be rejected
with contempt by the sons of despotism in Asia, and the
excess of liberty happily spread over England, would
degenerate to an excess of licentiousness in Canada. As
to the idea of the noble Earl, that this political separation
of Canada from the rest of America might be a means of
dividing their interests, and that French Canada would in
a future day be used as a proper instrument to quell
British America, Lord Lyttelton said, he was not appre-
hensive of these consequences ; but that if British Ame-
rica was determined to resist the lawful power and })re-emi-
nence of Great Britain, he saw no reason why the loyal
inhabitants of Canada should not co-operate with the rest
of the Empire in subduing them, and bringing them to a
right sense of their duty ; and he thought it happy, that,
from their local situation, they might be some check to
those fierce fanatic spirits that, inflamed with the same
zeal which animated the Round-heads in England, directed
that zeal to the same purposes, to the demolition of regal
authority, and to the subversion of all power which they
did not themselves possess ; that they were composed of
the same leaven, and whilst they pretended to be contend-
ing for liberty, they were setting up an absolute indepen-
dent Republic, and that the struggle was not for freedom,
but power, which was proved from the whole tenor of
their conduct, even to demonstration.
The question was then put, and the House divided :
Contents, 26; Non-Contents, 7.
So it was resolved in the Affinnative.
The following Lords were the minority : the Duke of
Gloucester, the Earls Chatham, Coventry, Eff,ngham, and
Spencer, the Lords Sandys, and King.*
Wednesday, June 22, 1774.
[The Lord Mayor, Aldermen Crosby, Lewis, and Plomer,
the Recorder, upwards of one hundred and fifty of the
Common Council, and City Officers, went from Guildhall
to St. James's, (Alderman Sawbridge joined them in the
way,) in order to present an Address and Petition to his
Majesty, previous to his going to the House, relative to the
Bill for the government of Quebec. They arrived at St.
James's a quarter before one. A little before two, the
Lord Chamberlain waited on the Lord Mayor with a Mes-
sage from the King, which he had committed to writing, to
prevent any mistake ; and he read the following paper :
* The Session was drawing near to the usual time of recess ; and
the greatest number of the members, fatigued with a long attendance
on the American Bills, were retired into the country. In this situa-
tion, a Bill which has engaged a great deal of the public attention,
was brouglit into the House of Lords ; — " The Bill for making more
"effectual provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec, in
" North America." Tliis passed through that House with very little,
if any observation. But wlien it came down to the House of Commons,
it met with a very different reception. A disposition immediately ap-
peared in that House to criticise it with unusual severity. The party
for Ministry seemed to be a little alarmed at this spirit, partly because,
from its easy passage through the House of Lords, it was not so much
e.\pected ; but principally, because tliey apprehended it would create
more uneasiness among the People out of doors than any of the former
Bills. In this case, the passions which had been excited by the disor.
ders in America, did not operate in their favour. And as the Act had
for a part of its objects establishments touching religion, it was far
more likely to give occasion for popular complaint. The Ministry
therefore found it necessary not to carry things with so high an hand
as in the preceding Bills.
Tlie Bill received in the course of these debates [in the Commons]
many amendments, so as to change it very greatly from the state in
which it came down from the House of Lords ; but the ground-work
remained the same. Throughout the whole progress of the business,
though well fought, the numbers in the minority were uncommonly
small. It produced, nevertheless, much greater uneasiness and dis-
content out of doors than any of the Bills for punishing of the old
Colonies.
This discontent called on the attention of the House of Lords ; so
that wlien the Bill was returned to them with the amendments, ther«
was a considerable opposition to it, although in some respects less ex.
ceptionable than when it had passed tlicir House with so little notice;
but, as in all other questions, so in this, the minority shewed no
strength in numbers.
The session had now stretched far into the Summer. The business
of it had been of as much importance as that, perhaps, of any session
since the revolution. Great changes had been made in the economy
of some of Die Colonies, wliich were thought foundations for changes
of a like nature in others ; and the most sanguine expectations were
entertained by tlic Ministry, that when Parliament had shewn so
determined a resolution, and the advocates for the Colonies liad ap-
pearcd so very little able to protect them, the submission throughout
America would bo inunediate ; and complete obedience and tranquilli-
ty would be secured in future. Tlio triumphs and mutual congratu-
lations of all wlio supported these measures, within doors and without,
were unusually great. — Ann. Regit.
215
QUEBEC BILL.
216
" As your Petition relates to a Bill agreed on by the
" two Houses of Parliament, of which his Majesty cannot
" take public notice, until it is presented for iiis royal as-
" sent in Parliament, 1 am commanded by the King to in-
" form you, that you are not to ex))ect an answer."
The Lord Mayor immediately sent the Remembrancer,
to present his duty to the King, and inform his Majesty,
" That they waited to present their Address, agreeable to
" his Majesty's order ;" which was in a little time complied
with ; when no other answer was given.
The following is a copy of the City Address:
" To the Kinir's Most Excellent Majaty, the humble Ad-
dress and Fetition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and
Ci)mmons, of the City o/ London, in Common Council
assembled :
" Most Gracious Sovereign,
" We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the
Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons, of the City of
London, in Common Council assembled, are exceedingly
alarmed that a Bill has passed your two Houses of Parlia-
ment, entitled " An Act for making more effectual provi-
" sion for the government of the Province of (Quebec, in
" North America," which we apprehend to be entirely
subversive of the great fundamental principles of the
Constitution of the British Monarchy, as well as of the
authority of various solemn acts of the Legislature.
" We beg leave to observe, that the English law, and
that wonderful effort of human wisdom, the trial by Jury,
are not admitted by this Bill in any civil cases, and the
French law of Canada is imposed on all the inhabitants of
that extensive Province, by which both the persons and
properties of very many of your Majesty's subjects are
rendered insecure and precarious.
" We humbly conceive, that this Bill, if passed into a law
will be contrary, not only to the compact entered into with
the numerous settlers of the reformed religion, who were
invited into the said Province, under the sacred promise of
enjoying the benefits of the laws of your realm of England,
but likewise repugnant to your royal Proclamation of the
7th of October, 1763, for the speedy settling the said new
Government.
" That consistent with the public faith, pledged by the
said Proclamation, your Majesty cannot erect and consti-
tute Courts of Judicature and Public Justice for the hear-
ing and determining all cases, as well civil as criminal,
within the said Province, but as near as may be agreeable
to the laws of England ; nor can any laws, statutes, or
ordinances for the public peace, welfare, and good govern-
ment of the said Province, be made, constituted, or or-
dained, but according to the laws of this Realm.
" That the Roman Catholic religion, which is known
to be idolatrous and bloody, is established by this Bill, and
no legal provision is made for the free exercise of our
reformed faith, nor the security of our Protestant fellow
subjects of the Church of England, in the true worship
of Almighty God, according to their consciences.
" That your Majesty's illustrious family was called to the
throne of these Kingdoms, in consequence of the exclu-
sion of the Roman Catholic ancient branch of the Stuart
line, under the express stipulation that they should pro-
fess the Protestant religion ; and according to the oath es-
tablished by the sanction of Parliament, in the first year of
the reign of our great deliverer, William the Third, your
Majesty, at your coronation, solemnly swore that you would,
to the utmost of your power, maintain the laws of God,
the true profession of the gospel, and Protestant reformed
religion, established by law.
" That although the term of imprisonment of subjects is
limited to three months, the power of fining is left indefi-
nite and unrestrained, by which the total ruin of the party
may be effected by an enormous and excessive fine.
" That the whole Legislative power of the Province is
vested in persons to be solely appointed by your Majesty,
and removable at your pleasure, which we apprehend to be
repugnant to the leading principles of this free Constitution,
by which alone your Majesty now holds, or legally can
hold, the imperial crown of these Realms.
" That the said Bill was brought into Parliament very
late in the present session, and after the greater number of
tlie members of the two Houses were retired into the coun-
try, so that it cannot fairly be said to be the sense of those
parts of tlie Legblature.
" Your Petitioners, therefore, most humbly supplicate
your Majesty, as the guardian of the laws, liberties, and
religion of your People, and the great bulwark of the
Protestant faith, that you will not give your royal assent
to the said Bill.
" And your Petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever
pray."]
His Majesty, being seated on the Throne, adorned with
his crown and regal ornaments, and attended by his Offi-
cers of State, (the Lords being in their robes,) and the
Commons, with their Speaker, being in attendance,
The Royal assent was pronounced to the Bill, by the
Clerk's Assistant.
Then his Majesty made a Speech, in which he said : —
" My Lurds and Gentlemen,
" I have observed, with the utmost satisfaction, the
" many eminent proofs you have given of your zealous
" and prudent attention to the public service, during the
" course of this very interesting session of Parliament.
" The very peculiar circumstances of embarrassment in
" which the Province of (Quebec was involved, had render-
" ed the proper adjustment and regulation of the Govern-
" ment thereof, a matter of no small difficulty. The Bill
" which you prepared for that purpose, and to which I
" have now given my assent, is founded on the clearest
" principles of justice and humanity ; and will, I doubt not,
" have the best effects in quieting the minds, and promot-
" ing the happiness of my Canadian subjects.
" I have long seen, with concern, a dangerous spirit of
" resistance to my Government, and to the execution of
" the laws, prevailing in the Province of Massachusetti
" Bay, in New England. It proceeded at length to such
" an extremity as to render your immediate interposition
" indispensably necessary ; and you have accordingly made
" provision, as well for the suppression of the present dis-
'•■ orders, as for the prevention of the like in future. The
" temper and firmness with which you have conducted
" yourselves in this important business, and the general
" concurrence with which the resolution of maintaining the
" authority of the laws, in every part of my dommions,
" hath been adopted and supported, cannot fail of giving
" the greatest weight to the measures which have been the
" result of your deliberations. Nothing that depends on
" me shall he wanting to render diem eflectual. It is my
" most anxious desire to see my deluded subjects, in that
" part of the world, returning to a sense of their duty ; ac-
" quiescing in that just subordination to the authority, and
" maintaining that due regard to the commercial interests
" of this country ; which must ever be inseparably con-
" nected with their own real prosperity and advantage."
Anno Decimo (Quarto Georgii, III. Regis.
An Act for making more effectual provision for the Go-
vernment of the Province of Quebec, in North
America.
[N. B. The words printed within crotcliets [ ], denote what w.n»
leil out by the Commons ; and those printed witliin a parenthesis ( ),
what have been inserted by them.]
Whereas his Majesty, by his Royal Proclamation, bear-
ing date the seventh day of October, in the third year of
his reign, thought fit to declare the provisions which had
been made in respect to certain Countries, Territories, and
Islands, in America, ceded to his Majesty by the Definitive
Treaty of Peace, concluded at Paris, on the tenth day of
February, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three :
And whereas, by the arrangements made by the said Royal
Proclamation a very large [part of the territory of Cana-
da,] (extent of country) within which there were several
Colonies and setdements, of the subjects of France, who
claimed to remain therein under the faith of the said
treaty, was left, without any provision being made for the
administration of civil Government therein, and [o^Aer]
(certain) parts of the [said country] (territory of Canada)
wiiere sedentary fisheries had been established and car-
ried on by the subjects of France, inhabitants of the said
Province of Canada, under grants and cf'oncessions from
the Government thereof, were annexed to the Government
of Newfoundland, and thereby subjected to regulations
inconsistent with the nature of such fisheries : May it
217
QUEBEC BILL.
218
tlierefore please your most excellent Majesty, that it may
be enacted, and be it enacted by the King's most excellent
Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords,
Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Par-
liament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that
all the [suid] territories, islands, and countries, [heretofore
part of the Province of Canada.] in North America, [ex-
tending Southivard to the banks of\ (belonging to the Crown
of Great Britain, bounded on the South by a line from the
Bay of Chaleurs, along the high lands which divide the
rivers that empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence,
from those which fall into the sea, to a point in forty-five
degrees of Northern latitude, on the Eastern bank of the
river Connectimt ; keeping the same latitude directly west
tlirough the Lake Champlain, until, in the same latitude,
it meets tlie river St. Lawrence ; from thence up the
Eastern bank of the said river, to the Lake Ontario;
thence through tiie Lake Ontario, and the river called
the Niagara; and thence along by the Eastern and
Southeastern bank of Lake Erie, following the said bank
until the same shall be intersected by the Northern boun-
dary, granted by the Charter of the Province of Penn-
sylvania, in case the same shall be so intersected ; and
from thence along the said Northern and Western bounda-
ries of the said Province, until the said Western boundary
strike the Ohio: but in case the said bank of the said
lake shall not be found to be so intersected, then following
the said bank, until it shall arrive at that point of the said
bank which shall be nearest to the Northwestern angle of
the said Province of Pennsylvania; and thence by a right
line to the said Northwestern angle of the said Province,
and thence along the Western boundary of the said Pro-
vince, until it strike) the river Ohio (and along the bank
of the said river) Westward, to the banks of the Missis-
sippi, and Northward to the Southern boundary of the ter-
ritory granted to the Merchants Adventurers of England,
trading to Hudson's Bay; and [which said] (also all
such) territories, islands, and countries, [are not within the
limits of some other British Colony as allowed and con-
firmed by the Crown, or] which have, since the tenth of
February, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three,
been made part of the Government of Newfoundland,
be, and they are hereby, during his Majesty's pleasure,
annexed to, and made part and parcel of, the Province of
(Quebec, as created and established by the said Royal Pro-
clamation of the seventh of October, one thousand seven
hundred and sixty-three.
{Provided always. That nothing herein contained rela-
tive to the boundary of the Province of Quebec, shall in
any wise affect the boundaries of any other Colonies.)
(Provided always, And be it enacted, that nothing in
this Act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend,
to make void, or to vary or alter any right, title, or pos-
session, derived under any grant, conveyance, or otherwise
howsoever, of or to any lands within the said Province,
or the Provinces thereto adjoining, but that the same shall
remain and be in force, and have effect, as if this Act had
never been made.)
And whereas the provisions made by the said Proclama-
tion, in respect to the civil Government of the said Pro-
vince of (Quebec, and the powers and authorities given to
the Governor, and other civil officers of the said Province,
by the grants and commissions issued in consequence
tliereof, have been found, upon experience, to be inappli-
cable to the state and circumstances of the said Province,
the inhabitants whereof [amounting] (amounted) at the
conquest, to above [one hundred] (sixty-five) thousand
persons, professing the religion of tiie Church of Rome,
and enjoying an established form of constitution and system
of laws, by which their persons and property had been
protected, governed, and ordered for a long series of years,
from the first establishment of the said Province of Cana-
da ; Be it therefore further enacted by the authority afore-
said the said Proclamation, so far as the same relates to tlie
said Province of (Quebec, and the commission under the
authority whereof tiie Government of the said Province
is at present administered, and all and every the ordinance
and ordinances made by the Governor and Council of
(Quebec for the time being, relative to the civil Govern-
ment and administration of justice in the said Province,
and all commissions to Judges and other officers thereof,
be, and the same are hereby revoked, annulled, and made
void, from and after the first day of May, one thousand
seven hundred and seventy-five.
And for the more perfect security and ease of the minds
of the inhabitants of the said Province, it is hereby
declared, that his Majesty's subjects professing the religion
of the Church of Rome, of, and in the said Province of
Quebec, [as the same is described in and by the said Pro-
clamation and commissions, and also all the territories, part
of the Province of Canada, at the time of the conquest
thereof, tvhich are hereby annexed during his Majesty's
pleasure, to the said Government of Quebec,] may have,
hold, and enjoy, the free exercise of the religion of the
Church of Rome, subject to the King's supremacy, de-
clared and established by an Act made in the first year of
the reign of Queen Elizabeth, over all the dominions and
countries which then did, or thereafter should, belong to
the imperial Crown of this realm ; and that the Clergy of
the said churci), may hold, receive, and enjoy their accus-
tomed dues and rights, with respect to such persons only
as shall profess the said religion.
Provided nevertheless. That, [nothing herein contained
shall extend, or be construed to extend, to the disabling]
(it shall be lawful for) his Majesty, his heirs, or successors,
[from making] (to make) such provision (out of the rest ■
of the said accustomed dues and rights) for the encourage-
ment of the Protestant religion, and for the maintenance
and support of a Protestant clergy within the said Pro-
vince, as he or they shall, from time to time, think neces-
sary and expedient.
{Provided always, and be it enacted, That no person
professing the religion of the Church of Rome, and residing
in the said Province, shall be obliged to take the oath
required by the said statute, passed in the first year of the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, or any other oaths substituted
by any other Act in the place thereof, but that every such
person, who by the said statute is required to take the
oath therein mentioned, shall be obliged, and is hereby
required to take and subscribe the following oath, before
the Governor, or such other person, or in such court of
record as his Majesty shall appoint, who are hereby
authorized to administer the same ; videlicet :
" I, A — B — , do sincerely promise and swear that I will
" be faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majesty King
" George, and him will defend to the utmost of my power,
" against all traitorous conspiracies and attempts whatso-
" ever, which shall be made against his person, crown and
" dignity ; and I will do my utmost endeavours to disclose
" and make known to his Majesty, his heirs, and succes-
" sors, all treasons and traitorous conspiracies and attempts,
" which I shall know to be against him, or any of them,
" and all this I do swear, without any equivocation, mental
" evasion, or secret reservation ; and renouncing all par-
" dons and dispensations from any power or person whom-
" soever to the contrary. So help me God."
And every such person who shall neglect or refuse to
take the said oath, before mentioned, shall incur, and be
liable to the same penalties, forfeitures, disabilities, and
incapacities, as he would have incurred and been liable to,
for neglecting or refusing to take the oath required by the
said statute, passed in the first year of the reign of Queen
Elizabeth.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That all his Majesty's Canadian subjects, within the Pro-
vince of Quebec, the religious orders and communities
only excepted, may also hold and enjoy their property
and possessions, together with all customs and usages
relative thereto, and all other their civil rights, in as large,
ample, and beneficial manner, as if the said proclamation,
commissions, ordinances, and other acts, and instruments,
had not been made, and as may consist with their allegiance
to his Majesty, and subjection to the Crown and Parliament
of Great Britain; and that in all matters of controversy
relative to property and civil rights, resort shall be had
to the laws of Canada, (as the rule) for the decision of
the same, and all causes that shall hereafter be instituted
in any of the courts of justice, to be appointed within
and for the said Province, by his Majesty, his heirs, and
successors, shall, with respect to such property and rights,
be determined [by the Judges of the same] agreeably to
the said laws and customs of Canada [and the several]
(until they shall be varied or altered by any,) ordinances
that shall, from time to time, be passed in the said Pro-
219
QUEBEC BILL.
220
vince by tlie Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or Com-
mander-in-chief, for the time being, by and with tlie advice
and consent of the Legislative Council of the same, to be
appointed in maimer hereinafter mentioned.
(^Provided always, That nothing in tiiis act contained
shall extend, or be construed to extend, to any lands that
have been granted by his Majesty, or sliall hereafter be
granted by his Majesty, his heii's, and successors, to be
holden in free and common soccage.)
Providtd [always] (also,) That it shall and may be
lawful to and for every person that is owner of any lands,
goods, or credits, in the said Province, and that has a
right to alienate the said lands, goods, or credits, in his or
her life time, by deed of sale, gift, or otherwise, to devise or
bequeath the same, at his or her death, by his or her last
will and testament ; any law, usage, or custom heretofore
or now prevailing in the Province, to the contrary hereof
in any wise notwithstanding.
[Provided also, That nothing in this Act contained
shall extend or be construed to extend, to any lands that
have been granted by his Majesty, or shall hereafter be
granted by his Majesty, his heirs, and successors, to be
holden in free and common soccage;] (such will being
executed either according to the laws of Canada, or
according to the forms prescribed by the laws of England.)
And whereas the certainty and lenity of the criminal
law of England, and the benefits and advantages resulting
from tlie use of it, have been sensibly felt by the inhabi-
tants from an experience of more than nine years, during
which it has been uniformly administered ; be it therefore
further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the same
shall continue to be administered, and shall be observed as
law, in the Province of (Quebec, as well in the description
and quality of the offence, as in the method of prosecu-
tion and trial, and the punishments and forfeitures thereby
inflicted, to the exclusion of every other rule of criminal
law, or mode of proceeding therein, whicii did or might
prevail in the said Province before the year of our Lord
one thousand seven hundred and sixty-four; any thing in
this Act to the contrary thereof in any respect notwithstand-
ing ; subject nevertheless to such alterations and amend-
ments, as the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or Com-
mander-in-chief, for the time being, by and with the advice
and consent of the Legislative Council of the said Pro-
vince, hereafter to be appointed, shall from time to time,
cause to be made therein, in manner hereinafter directed.
And whereas it may be necessary to ordain many
regulations, for the future welfare and good Government of
the Province of Quebec, the occasions of which cannot
now be foreseen, nor without much delay and inconve-
nience be provided for, without entiusting tiiat authority for
a certain time, and under proper restrictions, to persons
resident there : And whereas it is at present inexpedient
to call an Assembly ; be it therefore enacted by the author-
ity aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for his
Majesty, his heirs, and successors, by warrant under his
or their signet, or sign manual, and with the advice of the
Privy Council, to constitute and appoint a Council for the
affairs of the Province of (Quebec, to consist of such
persons resident there, not exceeding twenty-three, nor
less than seventeen, as his Majesty, his heirs, and succes-
sors, shall be pleased to appoint; and upon the death,
removal, or absence, of any of the members of the said
Council, in like manner to constitute and appoint such and
so many other person or persons as shall be necessary to
supply the vacancy or vacancies ; which Council, so ap-
pointed and nominated, or the major part thereof, shall
have \full] power and authority to make ordinances for
tlie peace, welfare, and good government of the said Pro-
vince, with the consent of his Majesty's Governor, or, in
his absence, of the Lieutenant Governor, or Commander-
in-chief, for the time being.
Provided always, Tiiat nothing in this Act contained
sliall extend to authorize or emjiower the said Legislative
Council to lay any taxes or duties within the said Province,
(such rates and taxes only excepted, as the inhabitants of
any town or distinct witliin the said Province, may be
authorized by the said Council to assess, levy, and apply,
within the said town or district, for tlie purpose of making
roads, erecting and repairing public buildings, or for any
other purpose respecting the local convenience and econ-
omy of such town or district.)
Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority
aforesaid, That every ordinance so to be made shall, with-
in six months, be transmitted by the Governor, or in liis
absence, by the Lieutenant Governor, or Cqmmander-in-
chief, for the time being, and laid before his Majesty, for
his royal approbation ; and if his Majesty shall think fit to
disallow tliereof, the same shall cease and be void from
the time that his Majesty's order in Council thereupon
shall be promulgated at (Quebec.
Provided also. That no ordinance touching religion, or
by which any punishment may be inflicted greater than fine
or imprisonment for three months, shall be of any force or
effect, until the same shall have received his Majesty's
approbation.
Provided also, That no ordinance shall be passed, at
any meeting of the Council, (where less than a majority
of the whole Council is present, or at any time,) except
between the first day of January, and the first day of May,
unless upon some urgent occasion; in which case, every
member thereof resident at Quebec, or within fifty miles
thereof, shall be personally summoned by the Governor,
or, in his absence, by the Lieutenant Governor, or Com-
mander-in-chief, for the time being, to attend the same.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That nothing herein contained, shall extend, or be con-
strued to extend, to prevent or hinder his Majesty, his
heirs, and successors, by his, or their, letters patent, under
the great seal of Great Britain, from erecting, constituting,
and appointing, such courts of criminal, civil, and ecclesias-
tical jurisdiction, within and for the said Province of Que-
bec, and appointing, from time to time, the Judges and
oflicers thereof, as his Majesty, liis heirs, and successors,
shall think necessary and proper, for the circumstances of
the said Province.
{Provided always, and it is hereby enacted, That no-
thing in this Act contained shall extend, or be construed
to extend, to repeal or make void, within the said Province
of Quebec, any Act or Acts of the Parliament of Great
Britain, heretofore made, for prohibiting, restraining, or
regulating the trade or commerce of his Majesty's Colonies
and Plantations in America; but that all and every the
said Acts, and also all Acts of Parhament, heretofore made,
concerning or respecting the said Colonies and Plantations,
shall be, and are hereby declared to be, in force, within
the said Province of Quebec, and every pan thereof.)
An Act to prevent the Exportation to Foreign parts of
Utensils made use of in the Cotton, Linen, f'Voollen,
and Silk Manufactures of this Kingdom.
Whereas the exportation of the several tools or utensils
made use of in preparing, working up, and finishing, the
cotton and linen manufactures of this Kingdom, or any
or either of them, or any other goods wherein cotton and
linen, or eitlier of them, are used, will enable foreigners
to work up such manufactures, and thereby greatly dimin-
ish the exportation of the same from this Kingdom : there-
fore, for preserving as much as possible to his Majesty's
British subjects the benefits arising from those great and
valuable branches of trade and commerce, be it enacted by
the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with tlie advice
and consent of the Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, and Com-
mons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the au-
thority of the same. That if at any time after the first day
of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-four, any
person or persons, in Great Britain or Ireland, shall upon
any pretence whatsoever, load or put on board, or cause
to be laden or put on board, of any ship, vessel, or boat,
which shall not be bound directly to some port or place in
Great Britain or Ireland, any such tools or utensils as are
commonly used in, or are proper for the ])reparing, work-
ing up, or finishing, of the cotton or linen manufactures,
or any or eitlier of them, or any other goods wherein
cotton and linen, or either of them, are used, or any parts
or parcels of such tools or utensils, by what name or
names the same shall or may be called or known ; the
person or persons so offending shall, for every such offence,
not only forfeit and lose all such tools and utensils, or parts
or parcels thereof, which shall be so laden or put on board
as aforesaid, but also the sum of two hundred pounds of
lawful money of Great Britain ; to be recovered by ac-
221 BILL PROHIBITING EXPORTATION OF TOOLS USED IN MANUFACTURES. 222
lion of debt, bill, plaint, or information, in any of his Ma-
jesty's courts of record at fVestminster, or in the Court of
Session in Scotland, or in any of tlie four courts of Dub-
lin respectively, wherein no essoine, protection, privilege.
Of wager of law, shall be allowed, or more than one im-
parlance.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That from and after the said first day of July, it shall and
may be lawful to and for any officer of his Majesty's
Customs in Great Britain, and for any officer of the Re-
venue in Ireland, to seize and secure in some or one of
his Majesty's warehouses, all such tools or utensils, or
parts or parcels thereof, by this Act prohibited to be export-
ed, as such officer shall find or discover to be lade or put
on board of any ship, vessel, or boat, which shall not be
bound directly to some port or place in Great Britain or
Ireland, and that every officer who shall seize and secure
any of the said tools or utensils, or parts or parcels thereof,
shall be fully and absolutely indemnified for so doing ; and
all tools and utensils, or parts or parcels thereof, so seized
and secured as aforesaid, shall, after condemnation thereof
in due course of law, be publicly sold to the best bidder,
and one moiety of the produce arising by the sale of such
tools and utensils shall be to the use of his Majesty, his
heirs, and successors, and the other moiety to the officer
who shall seize and secure the same as aforesaid.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That from and after the said first day of July, if the
captain or master of any ship, vessel, or boat, in Great
Britain or Ireland, shall knowingly permit any tools or
utensils, by this Act prohibited to be exported as aforesaid,
to be put on board his said ship, vessel, or boat, every
such captain or master shall, for every such offence, for-
feit the sum of two hundred pounds of lawful money of
Great Britain; to be sued for and recovered in such
manner as the penalties by this Act upon persons export-
ing the said tools and utensils are to be sued for and reco-
vered : and if the said ship, vessel, or boat, belongs to his
Majesty, his heirs, or successors, then the captain or mas-
ter thereof shall not only forfeit the sum of two hundred
pounds, to be sued for and recovered as aforesaid, but shall
also forfeit his employment, and be uicapable of any office
or employment under his Majesty, his heirs, or successors.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That if any Customer, Comptroller, Surveyor, Searcher,
Waiter, or other officer of the Customs in Great Britain,
or any officer of the Revenue in Ireland, shall take, or
knowirgly or willingly suffer to be taken, any entry out-
ward, or shall sign any cocket, warrant, or sufferance, for
the shipping or exporting of any of the said tools or uten-
sils by tins Act prohibited to be exported, or shall know-
ingly or willingly permit or suffer the same to be done,
directly or indirectly, contrary to the true intent and mean-
ing of this Act, every such Customer, Comptroller, Sur-
veyor, Searcher, Waiter, or other officer of the Customs
of Great Britain, or officer of the Revenue in Ireland,
shall, for every such offence, forfeit the sum of two hun-
dred pounds of lawful money of Great Britain ; to be sued
for and recovered, as aforesaid, and shall also forfeit his
office, and be incapable of holding any office or employ-
ment under his Majesty, his heirs, or successors.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That if any person or persons, from and after the said first
day of July, shall collect, obtain, or have, in his, her, or
llieir custody or possession any such tools or implements as
aforesaid, or any tools or implements used in the woollen
or silk manufactures of this Kingdom, or any parts or par-
cels thereof, and complaint shall be made upon the oath of
one or more credible witness or witnesses before any Jus-
tice or Justices of the Peace, that there is reason to believe
tliat such person or persons have or hath collected, obtain-
ed, or got into his, her, or their custody or possession, such
tools or implements as aforesaid, or parts or parcels thereof,
with intent to export the same to some other port or place
than Great Britain or Ireland; then, and in such case, it
shall and may be lawful to and for the Justice or Justices of
the Peace unto whom such complaint shall be made, to
Issue his waiTant or waixants, not only to seize all such
tools or implements, and parts or parcels thereof, but also
to bring the person and persons so complained of before
him or them, or some other of his Majesty's Justices of
the Peace for the same county, riding, division, or city ;
and if, when such person or persons shall be so brought
before such Justice or Justices, he, she, or they, shall not
give such an account of the use or purpose to which such
tools, utensils, or parts or parcels thereof, are intended to
be appropriated, as shall be satisfactory to the Justice or
Justices before whom he, she, or they, shall be brought as
aforesaid, then, and in such case, it shall and may be law-
ful to and for such Justice or Justices, not only to cause
all such tools or utensils, or parts or parcels Uiereof, which
shall have been seized as aforesaid, to be detained, but
also to bind the person or persons so charged to appear at
the next assizes, general gaol delivery, or quarter sessions
of the peace for the county, city, riding, or division,
where such offence shall be conmiitted, with reasonable
sureties for his, her, or their appearance ; and in case such
person or persons shall refuse or neglect to give such
security, then, and in such case, it shall and may be lawful
to and for such Justice and Justices to commit the person
or persons so refusing to the county gaol, there to be kept
until the next assizes, or next quarter sessions of the
county, city, riding, or division, where such commitment
shall be, at the election of such Justice of the Peace, and
until he, she, or they, shall be delivered by due course of
law : and in case any such person or persons shall be con-
victed upon any indictment or information against him, her,
or them, at such assize or general goal delivery, or quar-
ter sessions of the peace as aforesaid, of collecting, ob-
taining or getting into his, her, or their custody or posses-
sion, such tools or utensils, or parts or parcels thereof, with
such intent as aforesaid ; then, and in such case, the per-
son or persons so offending, shall, for every such offence,
not only forfeit and lose all such tools and utensils, and
parts and parcels thereof, which shall be so seized and
detained, but also the sum of two hundred pounds of law-
ful money of Great Britain ; to be recovered by action
of debt, bill, plaint, or information, in any of his Majesty's
courts of record at Westminster, or in the Court of Session
in Scotland, or in any of the four courts at Dublin re-
spectively, wherein no essoine, protection, privilege, wager
of law, or more than one imparlance, shall be allowed.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That one moiety of the respective forfeitures by this Act
inflicted upon offenders against the same, shall, when
recovered, go and be applied to the use of his Majesty, his
heirs, and successors, and the other moiety to the use of
the person or persons who shall sue and prosecute for the
same respectively.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.
That if any suit or action shall be commenced against any
person for what he shall do in pursuance of this Act, such
action shall be commenced within six months after the
fact committed ; and the person, so sued, may file com-
mon bail, or enter a common appearance, and plead the
general issue, not guilty ; and may give this Act, and
the special matter, in evidence ; and if the plaintiff or
prosecutor shall become nonsuit, or suffer discontinuance,
or if a verdict pass against him or her, or if upon demurrer,
judgment be given against the plaintiff, the defendant shall
recover treble costs.
The following Speech of Lord North, on presenting the American
papers to tlie House of Commons, 7th of March, 1774, was, through
accident, omitted to bo inserted in its proper place ; See folio 32.
These papers, his Lordship said, consist of copies and
extracts of letters from the Commander of the forces, and
from the several Governors in America ; of threats and pro-
phetic warnings to the gentlemen to whom the tea lately sent
over by the East India Company was consigned ; of copies
of letters from the several consignees at Boston to a ring-
leader of the faction in that tow n ; of votes and resolves of
the town of Boston, previous to the an-ival of the tea; of
narratives of transactions that happened after the arrival ;
of a Petition from the consignees to the Council of Massa-
chusetts, praying diat they and their property might be taken
under the protection of Government; with the absolute de-
nial of the Council to interfere in the business ; of notes from
the India House ; of letters from the Admiral commanding
in Boston harbour ; and from Lt. Col. Leslie, of the sixty-
fourth regiment, in barracks at Castle William; of a Proc-
223
LORD NORTH'S SPEECH, MARCH 7, 1774.
224
lamation of the Governor's against the factious meetings of
the inhabitants, which they treated with tlic most insolent
contempt ; of copies of treasonable printed paj)ers ; of the
transactions of the Massachusetts Council, condemning the
destruction of the tea, and advising legal prosecutions
against the perpetrators, none of whom were publicly
known. — So far regards the Massachusetts only.
Tlie papers written and printed from the other Colonies,
partake in a great measure of the nature of those already
mentioned, and are formed exactly on their model. Besides
the regular official information of the different Governors,
transmitted to the American Secretary of State, tl)ere are
copies of many inflammatory fugitive pieces, handbills,
alarms, resolves of town meetings, and minutes of Council ;
but as there was no outrage committed but at Boston, it
were unnecessary to trouble the House with all the incen-
diary scribbling and printing in the different Colonies. It
may, however, be necessary to observe, that all the printed
and circulated trash were plentifully larded with tlie fash-
ionable phrases of " desjjerate plans of despotism ; niinis-
" terial designs to ruin their liberties ; slavery ; galling
" fetters ; forging infernal cliains ; encouraging poj)ery ;
" despotic rule;" &,c. he.
The letters from the different Governors contain a mi-
nute and regular detail of the state of their respective
Provinces, and particularly of the capital cities of each,
from the first intelligence of the teas being shipped at home
till its anival in America, and return back, or destruction.
Above all Governor Hutchinson's letters are the most
precise, exact, and circumstantial. He appears to have
left nothing untried to preserve the peace of the town, and
secure the property of the Company. He appears to have
endeavoured, first, to sooth, and when that did not do, to
intimidate the faction. It was the Governor who advised
the consignees to apply to the Council for their advice, for
the preservation of the tea committed to their care, and for
their personal security ; for two of his sons were the two
principal consignees. He also, during the height of their
turbulent, unlawful, and seditious assemblings, before the
tea was destroyed, sent the Sheriff to the town-meeting at
Boston, commanding the people there to break up and
depart. When the Sheriff, Mr. Grcenleaf, entered tlie
liall, and intimated that he had a paper to read from the
Governor, the faction put it to the vote, whedier he should
be permitted to read it or not ? After some debate, per-
mission was granted, and the Sheriff accordingly proclaim-
ed the Governor's orders for them to disperse. Tlie in-
stant he had done speaking, the faction saluted him with
an universal hiss, which continued during his stay, and
accompanied him in his retreat. The Proclamation was
afterwards published in the Gazette, from whence it was
copied into the other papers, and commented upon with
every mark of contempt and indignity.
Before the arrival of the tea, the Governor appeared to
have taken every measure that prudence could suggest, or
good policy justify, both for the security of the Company's
property and for the safety of the consignees. The prin-
cipal leader of the faction was applied to ; he commanded
the Governor's company of cadets ; and although it was
hardly to be expected that he would muster the cadets to
oppose his own party, it was judged necessary to make him
acquainted with his duty, and to leave him without excuse.
The application, as was foreseen, was without effect; and
no steps were taken either to preserve the peace, or to
secure the tea. The Selectmen of the town insisted,
indeed, that IMr. Botch, the owner of Captain Hall's ship,
should demand a clearance outward from the custom-
house, in order that the tea might be carried back ; Mr.
Botch, knowing that the demand was unusual, resisted for
a long time, till finding his life in danger, he was constrained
to comply. The custoin-liouse refused to grant him an
illegal clearance. The Governor was then applied to for
a pass, without which the vessel would have been stopped
at Castle William; but this was also refused to Mr. Botch,
because it was totally inconsistent with the duty of a Go-
vernor to grant a pass to a vessel that had not been regu-
larly cleared at the custom-house. This negotiation, there-
fore, being to a crisis, a town meeting was called about the
middle of December last, wlien an account of the several
denrands and refusals, with the reasons that prevented the
compliance, were very fairly reported by Mr. Botch ; upon
which a signal way given, and presently a number of men
disguised like Indians, boarded the vessel in wltich the
tea was stowed, broke open the chests, and committed the
contents to the sea.
This is a succinct account of the proceedings at Boston,
as they happened, in regular succession. It happened that
the ship bound for Boston was the first, of those employed
by the Company to carry the tea, that reached her destined
port. Every civil precaution appears to have been tried, to
preserve the property, and the peace of the town; his Ma-
jesty's Council, the cadets, and the militia, were all applied
to, without effect : the Sheriff read a Proclamation to the
faction, commanding them to dissolve their assembly, and
this Proclamation was immediately afterwards inserted in
the Gazette ; both the Sheriff and the Proclamation were
treated with insult.
The people of Boston were, on this occasion, fairly
tried. The Governor from the beginning had formed the
resolution not to call in either the naval or military force,
but to trust the management of the whole affair to the
conduct of the civil power. The loyal and peaceable
people of the mercantile town of Boston, as they have
ever affected to be thought, were wholly left to the exer-
cise of their own judgment, and they have given all the
world a notable proof of their justice and moderation, by
wantonly committing to the waves a valuable commodity,
the property of another mercantile body of loyal subjects,
when all they had to do, in order to defeat any supposed
imposition, was, to keep firm to their resolution, not to
buy or to use it. It is but reasonable, however, that they
should be made to pay for their outrageous pastime, and
be constrained to make good the loss ; such an indemnifi-
cation will be, to them, the more bitter as they must pay
for a commodity they did not taste, and which they pre-
tend to abhor.
The other Governors, after the accomplishment of the
Bostonian exploit, wisely agreed to sufler the tea to be
carried back from whence it came. The consignees refus-
ed to receive it, and as no one had ordered it, no one was
obliged to hazard his own personal safety, in taking upon
himself to be the owner of it. They, therefore, well
knowing that what had already happened, was fully suf-
ficient to rouse the resentment of the British people and
Parliament, very prudently acquiesced in the applications
that were made to them by the respective Captains, for
leave to return home, thereby avoiding an unnecessary
occasion of involving their Provinces in a troublesome
dispute, the issue of which could not but be foreseen.
With respect to Governor Hutchinson, had it not been
for his determined resolution not to irritate the people by
calling in the assistance of the naval power, the Compa-
ny's tea might undoubtedly have been saved ; but, as the
leading men, in the town of Boston, have always made
great complaints of the interposition of the army and
navy, and not only declared, but insisted that they were
the aggressors in every riotous disturbance that has happen-
ed among them, it cannot but give pleasure to every un-
prejudiced mind, that their Governor gave them no such
plea on this occasion. They were left wholly to them-
selves, and their present conduct has given tiie lie direct
to their former declarations.
By an impartial review of all the letters and papers
now laid before the House, 1 may venture to assert, that it
will manifestly appear, that nothing can be done there by
officers, civil, military or naval, to effectuate the re-establish-
ment of peace in that Province, without additional Parlia-
mentary powers to give weight to their proceedings. They
can make no movement, even the most trifling, but what is
exclaimed against by the licentious as an infringement of
their liberties. It is the settled opinion of the wisest men
in that and this country, that no effort in the Colonies by
any body of men, civil, or military, can remove the evils
that now reign amongst them. It is Parliament, and Par-
liainent only, which can restore that turbulent people to
peace, and bring order out of confusion. It is therefore
incumbent upon every member of this House, to weigh
and consider the purport of the papers that his Majesfy
has been graciously ))leased, unasked, to communicate ; and
to lay all prejudice aside in forming an opinion of them.
^^1
PROCEEDINGS IX THE SEVERAL COLONIES
THE MEASURES ADOPTED BY THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT;
LETTERS AND OTHER PAPERS
RELATING TO THEIR CONDITION AND AFFAIRS, GENERALLY, IN 1774.
MR. BOLLAN TO THE HON. JOHN ERVING, WM. BRATTLE,
JAMES BOWDOIN, AND JAMES PITTS, ESq,RS., A COMMIT-
TEE OF THE COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
Covent Garden, March 11, 1774.
Gentlemen : Late in the evening of Saturday, the 5th
instant, I received certain information that on Monday a
Message from the King would be sent to the two Houses
of Parliament, respecting the late proceedings in North
America, and at Boston in particular, accompanied with
papers of correspondence ; and Lord North, on that day,
presented the following Message to the House of Com-
mons : " His Majesty upon information of the unwarran-
" table practices which have been lately concerted and
" carried on in North America, and particularly of the
" violent and outrageous proceedings at the town and port
" of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, with a
" view of obstructing the Commerce of this Kingdom, and
" upon grounds and pretences immediately subversive of
" the Constitution thereof, has thought fit to lay the whole
" matter before his two Houses of Parliament, fully con-
" fidinc as well in their zeal for the maintenance of his
" Majesty's authority, as in their attachment to the com-
" mon interest and welfare of all his dominions, that they
" will not only enable his Majesty effectually to take such
" measures as may be most likely to put an immediate
" stop to the present disorders, but will also take into their
" most serious consideration what further regulations and
" permanent provisions may be necessary to be established
" for better securing the execution of the laws, and the
" just dependence of the Colonies upon the Crown and
" Parliament of Great Britain."
In consequence of my information, after doubting some
time on Sunday what was the best step now to be taken,
and being sensible that Ministers, after taking as much time
to prepare their own measures as they think fit, sometimes
so far hurry on execution as to distress their opponents;
for this and other reasons, to check in some measure, if I
could, the torrent in this case, I resolved to prepare, and
publish with all possible despatch, my late Petition to the
King, with illustrations ; and thereupon went into the city
to the printer, who, during some time past, had been em^
ployed in my intended vindication of the Colonies, a labo-
rious work, requiring great care ; after collecting numerous
proper materials, told him he must lay that aside for the
present, and prepare for printing a short pamphlet, with
all speed, promising to make proper allowance to the men
who should work out of common hours, directing him to
send the next morning for part of the copy ; when, going
about it, and attending to it without intermission, tlie copy
was completed on Tuesday, hehrc dinner; and, by my
Clerk's attendance, and my going to the printer's in person,
several times, and afterwards going late farther into the
city, to two of the principal publishers, in consequence of
Mr. Almon's telling me at the printer's it was too late for
the next day's publication, I prevailed on them to publish
it on Wednesday morning, and now send herewith enclosed
two copies of it.
Fourth Series.
On Tuesday evening, having before heard of nothing
but hostile intentions, I was informed that American affairs
would come on in the House of Commons to day, where-
fore on Wednesday I resolved to prepare, as far as the un-
certain state of the affair would then permit, for petitioning
that House, my chief intent being to ascertain the rights of
the Colonies, a point the least objectionable, though in its
nature efficacious ; and for that purpose gain admittance at
least to lay before the House authentic copies from the re-
cords of many letters, patent royal, passed for acquiring and
settling new dominion inAinerica, never yet laid before them,
thereby proving that the several Princes, numerous Nobles,
and other worthy persons who were concerned in the set-
tlement of the Plantations, as well as the actual Settlers,
were very far from understanding that they who by their
merits should enlarge the public dominion, should thereby,
contrary to natural justice, lessen their own liberties ; and,
after preparing a few general articles that might possibly
serve on the occasion, in order to have my Petition pre-
sented when ready, and proper in point of time, I waited
yesterday morning on General Comcay, who had in the
House denied the authority of Parliament to tax America.
On proposing the presentation to him, he answered it would
be more proper for him to support the petition, expressing
clearly his readiness to do it ; at the same time complaining
that violence and disorders in the Colonies laid difficulties
in the way of their friends obtaining the relief they wanted.
Waiting upon Sir George Savile, he declined the presenta-
tion because he was in honour obliged various ways to apply
himself closely to another business. He told me Lord
North had put such an insidious question to him respecting
the measures proper for the House to take, that after giving
him a suitable answer, he directly went out of the House,
out of resentment, as I understand. From him I went di-
rectly to the mansion house, where the Lord Mayor very
readily and kindly promised to present my Petition. From
him, pursuant to his recommendation, I went to Mr. Al-
derman Oliver, whom I found very intelligent and candid,
and who satisfied me that my Petition might be presented
at a more distant day than I had supposed, when a certain
object of opposition would have arisen. He told me the
West India merchants had agreed to meet on Thursday
next, in order to oppose any injurious measures ; agreeing
with me that this was one common cause of all tlie Colo-
nies. I had the pleasure of being informed by the Lord
Mayor that the spirit of resentment in their House was
abated, and he seemed to think in no small degree, seve-
ral of the members to whom he had spoke having changed
their minds.
I had, since being refused to be heard before the Lords
of the Committee, made as great progress in my examina-
tion and observations on the most material parts of the
Governor's letters, with intent to complete and publish
them with my petition, as the time and avocations would
permit, when the late proceedings in Parliament began,
which obliged me to change my measures, and publish the
Petition as you will find if, which I understand, has not
been unserviceable, and the aflair of the letters, you are
15
227
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
228
sensible, must give way to others more important during
their continuance. It is no easy matter to prepare a Peti-
tion in efficacious terms for the Province service, and agree-
able to the different sentunents of those who are to support
it, and, moreover, least liable to objection from your ad-
versaries ; wherefore to this, and the other difficulties at-
tending this important business, I must now go on with my
preparations.
I am, gentlemen, with the greatest respect, for you, and
the other members of the Council, your most obedient and
most humble servant, W. Bollan.
Tlie Hon. John Erving, Wm. Brattle, James Bowdoin,
and James Pitts, Esqrs.
MB. BOLLAN TO THE COMMITTEE.
Covent Garden, March 15, 1774.
Gentlemen: Having begun my Petition to the House
of Commons upon a larger scale, after conferring with
j)roper members, I reduced it to as small compass as the
sufficience and perspicuity of proper matter would permit,
and now send a copy of it. As soon as completed yester-
day morning, waiting on the Lord Mayor, in order to its
presentation, 1 found him less spirited for the business than
before, and inclined to postpone the presentation ; where-
upon I observed that it was uncertain what measures the
Ministers might take ; that some time past, when a Petition
from another Colony was prepared and proposed to be
presented in season. Administration got it delayed, and af-
terwards, when offered, objected with success, that it came
out of time ; and that, in point of fairness to all parties, as
well as safety to my constituents, I earnestly desired my
l^etition might be presented that day, before the House
pixK-eeded to their consideration at large on the state of
American affairs. He at length assented, and received my
Petition accordingly ; having in the course of what passed
observed Ministers could carry any point they were set
upon; to which I answered, that was no sufficient reason, I
thought, for ceasing opposition and despairing of the Com-
monwealth, wherein he agreed. Then going directly to
Mr. Oliver's, and finding he was gone to the House, I
went tliither, when, being informed, that the Lord Mayor
was not come, nor General Conway, for whose use I car-
ried a copy of my Petition, I went up into the great
committee room to speak with Alderman Oliver, whom I
found in the chair, which, upon speaking with him, I was
satisfied he could not leave in season to assist or second
the Lord Mayor ; then returning towards the lobby the
Under Door-keeper met me and told me the Lord Mayor
had come out of the House and inquired for me ; where-
upon, as soon as possible, I got the Door-keeper to send in
a message to let his Lordship know I was waiting in the
lobby, where I staid a considerable time in painful suspense,
till Sir Joseph Mawhey came out and told me the Lord
Mayor had desired him to present my Petition, being
unacquainted with the usual proper proceeding ; and after
saying a few things, he went into the House, and soon
coming out again told me the Speaker had endeavored to
throw cold water upon my Petition; but after making proper
inquiry into the nature of the Council, on whose behalf I
petitioned, he directly returned into the House with the
spirit proper for pi-esenting it. After waiting a consider-
able time he came out again and told me he had got my
Petition so far allowed and accepted, as to be laid upon tlie
table, where it would lie ready to be taken up when any
prejudicial measure should require it. Upon asking what
countenance the House shewed when it was read, he an-
swered, favourable by many, and the question being put,
whether it should be received, a considerable majority
answered in the affirmative. The Minister, I found, with
another member, setting on the Treasury bench, at first
rather ridiculed the Petition ; however, he did not chuse to
divide the House upon the question. Among other things
Sir Joseph told me, Governor Pownall objected tliat it
did not appear I was the proper agent for the Council ; to
whom he answered, my authority would be shewn when I
appeared, and produced my proofs; afterwards adding, they
were once very near calling me in. Upon the whole Sir
Joseph behaved extremely well, with the spirit and desr
patch proper for presenting my Petition immediately before
the House proceeded upon American affairs. The reading
and admittance of my Petition in a full House is a favour-
able circumstance.
It is impossible for me in the present interesting state of
the Province affairs, and my concerns therein, to acquaint
you with many particulars otherwise desirable ; however I
must by no means longer omit mentioning what gave me
great pleasure, to wit, that when your affairs were consi-
dered in the House of Lords, the right of Parliament to
tax the Americans was not only denied by I^ord Camden,
esteemed by many the most able judge of this question in
the Kingdom, but he, according to my information, vvith
great learning and historical knowledge, shewed that taxa-
tion and representation were inseparable companions; among
otiier things reading in the House a passage in Mr. Locke,
heretofore cited by me, in some public essay, for this pur-
pose.
In case I had in my Petition expressly opposed the Par-
liament's right of taxation, instead of stating the rights of
the Colonies incompatible with it, in order to give proper
proofs of the same, and so laying the foundation of oppo-
sition, my Petition would certainly have been rejected.
March 17M.
I wrote in haste on the loth inst., in order to despatch
my letters, with a copy of my Petition and the duphcates,
by the Captains Lloyd and Scott, who, I understood, were
on the point of sailing ; but going into the city, at noon, I
found their departure was postponed for a short time. At
present I have not much to add, and less time for doing it.
On Monday, having risen early, and been in a constant
state of hurry and anxiety until my Petition was admitted,
I then went away directly, to get necessary sustenance,
getting home about five, having before coming away de-
clined writing to the Speaker, as the Door-keeper had
proposed, for the favour of leave of admittance into the
House. According to my information, next morning great
disappointment took place by the principal persons, men
of the greatest weight in the opposition, not speaking at all;
and Lord North's drift seemed to be to adopt the ancient
maxim divide et impera, and to make the town of Boston
the chief source of all the opposition made by the Colo-
nies to the measures of Government, and by punishment
suitable to this idea to make an example of them, intcrro-
rem, to others, supposing the old maxim, proximus ardet,
would not take place in the Colonies.
Lord Camden was not at home yesterday when I went
to wait on him, whereupon I left, to be delivered to him,
at his return, a copy of my Petition to the House of Com-
mons, and a printed copy of my late Petition to the King,
&.C. American affairs being appointed to come on in the
House of Lords to-day, upon my waiting on him tiiis morn-
ing his Lordship told me his servant informed him Serjeant
Baldwin had left some papers for him, which he had not
looked into, and he was in such haste, that I had bare time
to inform him that Calias, which, you are sensible, Wiis
obtained by conquest, at the expense of much blood and
treasure, had, in process of time, right of election of two
members to set in Parliament, to which he seemed quite a
stranger, the knowledge whereof after making many re
searches in vain, I had at length acquired. The rights of
taxation being hastily mentioned, he said an Act of Pariia-
nient hung over his head, and, at my coming away, said he
should be glad to see me any other time; and, as the Min-
isters proceed against you by Bill, that will give opportu
nity, of course, for my waiting on him.
I am, with the greatest respect, for you, gentlemen, and
all the other honorable members of the Council, your most
obedient and most humble servant, VV. Bollan.
The Hon. John Erving, Wm. Brattle, James Bowdoin,
and Jaw,es Pitts, Esqrs.
ARTHUR lee to RICHARD H. LEE.
London, March 18th, 1774.
Dear Brother : The affairs of America are now be-
come very serious ; the Ministry are determined to put
your spirit to the proof. Boston is their first object. On
Monday the I4th, it was ordered in tlie House of Com-
229
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
280
mons, that leave be given to bring in a Bill " for the imme-
" diate removal of the officers concerned in the collection
" andmanagementof his Majesty's duties of Customs from
" the town of Boston, in the Province o{ Massachmetts Bay,
" in North America; and to discontinue the landing and
" discharging, lading and shipping of goods, wares and mer-
" chandise, at the said town of Boston, or within the har-
" hour thereof."
If the Colonies in general permit this to pass unnoticed,
a precedent will be established for humbling tliem by de-
grees, until all opposition to arbitraiy power is subdued.
Tiie manner, however, in which you should meet this
violent act should be well weighed. The proceedings of
the Colonies, in consequence of it, will be read and regarded
as manifestos. Great care, therefore, should be taken to
word tlieni unexceptionably and plausibly. They should
be prefaced with the strongest professions of respect and
attachment to this country ; of reluctance to enter into any
dispute with her ; of the readiness you have always shown,
and still wish to show, of contributing according to your
ability, and in a constitutional way, to her support ; and of
your determination to undergo every extremity rather than
submit to be enslaved. These things tell much in your
favour with moderate men, and with Europe, to whose in-
terposition America may yet.owe her salvation, should the
contest be serious and lasting. In short, as we are the
weaker, it becomes us to be suaviter in modo, however we
may be determined to act fortiter in re. There is a per-
suasion here that America will see, without interposition,
the ruin of Boston. It is of the last importance to the
general cause, that your conduct should prove this opinion
erroneous. If once it is perceived that you may be at-
tacked and destroyed by piecemeal, actum est, every part
will in its turn feel the vengeance which it would not unite
to repel, and a general slavery or ruin must ensue. The
Colonies should never forget Lord North's declaration in
the House of Commons, that he would not listen to the com-
plaints of America until she was at his feet. The character
of Lord North, and the consideration of what surprising
things he has effected towards enslaving his own coun-
try, makes me, I own, tremble for ours. Plausible, deep,
and treacherous, like his master, he has no passions to divert
iiim, no pursuits of pleasure to withdraw him, from the
accursed design of deliberately destroying the liberties of
his country. A perfect adept in the arts of corruption, and
indefatigable in the application of them, he effects great
ends by means almost magical, because they are unseen.
In four years he has overcome the most formidable opposi-
tion in this country, from which the Duke of Grafton fled
with horror. At the same time he has effectually enslaved
the East India Company, and made the vast revenue and
territory of India, in eflect, a Royal patronage. Flushed
with these successes, he now attacks America ; and cer-
tainly, if we are not firm and united, he will triumph in
the same manner over us. In my opinion, a general reso-
lution of the Colonies to break off all commercial inter-
course with this country, until they are secured in their
liberties, is the only advisable and sure mode of defence.
To execute such a resolution would be irksome at first, but
you would be amply repaid, not only in saving your money,
and becoming independent of these petty tyrants, the mer-
chants, but in securing your general liberties.
You are, however, more capable of judging what is
proper and practicable. My great wish is to see you firm
and united. Adieu. Yours affectionately,
Arthi;r Lee.
Richard II. Lee.
MR. BOLLAN TO THE C6MMITTEE.
Covent Garden, Marcli 22, 1774.
Gentlemen : Contrary to my information, received from
several officers of the House of Commons, the forenoon of
the lOth, who supposed American affairs would be defer-
red to some day this week, the Bill, of which you have a
copy enclosed, was brought into the House in the after-
noon, and being read, no debate ensued ; whereupon, yes-
terday was appointed for tlie second reading. Before that
took place Sir Joseph Mawby moved tliat I might be heard
in support of my Petition, which being opposed by Ad-
ministration, was refused, chiefly on this ground, that it did
not relate to the Bill depending ; but in the course of the
opposition it was allowed there would be a time for my
being heard upon a proper Petition. Sir George Savilt,
who first came out of the House, told me he had endea-
voured to have the time ascertained when I should be
heard; but this was not done. Afterwards, the Lord
Mayor coming out with Sir Joseph Mawby, they declared
their readiness to promote another Petition, after giving me
some farther information hereupon. Before they came
out the Bill had been read a second time, and committed
for to-morrow, when I expect the debates will take place.
As soon as this hasty letter is concluded I shall apply my-
self to the preparation of another Petition, proper, and
least objectionable.
Enclosed you have copies of the past proceedings in
the House, received from the proper officer.
I am, with the greatest respect for you, gentlemen, and
the other members of the Council, your most obedient and
most humble servant, W. Bollan.
The Hon. John Erving, Wm. Brattle, James Bowdoin,
and James Pitts, Esqrs.
MR. BOLLAN TO THE COMMITTEE.
Covent Garden, March 23, 1774.
Gentlemen : I am just returned from the House of
Commons, to which I went in order to have my second
Petition, whereof you a have a copy enclosed, presented,
before the House was resolved into a Committee of the
Whole, for their consideration of the Bill for the port of
Boston; — although in some doubt whether this was the
proper time for presenting my Petition, which opposed the
principle of the Bill, being determined to petition as soon
as possible, to prevent your adversaries saying I did not
come in season. When there I shewed my Petition to Sir
George Savile, having not found him at home, in order to
his supporting the motion for its admission. Upon his
perusal he said he saw nothing at all improper in it, ob-
serving at the same time that he was not well acquainted
with the forms of proceedings. Soon after I met widi Sir
Joseph Mawby, who, on reading the Petition, and being
informed of what Sir George had said, readily declared he
would present it before the House went into a Committee.
Afterwards he came out and told me that he had shewed it
to the Speaker, spoken to the Clerk of the House, and con-
sulted the friends of the Petition, upon the proper time of
its presentation, and that it was agreed on all hands that
my Petition, opposing the principle of the Bill, could not
be regularly presented now, because the Bill itself might
be lost in the Committee ; but the proper time of present-
ing it, wherein the Speaker agreed it would be admissible,
was before the third reading of the Bill ; and so the matter
rests at present. While at the House I understood the
objection mentioned to me some days ago by Sir Joseph,
gained ground, to wit, that the Bill as it now stands gave
no election for paying the value of the tea destroyed, and
thereby preventing the shutting up of the \ ort, but pro-
posed to shut it up directly, to be opened oh condition of
future payment, which would be a precipitate, compulsory
proceeding, without any certain necessity ; and it seemed
to me not improbable that some temperament of this na-
ture might take place to day. However 'tis necessary for
me to save the present ship, to despatch what little I have
said, without waiting for any thing more.
I am, with the greatest respect for you, gentlemen, and
the other members of the Council, your most obedient and
most humble servant, W. Bollan.
The Hon. John Erving, Wm. Brattle, James Bowdoin,
and James Pitts, Esqrs.
a gentleman in LONDON TO A FRIEND IN ANNAPOLIS, MD.
London, March 31, 1774.
Dear Sir : This covers a Bill brought into the House
of Commons by Lord North, against the town of Bos-
ton, for destroying the tea sent out on account of the
East India Company ; liy its complexion you may judge
what will be the ftite of America. I am sorry to see wliat
little opposition it met with in the House of Commons—
231
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
382
not a divbion on the passage of the bill ! In the House
of Lords it met with more opposition ; a number of able
speakers opposed it, but the court party prevailed. You
may be surprised that tiiere was not a Petition presented to
the House sooner than there was ; the Amerkans residing
here waited for the body of merchants to take the lead,
but they acted on this important occasion as in every other
matter of this nature heretofore.
I suppose there will be a general Congress from the
Colonies ; — on their deliberations the fall or rise of your
country will depend. You will imdoubtedly form some
resolutions, and strictly adhere to them, or give up the
dispute and submit at once to English tyranny. A deter-
mination to stop the exports of your country, and not
import any British manufactures, will in two years restore
you to liberty, and draw poverty and ruin on the mother
country.
I have enclosed you the Petition to the King, with the
names of those who signed it.
Lord North made a motion in the House of Commons
for leave to bring in a bill to regulate the government of
the Massachusetts Bay, the substance of which, I under-
stand, is to invest such powers in the Governor as to enable
him to hear, determine, and turn out at pleasure ; in fact,
to be as arbitrary as he pleases.
If Boston acquiesces, the next step will probably be to
punish Philadelphia for sending the tea back, and thus,
by crushing each respectively, enforce a submission by the
whole, to any tax Britain may please to impose.
May heaven protect you, and direct your resolutions to
the happiness of your country — may you be free from the
chains of slavery intended by a wicked and arbitrary
Government.
MK. BOLLAN TO THE COMMITTEE.
Covent Garden, April 2, 1774.
Gentlemen : After being several times assured Jenkins
would not take away his bag before Monday, my servant
is now, after two, returned in great haste to let me know
his bag might be taken away in a few hours, which obliges
me to discontinue writing a letter of information at large,
and in few words to inform you that after various difficul-
ties my Petition to the House of Lords was presented, on
which considerable debate ensued, and at length it was
determined that I should be heard in support of my Peti-
tion, and was called in, and heard accordingly. That soon
after the Bill passed to be enacted — that Lord North has
not yet brought in his Bill for the better regulating of the
government of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in
North America, for which leave was given on the 28th
ult — that after being at the offices of the two Houses of
Parliament this morning, calling at the Secretary of State's
office, I saw General Gage, who, in a few minutes, Mr.
Pownall told me was Governor of Massachusetts Bay, or
at least, would be appointed by the King to-morrow.
I am with the greatest respect for you, gentlemen, and
the other members of the Council, your most obedient and
most humble servant, W. Bollan.
The Hon. John Erving, Wm. Brattle, James Bowdoin,
and James Pitts, Esqrs.
MR. BOLLAN TO THE COMMITTEE.
Covent Garden, April, 1774.
Gentlemen : The present recess of the two Houses of
Parliament, during the holidays, admits of resuming a more
regular, though brief, relation of what has passed since
the account given of what was done in the former part of
the day on the 23d ult., by letter then despatched, but
came an hour too late for Captain Scott. In the evening the
House, after resolving themselves into a Committee, went
througli the Boston Bill, filled up the blanks, and made
several amendments ; and then, the Speaker resuming the
chair, the same were reported, and ordered to be engrossed,
and to be read tlie third time the next day. At nine in the
evening a gentleman belonging to the House of Connnons,
to my great concern, acquainted me with this precipitate
proceeding, the mention whereof next morning to some of
the principal members who were not down at the House,
having reserved themselves, I suppose, for the third read-
ing, so surprised them they could scarce credit the ac-
count I gave of the matter, but soon found it true.
My business was now to get my Petition presented in
season, which was attended with some fresh difficulties ; Sir
Joseph Mawby was gone out of town, expecting the Bill
would not be read the third time till Monday following, when
he would be ready to ])rcst:nt it. Some of the chief mem-
bers in the House were more inclined to support than pre-
sent the Petition. After various applications Mr. Alderman
Crosby undertook to present it. He attended accordingly,
shewed my Petition to the Speaker, and afterwards, in
point of fairness, to Lord North, and other members of
different inclinations, without any objection being made to
it. After waiting a considerable time Lord North went
out of the House, and I was soon informed the Boston
Bill would not come on till next day, and presently
Alderman Crosby coming out, told me what he had done,
adding that he would slay and present it that evening, if
opportunity offered. Afterwards, while 1 was stept out of
the lobby through necessity, he left the House fikewise.
The next morning waiting upon him, he said the friends
of the Petition were inclined to put oft' the presentation to
that day, and that it had been objected that 1 was not Agent
for the Council, upon which I shewed him my authorities,
wherewith he was fully satisfied, appearing from the fii-st
well disposed to present and support the Petition ; and be-
fore the tiiird reading he offered it to the House, stated dis-
tinctly all the particulars of its contents, and added, that hav-
ing seen my authority from the Council he was fully satisfied
with it, and doubted not the House would be so likewise
upon my producing the same ; but the Ministry having no
inclination that I should comet here, opposed the Petition's
being brought up, and a debate thereupon ensuing the Alder-
man, as he told me, was well supported, but on a division
of the House the Ministry had a great majority against
me ; and in the evening, after the merits of the Bill were
debated, it passed.
The next day it had the first reading in the House
of Lords, and was appointed to be read the second
time on Monday. On Saturday morning I went to
Lord Temple's, in hopes that he would be inclined to
oppose the Bill. He being rode out, and his return
uncertain before noon, I took the liberty to write to him,
enclosing copies of my two Petitions, and praying the
favour of leave to wait on him : In the afternoon his Lord-
ship by a civil message, in writing, informed me he would
receive me. On the next morning, at ten o'clock, when
waiting on him, a li'ee conference respecting the state of
America began, and continued for an hour and more,
wherein he discovered friendly sentiments towards the
Colonies in several respects, but seemed to have a firm
opinion of the unlimited authority of Parliament ; granting
indeed, at the same time, that no benefit could arise from
exercising the power of taxation. He said he had of late
declined attendance in Parliament, mentioning the state of
his health as a reason for it ; and I have since been told he
has not been able to get over a hurt he received by a fall
from his horse some time ago. In the evening before, by
letter to Lord Camden I took the liberty after informing
his Lordship of the proceedings in the House of Com-
mons to lay before him an office copy of the amended
Bill as it passed.
On Monday morning being solicitous to make the
best preparation for presenting my Petition to the Lords,
I first waited on Lord Stair, to whom, when an ad-
vocate in Scotland, his title lately descended from the
famous Earl of Stair. When the affair of the Colonies
was first moved in the Lords' House, pursuant to the
King's message, he had espoused your cause, being the
first, if I remember aright, who spoke in their behalf. He
now appeared very friendly towards you ; but on propos-
ing to his Lordship to present my Petition, after observing
he had particular reasons for not presenting it, he took no-
tice that it was the proper office of the Secretary of State
for the Colonies to present it. On my discovering a
doubt of the utility of this proceeding, he immediately
mentioned the Duke of Richmond, as the most proper
man in all respects. From his Lordship, who had frankly
told me twice that if 1 could get no other person to
present it, he would, 1 went directly down to the Duke's
233
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
234
house, who was gone out, and upon the best inquiry found
there was no certainty of liis return, saving to dinner,
about four, and no prospect of seeing his Grace before six,
when attending again 1 found he had been gone down
to the House a considerable time, and was told that upon
his being informed of my having come to wait upon him,
he said he was sorry he had not seen me before he went,
and that he was going to his seat in the country the next
morning. From thence I went down to the House, where
1 found he was speaking on your behalf. While there a
noble Lord, with whom several years ago I had the honour
of some acquaintance, coming out of tlie House, and
passing through the room, hastily came up to me and
taking me by tlie hand, said he had not seen me this age,
and so passed on. This suddenly inclined me to think I
might prevail with him to present my Petition, but after-
wards considering that his Lordship holds one of the most
important and valuable offices in the Kingdom, I laid aside
the thoughts of applying to him. Admission into the House
being impracticable 1 returned home. Early the next morn-
ing my servant was informed by the Duke's porter that
his Gracious' carriage was ordered to be ready at nine ;
whereupon I soon attended. On seeing his Grace I found
him extremely well disposed to serve you, and that he
had used his best endeavours to do it in the course of the
debate, which, he told me, lasted till ten o'clock. As to
presenting my Petition, he said that was the proper busi-
ness of the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and after-
wards favoured me with some farther advice. From him
I went to Lord Stair, who, among other things, told me he
spoke with Lord Dartmouth, touching the presentation of
my Petition, and advised me directly to apply to him, in
order to its being presented the next day, before the third
reading of the Bill ; whereupon going to Lord Dartmouth's
he was gone out, and on going a second time found it
very uncertain whether I could see him that day ; where-
fore in the evening 1 wrote to his Lordship, enclosed my
Petition, with my authority from the Council, and prayed
the favour of his Lordship to present it in season. Attend-
ing the next morning, I met with such difficulty in seeing
his Lordship as obliged me to urge the necessity of speak-
ing a few words with him immediately, whereby gaining
admittance, I mentioned the contents of my letter as the
reason for my application ; whereupon he seemed less
inclined to the presentation than Lord Stair supposed, and
objecting to the sufficience of my authority, said the Coun-
cil was an annual body, though the members chosen were
generally the same, and that the Council's vote of last
June, appointing persons to correspond with me as their
Agent, was not a regular appointment of me for that pur-
pose ; to which 1 ansvi^ered that in this case no set form of
words was requisite, and that the Council's express decla-
ration of my being their agent is reason sufficient as well
for this purpose as any larger fonn of words ; that the
former vote manifested the nature of the trust reposed in
me, and that the latter vote clearly shewed the contin-
uance of it. He did not seem fully satisfied with my
reasoning ; however, having the Petition, with the two
votes, in his hand, he did not refuse to present it, but said
he was going to the King with a Petition of some natives
of America to his Majesty, not to give his royal assent to
the Bill ; that it was uncertain how long he might wait
before he should be admitted to see his Majesty, and how
long he might be detained by him, so that it was uncer-
tain whether he should be down at the House in time to
present it. This reason, added to his Lordship's objec-
tion to the sufficience of my authority, made me readily
take back my papers.
From him I went directly to Lord Stair, who seemed
surprised at the difficulty I had met with ; and having
before settled my Petition to his mind, and now ac-
quainted him with Lord Dartmouth's objection to my
authority, after considering the matter, he undertook to
present it, in such manner as clearly shewed he was de-
termined to support it. Upon his presenting it a consider-
able debate ensued, wherein Lord Camden gave the most
sensible and sjiirited support to its admissibility. Other
particulars cannot now be mentioned ; however at length
the debate ceasing, as I suppose, an officer who came out
of the House on some other occasion, said the matter was
all over; nevertheless, when I was preparing to come
away the proper officer came out of the House, and cal-
ling me by name introduced me. Upon my standing up
at the bar the Lord Chancellor told me I had petitioned
the House to be heard against the Bill depending, and
that the Lords had agreed to hear me ; and, after remind-
ing me of the great dignity of the House of Peers,
observed it was necessary for me to confine myself to the
matter in question ; to whom, having answered that I
should endeavour to beiiave in the most proper manner, and
that if I erred, I should with great pleasure stand corrected,
I proceeded to set forth the great importance of the port
of Boston, wherein as to the number of ships of late
employed by the constant trade between it and Great
Britain, I had not long since received useful knowledge
from Mr. Temple, whom I described by his late offices
without naming him ; then mentioned the very great num-
ber of entries inwards and outwards, which appeared with
certainty upon a trial, wherein I was many years ago con-
cerned ; adding that about thirty-five years ago Mr. Din-
widdie, who was a long time Surveyor General of the
Customs for the South district, afterwards Governor of Vir-
ginia, told me that the annual value of the goods imported
from Great Britain into the ])ort of Boston, amounted to
£600,000 sterling, which exceeded the value of the goods
imported into any other American port, save that of Kings-
ton, in Jamaica, where the amount of the imports were
much increased for the sake of the Spanish trade.
I have not time to state all particulars, and if practica-
ble I do not perceive any great benefit would thence arise.
Below 3'^ou have a note of some things taken in haste, as
proper, with others, to be mentioned and explained ; and it
may not be amiss to take notice that on coming to the fish-
ery, I observed to their T^ordships that I was as well ac-
quainted with the rise of the English and French navies as
my poor abilities would permit ; and after touching upon the
agreeable nature of the present business to the French, I
observed, that in my humble opinion, it would be a pleasure
to them to see the English begin to lay difficulties in the
way of carrying on their fishery. Upon coming to a short
pause, when preparing, if I remember aright, to speak to
the great hardships imposed by the Bill on the numerous
Boston and British merchants and manufacturers, a noble
Lord stood up and observed to this effect, that I had peti-
tioned as Agent for the Council, but did not confine myself to
their concerns ; whereupon the noble Lord who, on coming
out of the House the day before spoke to me kindly, and
who, on my standing up at the bar, changing his seat,
came and sat near me, cried out with othere, go on, go on.
After observing that the innocence of the merchants was
a fact stated in my Petition, and that during the long time I
had lived at Boston, the body of merchants never frequent-
ed the town meetings, but, like other merchants, were a
peaceable set of men, and that they considered themselves
as a distinct order, of which I had the proper evidence, to
wit, a letter from a committee of eight, written to me
respecting the great difficulties attending their commerce
since the late unhappy difference. A short time after my
coming out of the House, the Bill passed to be enacted.
On the Friday preceding, an intelligent member of the
lower House assured me it was a point detennined by
Government that the Bill should pass, and receive the
Royal assent on Thursday. This account was not long
after confirmed by a noble Lord, who nevertheless agreed
with me, that my business was to go on. I had not the
least expectation of succeeding in my opposition to the
Bill, but considered, first, that the establishment of the
right of your being heard was beneficial ; second, that the
Lords having the supreme judicial authority of the King-
dom, together with the legislative, their admittance of the
sufficience of my authority to be heard on the Coimcil's
behalf, may probably promote the like admittance into the
Commons' House, in order to oppose two other disagreeable
bills, which I am told Lord North intends to bring in,
having had a constant view towards this point while speak-
ing before the Lords, and was therefore particularly care-
ful to avoid every occasion of censure ; and upon inquiry
was informed by a noble Lord that I had not given the
least offence to any one member in the House.
During the former part of the proceedings in Pariiament,
subsequent to the King's message, I had considerable ex-
pectation that the honorable India merchants would assist
235
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
236
and strengthen your defence ; aftenvards that the manufac-
turers in tlie principal towns, wlio, according to my infor-
mation, were alarmed, and stirring, would make their
opposition to the Bill for shutting up the port ; but all
failed, even the London merchants declining their opposi-
tion to it. The Duke of Richmond told me that Barclay,
a quaker, had presented some petitions witiiout mention-
ing particulars ; so that no other Petition but my own was
presented, save a Petition of several natives of North
America, which was presented to both Houses, admitted,
and ordered to lie upon the table. The number of persons
who signed the Petition to the House of Commons was
seventeen ; and the petitioners to tiie Lords were twenty-
nine; this Petition was well drawn ; but a noble Lord, who
was your faithful and active friend from first to last, told
me on these different occasions that tiiis Petition had hurt
the cause, by reason of the small number of petitioners,
considering how numerous the natives of North America,
residing in this metropolis, were, whence those Lords who
contended for the Bill drew this prejudicial argument,
" that the voice of the country was plainly against you."
If agreeable to the honorable the Council, it may not be
amiss, I conceive, for them to give me authority to make, in
their behalf, proper grateful acknowledgment to their prin-
cipal friends in each House, for their kind endeavours to
serve them, desiring at the same time that no public
mention may be made of any of tlieir names.
I am with the greatest respect for you, gentlemen, and
the other members of the Council, your most obedient and
most humble servant,
W. BOLLAN.
The Hon. John Erving, Wm. Brattle, James Bowdoin,
and James Pitts, Esqrs.
B. FRANKLIN TO THOMAS GUSHING, SPEAKER.
London, April 2, 1774.
Sir : My last was of the 22d past, since which I have
received none of your favours.
I mentioned that the Bill brought into Parliament for
punishing Boston, met with no opposition. It did, how-
ever, meet with a little before it got through, some few of
the members speaking against it in the House of Commons,
and more in the House of Lords. It passed, however,
by a very great majority in both, and received the Royal
assent on Thursday the 31st, past. You will have a
copy of it from Mr. Lee.
In mine of February second, I informed you, that
after the treatment I had received at the Council Board,
it was not possible for me to act longer as your Agent, ap-
prehending 1 could, as such, be of no further use to the
Province; I have, nevertlieless, given what assistance I
could, as a private man, by speaking to members of both
Houses, and by joining in the Petitions of the natives of
America, now happening to be in London, which were
ably drawn by Mr. Lee, to be presented separately, to the
several branches of the Legislature. They serve, though
without other effect, to show our sentiments, and tiiat we
did not look on and let the Act pass, without bearing our
testimony against it. And, indeed though called Petitions,
(for, under another name, they would not have been re-
ceived,) they are rather Remonstrances and Protests.
By the enclosed extract of a letter from Wakefield, in
Yorkshire, to a friend of mine, you will see that the manu-
facturers begin to take the alarm. Another general non-
importation agreement is apprehended by tiiem, which
would complete their ruin. But great pains are taken to
(juiet them, with the idea that Boston must immediately
submit, and acknowledge the claims of Parliament, for that
none of the other Colonies will adhere to them. A num-
ber of the |)rincipal manufacturers from different parts of
the Kingdom, are now in town, to oppose the new duty on
foreign linens, which they fear may provoke the Germans
to lay discouragements on British manufactures ; they
have desired me to meet and dine with them, on Wednes-
day next, when I shall have an opportunity of learning
their sentiments more fully, and communicating my own.
Some alterations of the Constitution of the MassachU'
setts Bay, are now hotly talked of, though what they are
to be, seems hardly yet settled ; one thing mentioned, is
the appointment of the Council by mandamus ; another,
giving power to the Governor to appoint Magistrates,
without consent of Council ; another, the abolishing of
town meetings, or making it unlawful to hold them, till the
business to be proposed, has been certified to the Governor,
and his permission obtained. A motion has also been
made in the House of Commons, with a view to conciliate,
as is said, that all tlie Duty Acts should be revised, and in
the revision and re-enacting, without formally or expressly
repealing the tea duty (which will hurt the dignity of
Parliament) sink or omit it, and add an equal value in some
of the coasting port duties ; and the tea duty being thus
taken out of the way, it is supposed will have the salutary
effect of preventing the other Colonies from making a com-
mon cause with ours. Some advantages in trade, are at
the same time to be given to America, for the same
purpose, such as carrying wine and fruit directly from Spain
and Portugal, without touching in England.
I send enclosed, the proceedings of the Ijords on Wed-
nesday, which show their zeal in the business, by appoint-
ing a Committee to sit during the recess, and the Easter
holidays.
With great esteem, I am, sir, your most obedient and
humble servant,
Benjamin Franklin.
Hon. Thomas Cushing, Esq.
Extract of a L<jtter from the Rev. Mr. T ** ***, of Wakefield, in
Yorkshire, (England,) to Dr. Price, dated March 20, 1772; enclosed
in the preceding.
Most wretched is the state ' of the poor about Dews-
bury, through the languishing condition of the woollen
manufactory. I am told, that the poor's assessment for
the last half year, amounted to five shillings in the pound,
and for the preceding half year, to three shillings and six
pence, and tl)is merely to preserve the poor wretches from
absolute starving. Many of the lesser manufacturers have
already been broken and sold up, and the rest say, with
tears in their eyes, that they expect it will soon be the
common fate. Unfortunately, the chief branch of the busi-
ness of that very populous neighbourhood is making duffil
blankets for the North American market, the total stagna-
tion of which trade has chiefly brought on this distress.
But the cloth business is almost as bad. I am told, that
last Tuesday an account was taken at Leeds, of the
cloths that lie there unsold, and they amounted to near
nineteen thousand cloths. Measures are also taken to get
the number of cloths unsold in the manufacturer's posses-
sion, which, it is not doubted, will be found exceedingly
great ; and this is the time of the year when business should
be most brisk. Mr. W***** h, I hear, is going up again
to London ; furnished with these, and other proper facts,
to be laid before Parliament. Even the principal manu-
facturers express their apprehensions, that they must either
stop entirely, or soon will be reduced to the common
level. In short, the present state of things here is lamen-
table, and the prospect dismal. Our work people at Wake-
ficld are tolerably well off, for tlie Milneses do a great deal
this year; but at Leeds, I am told, little is done. Several
families are already gone from Bristol this spring for North
America, and carry their arts and manufactures with them.
If they succeed, swarms will follow. All our hope of
relief, while suffering the severities of sm hungry and
cold winter, was the revival of the demand from America.
What astonishment and indignation then must we feel at
the measures that blast that hope forever, and fill us with
apprehensions, that these are but the beginning of sorrows.
Such measures for the supporting authority, are ridiculous
enougli ; but alas, we are too miserable to laugh. I was
exceedingly affected last Friday, on observing the settled
gloom and dejection tiiat sat on the countenances of the
poor manufacturers, who brought their cloths to Mr.
M****'s wareiiouse. How different from the looks they
wore two years ago! In short, our situation here, is a too
forcible confirmation of the principles so affectingly exhibi-
ted to public attention, in Dr. Price's additional preface to
his appeal to the public, &.C., which Mr. Lindscy has just
sent. Beyond a doubt, if the event he so probably prog-
nosticates takes place, the manufacturing part of the nation
will first, and most severely suffer.
237
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
238
ARTHUR LEE TO FRANCIS L. LEE.
Extract.
Ijoadon, April 2d, 1774.
The Parliament are now bringing tlie question to that
decision, which makes me tremble for the virtue, the cha-
racter, the liberties of my countrymen. They have
passed an act to take away the port of Boston, till every
compensation is made for the tea, and perfect obedience is
acknowledged. And then it is to be restored in such
iwrtions as the King pleases. What makes this more
alarming is, that no accusation is brought against the town ;
no evidence produced to criminate it ; and it is avowed,
that this is the first step towards reducing all America to an
acknowledgment of the right of Parliament to impose taxes
upon her, and to a submission to tlie exercise of that right.
The Americans who are here, have thought it of so
much consequence, that they have petitioned the three
branches of the Legislature, against passing such a bill ;
but as you may imagine, without success.
The next proceeding against Boston and the Province,
is already announced in the House of Commons. The
Selectmen and town-meetings are to be abolished. The
Governor is to be endued with the power of calling the
citizens together, when, and for what purpose he pleases.
They are not to deliberate on any thing, but what he
dictates. The Council and Judges are to be suspended at
the Governor's pleasure. The constitution of Juries is to
be altered, so as to render them more manageable, in find-
ing bills and verdicts against the friends of liberty.
We are just informed that General Gage is going over
immediately, with three regiments, as Governor of Massa-
chusetts, and Commander-in-chief; that he is to collect an
army about Boston, in order to impose these measures,
and reduce the people to entire obedience.
The storm, you see, runs high ; and it will require
great prudence, wisdom, and resolution, to save our liberties
from shipwreck. In my opinion, there ought to be a gene-
ral Congress of the Colonies ; and I think Annapolis
would be the place, where it would be less liable to milita-
ry interruption, than at New York or Philadelphia. If
you have virtue enough to resolve to stop, and to execute
the resolution of stopping your exports and imports for one
year, this country must do you justice.
The shipping, manufactures, and revenue, depend so
much on the Tobacco and Carolina Colonies, that they
alone, by stopping their exports, would force redress.
Such a measure, should be attended with an address to the
merchants, manufacturers, and traders of this country,
stating the necessity which compels you to a measure in-
jurious to them ; professing every thing, to flatter or con-
ciliate them. Such a measure, operating at the general
election, next April, would probably produce such a
return of men)bers, as would listen to tmth and redress,
not so much for our grievances, as their own.
This is the only effectual measure I can conceive. If
there is not virtue enough for it, I am afraid American
liberty is no more ; for you may depend upon it, that if
they find the chains can be easily imposed, tliey will make
them heavy, and rivet them fast.
It is impossible for me, to describe how much I am
grieved at these proceedings, and with what anxiety I look
forward to the event. You know I have doubted the
virtue of my countrymen. God grant that I may be
mistaken ; that by a wise, temperate, and firm conduct,
they may escape the blow intended, and preserve their
freedom. The friends of liberty here, look to your
conduct with great anxiety. They consider it as de-
cisive, either to establish or overturn the present plan of
despotism.
Tliere is a spirit of violence, injustice, and persecution
in Administration, against every active friend oi America,
which makes that character perilous. I caimot see that
any service can be done here, until the event of these
measures is seen, and the popular prejudices begin to abate.
I am therefore determined to withdraw myself, by taking
the advantage of a favourable opportunity of visiting Rome,
for some months ; from whence however, I shall return
sooner, if any great event should hold out a probability of
my being useful.
Mrs. Lee well knows the power of her praise ; and
how ambitious I should he of meriting it from her. But,
alas, I have not the powers of pleasing. Horrors only
dwell on my imagination. Public corruption at present,
and public calamity for the future, are the dismal ob-
jects which incessantly fill my mind. The busy haunts
of men furnish more to lament than to rejoice in ; to
censure, than to praise. They are filled with scenes of
false happiness, and real misery, variety of vice and
wretchedness. It is rural retirement only, rural innocence,
rural tranquillity, which excite an uninterrupted flow of
ideas, amiable and delightful. In these pleasing scenes,
the perturbed spirits settle into a calm, productive of more
real happiness than all tliat the splendour of fortune, all that
the pomp of power can bestow. It is there the golden age
revives, and all things inspire the spirit of love and delight.
My best love awaits her. Remember me at Mount Airy,
Stradford, Chantilly, and wherever else you think the
mention of my name will not be disagreeable.
Adieu, Sic, Arthur Lee.
Francis L, Lee.
SAMUEL ADAMS TO ARTHUR LEE.
Boston, April 4th, 1774.
My DEAR Sir : My last letter to you I delivered to the
care of Dr.' Williamson, who sailed with Captain *****^
in December last. The General Assembly has since been
sitting, and the important subject of the Judges of the
Superior Court being made dependent on the Crown for
their salaries, was again taken up by the House of Repre-
sentatives with spirit and firmness. The House had, in a
former session, passed divers resolutions expressing their
sense of the dangers of this irraovation, and declaring, that
unless the Justices should renounce the salaries from the
Crown, and submit to a constitutional dependence upon the
Assembly for their support, they would proceed to impeach
them before the Governor and Council. One of them,
Mr. Trowbridge, very early in the session, in a letter to
the Speaker, expressed his formal compliance with that
resolve, which letter was communicated to the House and
voted satisfactory. The other four had taken no notice of
the resolve. The House, therefore, having waited from
the 26th of January, which was the first day of the session,
till the 1st of February, then came to a resolution, that
unless they should conform to their order on or before the
fourth of the same month, further proceedings would be
had on such neglect. The effect of this resolve was, that
three of them, viz. Hutchinson, (a brother to him who is
called Governor) ****** *j and *******, made similar
declarations to that of Trowbridge, which were also voted
satisfactory. Mr. Justice Oliver, who is brother of the
Lieutenant Governor, and is connected with the Governor
by the marriage of their children, came to a different
determination, which occasioned a controversy between the
Governor and the two Houses, inserted at large in the en-
closed papers. Therein you will see that the Governor
has treated the petitions, complaints and remonstrances of
the Representative body with haughty contempt. The
people view it with deep resentment, as an effect of his
independency ; whereby he is aliened from them, and
become a fitter instrument in the hands of the Ministry to
carry into effect their destructive plans. They are irritated
to the highest degree, and despair of any constitutional re-
medy against the oppressions of a corrupt officer, while the
Governor, be he who he may, is thus dependent on Minis-
ters of State. They have, ever since the trial of Preston
and his soldiers, been murmuring at the conduct of the
Superior Court, and tne partiality which many say is so
clearly discovered in causes between revenue officers and
the Government, abettors, and other subjects. Indeed,
the House of Representatives, two or three years ago,
passed a resolution that such conduct, in several instances,
had been observed, as appears in their printed journals.
To give you some idea of what the temper of that court
has been, a lawyer* of great eminence in the Province, and
a member of the House of Representatives, was thrown
over the bar a few days ago, because he explained in a
public newspaper the sentiments he had advanced in the
House when he had been misrepresented ; and a young
lawyer of great genius in this town, who had passed the
regular course of study, (which is more than can be said of
« Joseph Hawley, Esq., of North Hampton.
239
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
240
the Chief Justice,) has been, and still is, refused by the
Governor, only because he mentioned the name of Hutch-
inson with freedom, and that not in court, but in a Boston
town meeting, some years before. And to show you from
whence this influence springs, I must inform you, tliat not
long ago the Governor, the Lieutenant Governor, and three
of the Judges, which make a majority of the bench, were
nearly related ; and even now the Governor has a brother
there, and is brother-in-law to the Chief Justice. Such
combinations are justly formidable, and the people view
them with a jealous eye. They clearly see through a
system formed for their destruction. That the Parliament
of Great Britain is to make laws, binding them in all cases
whatsoever; that the Colonies are to be taxed by that
Parliament without their own consent; and the Crown
enabled to appropriate money for the support of Executive
and arbitrary powers ; that tliis leaves their own Assembly
a body of very little significance ; while the officers of
Government, and Judges, are to be totally independent of
the Legislature, and altogether under the controul of the
King's Ministers and Counsellors ; and there an union will
be effected, as dangerous as it will be powerful ; the whole
power of Government will be lifted from the hands into
which the Constitution has placed it, into tiie hands of
the King's Ministere and their dependants here. This is,
in a great measure, the case already ; and the consequences
will be, aniiry debates in our Senate, and perpetual tumults
and confusions abroad ; until these maxims are entirely
altered, or else, which God forbid, the spirits of the people
are depressed, and they become inured to disgrace and ser-
vitude. This has long been the prospect in the minds of
speculative men. The body of the people are now in
council. Tiieir opposition grows into a system. They
are united and resolute; and if the British Administration
and Government do not return to the principles of mode-
ration and equity, the evil which they profess to aim at
preventing by their rigorous measures, will the sooner be
brought to pass, viz. — the entire separation and indepen-
dence of the Colonies.
Mr. Gushing obliged me with a sight of your letter to
him of the 22d of December last. I think I am not so
clearly of opinion as you seem to be, that '- the Declara-
tory Act is a mere nullity," and that therefore, " if we can
" obtain a repeal of the Revenue Acts frdm 1764, without
" their pernicious appendages, it will be enough." Should
they retract the exercise of their assumed power, you ask,
when will they be able to renew it ? I know not when,
but I fear they will soon do it, unless, as your worthy bro-
ther in Virginia, in a letter I yesterday received from him,
expresses himself, " we make one uniform, steady effort,
" to secure an explicit bill of rights for British America."
Let the Executive power and right on each side be therein
stipulated, that Britain may no longer have a power or
right to make laws to bind us, in all cases whatsoever.
While the claim is kept up, she may exercise the power
as often as she pleases ; and the Colonies have experienced
her disposition to do it too plainly, since she in anger made
the claim. Even imaginary power beyond right begets
insolence. The people here, I am apt to think, will be
satisfied on no other terms but those of redress ; and they
will hardly think they are upon equitable terms with the
mother country, vi'hile, by a solemn act, she continues to
claim a right to enslave them, whenever she shall think fit
to exercise it. I wish for a permanent union with the mo-
ther country, but only on the principles of liberty and truth.
No advantage that can accrue to America from such an
union, can compensate for the loss of liberty. The time
may come sooner tiian they are aware of it, when the
being of the British n^iUon, i mean the being of its impor-
tance, however strange it may appear to some, will de])end
on her union witli America. It requires but a small portion
of tlie gift of discernment, for any one to foresee that
Providence will erect a mighty empire in America ; and
our posterity will have it recorded in history, that their
fathers migrated from an island in a distant pan of tlie world,
the inhabitants of which had long been revered for wisdom
and valour. They grew rich and powerful ; these emigrants
increased in numbers and strength. But they were at last
absorbed in luxury and dissipation ; and to support them-
selves in their vanity and extravagance, they coveted and
seized the honest earnings of those industrious emigrants.
This laid a foundation of distrust, animosity and hatred, till
the emigrants, feeling their own vigor and independence,
dissolved every former band of connexion between them,
and the islanders sunk itito obscurity and contempt.
May I whisper in your ear that you paid a compliment
to the Speaker when you told him you " always spoke
under the correction of his better judgment." I admire
what you say to him, and I hope it will have a good im-
pression on his mind ; that we shall be respected in Eng-
land exactly in proportion to the firmness and strength of
our opposition. I am sincerely your friend,
Samuel Adams.
Arthur Lee, Esq.
As Captain Wood is now about to sail there is not time
to have copies of the papers ; 1 will send them by the next
opportunity. In the mean time I refer you to Dr. Frank-
lin, to whom they are sent by this vessel. S. A.
London, April, 5, 1774.
Sir : Such is my regard for the Americans, that though
a native of this country, I do not know how 1 would wisji
our rulers to act at this time. The great folly which the
Americans are running into is luxury. I hope we shall
teach them to be wise, and attend to their real interest.
Though the present resentment seems levelled at Bos-
ton, yet as the principle is common to all, viz., the Parlia-
mentary tax, I fear the rest of the Northern Colonies will
so far take it as aimed at all, as in some degree to interrupt
our commerce with them. This will in every shape be a
loss to us ; for though it may lessen the profit of their pro-
vision vessels, bound to the Spanish and French islands,
yet the loss of the sale of the British commodities they
carried is ours. This will likewise show them, that their
lasting and certain expectation of profit in commerce, must
arise from their own productions ; which will naturally send
them out of their maritime towns, to attend to the cultiva-
tion of their land ; and thus they will become every day
more independent of us : whereas their profit on the sale of
our manufactures to the Spaniards and French, at present
diverts many from that true domestic policy.
The French make cloth which pleases the inhabitants of
Turkey and Italy better than our iniquitous fabric does. It
may perhaps equally please the Americans, and when once
commerce has taken a channel, who shall stem the tide !
Our cruisers? Can they guard a coast of at least 1500
miles, abounding in creeks and inlets ? Wise policy ! What
is the loss we may thereby sustain ? Only of a clear profit
of about a million and a half sterling from the Provinces
of New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, with
our loss from the other Colonies. A trifle to so rich a
nation as we are !
I would, as a Politician, divide our American settlements
ijito two classes. The first, and favourite one, the West
India islands import hither a million sterling more than they
export from us, the whole being almost articles of luxury
and consumption. Cotton is, I think, the only rough ma-
terial they send us. Tine ! but the |)roj)rietors spend their
fortunes here. If strict inquiry was made, I fancy it
would be found that large remittances are made from hence
to Madeira and France for wines, and several articles of
luxury. I Ciannot suppose, from what I have seen in these
islands, that less than half a million goes that way. What
is pretty singidaris, that New England exports from hence
more than Jamaica does, and that Jamaica exports from
hence nearly as nuich as all the other islands ; so that
Nciv England and New York export a greater quantity of
British manufactures, then all the favourite islands.
New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, send us,
in articles of luxury, a few furs, but in cash and bills, at an
average of several years, about a million and a half sterling,
and about two hundred thousand pounds in rough mate-
rials, to be worked up by our people. While the flags of
truce were permitted during the last war, their remittances
were much greater. In the year 1760, the balance in our
favour, from these three Colonies, was one million nine hun-
dred thousand and odd pounds. Shall we, then, on the
whole, call our present conduct wise ? What can we do ?
What would a parent do to reclaim a wayward child, on
whose reformation the parent's subsistence greatly depends ?
Set them down as they were at the close of the last war.
241
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
242
and glory in amending an injudicious measure too long
pursued.
Tlie word war brings to my mind another transgression
of these wicked Bostoniam. They very simply imagining
that it would be for tlie advantage of Britain, conquered
Cape Breton, in the war before the last ; and we restored
it, without indemnifying tliem, so far as I have heard, for
their expense. These very miscreants continued a greater
number of men constantly in arms, during the last war,
than they were required to do ; and most cruelly injured
us, in a very essential manner, by sending to the Havana
a supply of men, without whose aid the city had not been
taken, nor our exhausted troops carried off in safety. As
a just punishment on the gentleman who conducted that
supply, to the ruin of his own fortune, he remained here
for several years in a starving condition ; and, as if a gene-
ral infatuation had at that time seized all ranks of people,
even the then House of Commons returned thanks to that
people for these exertions of Loyalty,
I
rROM A GENTLEMAN IN LONDON TO ONE IN NEW YORK.
London, April 5, 1774.
I know not in what language to speak my concern and
indignation relative to the Boston Port Bill. He who may
view it singly, as pointed at a part of America, knows but
little of the temper and designs of Administration. —
The liberty of this country seems to have expired in their
hands. — You must summon all the wisdom and firmness of
the United Continent of AmeHca to preserve youi-s. I
know it to be the design, and an indispensable measure, to
divide — you must, therefore, subdue every prejudice, and
bear with every infirmity, among yourselves, that, like a
bundle of tender rods, you may not be separately broken
to pieces. If the other Provinces do not warmly and
firmly support an opposition to this horrid attempt to ruin
the town of Boston, you must fall the easy victims of
tyranny, and become the most abject slaves of the earth.
Let me entreat you, therefore, to turn a deaf ear to
every prejudice and idle report against your suffering fellow
subjects ; forgive their errors, and think of nothing but
mutual defence.
There were a few of us who petitioned Parliament,
which was all we could do. The Sheriffs of this city
stand at the head of the several petitions ; they behaved
nobly and spirited on this occasion ; for they were first in
proposing, and active in the execution of the affair — being
the first in rank in the county of Middlesex, where the
petitions were signed, their example gave weight and dig-
nity to the proceedings.
I do not hold myself answerable to give reasons why
those gentlemen, who formerly spoke the language of ^me-
rica, should have become so few in number ; but, for your
satisfaction, can assure you that Lord Chatham holds the
same friendly sentiments of you. When he is asked why
he does not attend the House of Lords, he says, 1 have
talked long enough to the tapestry*
The times are growing dangerous, and I know they
would be glad to have my head ; therefore you will excuse
my not writing my name — you know my hand.-
Yours.
AN APOLOGY FOR THE LATE CONDUCT OF AMERICA.
From the Ixindon Gazetteer, April 7, 1774.
Tliere are those who are clearly of opinion that the
Commons of Great Britain have no rigln to give and
grant away the property of the Americans.
If such people are consistent in their notions, they must
allow that the Americans would be justified in refusing to
make good such gifts, and to comply with the requisitions
in such grants.
And if they would be justified in refusing to comply
with such requisitions, it must also be allowed that there is
a line of conduct which it would be proper for them to
pursue, and that they are not left altogether without a
remedy.
They that are most violent against the Americana for
• The House of Loriig ih hung with tapeitry.
Fourth Series. 16
their conduct in the affair of the tea, would do well if they
endeavoured, before they passed judgment upon it, to
obtain proper ideas of right and wrong, and qualified them-
selves to distinguish what is unlawful from what is inexpe-
dient only; otherwise they may be led to condemn, as
criminal, measures that were ill judged only ; and by the
false colourings of Jesuitical writers, may be induced to
believe actions to be unjustifiable and wrong, that were
only impolitic and foolish.
I think the affair of the tea is, in general, rather ill un-
derstood ; and that the Constitution of England, the fun-
damental law of property, and the inalienable rights of
human nature, seem to have been but little regarded in
this dispute, concerning American taxation.
That the Constitution of England has been but little
regarded must appear evident when it is considered what
the spirit of that Constitution is with respect to its idea of
taxation. Does the Legislature levy a tax upon the
Kingdom in the same manner, and with the same preten-
sions as the King of France, by his edict, imposes taxes
upon his subjects ?— certainly not : The Commons give
and grant for themselves and jheir constituents ; the Lords
answer for themselves ; and tlie King, by his assent and
acceptance of such gifts, binds the parties to fulfil the con-
tract, and gives the deed the sanction of the law. But,
say the advocates for American slavery, taxation is a
necessary part of legislation; forgetting, or rather infa-
mously misrepresenting the truth, which is that our Con-
stitution knows of no arbitrary legislative money bills, nor
acknowledges any other source of taxation but free gift.
Can any man, then, have a right to give away another
man's property? — certainly not. And the Commons of
Great Britain may give and grant away as much as they
please of their own property, but they have no right to
give and grant away the property of the Americans.
So much touching the constitutional part of this dis-
pute, which I should have thought too obvious to have
required any discussion, had there not appeared to have
been much pains taken to confound the two very distinct
ideas of legislation and taxation, and to persuade mankind
that legislation, which is essential to all Government, is
nugatory without that power, which is incompatible with
the very end of Government itself, an arbitrary and
unlimited power of taxation ; for the end of Government
is the preservation of property, and there can be no pro-
perty where there is an arbitrary power of taxation ; for
what property can any man have in that which another
can, by right, take from him when he pleases, against his
consent?
And that the fundamental law of property has been but
little attended to in this dispute, the application of the
foregoing observation will sufficiently demonstrate ; for
what security can the Americans be said to have in their
property, if the people of Great Britain can give and
grant it away when they please ? or rather, can they truly
be said to have any property at all, if the people of Great
Britain have, under this pretended right of taxation, a
power of taking from them, when they please, what they
possess, and of using and disposing of it afterwards in
what manner they think proper ?
But how are the rights of human nature violated in this
dispute ? To this I answer, that the law of nature, being
founded in reason and justice, admits of property ; for the
better preservation of which, and for the use and enjoy-
ment of it in peace and quiet, men entered into society.
If therefore, any man, or body of men, claim a right to
take away at pleasure from other men their property, and
to dispose of it as they please such claim tends to a disso-
lution of society, and is repugnant also to the law of nature,
as it would place mankind in a worse condition than the
state of nature, wherein they had liberty to defend their
right against the injuries of others.
Unforiunately also for these flaming advocates for the
high prerogative doctrine of a necessary and unlimited
right of taxation in the British Legislature, and who as-
sert that the power of legislation in the regulation of
commerce, without that of unbounded taxation also, would
be nugatory and futile, I must mention the cases of Scot-
land before the union, and Ireland. If the British I^e-
gislature must necessarily be possessed of that power, with
respect to America, why was it not necessary with respect
248
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL, 1774.
244
to Scotland before the union ? and why is it not at this
nionient necessary with respect to Ireland 1 If the machine
of Government cannot move on without this power over
the poor dispersed, divided and defenceless Americans, liow
could it so long have moved on witliout the same power
over the rebellious Scots, or the discountented and fickle
Irish 1
I could mention also the Charters of the Americans,
which would be entirely subverted by this right of taxa-
tion ; but those who, in their utmost pursuits, scruple not
to violate the Constitution and polity of Great Britain,
the fundamental law of property, and the rights of human
nature, will pay, I am afraid, but very little regard to char-
tered rights.
But what line of conduct is to be observed by that peo-
ple whose liberties and property are invaded ? In answer
to this question, I shall beg leave to subjoin a few short
extracts iiom Locke : " Tyranny is the exercise of power
" without right. Wherever the power that is put in any
" hands for the Government of a people, and the preserva-
" tion of their properties, is applied to otiier ends, and
" made use of to impoverish, harrass, or subdue them to
" the arbitrary and irregular commands of them that have
" it, there it presently becomes tyranny, whether those
" that thus use it are one or many. Where law ends,
" tyranny begins. The exceeding the bounds of authority
" is no more a right in a great than a petty officer ; no
" more justifiable in a King than a Constable ; but is so
" much the worse in him, in that he has more trust put in
" him. May the commands then of a Prince be oppos-
" ed ? To this I answer, that force is to be opposed to
" nothing but unjust and unlawful force. Where the in-
" jured party may be relieved, and his damages repaired
" by appeal to the law, tliere can be no pretence for force,
" which is only to be used where a man is intercepted
" from appealing to the law ; for nothing is to be accounted
" hostile force but where it leaves not the remedy of such
" an appeal ; and it is such force alone that puts him that
" uses it into a state of war, and makes it lawful to resist
" him. Men can never be secure from tyranny, if there
" be no means to escape it, till they are perfectly under
" it ; and therefore it is that they have not only a right
" to get out of it, but to prevent it."
Bearing these axioms of eternal truth in our minds, let
us now take a slight view of the controversy between
Great Britain and America.
The three estates of Great Britain claiming a supreme
legislative power over Great Britain and its dependencies,
the Commons of Great Britain claim an absolute and un-
limited right of giving and granting away the property of
the Americans.
America admits the supreme legislative power of Great
Britain, as extending to the regulation of commerce, &.C.,
but denies the inference drawn from it, the right of taxation,
alleging, that such a right is not only contrary to the Con-
stitution of Great Britain, and the venerable Charters of
America, but that it cannot, in the very nature of things,
exist ; because, if it did exist, it would be unpossible for an
American to possess any property.
The Commons of Great Britain, proceeding to carry
their claim into execution, give and grant away a tax upon
all teas that shall be imported into America, to be collected
in their very ports, at or before the landing thereof, and
the Executive appoints his tax-gatherers to collect the
same.
The Americans petition and remonstrate against the
measure, as looking upon it to be a violation of their rights,
and a total .annihilation of their property ; but obtaining no
redress, rather than submit to so humiliating a iDeasure,
the whole Continent resolves to import no more tea, nobly
choosing rather to have one natural right violently taken
from tiiein, than to become themselves the instruments of
surrendering up the whole.
Great Britain, not satisfied with letting things remain
in this situation, the East India Company are instigated to
attempt, in open violation of the Charters of the Ameri-
cans, in opposition to the general voice of the people, and
in defiance of honour and justice, by a hostile importation
of their tea, and by a submission to the tax so imposed, to
sap the foundation of their liberties and property, and to
establish a precedent for future inroads. Dreading the
odium of such an action, and knowing the sentiments of
the Americans, the Company at first hesitate ; but being
formally and regularly indenmified, they are at length pre-
vailed upon by Administi'ation to become parties in the
cause, and to make a direct attack upon the liberties and
property of America. A party also in America, either
dependent upon, or looking up to Government for advance-
ment, or influenced by the mean consideration of the com-
mission to be got by the sale of the tea, are procured, who
scruple not, to conspire with her external enemies, against
the freedom of America, and become zealous advocates for
taxation and slavery.
When the vessels arrive in America, such are the con-
vulsions into which the whole Continent is thrown, that
the parlies concerned are prevailed on to consent to their
immediate return.
In one instance, the Governor and officers of the
Customs interfere ; a proper clearance for the vessel is
denied ; the return of it is prevented ; and a day for the
landing of the cargo and the execution of their plan, is
fixed upon.
What now ought the Americans to have done ? Ought
they to have tamely submitted to this taxation, and by
acknowledging the principle to be just, from which it origi-
nated, confessed themselves in so humiliating a condition,
as that the whole of their property, and every convenience
of life that commerce could aflbrd them, depended upon,
and was held at the pleasure of the people of Great
Britain 1
This would have been to have imitated the lamb, who
yielded his throat to be torn by the imperious wolf.
Ought they to have submitted first, and then petitioned ?
They have repeatedly petitioned, but their cries were
not regarded.
Ought they to have appealed to the law ?
But what appeal can be made to the law, if the unjust
acts done against a man, are maintained by the power of
the aggressors, and the remedy which is due by law, be
by the same power obstmcted ?
Ought they, when the tea had been landed, to have
taken it from the consignees, and locked it up?
But what man could prudently have stood forth in tiiis
way ; wrested the property fiom its owners, locked it up,
and openly exposed himself to the rage of the blind and
infatuated Ministry of Great Britain 1
Whatever were the sentiments of the Americans upon
this head, or whether in the heat of their resentment, they
thought at all, is foreign to my purpose ; it is sufficient for
me to observe, that in the conflict, that commodity, which
was to have been instrumental to the introduction of slavery
and taxation, was destroyed.
Let us next consider in what light the East India
Company ought to have been considered by the Ameri-
cans : as merchants trading to America, under the sanction
of the law of nations, or as a banditti hired to attack their
privileges, and indemnified against any loss which might be
sustained in such attack ?
And if the indemnification by them required, places the
nature of their act in so very unfriendly a point of view,
shows that they were fully acquainted with the sentiments
of the Americans, and considered the measure a^ danger-
ous, because unjust, in w-hat light must tiie indemnifiers,
the suborners themselves, appear ?
And if the agents in this business appear so black, let
us next examine in what light their commodity o»ght to
have been considered — in the same sacred liglit as the pro-
perty of the honorahJe trader, or as the indifferent
property of men combined together to subvert the liberties
of America 1 But neither of these ideas fully expresses
its true nature.
Ought it not rather to have been considered as that
identical property, that very engine, by which the enemies
oi America meant to subvert its privileges, and by introdu-
cing along w'ith it an unlimited and discretionary right of
taxation, totally to aniiiliiiate American property ? Cer-
tainly, property so circumstanced, brought thither with
such an intent, and become so maliciously involved in the
subject of dispute, had lost those sacred sanctions which
are tiie defence of common property, and may figuratively
be said to have changed its very nature, and to have
become an instrument of war.
245
CORRESPONDENCE, APRIL 1774.
246
If, then, it appears, that the Executive would not suffer
it to be taken back, and that the landing of it would, in the
opinion of the Americans, have proved as fatal to Ameri-
ca, as the introduction of the wooden horse of the Grecians
did to Troy, though the alternative which they chose may
have procured them many enemies, there will, doubtless, be
found many others who will pity and excuse.
KARL OF DARTMOUTH TO GOVERNOR GAGE.
Extract.
Whitehall, 9th April, 1774.
The King having thought fit that you should return im-
mediately to your command in ISorth America, and that
you should proceed directly to Boston, on board his Majes-
ty's ship Lively, now lying at Plymouth, ready to sail with
the first fair wind, I send you herewith, by his Majesty's
command, a commission under the great seal, appointing
you Captain General and Governor-in-chief of his Ma-
jesty's Province of Massachusetts Bay, together with such
instructions as have been usually given to Governors of
tJiat Province, for their guidance in the exercise of the
ordinary and more permanent powers and authorities inci-
dent to that command.
What is further necessary for your direction in the pre-
sent state of disorder and commotion within that Province,
and for enabling you to carry into execution the measures that
have been, and probably will be adopted, for reducing it to
a state of obedience to lawful authority, is of a more deli-
cate and important nature, and requires more precise and
particular instructions.
With this letter you will receive an Act of Parliament,
passed in the present session, for discontinuing the loading
and unloading of goods and merchandise at the town and
within thQ harbour of Boston ; and also a Minute of the
Treasury Board, containing the substance of such instruc-
tions as their Lordships have thought fit to give to their
officers in consequence thereof; and it is the King's com-
mand that you do give them all proper and necessary
assistance and support in the execution thereof.
To this end it will be expedient that you do, immedi-
ately upon your arrival, and as soon as your commission
has been read and published, in the usual form, appoint a
meeting, either at the town or within the castle, (as circum-
stances shall point out,) with the Commander-in-chief of
his Majesty's ships, the Lieutenant Governor, and the
Commissioners of the Customs, the Chief Justice, and the
Secretary of the Province, in order to consider what steps
it may be proper to take for carrying the Act into execution,
and for enforcing, if necessary, a due obedience thereto ;
and if Mr. Hutchinson should not be come away, in con-
sequence of the leave he has obtained for that purpose, his
advice and assistance, in this case, as well as in the execu-
tion of every other part of your instructions, will be of
very great use and advantage to you.
His Majesty trusts that no opposition will, or can, with
any effect, be made to the carrying the law into execution,
nor any violence or insult offered to those to whom the
execution of it is entrusted. Should it happen otherwise,
your authority as the first Magistrate, combined with the
command over the King's troops, will, it is hoped, enable
you to meet every opposition, and fully to preserve the pub-
lic peace, by employing those troops with effect, should
the madness of the people, on the one hand, or the timi-
dity or want of strength of the peace officers on the other
hand, make it necessary to have recourse to their assistance.
The King trusts, however, that such necessity will not
occur, and commands me to say, that it will be your duty
to use every endeavour to avoid it ; to quiet the minds of
the people ; to remove their prejudices, and, by mild and
gentle persuasion, to induce such a submission on their part,
to this law, and such a proper compliance with the just re-
quisitions it contains, as may give full scope to his Majesty's
clemency, and enable his Majesty to exercise the discre-
tionary power given him by the Acl,of a^ain restoring to the
town of Boston those commercial privileges and advantages
which it hath so long enjoyed, and which have raised it to
its present state of opulence and importance.
At the same tin>e the sovereignty of the King, in this
Parliament, over the Colonies, requires a full and absolute
submission ; and his Majesty's dignity demands, that until
that submission be made, the town of Boston, where so
much anarchy and confusion have prevailed, should cease
to be the place of the residence of his Governor, or of
any other officer of Government, who is not obliged by law
to perform his functions there. It is, therefore, his Majes-
ty's further pleasure, that so soon as the law for discon-
tinuing the port shall have taken place, and every step has
been pursued that is necessary to insure the execution of it,
you do make the town of iSalem the ])lace of your resi-
dence ; that you do require all officers (not included in the
above exception) to attend you there ; and that the Gene-
ral Court, and all other courts and offices which are not by
law fixed at Boston, be appointed and held at Salem, until
his Majesty, satisfied on your representation, that the laws
of this Kingdom will be duly observed, and Government
be again administered at the town of Boston, without op-
position, shall have signified his Royal will and pleasure for
the return of his Governor to, and for holding of the Gene-
ral Court at that town.
The proceedings of the body of the people at the town
of Boston, in the months of November and December last,
were of such a nature and criminality as to have fixed a
deep degree of guilt upon those who were the principal
ringleaders and abettors of those proceedings, and the mea-
sures proper to be taken for inducing the punishment of
such guilt, become a very necessary part of the present
consideration, relative to the state of the Province oi Mas-
sachusetts Bay.
The King considers the punishment of these offenders
as a very necessary and essential example to others, of the
ill consequences that must follow from such an open and
arbitrary usurpation as tend to the subversion of all govern-
ment, and the rendering civil liberty unsafe and precarious ;
and his Majesty's subjects in the Province of Massachusetts
Bay in general, cannot give a better test of their love of
justice, and respect for the Constitution, than in their zealous
endeavours to render effectual a due prosecution of such
offenders.
If, however, the prejudices of the people should appear
to you to be such as would in all probability prevent a con-
viction, however clear and full the evidence might be, in
that case it would be better to desist from prosecution, seeing
that an ineffectual attempt would only be a triumph to the
faction, and disgraceful to Government.
The foregoing is all that I have at present in command
from the King to say to you. I need not suggest to you
the very great advantage that will result from your obtaining
a just and perfect knowledge of the characters, inclinations
and tempers of the principal people in the Colony ; such
information must, of necessity, be of great benefit, and your
own discretion will point out to you the use that is to be
made of it.
The last advices from Boston are of a nature to leave but
little room to hope that order and obedience are soon likely
to take the place of anarchy and usurpation. His Majesty,
however, confides in your fortitude and discretion, and
doubts not that all other officers, civil and military, ani-
mated by your example, will exert themselves in such a
manner, in support of the Constitution, and for enforcing
obedience to the laws, as will recommend them to his
Majesty's royal grace and favour.
Enclosed in the Earl of Dartmouth's Letter to Governor Gage, of
April 9th, 1774.
COPY OF A MINUTE OF THE TREASURY BOARD.
Whitehall Treasury Chambers, 31st March, 1774.
Present Lord North, Mr. Townshend, Lord Beau-
champ, Mr. Cormvall.
My Lords take into consideration an Act to discontinue,
in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned,
the landing and discharging, lading and shipping, of goods,
wares and merchandise, at the town and w itliin the harbour
of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in North
America : and being desirous that the provisions of the said
Act should be carried into execution with all possible vigi-
lance, despatch and circumspection, as far as the same relate
to the officers of his Majesty's Customs, established in the
same town and Province, transmit a copy of the said Act
to the Commissioners of the Customs in America, and
247
CORRESPONDENCE, MAY, 1774.
248
direct them forthwith to take such steps as they shall find
necessary for the removal of their Board from the said town
of Boston to tlie town of tSalevi, in the said Province of
Massachusetts Bay, and that as soon as proper offices can
be prepared for their reception and accommodation.
Direct them, together with all the otlicers belonging to
their Board, to repair to the said town of Salem, and there to
execute the duties and functions of their commissions, until
they shall receive further orders respecting the future resi-
dence and establishment of their Board.
Direct them, at the same time, to give orders for the re-
moval of the Collector, Comptroller, Surveyor, and such
other officers of the port of Boston as they shall judge ne-
cessary, to the town of Plymouth, or to the island of Nan-
tucket, or to such otiier town or place within the limits of
the said port, as siiall appear to them most proper and most
convenient for the trade of his Majesty's subjects ; and let
the said Collector, and other officere, be ordered to establish
themselves in the said town of Flyviouth, or such other
town or place as the Commissioners shall appoint, within
the limits of the said port of Boston ; and there to proceed
and carry on, in the usual manner, the business of their
several departments in the collection and management of
his Majesty's Customs, and in the execution of the Laws
of Trade.
And inasmuch as it may be reasonably expected, that
the trade within the jiort of Salem and Marblehead, will
be considerably increased during tiie continuance of the
said Act of Parliament, and may require an additional num-
ber of officers to be stationed at those places to transact the
business of the Customs, —
Direct the Commissioners to take with them to Salem,
such of the Tidesmen and incidental officers, now employed
at Boston, as they shall think the service at Salem and
Marblehead niay demand : and recommend to their par-
ticular care and attention, that clause of the said Act which
relates to vessels carrying coastwise, under the restrictions
therein mentioned, fuel and victual for the necessary use
and sustenance of the people of the town of Boston ; and
direct them to give express orders to the proper officers to
be vigilant and alert in visiting and searching all such ves-
sels laden with fuel and provisions, as aforesaid, which shall
enter the harbour of Marblehead, for the purpose of obtain-
ing a transire, or let pass, pursuant to the said Act of Par-
liament. And in case it shall appear to the officers em-
ployed on that service, by information, or by any probable
cause of suspicion, that there are concealed on board any
sucli vessels, any goods, wares or merchandise, other than
such fuel or victual, that then, and in every such case, such
officers should be directed to oblige the master or comman-
der of such vessel so informed against or suspected, to
unlade his cargo, before lie obtains such transke, or let pass,
in order to proceed to the town of Boston.
Let the Commissioners take care that, after the first day
of June, 1774, and during the continuance of the said Act,
no officers of the Customs whatsoever be suffered to reside
within the town or harbour of Boston.
In consideration of the losses which the Collector, Comp-
troller, and other officers upon the establishment, within
the said port of Boston, must inevitably suffer by the dimi-
nution of the fees and perquisites of the respective offices,
during the continuance of the said Act, —
My Ijords direct the Commissioners to report to their
Lordships, as soon as they can form any opinion of the
matter, how much it may be reasonable to allow to such
officers respectively, as a compensation for such their losses.
Direct them, from time to time, by every opportunity, to
inform my Lords of the several steps they shall have taken
in the execution of the said Act, and of their Lordships
orders.
Acquaint them that they, and all the officers under their
authority, may depend on being supj)orted and protected
in the execution of the duties of their respective offices.
Inform them that the Ijords Commissioners of the Ad-
miralty have despatched orders to the Admiral, comman-
ders and commissioned officers of his Majesty's ships of
war on that station, to use the utmost vigilance and activity
in the execution of the several provisions of the said Act
of Parliament ; and in case any of the officers in any of
his Majesty's ships, or sloops of war, shall see occasion to
require any officer or officers of the Customs, to be put on
board any of the vessels under their command, direct the
Conmiissioners to take care that all such requisitions be
duly complied with.
Transmit a copy of this Minute to Mr. Stephens, for the
information of the Lords of the Admiralty, and to Mr.
Pownall, for the information of the Earl of Dartmouth.
FROM A GENTLEMAN IN LONDON TO ONE IN NEW YORK.
Extract.
London, April 27. 1774.
I hope there is no necessity of admonishing you to unite
in the defence of the liberty of America. The stroke may
first be felt in Boston ; but that man who does not perceive
it meant against the whole line of Colonies must be blind
indeed. Trust me, the views of Administration are to sub-
due and enslave you. They have so sure a majority in
both Houses of Parliament, that they find no difficulty in
executing every wish of the King, either in the ruin of this
country or America. I love to speak the naked tmth.
Tell the people of America, that the favourite Ministry of
the most powerful Monarch in Europe, hate the name of
liberty, and abhor the man who dares support the princi-
ples of it. They suffer no man to share their confidence,
until he has proved himself an unprinci])led apostate, and
spurns at the idea of a virtuous opinion. This may be sup-
posed one of the great reasons why so few of the first rank
among us openly espouse the cause of America ; for it is
the cause of virtue, in which nothing can be gained, but
much lost. The infinite increase of perquisites, pensions,
and places, in consequence of an uncontrolled direction of
the India Company, has almost silenced opposition. Hav-
ing, therefore, but few friends left, and even those left
without power to do you any essential service you must rely
upon nothing but your own wisdom and virtue to disappoint
the wicked purposes of your powerful enemies; for their
interest, inclinations, and even existence, all unite to work
your ruin. I do not venture to point out what steps you
should take to avert the storm, or direct it to your advan-
tage. If you mean to negotiate any thing with this country,
let it be done with dignity and firmness.
I have the satisfaction of assuring you that Ijord Chat-
ham is that kind of friend to America which he ever has
been ; he came to town on purpose to watch and oppose
the present proceedings, but has ever since been confined
to his bed. Lord Camden and Lord Bockingham are your
friends.
The two Sheriffs of London, with other gentlemen,
natives of America, have another petition now ready to pre-
sent to the House of Commons, against the Bills now before
them. Sir George Savile has agreed to bring it in and
support it.
As to the merchants, many of them were such idiots
as to wait on Lord North, and return to their country houses
perfectly satisfied that he meant nothing inimical to you,
because he said so. He served the East India Directors
the same trick not many months since.
I have no doubt but that the people of England will,
in six months time see the folly of those measures, and
drive the Ministry to the necessity of giving up the ques-
tion, especially if you have spirit enough to act properly.
LtEUT. GOVERNOR COLDEN TO EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Extract.
New York, 4th May, 1774.
Captain Lockyer, with the so long looked for tea fiom
the India Company, arrived at Sandy Hook on the 19th of
last month. The ship came no farther up, and a few days
after sailed from thence again for London, with the tea on
board. Neither the Captain, nor any other, made the least
ajiplication to me about the ship or her cargo. The account
of this affiiir, published in the enclosed Newspaper, is as
particular and full as any I could procure.
In the same p- per your Lordship will find an account
of some more violent proceedings against a parcel of tea
imported by Captain Chambers, of the ship London, who
arrived here while Captain Lockyer wn^ in this place. As
no application was made to me by Captain Chambers, or
any other, before or since the riotous event, I cannot give
249
CORRESPONDENCE, MAY, 1774.
250
your Lordsliip a better account of it than is contained in
tiie printed paper.
It happened early in the evening, and tliough a pretty
large number of spectators were assembled, the quarter
where I reside, and the greater part of the town, was per-
fectly quiet. It is said Captain Chambers drew the par-
ticular resentment of the people upon himself by the du-
plicity of his conduct. Last voyage he claimed applause
here for being the first who refused to take the India Com-
pany's tea on board his ship, and received public thanks
from the people of this place for it.
A few days after Governor Tryon wenX from hence, a
small sloop loaded with Dutch tea, duck, &tc., was seized
by an oflicer of the custom-house. She was taken in
this port at noon day, and secured without any tumult on
tlie occasion.
Enclosed in Lieutenant Governor Colden't Letter to the Earl of
Dartmouth, of May 4, 1774.
Mew York, April 28, 1774.
On Monday se'ennight, April 18, advice was received
from Philadelphia, that Captain Chambers, of the ship
London, of this port, had taken on board, at the port of
Ltoiulon, eighteen boxes of fine tea, which were regularly
cleared, and the mark and numbers were taken from the
cocket by Captain All, of Philadelphia. As Captain
Chambers was one of the first who refused to take the
India Company's tea on freight the last summer, for which
he received the thanks of the citizens, they could not be-
lieve that he knew of the tea's being on board, and therefore
supposed it to have been shipped by some Ministerial tool,
under another denomination, in order to injure the owners,
or the reputation of the master, or to make an experiment
of this mode of introducing the teas to America. The
Committee, and tlie inhabitants, were, therefore, determined
to examine into the matter with great vigilance.
In the night, the long expected tea ship Nancy, Captain
Lockyer, arrived at Sandy Hook without her mizenmast,
and one of her anchors, which were lost in a gale of wind
the 2d inst., when her maintopmast was sprung, and thrown
on her beam-ends. Letters being delivered to him by the
Pilot, from sundry gentlemen of this city, informing him of
the detennined resolution of the citizens not to suffer the
tea on board of his ship to be landed, he requested the Pilot
to bring him up to procure necessaries, and make a protest ;
but he would not do it till leave was obtained. Early the next
morning this was communicated to the Committee ; and it
appearing to them to be the sense of the city that such
leave should be granted to him, the ship to remain at the
Hook, the Pilot was immediately despatched to bring him
up. This intelligence was immediately communicated to
tlie public by an handbill.
At 6 P. M. the pilot boat returned with Captain Lockyer
on board ; and although the people had but a very short
notice of it, the wharf was crowded with the citizens, to
see the man whose arrival they long and impatiently wished,
to give them an opportunity to co-operate with the other
Colonies. The Committee conducted him to the house of
the Honorable Henry White, Esq., one of the consignees,
and there informed Captain Lockyer, that it was the sense
of the citizens that he should not presume to go near the
custom-house, and to make the utmost despatch in procur-
ing the necessary articles he wanted for his voyage. To
this he answered : " That as the consignees would not re-
" ceive his cargo, he would not go to the custom-house,
" and would make all the despatch he could to leave tlie
" city." A Committee of Observation was appointed to
go down in a sloop to the Hook, to remain near the tea
ship till she departs for London; and four Committees
were appointed to watch the ship London, on her arrival,
day and night, till she should be discharged.
Wednesday night, April 20th, arrived Captain Law-
rence, from London, who confirmed the account received
from Philadelphia, of Captain Chambers having on board
eighteen boxes of fine tea, but could not tell who was the
shipper, or to whom it was addressed. Thursday the Com-
mittee interrogated Captain Lawrence relative to what he
knew of the tea's being on board of Captain Chambers ;
when he showed them a memorandum in his pocket-book,
which he took from the cocket in the middle of Captain
Gtambers' file of papers, in the Searcher's Office at Graves-
end, corresponding with the advice transmitted from Phil-
adelphia, except some variation in the mark. This morn-
ing the following handbill was distributed :
" To the Public. — The sense of the city, relative to the
" landing the East India Company's tea, being signified to
" Captain Lockyer by the Committee, nevertheless, it is
" the desire of a number of the citizens, that at his depar-
" ture from hence, he should see, with his own eyes, their
" detestation of the measures pursued by the Ministry and
" the India Company, to enslave this country. This will
" be declared by the convention of the people at his de-
" parture from this city, which will be on next Saturday
" morning at 9 o'clock, when, no doubt, every friend to this
" country will attend. The bells will give the notice about
" an hour before he embarks from Murray's wharf.
" By order of the Committee."
" New York, April 21, 1774.
Friday, at noon. Captain Chambers came into the
the Hook; the Pilot asked him if he had any tea on
board ? He declared he had none. Two of the Committee
of Observation went on board of Captain Chambers, and
informed him of the advices received of his having tea on
board, and demanded a sight of all his cockets, which was
accordingly given them ; but the cocket for the tea was not
found among them, nor was the mark or number on his
manifest.
About 4 P. M. the ship came to the wharf^ when she was
boarded by a number of the citizens. Captain Chambers
was interrogated relative to his having the tea on board,
but he still denied it. He was then told that it was in vain
to deny it, for as there was good proof of its being on board,
it would be found, as there were Committees appointed to
open every package, and that he had better be open and
candid about it, and demanded the cocket for the tea ; upon
which he confessed it was on board, and delivered the
cocket. The owners and the Committee immediately met
at Mr. Francis's, where Captain Chambers was ordered to
attend. Upon examining him who was the shipper and
owner of the tea? he declared that he was sole owner of it.
After the most mature deliberation, it was determined to
communicate the whole state of the matter to the people,
who were convened near the ship, which was accordingly
done. The Mohawks were prepared to do their duty at
a proper hour ; but the body of the people v.ere so impa-
tient, that before it arrived a number of them entered the
ship, about 8 P. M., took out the tea, which was at hand,
broke the cases, and started their contents into the river,
without doing any damage to the ship or cargo. Several
persons of reputation were placed below to keep tally, and
about the companion to prevent ill-disposed persons from
going below the deck.
At 10 the people all dispersed in good order, but in great
wrath against the Captain ; and it was not without some
risk of his life that he escaped. Saturday, in the morning,
the shipping in the harbour displayed their colours, and a
large flag was hoisted on the Liberty Pole, and at 8 A. M.
all the bells of the city rang, pursuant to the notice published
on Thursday. About nine, the greatest number of people
were collected at and near the coffee house, that was ever
known in this city. At a quarter past nine the Com-
mittee came out of the coffee house with' Captain Lock-
yer, upon which the band of music attending played God
save the IGnir. Immediately there was a call for Captain
Chambers. Where is he ? Where is he ? Captain Lockyer
must not go till we find Captain Chambers, to send him with
the tea ship. This produced marks of fear in Captain Lock-
yer, who imagined some mischief was intended him ; but upon
assurances being given him to the contrary, he appeared
composed. The Committee, with the music, conducted
him through the multitude to the end of Murray's wharf,
where he was put on board the pilot boat, and wished a
safe passage ; upon which the multitude gave loud huzzas,
and many guns were fired, expressive of their joy at his
departure. Tiie Committee of Observation at the Hook
have cognizance of him till a fair wind offers for his depar-
ture from thence. Thus, to the great mortification of the
secret and open enemies of America, and the joy of all
the friends of liberty and human nature, the union of these
Colonies is maintained in a contest of the utmost importance
to their safety and felicity.
3St
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, 1774.
252
On Sunday night, at 8 P. M ., the Committee of Obser-
vation returned from the Hook, lliey inform us, that the
sailors of the tea ship, being unwiUing to proceed witii
lier to London, made a raft of spars and boards, in order
to quit tiie siiip with the tide of flood, but were observed
by the Captain, and being aided by the Committee, wlio
offered their assistance to him, they desisted from their
project.
That on Sunday, at 10 A. M., the ship and the sloop,
with the Committee, weighed their anchors and stood to
sea ; and at 2 P. M. the pilot boat and the Committee's
sloop left her at the distance of three leagues from the
Hook.
^Vith Captain Lockyer, in the ship Nancy, went pas-
senger Captain James Chambers.
Many pei-sons still suspecting that Captain James Cham-
bers continues privately in this city, they may be assured
that he sailed out of the Hook, for Ijondon, on Sunday
last, on board the Nancy, Captain Lockyer, who afforded
him a very hospitable and gentlemanly reception ; and
whose whole behaviour, during his stay in this city, proved
him to be a sensible, discreet, and a very well bred man.*
*/n the same Paper, enclosed by Lieutenant Governor Colden to the
Earl oj Dartmouth, in the preceding Letter, was this additional
notice of the same transaction.
Mr. RiviNGToN : You declare your paper is impartial ; ns such please
to insert the following particul.irs relative to the idle paragraplis in
Mr. Gaines's Gazette of last Monday.
What is the Committee of Observation ? By whom were they ap-
]>oiuted, and what autliority had they to order Captain Chambers, or
any body else, to attend them at Mr. Francis's, or any other ]>laco
whatsoever ? Who says, and upon what authority does he say, that the
sense of the city was asked, relatively, either to the sending away Cap.
tain Lockyer, or the destruction of the tea on board the London ? Has
not every London Captain brought tea under the same circumstances ?
And, if so, what were the Apostates that informed against the unfor-
tunate man, who was threatened with death for obeying the laws of
his country ? Who were the persons of reputation tliat were placed
below to keep tally, saving one, who acted according to honour and
principle ? Let us know their names, or else we will dispute their
pretensions. What did they get by conducting Captain Lockyer in
public through the crowd.but a mortilying disgust in finding he would
not even pull off his hat to the insulting huzzas of all the people? All,
indeed ! when I am persuaded that not one twentieth part joined in
such outrage : though " the greatest number were collected at and
near the Cotfje House, that ever was known in this city." Marvellous
indeed, and utterly beyond belief! Much like the narrative in the
introduction to this noble and authentic history, wherein the his'orian
informs ua that the Nancy's " maintopmast was sprung and the ship
thrown on her beam-ends ;" or when he says, the tea on board tho
London was cast into- the river without doing any damage to the ship
or CARGO. This, too, was undoubtedly effected to the joy of all the
friands of liberty and human nature.
But, Mr. Printer, to end the matter for the present. Who says
that ALL the bells were rung on this solemn occasion ? when it is
assorted that several did not ring at all ; and that several others did
not ring but by means of fellows breaking into churches where they
bad no Ijusiness, and for which they ought, and every good man hopes,
so far as I know, that they will be pros.jcuted according to law.
I wish the Printers of public Chronicles would be cautious of dis-
gracing their papers by publishing party relations. While they adhere
to matters of fact, 'tis all well ; but when they expand their columns
to either patriot or ministerial minions, without any known evidence —
nay, contrary to tiie truth of fact — they must not, they cannot, they
shall not hope to escape the animadversions of a lover of Constitu.
tional liberty, but a sworn foe to Coblers and Tailors, so long as they
take upon their everlasting and unmeasurahle shoulders, the power
of directing the loyal and sensible inhabitants of the city and Province
of New York. April 25, 1774.
The following Notice and Reply, appeared in the two succeeding
numbers of the Gazetteer : —
New York, May 5.
A full Answer to the animadversions on the conduct of the inhabi-
tants of this city, relative to the return of Captain Lockyer, &.C.,
which were inserted in last weeks' Gazetteer, will be presented in our
next.
New York, May 12, 1774.
To the Printer of the New York Gazetteer.
Sir : When any man attempts to call tho attention of the public to
his compositions, under the specious character of an advocate for
truth, he should strictly adhere to the principle he pretends to main-
tain; otlierwise, however loud and artful ho may be in his profession,
thoywill consider him as an imposter. I was led to these reil'sctions in
perusing the animadversions, published in your Gazetteer, on the con-
duct of the inhabitants of this city, relative to the dismission of Captain
Lockyer, and his tea, and tho narrative thereof, in Mr. Gaines's
Gazette.
It may justly be expected, that when an anonymous author calls
for names to authenticate facts, wh ch he disputes, he will not be de-
ficient in that kind of proof to support his assertions or suggestions,
which he requires of otiiers ; but the contrary is evident to every one,
who will be at the trouble to peruse the piper in question. Eviry
man of information in this Colony, knows that it contains gross mis-
representations, to say no worse ; for the .Assembly, and the inhabi.
tants of this Colony have, more than once, declared their abhorrence
of the Revenue Act, and consequonlly, of the importation of tea, while
the Act exists ; and therefore, if Great Britain and the other Colonics
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL.
Memoravdom. 16th March, 1771.
Tlie Governor this day received the following letter from
Lord Dunmure, Go\crnor of Virginia, by express, in
answer to his Honor's letter of the 31st of January :
Williamsburg, 3d March, 1774.
Sir: I have been fav'oured with your letter of the 31st
January, 1774, and duplicate of the same, the occasion of
which having been the appointment of certain officers by
me in a remote district of the county of Augusta, in this
Colony, which includes Fittsburg, which having been
done, as is alw ays my rule, with the advice of his Majesty's
Council, 1 could not, till I had an opportimity of laying
your letter before them, return you an answer, and it is not
till now that I am enabled so to do. From the opinion,
therefore, of his Majesty's Council of this Colony, I nmst
inform )ou, tiiat altiiough the calculations on which you
rely in the plan accompanying your letter, may possibly be
found exact, yet they can by no means be considered,
by us, as the observation, on which they were founded, was
were fully informed of our sentiments, relative to the obnoxious Act,
it would Tiot be necessary to take any notice of the animadvertor.
He would in tliat case be left to tlie just reproaches of liis fellow. citi-
zens, of which, I am persuaded he is not ignorant. But as the paper
under consideration, was designed to induce a belief in those places,
that wo are greatly divided in tliis city upon the Revenue Act, and
tho point of returning tlie tea ; and that it was done by the approba.
tion only of an inconsiderable number: I shall, therefore, for the in.
formation of those who are at a distance from us, and the honour of
the Colony, show these representations to be void of truth. This will
appear, by a proper attention to the following facts, viz : lu tliu
Session of Parliament of 1767, the Commons of Great Britain gave to
his Majesty, the property of the Americans, by granting, among other
imposts, three pence sterling per pound, " for every pound weight,
avoirdupois, of tea," which should be, "imported I'rora Great Britain
into any Colony or Plantation in America." The merchants of this
city, and a groat number of the other inhabitants of all ranks, being
alarmed at this attempt to enslave them, on the Ulth of August, 1768,
signed an agreement to decline tiie most valuable part of their com-
merce with Great Britain, until this Act should be repealed ; and th'i
violators of this compact were declared to be " deemed enemies of
their country." This compact, commonly called tlie Non-Importation,
met with the general approbation of the citizens, which was demon-
strated by their conformity to it. In consequence of this, tlie Captains
of our ships, trading to Great Britain were, by standing orders from
their owners, forbid to take on board there any of the goods prohibit,
ed by the agreement. In order that the sense of the (Colony might
be known, the General Assembly in their next Session, on the 3lst of
December, 1768, passed the following resolution, with several others,
declarative of our rights and privileges, viz :
" Resolved, nem. con. That it is the opinion of this Committee
" that no tax, under any name or denomination, or on any pretence,
" or for any purpose whatsoever, can or ought to be imposed or
"levied, upon the persons, estates, or property of his Majesty's good
" subjects, within tins Colony ; but of their free gift, by their Rcpro.
" sentatives, lawfully convened in General Assembly."*
This resolution had evidently the Revenue Act for its object. The
opinion of the Colony, in legal consideration, having been thus dc.
clared, against tlie Parliamentary principle of taxing the Colonies, by
Parliamentary authority ; it was judged of equal importance to the
common cause of America, that a declaration should be representa-
tively made of the public sense, on the means which tlie merchants
and others had adopted, to defeat the execution of that act, which
proclaimed to the world, that the Americans had no property they
could call their own. Accordingly, on the 10th of April, 1769, Mr.
Philip Livingston, an eminent merchant of this city, made the follow.
ing motion in the Assembly, viz:
" That the thanks of this House be given to the merchants of this
" city, and Colony, for their repeated, disinterested public spirit, and
" patriotic conduct, in declining the importation, or receiving goods
" from Great Britain, until such Acts of Parliament as the General
" Assembly had declared unconstitutional, and subversive of the rights
•• and liberties of the people of tliis Colony, sliould be repealed ; and
" that Mr. Speaker signify tho same to the merchants at their next
" monthly meeting.
" Ordered, That IMr. Speaker signify the thanks of this House
" to the merchants of this city, at their next monthly meeting ac.
" cordingly." t
.\fter advice was received in 1770, of the partial repeal of the
Revenue Act, a number of the merchants were inclined to import
such goods from Great Britain as were not subject to the paj'menl
of an American duty; and in order to induce the consent of the
citizens to depart from tho first form of the non. importation agree.
nient, they, on the 12th of June, 1770, published a p^per, which
they intended as the basis of the new agreement. It contains,
among other stipulations, the following, viz. — "If any goods shall
"arrive contrary to this and our former agreement, they shall bo
" re-shipped immcdiatoly. And any persons, masters of vessels,
" or others, that shall import or receive a consignment of any dutia-
" ble goods (that is subject to tho payment of duties in America,)
" shall be deemed enemies to the Colonies, and treated accordingly."
From this it appears that the old agreement was confirmed, so far as
it prohibited the importation of merchandise, subject to an American
duty. The importation of goods was resolved upon the 9th of July,
•Seethe Journal of the A iBemblv, that endt.-tl by dUsolution the Sd January, 1709,
pasfe 73.
1 3e« the Journal of the Aiseiubl}', for April, 1760, page 23 and SS,
253
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH .AND APRIL, 1774.
254
made without the participation of this Government, or the
assistance of any person on the part of the Crown ; and
even if they were admitted, we apprehend tiiey would
decide nothing in the present case ; for tiie right of the
Proprietaries of Pennsylvania to the country about Fitts-
burg, jnust be founded on better autiiority than is there
adduced to make it vahd, and we are strengthened in this
opinion by tlie principles you yourselves adopt, and the-
opinion ol' Lord Camden, which you have produced in
your dispute with Connecticut. With respect to the right
of this Colony to that country, the transactions of the late
war sliow suihciently what was ever the sense of the
Government of Virginia with regard to it. And it seems
to me that the step wliich I have taken ought not to have
been either unexpected or surprising, as you are pleased
to say it was to you, when it is well known that formal
declarations were made by the Assembly of Fennsyhania,
that Fittshurg was not within the jurisdiction of that
Government at the time that retjuisitions were made to
them for the defence of that place, the burden of which,
on that account, fell on this Government.
In conformity to these sentiments you will easily see I
cannot possibly, in compliance with your request, either
1770, agreeable to the plan proposed in that paper, the non-importa.
tion agreement thus restricted, continued, as it still does, in full force,
until we were alarmed with accounts in the latter end of September,
1773, by the arrival of our London ships, that the East India Com-
pany intended to ship their own tea for America. Tlie masters of
tliese vessels gave public information, that it had been offered to them
on freight ; and tliat they had refused to receive it. For this patrio-
tic and spirited conduct, they at a meeting called for the purpose, by
iidvortisament, received tlie public thanks in writing, from a great
body of merchants, and a number of other inhabitants, in which
honour. Captain Ctiambera, whose apostacy could not be foreseen, had
his share. Our citizens, being thus informed of the refusal of our
London Captains, it was concluded, that such refusal would discour-
age the India Company from shipping their tea ; and therefore, it was
judged unnecessary to call a meeting at that time, to agree on pre-
cautions against an event which was not expected ; especially as the
friends of tlie intended consignees gave frequent assurances, that they
well knew the sense of the inhabitants on the subject, and were
resolved to refuse the trust on the arrival of the tea.
A number of our citizens, however, fearing that the tea ship would
bring the first intelligence that the tea was actually shipped, were
jealous that it might be landed, unexpectedly, and therefore, without
proper opposition. For this reason, they had frequent meetings, to
concert a plan for guarding against the danger. And at one of those
meetings, a committee was appointed to present, who accordingly did
present to the consignees, the following Questions, viz :
" First, Are you, gentlemen. Commissioners, satisfied that it is
" contrary to the general sense of the inhabitants of this city, that the
" tea about to be imported by the India Company, should be received
'• or sold by you ?
" Second, Will you, gentlemen, declare upon your honours, that in
" case you are appointed the Commissioners, for the sale of the said
" tea, that you will not receive, or sell, or be in any respect aiding or
" assisting in receiving or selling the same ?
" JVoremier 24, 1773."
To tliese queries, they gave the following Answer, in writing :
" Genti.kmen : At present we have received no appointment from
" the East India Company, nor any certain information on what terms
" the t^a is to come out to this Colony ; when it arrives, (if addressed to
" us) the community shall be acquainted with the conditions on which
** it is sent. Should the tea be shipped, liable to the payment of the
" American duty, we believe it is against the sentiments of the inhabi.
*' tants, tiiat it stiould bo sold by us, or any otiier person, and there-
" fore we cannot execute the commission ; nor shall we in any respect,
** act therein contrary to the general sense of our fellow-citizens.
"New York, November 25th, 1773."
These gentlemen, when they were certainly informed that the tea
was shipped, subject to the duty, did, in compliance with their en-
gagement, make the following resignation to a Committee who waited
on tliem for that purpose, to wit :
" The Agents since find, that the tea will come, liable to American
" duty ; and agreeable to their former promise, have declined receiving
" and selling it under that predicament.
" New York, December 1, 1773."
That no means might be neglected to secure a unanimity of con-
duet in tlie several Colonies, on so importjnt a point, an instrument of
association was framed ; fifteen hundred copies of which were printed,
and dispersed through the city ; that the inhabitants might be well
apprised of its contents, before they were requested to sign it. Tiiis
association paper, in its preamble, most fully and expressly declares
against the unconstitutional imposition of taxes on the Colonies, by
authority of Parliament ; particularly points at the evil of importing
tea, subject to duty; expresses the warmest sense of liberty in the
subscribers ; their resolution, by all lawful means to defeat the perni-
cious project; to transmit to posterity the blessings of freedom,
derived from their ancestors ; and to contribute to the support of the
common liberties of America ; which were, (as they still are) in
danger of being subverted. It contains five resolves, substance de-
claring, " the abettors of the importation, landing, carting, storing,
" sale and purchase of tea, subject to Parliamentary duty, and until
■" the statute 7 George the Third, chapter 46, commonly called the
" Revenue Act, shall be totally and clearly repealed, — enemies to their
" conntry. That whether such duty be paid in Britain or America,
" our liberties are equally afiected ; and that the subscribers will
" neither deal with, employ, or have any connection with the trans.
revoke die commissions and appointments already made, or
defer the opportunity of such other officers as I may find
necessary for the good government of that part of the
country, which we cannot but consider to be within the
dominion of Virginia, until his Majesty shall declare the
contrary ; and I flatter myself 1 can rely so far on the pru-
dence and discretion of the officers whom I have appointed,
that the measure which I have pursued may have no ten-
dency to raise disturbances in your Province, as you seem
to apprehend, and if any should ensue I cannot but believe
they will be occasioned, on the contrary, by the violent
proceedings of your officers ; in which opinion 1 am jus-
tified by what has already taken place in the irregular com-
mitment of Mr. Joltn Conolly for acting under my autho-
rity, which, however, as 1 must suppose, it was entirely
without your participation, I conclude he is before this
time released. But, nevertheless, the act having been of
so outrageous a nature, and of a tendency so detrimental
to both Colonies, that, with the advice of his Majesty's
Council of this dominion, I do insist upon the most ample
reparation being made for so great an insult on the autho-
rity of his Majesty's Government of Virginia ; and no
less can possibly be admitted than the dismission of the
" gressors of any of those resolves." In short, it contains the
strongest terms of opposition, without actual violence, against the im-
portation of that commodity, under those circumstances, leaving the
use of force to prevent the mischief, to be resolved in some future
time, in case any emergency might thereafter render that measure un-
necessary. Of this association paper, none among us can be igno-
rant. It was signed by a vast number of our inhabitants, including
most of the principal lawyers, merchants, landholders, masters of
ships, and mechanics in t \c city, under the name and style of the
Sons of Liberty of New York; was published in Mr. Holt's New York
Journal, number 1615.
On the I6th of December last, a Committee of the Associates, pub.
lished an advertisement in this (No. 35,) and Mr. Holt's paper. No.
1615, and in handbills, dispersed about this city, cordially inviting
the Association of the Sons of Liberty, and every other friend of ths
Liberties and Trade of America, to met at the City Hall, on the next
day, at one o*clock, on business of the utmost importance. At the
time and place appointed, about two thousand of the inhabitants,
though the weather was bad, attended on the occasion, and were ad-
dressed by one of tlie members of the Association, who informed them,
that on request of a number of his fellow-citizens, he had several
letters to communicate to the assembly, from the Committee of Cor-
respondence at Boston, and a letter from Philadelphia, relative to the
importation of the East India Company's tea. The letters were ac-
cordingly read, and a committee of gentlemen chosen, by suffrage of
the meeting, without a dissenting voice, to correspond with our sister
Colonies on the subject. After this, the association paper, which ha^i
then been signed, as above mentioned, was publicly read ; and the
Speaker having put the question, whether they agreed to the resolves
it contained ? It passed in the affirmative, nem, con.
So respectable was this meeting, that Government thought proper
to send a message to them by the Mayor and Recorder, which was
delivered to the whole body by the first Magistrate of the city, to
the following purpose : " That the Governor declared that the tea
" should be put into the Fort at noon-day ; and engaged his honour that
"it should continue there, till the Council should advise it to be
** delivered out, or till the King's order, or that of the proprietors should
" be known ; and that then the tea would be delivered out at noon.
" day."
Having communicated his message, he asked, " Gentlemen, is this
satisfactory 1" The question was answered with a general no ! no ! no !
The Speaker of the meeting then read, with a loud voice, the Act of
Parliament, imposing the duty on tea ; and after some proper remarks
on the disposal of American property, by the Commons of Great
Britain, and observing that the duty became duo on landing the tea,
he put the following question, " Is it then, gentlemen, your opinion,
" that the tea should be landed under this circumstance ?" This was
carried so generally in the negative, that there was no call for a divi.
sion.
He having then informed the assembly that the patriotic inhabi.
tants of Philadelphia and Boston had determined that no tea, subject
to duty by Parliamentary authority, for raising a revenue in America,
should be landed in either of those; places ; it was Resolved, nem. con.,
" That this body highly approve of that spirited and patriotic conduct
" of our brethren of the city of Philadelphia, and the town of Boston,
" in support of the common liberties of America ;" and it was voted,
that those proceedings should be published, and transmitted by the
Committee, to the other Colonies ; which was accordingly done.
And to show that our citizens were determined not to preclude
themselves from the use offeree, if it should be necessary, to prevent
the landing of dutiod tea, it is notorious, that on the Monday follow,
ing, a few persons, among whom Messrs. Jacob Walton and Isaac
Low, were the most active, endeavoured to procure a subscription to
the following paper :
" Whereas an Association has been lately entered into, by the in.
" habitants of the city of New York, concerning the tea now expect d
" from England, on account of the East India Company, and a doubt
" has arisen, whether it is the goneral sense of the subscribers, and
" the rest of the inhabitants, that the landing or storing of the said
" tea should be opposed by force ?
" We the subscribers, to remove the said doubt, as far as concerns
" our respective sentiments, do declare, and resolve as follows :
" 1. That wo do concur with the pirties to the said association, that
" the said tea ought not, on any account, to be suffored to be sold or
" purcliasod while it remains subject to a duty imposed by the authority
" of Parliament, for the purposes of an American revenue.
255
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, 1774.
256
clerk {St. Clair) of Westmoreland county, who had the
audacity, without any authority, to commit a Magistrate
in the legal discharge of his trust, unless he (St. Clair)
can prevail, by proper submission, on Mr. Conolly, to
demand his pardon of me. I am, sir, your most obedient
humble servant, Dunmohe.
John Penn, Esquire.
Memorandum. SIhI March, 1774.
The Governor having taken the foregoing letter into
consideration, with the advice of the Council, wrote a let-
ter tliis day to the Earl of Dunmore, in answer thereto,
and sent the same by express, which letter follows in tliese
words, viz :
Philiuielphia, Slat March, 1774.
My Lord : I was favoured with yours of the third of
tliis month by express, which arrived when several of the
gentlemen of the Council were out of town, and it being
also my rule to consult the Council upon all occasions of a
" 2. That to carry this resolve into execution, a firm and rigorous
" opposition ought to be given to all pursons who sliall attempt to
" betray our liberties, either by purchasing or vending the said tea.
" 3. That we are deterniinod to have no agency in landing or
" storing the said tea.
"4. That as our liberties, with respect to tliis imposition, must
" effectually bo secured by a strict adherence to the preceding re-
" solves, we do not conceive it necessary or expedient to hazard the
" peace of the city, by opposing the landing or storing the said tea
" with force.
•• Dated in New York, the — day o{ December, 1773."
But the general sense of the citizens ran so much against the list
resolve, that they were obliged to abandon tlie project on Tuesday ;
having been able, with the utmost industry, to procure, only a few
subscribers. In tiio evening of that day, an express arrived, with an
Account of the destruction of the tea at Boston; which made so deep
an impression on the minds of those who were foremost in promoting
the last mentioned resolves, that some of them declared, that tlie tea
expected, would not be safe in the city.
In this state matters continued until the tea ship had arrived, and we
had received intelligence from Philadelphia tliat Captain Chambers
had taken on board eighteen boxes of fine tea, at the port o{ London,
attended with a regular clearance. The arrival of the tea ship at the
Hook, induced the Committee of Correspondence, who relied on the
well known general sense of the inhabitants, to appoint a Committee
of Observation, to attend her, and to watch the arrival of Captain
Chambers. When Captain Lockyer came up to town, he was in.
formed by the city Committee, antecedent to the appointment of the
Committee of Observation, that the general sense was fully against
the lauding of the tea; and attended him to the house of the Honora-
ble Henry White, Esquire, one of liis Majesty's Council, and one of
the consignees, where they informed him that the same general sense
was, that he should not presume to go near the custom-house ; but
make the utmost despatch in procuring necessaries for his voyage.
To this declaration, which was fully authorized by the above
mentioned transactions, he answered, that as the consignees would
not receive the tea, he would comply with the injunction. The city
Committee, appointed four other Committees to watch the ship Lon-
don, on her coming into the harbour, and attend her day and night,
till her cargo should be discharged. Saturday, the 23d of April,
being fixed for Captain Lockyer's departure, an handbill was circu-
lated by the Committee : signifying it to bo the desire of a number of
citizens, that, added to the declaration he had received of the general
■ense of the inhabitants against landing of the tea, he should, from a
convention of the people, liave ocular demonstration of our detesta-
tion of the measures of the Ministry and East India Company, to
enslave us.
Tlie friends of the country were therefore desired to attend his em.
barkation, al the appointed time, at Murray's wharf; which would bo
notified an hour before hand, by a general peal of the bells. To add
to the striking solemnity, it was fortunately preluded by the arrival of
Captain Chambers, on Friday ; and the destruction of his tea, by some
of the impatient inhabitants, at an earlier hour than was destined for
that purpose. The next morning, all the church bolls of the city, for
it is again repeated, sounded the general joy of the inhabitants, on our
deliverance from the odious burden. And this may be relied on, as a
true and authentic narrative of our opposition to the scheme of sub.
JBctiiig us to a duty on tea, from its first projection, to the fruitless
attempt to execute it.
This state of facts, must abundantly prove the general sense of the
loyal, free people of this Colony, to be permanently and unalterably
fixed against Parliamentary imposts on America. For, to wliat other
princi]ilo, can the non-importation agreement be attributed ? Are men
easily induced to sliut up the main avjnues to the support of them,
selves and their familii's ? Must uot the call to such a measure be
the loudest, and most irresistible ? Or can the trade of the capital of
a large and populous country bo essentially impeded by the virtue of
a {ew 1 By no means, nothing less than the sense ; nothing short of
the determined resolution of a great majority could produce an event
so important in its nature ; an event which must unavoidably have
sharpened the edge of a thousand wants.
But who can pretend that public virtue and public spirit wore con-
fined to this city, while the Journals of our Assembly so emphatically
declare the sense of the whole Province? How small is the represen
tation of this capital when compared to that of the rest of the Colony ?
And by what kind of reason or example can it be shown, that a pre-
valent interest in a representative body, can by a trilling minority, be
induced to belie their constituents, and make them speak a language
contrary to their sentiments ? Again, what may we justly infer from
the spirited declaration of our rights, on the Slst of December, I76ti,
public nature, I could not possibly give your Lordship's
letter an answer by the return of your messenger, who
stayed but a very short time in town. I am sorry the
papers 1 enclosed you had not the desired effect. 1 never
expected they would be taken as decisive of the boimdaries
of Pennsylvania, as conclusive upon your Government,
but I had reason to hope they contained such infonnation
as would show at least a very strong probability that Pitts-
burg, the place of dispute, was within this Province, and
not subject to the Government of Virginia, and from
them 1 concluded you would be convinced of the impro-
priety of a step which I conceived must have been taken
upon a supposition that that place was certainly beyond
our limits. But I perceive your Lordship hath taken up
an opinion that it is not material whether it be within our
charter bounds or not, and that the right of the propri(itors
of Pennsylvania to the country about Pittsburg must be
founded on better authority than the Royal grant ! And
as your Lordship seems to imagine yourself supported in
this sentiment by our own principles in Lord Camden' t
the resolve and vote of thanks of the 10th of April, 1769, in which
the merchants of this city, were so highly, and so justly compliment,
ed for their disinterested and self-denying patriotism, manifested in
the non. importation agreement ? Surely nothing less than that the
general voice of the people of all ranks, and in all quarters of the
Colony, was raised in favour of liberty, and against Parliamentary
impositions.
The restriction of our original non-importation agreement, and it*
present subsistence, under that modification, is the clearest proof of
our permanent resolution, that commerce and liberty shaJl keep pace
with each other ; and serves as a standing memorial, that we scorn to
have more of the former, than is consistent with our due enjoyment
of the latter ? Had not the spies of Administration here been fully
convinced that the pulse of freedom beat high in every vein ; that tlie
constitutional resolves of our representatives, on the most interesting
points, spoke the universal language of their constituents, could their
information have produced the fruitless and merely verbal suspension
of our internal power of legislation ? By no means. This would
have been an attempt to punish every individual for the transgressions
of a few. It is therefore, to a demonstration evident, that the Genius
of Liberty spreads her banner over the whole C'olony.
Moreover, when wo consider that Parliamentary taxations, are not
as to their present value, a matter of moment, either to the mother
country, or the Colonies ; that the contention between us, is upon the
points of principle and precedent ; that it is not the quantum, but the
jnanner of exacting those unconstitutional imposts, which is the bone
of contention, our public jealousies must necessarily be increased.
When the taxation was more general, there was some colour for
the assertion in the Revenue Act, that it was intended for the safety
and defence of the Colonies . But if is not only true, that this cannot
bo asserted of the paltry duty on tea; we know, we were assured by
our enemies, that when the other articles charged by the Revenue
Act were exempted by the partial repeal, the duty on tea was lef^ as a
standing memorial of the right of Parliament to tax Americans.
We have, therefore, no reason to believe that our spirit of liberty,
founded on a just constitutional basis, waxes cooler as the design of
enslaving us grows more evident. The contrary is most true ; it has
become more inveterate by habit ; and is increased by every fresh
evidence, of a fixed resolution to reduce us to bondage. Who then
can wonder at the firmness and animation of the people of all ranks;
so conspicuous in every line of our association paper ? Who can
wonder that such vast numbers, after the most cool deliberation, gave
it their sanction ?
Who cannot well account for that universal suffrage of a public
meetingof our inhabitants in its favour, after it had been signed, and
their laudable and animated rejection of a temporising expedient of
Government, ineffectually calculated to cool our ardour, and lay
public jealousy asleep ? To what principle can our attention to the
unanimity of the Colonics, be ascribed ; when at the same public
meeting, a Committee was unanimously chosen, to correspond with
our brethren on the common interest ? Can any one in his senses,
imagine, tiiat the American Lion, which has once roared so loudly, as
to have been heard with astonishment, across the Atlantic, is now
fallen asleep ? What has been done by Administration, to quell his
rage ? On the contrary, are they not daily practising every art to
exasperate him? And yet an anonymous scribbler has. had the un.
paralleled effrontery to arraign our late political man<Buvres; to con.
trast the tailors and coblers with the loyal and sensible inhabitants of
the city of New York; to attribute that to a few, which is evidently
expressive of the sentiments of the whole body of our citizens.
With this view he begins his truly contemptible production, by ask-
ing, What is the Committee of Observation ? And by whom were they
appointed ? Let him receive his answer from the above state of facts.
They were a select Committee, nominated for the express purpose of
watching the tea ship, and Captain Chambers ; nominated by the city
Committee, who were appointed at a general meeting of its inhabi-
tants, and a number of the citizen", to |)revent the landing of dutied
tea. This he must know. How impertinent, then, is his other quos.
tion concerning the authority by which a man, acting in the charac.
ter of an enemy to his country, was amened to their tribunal. If the
fact was really so, it is evident that he was summont d in virtue of a dele-
gation of a general meeting. But the trutli is, tliat it wa« the city
Committee before whom he was arraigned. 'I'he cause of liis arraign-
ment was a breach of the non-importation agreement, solemnly en-
tered into by his owners ; and to which, by his orders, if he was in
heart averse to it, he was, nevertheless, bound to pay implicit obe-
dience. How insolently does the scribbler inquire, who, and upon
what authority, says that the si'nse of the city was asked about the
dismission of Captain Lockyer, or the destruction of the tea ? If he
can want an answer, let him take it from the association paper ; from
257
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, 1774.
258
opinion upon our case with Connecticut, tiie transactions of
the late war, and tlie dechirations of our Assembly some
time a^o, I will take the liberty of endeavouring to set you
right in some matters which )ou do not seem to be fully
informed of, being persuaded that if I can be so happy as
to place them in a different point of light from what you
have heretofore viewed them in, you will be candid enough
to change your sentiments.
In the year 1752, the Proprietors of Vennsylvania,
understanding that the Government of Virginia were
about to erect forts upon the Ohio, in order to repel the
encroachments of the French on the properties of the
subjects of his Britanic Majesty, they instructed their
then Governor, Mr. Hamilton, to assist in any measures of
that sort, taking an acknowledgment from the Governor of
Virginia that such settlement should not be made use of
to prejudice their right to that country, and at the same
time allowed him to give assurances that the people should
enjoy their lands they bona fide settled on theconmion quit
rent. Of this instruction Mr. Hamilton not long after
gave notice to Governor Dinwiddie.
its re-enaction at a public town meeting ; from their rejection of the
proposal of Government to put the expected tea in a state of safety
on its arrival ; from their open declaration that it should nol be landed;
from the fruitless attempt of a fow to procure subscribers to a set of
roKolves calculated to prevent a forcible opposition to its debarkation,
and from the appointment of a Committee to correspond and support
a harmony of measures with our sister Colonics. From all these ho
will bo instructed, that the public sense required the sending back of
the one, and the destruction of the other. Let us suppose, with this
vain contemner of the rights of mankind, that every London Captain
brought tea to this port. Will he have the assurance to say, they all
imported it like Captain Chambers, regularly cocketted and cleared
for entry at our custom-house ? Will he say, that they, like liim, in
defiance of repeated warnings, and under the guise of the most solemn
and most shamefully false asseverations, persisted in a wicked design
to import tea into this Colony subject to duty ? Or is it not a public
virtue, while this badge of slavery is held over us, to supply the wants
of our inliabitants at the risk of a seizure, and by tliat means to elude
the payment of the odious tax ? If any of them, but his friend, who
so willingly walks with him in chains, liave imported tea in any other
manner, let the latent and dastardly accuser stand forth with his
proofs. Wo shall then join with him in l)randing them as apostates ;
we shall despise them as villanous informers ; we shall pronounce
them as deserving that infamous death which has been justly inflicted
on many less dangerous enemies to their country than Captain Cham,
hers. The spirit of tliis high-flying zealot for despotism is manifest
in his assertion, that the vvfortnntite man was threatened with death
for obeying the laws of his country. A most excellent comment upon
the Revenue Act ! Let him point out a single passage in that statute
which requires or commands all, or any of our ship Captains, to im.
port tea subject to duty. Should such a liberal commentator become
a good authority, we should soon be paraphrased out of our liberties.
Does he des'ro to be informed who were the persons of reputation that
kept the tally , 'it the destruction of the tea? Let him stand forth
himself and meet thom, and ho will soon know whether he or they
will be support-d by thj public sense. If he would bo told what they
and their honest fellow citizens got by publicly conducting Captain
Lockijer through the crowd : I answer, all that was expected ; all that
was intended, by one of the above mentioned publications, wa.s, that
this servant of the Ministry, and of tlie East India Company, should
have ocular demonstration of our detestation of Parliamentary taxes,
and bear the unwelcome tale to his employers. He cannot, surely, be
so weak as to believe that he was carried through the greatest crowd
that ever was collected in this city, merely to procure the compliment
of the hat, or a smile or nod of approbation of a private ship Cap-
tain; who, though respectfully treated among us, was indebted for
liis good treatment to the humanity of our citizens, and their regard to
due order and decorum. How, then, can it bo supposed that any were
mortifyingly disgusted at his not pulling oft' his hat, or that the huzzas
of all the people were intended to insult him ? But what principles
other than such as would induce a man to put the moat public con.
tempt on the character of our great deliverer from slavery and arbi-
trary power, could induce any one to call a regular and orderly,
though striking exhibition of our detestation of unconstitutional im-
positions, an outrai^e ? Surely, in this fellow's view the revolution
itself was an unparalleled outrage ; an outrage, however, productive
of the fullest security to our civil and religious liberties, and the esta.
hlishment of tlio illustrious House ok Hanover on the British throne !
Did any nuin in his senses ever doubt whether that happy revolution
was brought about by all the people of Britain, because every subject,
to a man, did not actually enlist under the banners of the glorious
and imniort il King Willium III. ? How marvellously does this hero
in politics discover his talents, wlien he attempts to be witty about the
ship Nancy's disaster, and the supposed blunder of the narr;itor, in dis.
tinguishing between C^.ipt-iin Chambers's tea and the cargo of his ship ?
The mention of that disaster, the truth of wliich has been proved by
the Captain's protest liefore a notary, was evidently the eft'ect of the
narrator's intention to give a strict and circumstantial account of tlie
events relating to the tea ship, which had been so long tiie object of
general expect ition ; and our writer must be truly a novice in trade,
who knows not how to distinguish between tlio cargo of a ship and
tlie Captain's j>rivate adventure.
Hut, Mr. liiBington, lot me assist you to answer the last question of
this donglity hero of a Jacobite, and to end the mutter with him, by
giving him the following evidence, that all the i>clls in tlic City rang
at tlio departure of tlio t:!a slii|). Rudulphns liitzema, Esq., will in.
form him that the bell of the Lutheran Church rang on the occasion;
the same thing he may learn concerning the bell of Trinity Church
from Messrs. Anthony Griffiths and Thomas Tucker; that of St.
In the year 1754, Mr. Dinwiddie came to a resolution
of raising men and building forts to the westward, in order
to repel the invasions of the French. He had fixed u]>on
the forks of Monongahela as a proper situation for one of
these forts, supposing it to be on his Majesty's lands, and
issued a proclamation, expressing his purpose of erecting a
fort at that place, and inviting the people to enlist in his
Majesty's service against the French ; and as an encourage-
ment, promising that the quantity of two hundred thousand
acres of land should be laid out and divided amongst the
adventurers, when the service should be at an end ; one
hundred thousand acres of which to be laid out adjoining ■
the fort, and the other one hundred thousand acres on the
Ohio.
Upon the appearance of this proclamation Mr. Hamilton
wrote to Governor Dinwiddie, the 13th March, 1754,
reminding him of his former intimation respecting these
lands, and enclosing an abstract of the Proprietaries' in-
structions, and also requesting from him such an acknow-
ledgment as the Proprietaries expected ; to which Mr.
Dinwiddie, in his letter of the 21st March, 1754, answers:
George's Chapel sounded in the hearing of Messrs. Isaac Sears and
Hercules Mulligan; the ringing of the bells of the tliree Reformed
Protestant Dutch Churches can be proved by Mr. Garret Rapalje ;
that of the French Church by Mr. Frederick Basset; the bell of the
English Presbyterian Church was rung by Mr. Brown, their sexton ;
and that of the German Calvinist Church by their proper sexton. So
that, if the universality of the expression all the bells, can be justified,
though those of the City Hall and the College could not join in the
enlivening concert, the narrator has spoke the truth, and his imperti-
nent adversary has insinuated an egregious falsehood. He is now
called upon to point out which of the churches was broke open on
the occasion, and by whom, and what good men hope they will be
prosecuted according to law ? Let him learn that the respectable pub-
lie is not to be laughed, jeered, or frightened out of their liberties, by -
a Jaoobitish, ministerial tool, whose most exalted and tremendous
character is that of sworn foe to coblers and tailors ; whose heart
aspires at the glorious satisfaction of seeing us stripped of our cloaths,
and stalking in sullen melancholy barefooted, or in rags. But, how-
ever despicably he may think of those classes in community, let him
recollect with Pope, that
*' Honour and sliame from no condition rise ;
** Act well your l>art ; there all the honour lie*.
" Fortune in men has some sniatl diff 'rence made ;
•' One flaunts in raffs ; one flutters in brocade }
'* The cobler aproipd, and the pai-son ffown'd;
'• The friar hooded, and the monarch crowu'd.
*' What difft-r more fyoii crj') the crown or cowl ?
** I'll tell you, friend ! a wise man and a fool.
**• You'll tiiid, if once the monarch acts the monk ;
** Or, cohler-like, the Doctor will get flrunk ;
**■ Worth makes the man, and want of it the fellow ;
" The rest is all but leather or prunella."
But to be serious ; there was no alternative left between the do.
struction of the tea at Boston and New York, and a submission to the
odious duty. Had the tea been landed without opposition, the duty
must have been paid, or the commodity would have been seized ; and
when individuals foolishly or rashly, and against the most certain
intelligence, will risk their property in the cause of despotism, or for
the sake of sordid and flagitious profit, no good member of society
will hesitate to pronounce, that private interest fails a just sacrifice
to public utility. Thus much to you, Mr. Printer. A word or two to
the public.
My friends and follow countrymen, be excited by a frequent review
of the above narrative, to a steady pursuit of that liberty, your high
relish for which you have in so many luminous instances displayed !
Continually provoke each other to fresh proofs of your unalterable
love for the public weal. Let neither the imperious designs of an
arbitrary Ministry, or the insidious machinations of your pretended
friends, awe or cajole you out of your birthright. It is a sacred deposit
bestowed by the great Parent of the universe on our ancestors,
entrusted by their venerable hands to our care, to be preserved and
transmitted by us to posterity pure and uncontaminated. Strain
every nerve with an honest and spirited zeal in the common cause.
Demonstrate to our dear fello\^ countrymen in the neighbouring Colo,
nies that we have put our hand to the plough, and that far from look-
ing back, we will co-operate with thom in tearing out every plant of
slavery by the roots. Show them by your every act, tiiat you feel
the solemn obligations into which you have, with them, cheerfully
engaged. Convince them by a thousand proofs, if possible, that you
will never cease, till, with them, you are in full possession of civil
liberty, or with them are buried in one common grave. Beware, in par-
ticular, of those among you who are well known to excite sedition, or
countenance a suppression of the laudable spirit of liberty alternately ;
and as it suits their private purposes : who are never to be depended
on eitlier by Administration or tlie people ; who ever wear two faces;
one to recommend tlicm to ministerial favour, another to beguile the
sons of liberty into bondage ; who liavo long practised the art of ex.
citing and assuaging tumults, to distinguish themselves as leaders of
the people in the nyes of Government, that they may he courted by ti
sordid Minister into offices and honours. To whom the cause of the
people is no longer their cause than while some private ends are to be
answered, unconnected with, and often opposed to the good of the
people. I need not mention their names— their persons and their
threadbare system of politics are well known to you. But for the
happiness of the country, the chain of their influence is broke.
Oppose it with all your might ; their interest is declining; let it never
rise again till they have given you the fullest proots ot a permanent
attaclimont to this countrys weal. Persist, and if they do not alter
their measures, incapable as they now must appear to lead this t.olony,
they must lose all credit with Government, and the swelling tide of
public virtue will speedily whelm thom into everlasting oblmon.
Brutus.
Fourth Series.
17
259
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, 1774.
260
" Your private letter of the 13tli cunent, I have duly
" received, and am much misled by our Surveyors if the
" forks of Monongahela be within the limits of your Pro-
" |)rietaries grant. I have for some time wrote home to
" have llie line run, to have the boundaries properly
" known, that I may be able to appoint Magistrates on the
" Ohio, (if in tliis Government) to keep the traders and
'' others in good order, and I presume soon there will be
" Commissioners appointed for lliat service. In the mean
" time, that no hindrance may bo given to our intended
" expedition, it is highly reasonable, if these lands are in
" your Proprietor's grant, that the settlers should pay the
" quit rent to Mr. Penn, and not to his Majesty ; and,
'' tiierefore, as much as lies in my power, I agree thereto,
" after the time granted by my proclamation, to be clear of
'■' quit rent, ceases."
From this correspondence between the Governors of
Virginia and Pennsylvania, it appears beyond a doubt,
that the terms upon which forts were built, and settlements
made in that country, by the Government of Virginia,
were well understood, and the rights of Pennsylvania
carefully guarded ; and these transactions entirely exclude
the idea of that kind of settlement, or acquiescence and
agreement of which Lord Camden speaks, and which
are the only princi))les in his opinion from which your
Lordship can draw any conclusions in favour of the right
of Virginia.
From this view of the matter I flatter myself your
Lordship will readily perceive that the principles of Lord
Camden's opinion do not at all apply to the present case.
As to the opinion of our Assemblies, on which you seem
also to rely, the case is shortly as follows : When Gover-
nor Dinwiddie resolved to erect forts on the waters of the
Ohio, and to carry an expedition against the French, who
had fortified themselves in several parts of the country
to the westward, he applied to Governor Hamilton to pro-
cure him the assistance of this Province. Unfortunately
at this time there w^as no very good understanding between
the Government and the Assembly, and when Mr. Hamil-
ton laid Mr. Dimviddie's requisition before them they
declined complying whh it, and urged for reasons, that, by
the Royal orders to the several Governors, they were not
to act as principals out of tiieir own Governments. That
they (the Assembly) would not presume to determine
upon the limits of the Province ; and that by the papers
and evidences sent downi to them, and referred to by the
Governor, the limits of the Province had not been clearly
ascertained to their satisfaction.
It is to be observed, that at this time there had been no
real mensurations from Delatvare to the westward, except
the temporary line between this Province and Maryland,
which extends only one hundred and forty-four miles from
Delaware. From this line, and from sundry informations
of Indian traders, founded on computed distances, and
mountainous and crooked roads, Mr. Hamilton concluded
tiiat the French forts were considerably within this Pro-
vince, and it hath since appeared with certainty that the
fact was so, though the Assembly were not satisfied with
those proofs. And it appears, by a report of a Committee
of Assembly, appointed to examine those evidences, that
they laid no great stress upon the opinions of traders
founded on computed distances.
Upon the whole I cannot find that the Assembly ever
made any thing like formal declarations " that Pittsburg
was not within this Government," but that they rather
declined making any determination upon the extent of tlie
Province. But if their declarations had been ever so
formal or positive, I cannot conceive how any proceedings
of theirs could affect the state of the Province, controul
the jurisdiction, or prejudice the rights of the proprietors.
Your Lordship is pleased to say : " With respect to the
" rigiit of this Colony to that country, the transactions of
" the late war sufficiently show what was ever the sense of
" the Government of Virginia with regard to it." I do
not know to what particular transactions you allude, nor
can I apprehend upon what [)rincii)le the sense of the
Government of Virginia can prejudice the right of Penn-
sylvania, especially when the Governor of this Province
was so far from concurring in any such sense, that he took
the most effectual measures to guard against any conclu-
sions which might be drawn from it ; and I may say, with
the strictest truth, that the Government of Virginia, with
great justice, concurred in this precaution.
Upon the whole, then, my Lord, I hope the papers I
heretofore had the honour of sending you, when properly
attended to, w'ill satisfy you that Pittsburg is at least pro-
bably within tiie charter limits of this Province ; and 1
flatter myself tliat what I have now urged will be sufticient
to convince you tliat nothing can be inferred from the
transactions of the late war, the con'espondence between
the Governors of the two Provinces, the proceedinns of our
Assembly, or the principles of Lord Camden's opinion, to
contract the extent of our charter bounds, or establish the
right of Virginia to any part of this Province. I there-
fore still ho])e that your Lordship will, u))on a review of
the subject, be induced to defer attempting to extend the
jurisdiction of Virginia within the bounds of this Province,
and thereby avoid the occasions of disturbances and dissen-
tions amongst his Majesty's subjects, which will probably
ensue from such a step, however prudent and cautious the
Magistrates on each side may be inclined to be, and tlie
rather, as a petition for a conuuissioh to am out and mark
the boundaries between us is now depending before his
Majesty. And to prevent the setting up claims, and
making conclusions of right by the Government of Vir-
ginia, from the circumstances of settlement on the one
side, and non-claim on the other, I must take this opportu-
nity of notifying to your Lordship tliat the Proprietaries
of Pennsylvania do claim, by their said petition, as part of
their Province of Pennsylvania, all the lands lying west of
a south line, to be drawn from Dixon and Mason's line, as
it is connnonly called, at the westernmost part of the Pro-
vuice of Maryland to the beginning of the fortieth degree
of north latitude, to die extent of five degrees of longitude
from the river Dclaivare ; and 1 must request your Lord-
ship will neither grant lands, nor exercise the Government
of Virginia withm those limits, till his Majesty's pleasure
be known.
I am truly concerned that you should think the conmiit-
ment of Mr. Conolly so great an insult on the authoritv of
the Government of Virginia, as nothing less than Mr. St.
Clair's dismission from his offices can repair. The lands
in the neighbourhood of Pittsburg were surveyed for the
Proprietaries of Pennsylvania early in the year 1769, and
a very rapid settlement under this Government soon took
place, and Magistrates were appointed by this Government
to act there in the beginning of 1771 , who have ever since
administered justice without any interposition of the Gov-
ernment of Virginia till the present affair. It therefore
could not fail of being boUi surprising and alarming that
Mr. Conolly should appear to act on that stage under a
commission from Virginia, before any intimation of claim
or right was ever notified to this Govermnent. The adver-
tisement of Mr. Conolly had a strong tendency to raise
disturbances, and occasion a breach of the public peace, in
a part of the country where the jurisdiction of Pennsyl-
vania hath been exercised without objection, and therefore
Mr. St. Clair thought himself bound, as a good Magis-
trate, to take a legal notice of Mr. Conolly.
Mr. iSt. Clair is a gentleman who for a long time had
the honour of serving his Majesty in the regulars with
reputation, and in every station of life has preserved the
character of a very honest worthy man ; and though per-
haps I should not, without first expostulating with you on
the subject, have directed him to take that step, yet you
must excuse my not complying with your Lordship's requi-
sition of stripping him, on this occasion, of his offices and
livelihood, which you will allow me to think not only
unreasonable, but somewhat dictatorial.
I should be extremely concerned that any misunder-
standing should take |)lace between this Government and
that of Virginia. 1 shall carefully avoid every occasion
of it, and shall always be ready to join you in the proper
measures to prevent so disagreeable an incident, yet I
cannot prevail on myself to accede in the manner you
require, to a claim which I esteem, and which I think must
a})pear to every body else to be altogether groundless.
I am your Lordship's obedient humble servant,
John Pf.nn.
To the Right Honorable Earl of Dunmore, Governor and
Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's Province of Vir~
ginia, IVilliamsbarg.
261
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, 1774.
262
I
Memorandum, 11th April, 1774.
A few days ac;o the Governor received the following
Letter from Jonathan Tnimhull, Esquire, Governor of
Connecticut, viz :
Lebanon, 24th Murch, 1774.
Sir : I received your letter of the 24th February last.
It is with pleasure I ohserve, " that you will do every
" thing in your power to avoid contentions and disorders
" among his Majesty's subjects." A great number of
people possessed of, and settled on, a part of the lands of
the Colony of Connecticut, at or near a place called
fVyoming, lying west of the river Dclaivare, within the
boundaries and descriptions of our Royal charter, made
their application to our Assembly for protection and
government. In consequence thereof the town of West-
moreland was made, constituted and annexed to our
county of Litchjicld, thereby forbearing the exercise of
our jurisdiction over a great number of others who have
more recently entered under grants from the Proprietaries
of Pennsylvania, and claim other parts of tiie lands belong-
ing to Connecticut. It is not to be doubted that your
j)ower and influence may prevent the attempts of others to
settle under your claim, and the disagreeable consequences
which may follow the want on your part of a similar for-
bearance towards the people of Westmoreland, until a
legal and constitutional decision of the point in question
may be obtained, which both you and Mr. Wilmot, soli-
citor of the Proprietaries, have acquainted us they will
never dechne.
It is the duty of our Governor and Company, in faith-
fulness to the trust reposed in them, to assert and support
the rights of this Government and its inhabitants. They
do not look upon themselves chargeable with any fault for
their exercise of jurisdiction over the people who inhabit
land they have good reason to think themselves entitled to
l)y legal purchase from the Aboriginal true proprietors
thereof, and hold the primaiy possession of under the right
of pre-emption, for the benefit, and within the limits of this
Colony.
I am to acquaint you that several gentlemen from hence,
by virtue of an Act of our Assembly, are employed and
instructed to ascertain the latitudes of certain places at and
beyond Delaware river. They design to set out the
ISth of next month for that purpose.
I am, sir, with truth and regard, your obedient humble
servant, Jonathan Trumbull.
Honorable John Penn, Esquire.
The said Letter being taken into consideration, the
Governor, with tlie advice of the Council, wrote a letter
in answer thereto, in the words following, viz :
Philadelphia, 11th April, 1774.
Sir : I have your letter of 24th March last by the post.
My sentiments of exercising the jurisdiction of this Govern-
ment, in every part thereof, and the impropriety of extend-
ing your jurisdiction within our bounds, before you have
laid your claim before his Majesty, are so plainly expressed
in the several letters I have wrote you, and in those which
passed between your Commissioners and me, that they
need not be repeated : and I cannot but think it strange
that you should persist in attempting to support a possession
gained from the people of this Province in a course of
absolute hostility, before your Government had any claim
to lands within the bounds of this Province. It appears
to me that your taking the latitudes at or beyond Dela-
ware, within the bounds of this Province, is prema-
ture, and that no act of your Assembly can authorize
such a proceeding. I therefore cannot concur in that step,
jjut, on the contrary, must protest againt it, and desire it
may not be done, lest it should produce effects which may
be injurious to the public peace.
I am, with due regard, your most obedient and humble
servant, John Pf.nn.
To the Honorable Jonathan Trumbull, Escjuire, Governor
and Commander-in-chief of the Colony of Connecticut,
Lebanon.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Wednesday,
April, 1774 :
Present, The Honorable John Penn, Esquire, Governor,
Richard Peters, James Tilghman, Andrew Allen, Edtcard
Shippen, Jun., Esquires.
The Governor laid before the Board a Letter which he
received this morning by George Wilson, Esq., express,
from William Crawford, Esq., President of the Court of
Westmoreland county, with several papers enclosed, rela-
tive to the disturbances created, and still continued, by the
people of Virginia within that county, which were sever-
ally read, and are as follows, viz :
Westmoreland County, April 8th, 1774.
Sir: As some very extraordinary occurrences have
lately happened in this county, it is necessary to write an
account of them to you. That which I now give is at the
request, and with the approbation of all the Magistrates
that are at present attending the court. A few weeks ago
Mr. Conolly went to Staunton, and was sworn as a Justice
of the Peace for Augusta county, in which it is pretended
that the country about Pittsburg is included. He had
before this brought from Williamsburg commissions of the
peace for several gentlemen in this part of the Province,
but none of them, I believe, have been accepted of. A
number of new militia officers have been lately appointed
by Lord Dunmorc. Several musters of the militia have
been held, and much confusion has been occasioned by
them. I am informed that the militia is composed of men
without character and without fortune, and who would be
equally averse to the regular administration of justice under
the Colony of Virginia, as they are to that under the
Province of Pennsylvania. The disturbances which they
have produced at Pittsburg have been particularly alarm-
ing to the inhabitants. Mr. Conolly is constantly sur-
rounded with a body of armed men. He boasts of the
countenance of the Governor of Virginia, and forcibly
obstructs the execution of legal process, whether from the
Court or from single Magistrates. A Deputy Sheriff has
come from Augusta county, and I am told has wTits in his
hands against Captain St. Clair and the Sheriff for the
arrest and confinement of Mr. Conolly. The Sheriff was
last week arrested at Pittsburg for serving a writ on one of
the inhabitants there, but was, after some time, discharged.
On Monday last one of Coiwliy's people grossly insulted
Mr. Mackay, and was confined by him in order to be sent
to jail. The rest of the party hearing it immediately
came to Mr. Mackay's house and proceeded to the most
violent outrages. Mrs. Mackay was wounded in the arm
with a cutlass ; the Magistrates, and those who came to
their assistance, were treated with much abuse, and the
prisoner was rescued.
Some days before the meeting of the court, a report
was spread that the militia officers, at the head of their
several companies, would come to Mr. Hanna's, use the
Court ill, and interrupt the administration of justice. On
Wednesday, while the court was adjourned, they came to
the court house and paraded before it. Centinels were
placed at the door, and Mr. Conolly went into the house.
One of the Magistrates was hindered by the militia from
going into it till permission was first obtained from their
commander. Mr. Conolly sent a message to the Magis-
trates informing them that he wanted to communicate
something to them, and would wait on them for that pur-
pose. They received him in a private room. He read
to them the enclosed paper, together with a copy of a
letter to you, which Lord Dunmore had transmitted to
him, enclosed in a letter to himself, which was written in
the same angry and undignified style. The Magistrates
gave the enclosed answer to what he read, and be soon
afterwards departed with his men. Their number was
about one hundred and eighty or two hundred. On their
return to Pittsburg some of them seized Mr. Elliott, of
the Bullock Penn, and threatened to put him in the stocks
for something which they deemed an affront offered to
their conmiander. Since their return, a certain Edward-
Thompson, and a young man who keeps store for Mr.
Spear, have been arrested by them ; and Mr. Conolly,
wlio in person seized the young man, would not allow him
time even to lock up the store. In other parts of the
country, particularly those adjoining the river Mononga-
hcla, the Magistrates have been frequently insulted in the
most indecent and violent manner, and are apprehensive
that unless they are speedily and vigorou.'sly supported by
263
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, m4.
264
Government, it will become both fruitless and dangerous
for them to proceed in the execution of their oQices. Tliey
))resnme not to point out tiie measures proper for settling
the present disturbances, but beg leave to recommend the
fixing a temporary line, with the utmost expedition, as one
step which in all probability will contribute very much
towards producing that eft'ect.
For further particulars concerning the situation of tliis
county, I refer you to Colonel Wilson, who is kind enough
to goon tlie present occasion to Philadelphia.
I am, sir, your very humble servant,
W. Crawfokd.
To the Honorable John Penn, Esquire.
Here follows Doctor Connlly's Address to the Magistrates
of Westmoreland County, referred to in the foregoing
letter.
Gentlemen :
I am come here to be occasion of no disturbances, but
to prevent them. As I am countenanced by Government,
whatever you may say or conceive, some of the Justices
of this Bench are tlie cause of this ajjpearance, and
not me. I have done tliis to prevent myself from being
illegally taken to Philadelphia. My orders from the
Government of Virginia not being explicit, but claiming
the country about Pittsburg, I have raised the militia to
support the civil authority of that Colony, vested in me.
I am come here to free myself of a promise made to Cap-
tain Proctor, but have not conceived myself amenable to
this Court by any authority from Pennsylvania, upon which
account I cannot apprehend that you have any right to
remain here as Justices of the Peace, constituting a court
under that Province; but in order to prevent confusion, I
agree that you may continue to act in that capacity in all
such matters as may be submitted to your determination by
the acquiescence of the people, until I may have instruc-
tions to the contrary from Virginia, or until his Majesty's
pleasure shall be further known on this subject.
J. CONOLLY.
The Answer of the Magistrates of Westmoreland County
to the foregoing Address of Doctor Conolly, viz :
The jurisdiction of the Court and officers of the county
of Westmoreland, rests on the legislative authority of the
Province of Pennsylvania, confirmed by his Majesty in
Council. Tiiat jurisdiction has been regularly exercised,
and the Court and officers will continue to exercise it in the
same regular manner. It is far from their intentions to
occasion or foment disturbances, and they apprehend that
no such intentions can with propriety be inferred from any
part of their conduct; on the contrary, they wish, and will
do all in their power to preserve the public tranquillity. In
order to contribute to this very salutary purpose, they give
information that every step will be taken on the part of the
Province of Pennsylvania to accommodate any difl'erences
that have arisen between it and the Colony of Virginia,
by fixing a temporary line betwixt them.
The Deposition of Henry Read, relative to the distur-
bances made in Westmoreland County by the Virgin-
ians, viz :
Westmoreland County, ss :
The deposition of Henry Read, of Pittsburg, yeoman,
(he being of full age,) taken before us, two of his Majesty's
Justices of tlie Peace for the county aforesaid, on his
solenm oatli of the Evangelist of Almighty God, is as fol-
lows, viz : That on tiiis day, about eleven o'clock. Doctor
John Conolly, at tlie head of a number of armed men on
horseback, came into Pittsburg and alighted near the
houses of Jolm Ormshy and Joseph Spear, Esquire,
when said John Conolly came into Mr. Spear's house,
and soon after went out again ; that tiiis deponent, William
Amberson, and some others, were tying up Mr. Spear's
skins at his door ; that Conolly tiien ordered one Reily to
lay hold of that fellow, pointing to said Amberson, who
is at Mr. Spear's, and acts for him as storekeeper and
clerk ; that Rtily laid hold of Amberson by the arm ;
that Amberson then requested he might have liberty to
lock up the store, and was endeavouring to go towards the
store door, wlien 3Ir. Conolly ca.me up and seized Amberson
by the breast, and said, let the skins and store go to the
devil, if your master was here I would serve him in the
same manner; that tiien Conolly, with several armed men,
took said Amberson down to the Fort ; that after some
time this deponent saw said Amberson and Edward
Thompson brought up from the Fort to the town, and
guarded by a number of armed men ; that after tliey had
drank some toddy at ]\Ir. Ormsby's porcii, they took
Amberson and Thompson to William Christy's house, and
placed several armed men at the door ; that in this state
this deponent left them, and came off express to give infor-
mation to Mr. Spear at Westmoreland court ; that tiiere
Avas in Mr. Spear's house, a large quantity of goods and
skins. And further this deponent saith not.
Henrv Read.
Sworn and subscribed this 7th day of April, 1774.
W. Crawford,
Van Swearingen.
The Board taking the above Letters and papers into con-
sideration, thought it advisable for the Governor to defer
writing an answer thereto, or taking any steps in conse-
quence of the intelligence they contain, till the return of
the express from Williamsburg, who was lately despatched
by this Government to tlie Earl of Dunmore, on the sub-
ject of the above mentioned disturbances.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Thursday, 21»<
April, 1774 :
Present, the Honorable John Penn, Esquire, Governor,
Richard Peters, Andrew Allen, James, Tilghman, Edward
Shippen, Jun., Esquires.
The express sent to WiUiamsburg being returned with-
out any answer from the Government of Virginia, the
Governor recommended to the Board the consideration of
the subject relative to the disturbances and violences com-
mitted by the people of that Colony within the county of
Westmoreland, and laid before them three letters he
received two days ago by express from y^neas Mackay,
Devereux Sviith, and Andrew McFarlane, Esquires,
Magistrates of that county, each dated the 9th of April
instant, which were severally read, and Messrs. Mackay
and Smith's letters follow in these words, viz :
Pittsburg, 9th April, 1774
Sir : I have just time to inform your Honor that the
Justices, Devereux Smith, Andreiv McFarlane, and
myself, returned from court late last night to this place ;
and that we were all three taken prisoners at half an hour
past nine o'clock tiiis morning by order of Doctor Conolly;
and because we refused giving bail we are ordered to be
sent off this afternoon to Staunton, in Virginia, where I
suppose we will spend the most of this summer, which
gives me no manner of concern so fur as it affects my own
person, although I cannot but feel for, and lament the dis-
tressing situation of my wife and ciiildren, left here exposed
to the insults and tyranny of a lawless mob, whose aim is
to subvert government and good order, and enrich tiiem-
selves with the spoils of their neighbours.
I am, with due respect, sir, your most humble and most
obedient servant, .^neas Mackay.
Pittsburg, April 9th, 1774.
Sir: When Justices Mackay, McFarlane, and I,
returned from attending the court last evening, we were
informed that Doctor Conolly was determined to issue
King's warrants for us, which were served on the above
mentioned gentlemen and myself diis day by Mr. Conolly' s
Sheriff. The crime which we are charged with is for the
answer we gave Doctor Conolly in writing by the concur-
rence of the Court of Westmoreland, a copy of which was
enclosed to your Honor per favour of Colonel Wilson.
Mr. Conolly offered to enlarge us on condition of giving
bail to take our trial at Staunton court in Virginia, wliicli
the other gentlemen and 1 refused, so that we go to jail
this day, where we intend to remain till your Honor's
pleasure is known, which we make no doubt will be in a
265
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, 1774.
266
short time. It is true, our going away from our families
and business at this time, will be attended with very great
inconveniences, but we are willing to suffer that, and a
great deal more, rather than bring a disgrace on the com-
mission which we bear under your Honor.
I am, witii great respect, your Honor's most obedient
and most humble servant,
Devereux Smith.
same tenor with the
Mr. McFtirlane's Letter is of the
foregoing one from Mr. Smith.
The Board taking into consideration the said letters, as
will as tlie letters and papers laid before them at their last
meeting, are of opinion, that the most advisable step to be
taken on this occasion by the Government will be to
appoint Commissioners to go as soon as possible to Wil-
liamsburg, in order to re])resent to the Government of
Virginia the ill consequences which may happen to the
persons and properties of his Majesty's subjects, if an
immediate stop be not put to the disorders and violent
proceedings which have been begun and are now carrying
on under the authority of the Government, within the
western lands of diis Province ; and also to confer with the
said Government on the most proper measures for establish-
ing peace and good order among his Majesty's subjects of
both Governments; and for that purpose to endeavour to
agree upon a temporary line of jurisdiction ; and further,
to request the said Government will, without loss of time,
join with the Proprietaries of this Province in an application
to the Crown to appoint Commissioners for running and
ascertaining the true boundary lines between Pennsylvania
and Virginia.
The Board were likewise of opinion that a letter should
be wrote to the three Magistrates who have been put
under an arrest by Mr. Conolly, thanking them for their
spirited behaviour, and acquainting them that proper care
shall be taken to supply them at the expense of this
Government, with all necessaries which may render their
situation as comfortable and easy as possible until their
discharge can be obtained; and also that a letter of
instructions be sent to the other Magistrates of Westmore-
land respecting their future conduct.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Friday, 22d
Aj>ril, 1774:
Present, the Honorable John Penn, Esquire, Governor,
Richard Peters, Andrew Allen, James Tilghman, Edward
Hhippen, Jun., Esquires.
A member of Council laid before the Board draughts
of two letters proposed to be sent to the Magistrates of
Westmoreland county, which were read, and after a (ev/
alterations made to them, were ordered to be fairly trans-
cribed, and despatched to morrow by the express, who
came from that county.
The letters follow in these words, viz :
Philadelphia, April 22, 1774.
Gentlemen : I received your several letters informimr
me of your arrest and confinements on warrants issued by
Doctor Conolly, and cannot but greatly approve your
spirit and the attachment you have shown to the interest
of this Province. But as the confinement of your persons
at so great a distance from your homes must be very
injurious to your private concerns, if you can procure your
enlargement, by finding bail, I shall by no means dis-
approve such a step. I shall with all possible expedition,
send Commissioners to my Lord Dunmore, to apiily for
your discharge ; and as Colonel Wilson is so oblio-inir as to
offer to call at Staunton, in his way home, I have instructed
him to procure for you any security or credit you may
stand in need of, and shall do every thing in my power to
free you from your disagreeable situation, or to make it as
comfortable as may be.
I am, gentlemen, your very humble servant,
John Penn.
To jUneas Maclcay, Devereux Smith, and Andrew
McFarlane, Esquires, Justices of the Peace for the County
of Westmoreland.
Gentlemen ;
afl^iirs in
The
Philadelphia, April 22, 1774.
present alarming situation of our
yyestmoreland county, occasioned by the very
unaccountable conduct of the Government oi Virginia,
requires the utmost attention of this Government, and
dierefore I mtend, with all possible expedition, to send
Commissioners to expostulate with my Lord Dunmore
upon the behaviour of those he has thought proper to
nivest with such power as hath greatly disturbed the peace
oi that county. As the Government of Virginia hath the
power of raising a militia, and there is not any such in this
Province, it will be in vain to contend with them in the
way of force ; the Magistrates therefore, at the same time
that they continue with steadiness to exercise the jurisdic-
tion of Pennsylvania with respect to the distribution of
justice and punishment of vice, must be cautious of enter-
ing into any such contests with the officers of my Lord
Dunmore as may tend to widen the present unhappy
breach; and therefore as things are at present circum-
stanced I would not advise the magistracy of Westmore-
land county to proceed by way of criminal prosecution
against them for exercising the Government of Virginia.
flatter myself that our Commissioners to Virginia will
succeed according to our expectations, and that our affairs
to the westward will soon be put upon a peaceable and
quiet footing. I am gentlemen, your very humble ser-
"^""^ „^„. John Penn.
lo Wilham Craioford, Esq., and his Associates,
Westmoreland County.
CORRESPONDENCE LAID BEFORE THE COUNCIL.
I
of
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO JOSEPH SHIPPEN.
Ligonier, January 15, 1774.
Sir : Tliis will be delivered by Mr. Hanna, one of tlie
trustees for Westmoreland county. To some management
of his I believe, the opposition to fixing the county town at
Pittsburg is chiefly owing — it is his interest it should
continue where the law has fixed the courts, pro tempore;
he lives there ; used to keep public house there ; and has
now, on that expectation, rented his house at an extrava-
gant price. Erwen, another trustee, adjoins, and is also
public house keeper. A third trustee lives in the neigh-
bourhood, which always make a majority for continuing
the courts at the present place. A passage in the law for
erecting the county is, that the courts shall be held in the
foregoing place (the house of Robert Hanna) till a court
house and jail are built; this puts it in their power to
continue them as long as they please — for a little manage-
ment might prevent a court house and jail being built this
twenty years. This is explanation of a petition to the
House, which was sent down lately — it was begun and
ended on the Friday of the court week. An unexpected
opportunity to Philadelphia offered that day, by reason of
which it is to the House only, and signed but by a few
people, but the few that have signed it are the principal
people ; and who acted more from their feelings for multi-
tudes, who they saw suffering than from their own incon-
venience. A like petition to the Governor will soon be
forwarded, which will be countenanced, by, I am certain,
five-sixths of the whole people.
Mr. Hoofnagle I hope will be almost home before you
receive this. I beg you will excuse inaccuracies as I wrote
in the greatest hurry — Mr. Hanna holding his horse
whilst I write. I will see you early in the spring.
And am, sir, your most humble and most obedient
servant, Ar. St. Clair.
Joseph Shippen, Jun., Esq.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOR PENN.
Ligonier, February 2, 1774.
I am honored with your letter of the 20th January,
which reached me the 28th, and am happy to find the
method pursued at Pittsburg, on the 25th, did not very
materially differ from that you had been pleased to direct.
267
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, n74.
268
Doctor Conolhj was arrested previous to the meeting,
bv mv orders, on his avowing liimself the author of the
advertisement requiring tlie people to meet as a militia,
and connuitted on refusing to find sureties for his good
beiiaviour till next court.
I was in hopes the sending him out of the way would have
put an end to it altogether ; but I was mistaken. About
eighty persons in arms assembled themselves, chiefly from
Rlr. Croghan's neighbourhood, and the country west of
and below the Moiwiigahcla, and after parading through
the town and making a kind of feu tie joy, proceeded to
the Fort where a cask of rum was produced on.tiie parade,
and the head knocked out. This was a very effectual
way of recruiting.
As a scene of drunkenness and confusion was likely to
ensue, I got the Magistrates (who attended in consequence
of tlie letters I had sent them) together, and read the
enclosed paper, which we had concocted tliat morning, and
at the conclusion, when they were required to disperse,
they replied they had been invited there, but came with
peaceable intentions, and would go home again without
molesting any one ; on which we left them ; however,
towards night, their peaceable disposition forsook them,
ajid I should probably have felt their resentment had I not
got intimation of their design. I thought it most prudent
to keep out of their v.'ay.
1 have no doubt but the Magistrates will do their duty
with spirit, and 1 shall take the earliest opportunity to
make them acquainted with the support your Honor is
determined to afford them. In some parts of the country
they will have a difficult task, and I am really af&aid this
affair will be productive of a great deal of confusion. 1
shall not fail to give them the necessary cautions with
regard to the Riot Act, and I think I can judge pretty
nearly how far it may be safely extended.
Mr. ConoUy has most certainly a commission from
Lord Dunmore, expressly for Pittsburg and its dependen-
cies, and his subalterns are John Stephenson, a brother of
Mr. Crawford, our senior magistrate, WiUiam Harrison, a
son-in-law of his, and Dorsey Penticost, who was lately
in the commission of the peace here. Mr. Penticost has,
I hear, been down to Mr. ConoUy since his confinement,
and taken the necessary oaths to qualify him for his military
office, and is to assemble the people at Red Stone and take
possession of Fort Burd. I have wrote to the Justices in
that part of the country to watch his motions. Mr. McKee
is said to be appointed a Justice by Lord Dunmore, but I
would fain hope without his consent ; at any rate he
beiiaved very well on the late occasion, and as he was
doubted, I made a point of having him there under pre-
tence of his being Indian Agent, but in fact, if he was a
friend or abettor of ConoUy's measures.
It is, sir, extremely grateful to me that my conduct in
any part meets with your approbation ; but should I forget
to be attentive to any thing that may disturb the happiness
of your Government, or from which you may receive a
personal injury, I should be guilty of the grossest breach of
duty, as well as the blackest ingratitude, neither of vi'hich
1 trust will ever be the case.
1 am, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
The Honorable John Penn, Esq.
Papar enclosed in Arthur St. Clair's Letter to tlie Governor, of
February 2, 1774.
As friends and fellow countrymen, which we ought all
to consider each other, from whatever difierent quarters of
the globe we have met here, suffer that we make you
acquainted with some things of which you ought not to be
ignorant.
We do not blame you for having an affection for the
laws of the countries and provinces in wiiich 30U have
been bom ; 'tis a natural, "tis a praiseworthy affection ! And
it requires a length of time and diligent application to
discover and give the deserved preference to different
systems of laws and forms of Government, for which but
few have either leisure or opportunity.
We do not tell you tiie plan of Pennsylvania is a
jierfect one. Such no human institution is or ever was ;
but the rapid progress Pennsylvania has made, the num-
bers of people tiiat flock to it from every part of the
world, and particularly the much greater value of landed
property than in the adjoining parts of the neighbouring
countries, evince that it is no very defective one ; evince
that its laws are mild and salutary, and that property and
liberty, civil and religious, is well secured, and that it has
some advantages over its neighbours.
We doubt not but you will readily acknowledge these
matters; but you will reply, it is nothing to us; the soil
we live on being no part of Pennsylvania ; we can have
no jjart of the advantages or di-^advantages arising from its
constitution.
We well know much pains have been taken to persuade
many of you to a belief of this, and likewise that the
Proprietaries have industriously delayed to settle their boun-
dary. There is not the least foundation for either.
The Proprietaries of Pennsylvania claimed the country
about Pittsburg, and the settlers quietly acquiesced in that
claim ; and as soon as doubts began to arise about it they
took effectual pains to satisfy themselves whether or not
they were right in that claim, and actually found the coun-
try a considerable distance west of that place within their
Province : And so far are they from delaying tlie running
their boundaiy line, we have the best authority for saying
that a petition has been a considerable time before his
Majesty for that very purpose. You must be sensible it
would be to little purpose to run it without the concurrence
of the Crown ; certainly it would never be conclusive.
The jurisdiction of Pennsylvania has been regularly
extended to Pittsburg, and exercised there for a number
of years, as the records of Cumberland, Bedford, and
Westmoreland counties testify ; and you yourselves have
acknowledged it, by applying for your lands in that
Province. Whether that extension has been legally made
or not, can be determined by the Crown alone ; but must
be submitted to till it is determined. And it must be
evident to you that Lord Dunmore, as Govemor of Vir-
ginia, can have no more right to determine this matter then
one of us, for this plain reason : the charters of Pennsyl-
vania and Virginia both flowed originally from the Crown ;
on that footing they are perfectly independent of each
other ; but they are both parties in this dispute, and conse-
quently neither can be judge.
We would fondly hope no person in this country would
wish to be from under the protection of law. A state of
anarchy and confusion, and total subversion of property
must inevitably ensue. We cannot help thinking contend-
ing jurisdictions in one and the same country must produce
similar effects, and every attempt to introduce modes or
regulations not warranted by the laws or constitution of
Pennsylvania will also do so in a certain degree.
Any grievances the inhabitants of this part of the coun-
try suffer there is no doubt the Legislature want only to be
informed of to redress. Should it be imagined the pro-
tection of a military force is necessary, the votes and
proceedings of the last winter session of Assambly will
shew that, probably, it was owing to the representations of
the Indian Agent, that an Indian war would certainly
follow, establishing a military force at Pittsburg, that such
protection was not then granted, and time seems to have
shewn he was not in the wrong.
If that effect would have supervened at a time when
his Majesty's troops were just withdrawn, when die coun-
try was naked, defenceless, and alarmed, and when the
Indians were accustomed to the idea of trooiis in their
neighbourhood, much more is it to be doubted the estab-
lishing a militia, which is a military force, will ])ro(luce
that effect now when they have been so long disused to it.
As his Majesty's Justices and Protectors of the public
peace of Pennsylvania, it is our duty to tell you your
meeting is an uidawful one, and that it tends to disquiet
die minds of his Majesty's liege subjects. We do in his
Majesty's name require you to disperse, and retire your-
selves peaceably to your respective habitations.
Present when this was read.
Alexaner McKee, jEneas Mackav,
William Louhry, Van Swearinoen,
James Pollock, William Bracken,
James Cavet, Arthur St. Clair.
269
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, 1774.
270
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO JOSEPH SHIPPEN, JUN.
Ligonier, February 25, 1774.
Dear Sir: The disturbances that liave begun in this
country seem still to be increasing, and, unless some effect-
ual method is soon fallen ujjon to put a stop to them, will
soon come to a formidable head. What that method
should be it is difficult to say, but possibly the running a
temporary line might quiet the people a little, though I
doubt very much if even that would not now be opposed.
As much the greatest part of the inhabitants near the
line have removed from Virginia, they are inexpressibly
fond of any thing that comes from that quarter, and their
minds are never suffered to be at rest. Mr. Croghari's
emissaries (and it is astonishing bow many he has either
duped or seduced to embrace his measures) are continual-
ly irritating them against Pennsi/Ivania, and assuring them
they are not within its limits ; so that unless Lord Diinmore
does formally recede from what he has undertaken in this
country, it will be next to impossible to exercise the civil
authority. From the very beginning I foretold a second
Carolina affair was intended, I am now convinced of it.
I have letters from all the Magistrates in that part of
the country, complaining of the difficulties they are ex-
posed to, and the open and avowed determination of the
people not to submit to their jurisdictions. However, they
are all still as yet, and I will do what in my power lies to
continue them so; as one step towards it, and to convince
the others that we in some measure are in earnest, I in-
tend immediately removing my office to Pittsburg, adjoin-
ing, there to live the moment I can get my farm off my
hands here.
I enclose you a letter from Mr. Spear, which I received
by the bearer. I shall immediately write to Mr. Swearin-
gen to commit, %yithout ceremony, any person who shall
attempt to oppose or molest him in the execution of his
office. Excuse the haste I am almost always obliged to
write to you in ; opportunities offer unexpectedly, and the
people waiting.
I am, dear sir, your very humble servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
Enclosed in Arthur St. Clair's I^etter to Joseph Shippen, Jun., of
February 25, 1774.
Pittsburg, February 23, 1774.
Dear Sir: I am just now informed that the Virginians
up the Monongahela have had two or three musters late-
ly ; one at Red Stone Old Fort, and one yesterday at Paul
Froman's, on the other side of the Monongahela ; and I
am also told they had a meeting at Mr. Penticost's own
house, in consequence of which Mr. Penticost wrote to
Mr. Swearingen to act no longer there as a Pemisyhania
Magistrate at his peril. I therefore think it would be
athisable to endeavor to have a stop put to those proceed-
ings, if possible, as it creates the greatest disturbance, and
very much retards the execution of our civil process.
I am, in haste, dear sir, your humble servant,
Joseph Spear.
P. S. Tliis news has just come to hand, otherwise I
would have wrote you more full. Dr. ConoUij is just now
going over the run to Red Stone, I know not what for.
«neas mackay to governor penn.
Pittsburg, April 4, 1774.
Sir: Since the return of the celebrated Dr. Corw/Iy
from Virginia last to this place, which he did on the 28th
March, our village is become the scene of anarchy and
confusion. The Doctor was taken into the Sheriff's cus-
tody here the 24th day of last January, in consequence of
his extraordinary advertisement. He was but a (ew days
in jail before he found means to prevail with the Sheriff,
and obtained his leave to visit his a.ssociates at this place,
where he staid a few days, and then, instead of returning
to jail, according to his promise to the Sheriff, he went up
to Red Stone settlement, where, widi the assistance of his
friends in that quarter, he assembled about twenty armed
men, who guarded him from there to or near the frontiers
of Virginia.
On the 30th of March a party from Chaster settlement
joined the Doctor at this place. On hearing of that
circunistance Sheriff Proctor, and the Justices Smith,
McFarlane, and myself repaired to the Fort in order to
discover the Doctor's intentions, and if we found them
any wise tumultuously disjiosed, to read them the Riot Act.
There we found about twenty odd men, some with and
some without arms, and the Doctor before them with two
letters in his hands, both of which he said he had just re-
ceived from Lord Daimore, with orders to make them
(the mihtia) acquainted with the contents, and this he im-
mediately did by reading the papers to them. In the first
of these letters bis Lordship greatly applauded the Doctor's
conduct, when taken by the Sheriff, for not giving bail,
and commanded him to persevere in the prosecution of
the plan he begun upon, maintaining the possession of
Fort Pitt and its dependencies, and to put the militia and
other Virginia laws in force, concluding with a promise of
being powerfully supported by his Lordship.
The other letter the Doctor declared to be a duplicate
of his Lordship's answer to Governor Penn's letter, relat-
ing to the militia muster, when first set on foot in this place
last January. Just as the Doctor had done reading these
instruments, he turned on his heel, and gave us to under-
stand he would be glad to speak to us in a bar room just at
band, when he said that although he, in obedience to Lord
Dunmore's positive orders, had assembled these men, in
order to hear the aforesaid letters read, he had no inten-
tion to take any step contrary to the established rules of
law at this place, until after the court, which would set in
a few days, when he said he was determined to deliver
himself up, and abide by the judgment of the same, and
requested of us to observe the like pacific measures in the
mean time. We told the Doctor we are averse to violent
proceedings, unless forced to it in our own defence, but ex-
])ected he, the Doctor, did not mean we should desist from
exercising the duty of our station, as conservators of the
peace, till that time. To this he replied, he did not. .
Next morning, the 31st of March, the Sheriff served a
writ on JVilliam Christy, a militia Lieutenant, on notice of
which the Doctor had the Sheriff taken by a King's war-
rant, and was actually in custody for some little time ; and
ever since that time there are parties of armed men in con-
stant pursuit of our Deputy Sheriff and Constables, by
which means it is impossible for us to do any business.
The Doctor is now in actual possession of the Fort,
with a body guard of militia about him, invested, as we
are told, with both civil and military power to put the
Virginia law in force in these parts ; and a considerable
niunber of the inhabitants of these back parts of this
county are ready to join him on any emergency. Every
artifice are used to seduce the people ; some by being pro-
moted to civil or military employments, and others with
the promises of grants of lands on easy terms : and the
giddy headed mob are so infatuated as to suffer themselves
to be carried away by these insinuating delusions ; for in-
stance of which, the two Constables appointed to serve as
such in this township, (one of whom, Philip Reily by
name, was sworn in at last January court,) both deserted
us and joined the Doctor's party. It is most certain the
Doctor is determined to carry his point, or lose his life in
the attempt ; and it is equally certain he has all the en-
couragement and promises of support from Virginia that
he can wish for, so that unless an effectual remedy be
speedily applied we know not what may be the conse-
quence, for matters are carried to a very dangerous length
already, and are likely to become more so every day.
We are told the Colonel of militia of Augusta county
is under orders to be in readiness to march to this place on
the shortest notice. Lord Dunmorc has actually enclosed
twelve commissions to the Doctor to fill up for mihtia offi-
cers at his own discretion.
We will have another general muster at this place some
time this month, and we are well assured a strong body of
the militia will appear with arms at the court, with an
intention no doubt, to rescue Conolly, and perhaps will
attempt something else.
The Indians are greatly alarmed at seeing parties of
armed men patroling tlirough our streets daily, not knowing
but there is hostility intended against them, and their
27 1
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH AND APRIL, 1774.
272
country. I remain, sir, your most humble and most
obedient servant, jiEneas Mackay.
GEORGE CKOGHAN TO DAVID SAMPLE.
April 4tli, 1774.
Sir: I have been long convinced that Fort Pitt and
its dependencies was without tiic limits of Pen)isi/lva7iia,
and no less convinced that the laws of that Province could
have no force or power beyond its limits, yet as I have
always considered any law better than no law, 1 have
countenanced the law of that Province hitherto, by plead-
ing to some' actions brought against me, and being bail to
others, though at the same time I have always denied the
jurisdiction by not paying any taxes, as in tiiat case my
liberty and property was in as much danger as all the rest
of my fellow subjects in tlie Colonies have thought theirs,
by submitting to a tax laid on them by the British Par-
liament, and which they have always withstood. Now, sir,
as the Colony of Virginia has this winter extended the
laws of that Government to this part of the country, by
raising the militia and appointing civil officers, I shall no
longer countenance the laws of your Province by pleading
to any actions brought against me, unless brought by the
Colony of Virginia; for it must be granted, that if any
Colony has a right to extend their laws to this country,
Virginia nmst, till his Majesty's pleasure be known therein.
Since this change has happened, two actions have been
brought against me from your court, one at the suit of
Michardnnd William Butler, the other at the suit oi Joseph
Spear. As you are my attorney, I desire, when those
actions are called in court, that you wont appear to them,
and I request that you will inform the Court you have my
directions so to act, and inform them of my reasons, which
I should wish them to know, though I have many others ;
but as your court can have nothing to do in adjusting the pre-
sent disputes 1 will not trouble you with any thing farther on
this head. And am, sir, your most bumble servant,
George Croghan.
To David Sample, Esq.
THOMAS SMITH TO JOSEPH SHIPPEN.
Westmoreland County, April 7, 1774.
Sir : The present transactions at this place are so very
extraordinary that I am persuaded you will be very much
surprised at the relationof them, if any thing that is absurd
and unwarrantable which originates from Lord Dunmorc
can surprise you. I think I am warranted in this obser-
vation by his Lordship's letter to his Honor, a duplicate of
which, together with a letter at the same time to Conolhj,
we have had just read to us.
After Conolly was committed to jail in the manner you
have been informed, the Sheriff let him at large on his
word of honour to return at the court. He did return,
indeed, and in such a manner as might have been expected
from bis preceding conduct. We heard, when we came
up to this court, that he was mustering a large party in
order to prevent the court from sitting. We thought that
there could not be any foundation for such a report, but at
the same time we thought it prudent to order the Sheriff
to raise as many men as he could collect, to prevent us
from being insulted by a lawless set of men acting under
the colour of authority. The time was so short that few
were collected on our side, and those few were ill armed,
.so that we found ourselves in a very disagreeable situation
when we received certain intelligence that Conolly was
coming down with two hundred armed men. Wh(?n we
found they were at hand the Magistrates thought it prudent
to adjourn the court, as if was near the time. They soon
after came down to the number of one hundred and fifty
or one hundred and eighty, with colours flying, and their
roj><fl}Hs, &.C., had their swords drawn. The first thin"
that they did was to place centinels at the court house
door, and then Conollij sent a message that he would wait
on the Magistrates and communicate the reasons of his
appearance. The Bench and Bar were then assembled in
I\Ir. Manna's house, where we sent him word we would
hear him. He and Fcnticost soon came down, and he
read the paper which will be sent down to his Honor the
Governor with the bearer of this, and then he read a dupli-
cate of Lord Dunmorc to our Governor, together with the
letter mentioned before.
The Court told him they would soon return an answer to
what he had said. (They did not think it prudent to do
it without consulting together and taking the opinion of
the Bar.) We soon agreed on the terms of the answer,
and the gentleman who had the principal hand in forming
it, has done it in such a manner as I am persuaded will
procure him the thanks of the Government. It contains
firmness and moderation, and, as far as I am capable of
judging, it was not possible to form one more free from
exceptions in our present situation. One in any other
form might have been the occasion of altercations, which
might have produced undue concessions, or been attended
with the most flual consequences ; for I have reason to
believe that the greatest part of them were wishmg for
some colourable reason to quarrel. The Bench purposed
to deliver the answer in tlie court house. However, in
that particular they counted without their host, for they
were refused admittance, and Conolly waited for them at
the court house door, where Mr. Wilson, at the request of
the Court, delivered it, and after exchanging copies they
departed more peaceably than might have been expected.
However, the consequences of such proceedings are too
apparent to need be enumerated ; the administration of
justice must be entirely at a stand, and, indeed, I cannot
help thinking that this mob has collected for that purpose,
as I am well assured that amongst all those who assembled
there was not one single man of any property ; on the
contrary, the greatest part of them were such as are
obliged to hide themselves from their creditors, or such as
are under the necessity of taking shelter in this part of
the country to escape the punishment due to their crimes.
It seems Lord Dunmorc gave Conolly blank connnissions,
trusting to his own pnulence to fill them up, by inserting
the names of proper persons. Conolly, in order to be
consistent with himself, bestowed one of these commissions
on one Teagardcn, an old fellow, who has several times
been committed for felony. I don't, indeed, know that he
lias been convicted, because he has always broken the jail.
Once I think he was committed to Lancaster jail and
escaped. His character is so well known, that those who
are the strongest advocates for the present disturbances are
ashamed of his being appointed one of their Captains.
The people in this part of the country who would wish
to enjoy the benefits of society, and would submit to any
form of government, are in the most disagreeable situation
that can be imagined ; their property, their liberty, and
their lives, are at the mercy of a lawless desperate banditti !
In such a situation they look for, and have the utmost rea-
son to expect, the protection of that Government under
which they have settled. What is the most proper method
to be taken it would be presumption in me- to suggest.
There are but two ways : the one to agree on a temporary
line of jurisdiction until the matter can be finally settled ;
the other, to establish a sufficient garrison at Fort Pitt to
withstand the rabble who act under Lord Dunmore's com-
mission. It would have been a happy thing for this part
of the country, if this last measure had met with success
when it was first recommended to the Legislature ; and,
indeed, sensible people in this part of the country, who
are well affected to tliis Government, cannot help drawing
conclusions from the opposition which that measure met
with, wliich I am persuaded could never be the motives of
those who may have made the opposition to it.
The conduct of Lord Dunmorc is really the most extraor-
dinary, in the light in which the people of this part of the
country are obliged to view and feel it, that can be imagined.
To establish the jurisdiction of a different Province over
the people wlio have purchased, and settled, and lived for
a considerable space of time, peaceably under tliis ; — to
establish this jurisdiction by a military force, is such an
absurd measure, that 1 believe it will be difficult to suppose
any man in his senses would have ado{)ted it.
I hope you will excuse this incoherent scrawl, when I
inform you that it is wrote in a small room amidst the
clamour and confusion of a number of people. If you
think the contents of it are of consequence enough to be
communicated to his Honor the Governor, 1 will request
273
VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY, MAY, 1774.
274
you to do it ; if not, you will please to excuse this imper-
tinence, of, sir, your obliged and most humble servant,
Thomas Smith.
Joseph Shijppen, Esquire.
REPRESENTATION OF THE COMMISSIONERS AND ASSESSORS.
To the Honorable John Penn, Esijuire, Governor and
Ck)mmander-in-chief of the Province of Pennsylvania.
May it PLEASE your Honor : The Board of Com-
missioners and Assessors for the county of Westmoreland ,
at this critical junction, humbly beg leave to represent to
your Honor the disagreeable situation they are now in, by
reason of the present disturbances in this county. The
Board beg leave to inform your Honor, that they have duly
and regularly laid the assessments of the county, according
to the laws of this Province ; they have also issued the
proper duplicates to the different Collectors by them ap-
pointed to collect the same ; but the people residing in the
back parts of the county, or the greater part of them,
absolutely refuse to pay their taxes, or to serve the county
in the office of Collector. On which account the Board
has been under the necessity to be at a great expense by
reason of their frequent meetings, which consequently
must come off the public, and are unable without further
assistance to execute their duty.
They therefore pray your Honor's advice and assistance
in this matter, and for further particulars, refer your Honor
lo George Wilson, Esquire, who was an eye witness to the
disturbance of the Court, by the meeting of a number of
armed men ; and the Board begs leave to assure your
Honor that every step shall be taken in their power for
tiie benefit and advantage of the Province.
By order of the Court,
Joseph Beeler, ? /-,
, o V Commissioners.
James Smith, 5
Wo«tmoreUnd, April 8, 1774.
VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY.
The Speech of his Excellency the Right Honorable
John Earl of Dunmore, his Majesty's Lieutenant and
Governor General of the Colony and Dominion of
Virginia, and Vice Adviiral of the same, to the Gen-
eral Assembly, convened at the Capitol, on Thursday,
the bth of May, 1774.
Gentlemen of the Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gentle-
men of the House of Burgesses:
Having had nothing in particular charge from his Ma-
jesty to offer to your consideration, 1 have consulted only
your own ease in the time of assembling you for the neces-
sary business of the Colony, in which 1 recommend to you
to proceed with that despatch which the public conve-
nience requires.
Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Bur-
gesses :
I have not, at this time, any thing to require of you ;
but I hope that your resolutions, on the various matters
which shall be the subject of your deliberation, may be
influenced by prudence and moderation.
Gentlemen of the Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gen-
tlemen of the House of Burgesses :
My ardent desire faithfully to promote the service of
his Majesty, who ever evinces the good of his people to
be the first object of his thoughts, will make me heartily
concur with you in all measures, and assent to all such
laws as shall be for the welfare and true interest of this
country.
I
THOMAS smith TO JOSEPH SHIPPEN, JUN.
Bedford, April 13, 1774.
Sir : If you have received my letter, which I did myself
tlie favour to write by Colonel Wilson, you will not be
surprised to be informed of the continuation of the outrages
committed by the Virginians. They have now arrested
tliree of the Magistrates of Westmoreland county, who are
now on their way to Augusta jail, exposed to the insults
of the rabble who are sent as their guard. The crime
alleged against them is, I am informed, the answer which
tlie Court gave to Conolly's modest address and proposals.
1 hope, for the honor of this Province, that it will not set
calmly looking on and see its Magistrates, as its Magis-
trates, taken by a set of lawless men, when they were
within its known limits, and hurried away like criminals to
the jail of another Province, there to be confined contrary
to all law and justice, to satisfy the whim and caprice of a
man who seems either to have totally divested himself of
any regard of natural justice, (I was going to say to the law
of nations, if I might be allowed the expression,) or else be
made the tool of a set of desperate men, who have more
cunning than himself; — for I have many reasons to think
that this scheme was hatched at Fort Pitt. The reasons
that could induce any man of conmion sense to take such
a step I am at a loss to guess.
The bearer of this was sent down to go to Philadelphia
with the account of these proceedings. I thought it my
duty to enable him to pursue his journey, by accommoda-
ting him w ilh money ; he has acted some time as Under
Sheriff, and if the High Sheriff had conducted himself in
the same spirited, unsuspected manner, that this man has
done, I am persuaded that these disturbances might have
been prevented. But he, in the first place, had so little
regard to his duty, that he let Conolly at liberty on his
promise to return at the court, and when he was ordered
to raise the posse, his conduct was a little mysterious, and
be was extremely backward and remiss. The bearer can
give you further information in this particular.
I am sir, your very humble servant,
Thomas Smith.
Fourth Se&ies. 18
To his Excellency the Right Honorable John Earl of
Dunmore, his Majesty's Lieutenant and Governor
General of the Colony and Dominion of Virginia,
and Vice Admiral of the same :
The humble Address of the Council.
My Lord : We his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal
subjects, the Council of Virginia, now met in General
Assembly, beg leave to return your Excellency our most
cordial dianks for your Speech at the opening of this
session ; and to acknowledge that your Lordship, as well
upon this as every other occasion, since the commence-
ment of your administration, hath consulted the ease and
convenience of the people committed to your care.
To promote the service of his Majesty, and to advance
the interest of our country, ever have been the first objects
of our wishes. Actuated by these motives, we will concur
with the House of Burgesses in framing such laws as shall
be for the welfare and true interest of this Colony ; and
with that despatch the importance of the subjects will
admit of.
Permit us to take this opportunity of congratulating
your Excellency on the safe arrival of the Countess of
Dunmore, and your family in this country ; an event, which
while it adds greatly to your Lordship's domestic felicity,
gives us a pleasing earnest of your intention of continuing
among us.
To which his Excellency was pleased to return the
following Answer :
Gentlemen of the Council : The faithful and unit-
ed assistance which I have constantly received of you,
fully convinces me of your zeal for his Majesty's service, as
well as of your firm regard to the interests of your coun-
try; and makes this fresh declaration of both extremely
grateful to me, as it must be likewise to your Sovereign
and country.
I thank you very heartily for your kind congratulation
upon the arrival of my family, the happiness of which will
increase to me as it proves more agreeable to you, from
whom I have received every mark of regard and at-
tention.
To his Excellency the Right Honorable John Earl of
Dunmore, his Majesty's Lieutenant and Governor
276
VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY, MAY, 1774.
276
General of the. Colony and Dominion of Virginia,
and Vice Admiral of the same :
The Humhle Address of the Hodse of Burgesses.
My Lord : We his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal
subjects the Burgesses of Virginia, now met in General
Assembly, beg leave to return your Excellency our un-
feigned thanks for your kind Speech at the opening of tiiis
session.
Sensible as we are of the importance of that variety of bu-
siness wiiich will probably come before us, we shall esteem
it our bounden duty to proceed in the discussion of it with
coolness, deliberation, and as much despatch as circum-
stances will admit ; and we flatter ourselves that every
resolution, we may find it expedient to adopt, will be
marked with that prudence and moderation which you are
pleased to recommend.
The fatherly attention of our most gracious Sovereign to
the happiness of his subjects, in making the good of his peo-
ple the fii-st object of his thoughts, cannot but impress our
minds with the liveliest sense of duly and gratitude ; and
it is with great satisfaction that we receive from your Ex-
cellency those earnest assurances, tliat you will heartUy
concur with us in all measures, and assent to all such
laws as shall be for tlie welfare and true interest of this
country.
It will ever, my Lord, afford us much pleasure to ob-
serve an increase of your domestic felicity : we therefore,
with the greatest cordiality, embrace this first opportunity
to congratulate your Excellency on the happy arrival of
the Right Honorable the Countess of Dunmore, your
Lordship's amiable and most respectable lady, with so
many promising branches of your noble family, an event
which we consider as having brought with it the surest
pledges of our mutual happiness.
To which his Excellency was pleased to return the
following Answer:
Gentlemen of the House or Burgesses :
The terms of duty and gratitude in which your loyal
Address is conceived afford me the highest satisfaction, and
must ensure his Majesty's most favourable countenance
and protection to this faithful Colony. I shall ever retain
a cordial remembrance of the parts you take in my do-
mestic happiness, and of your obliging manner of ex-
{iressing it on the occasion of the arrival of my family,
which event I shall be much pleased to find considered as
a pledge of my regard and attachment to this Colony.
[May 12, 1774. By an express, just arrived from Fin-
castle county, we are informed that very lately three or
four skirmishes happened bptween the white people and
the Shawanese Indians. We cannot affirm what occasion-
ed the dispute, but are told one white man had taken
some small matter from the Indians, which irritated them
to arms ; but were soon repelled by the other party, who
killed eleven of them, seven of which they scalped. —
Another of the Indians was terribly wounded in the groin,
and it was imagined, when this express came away, that he
could not possibly recover.]
On the 13th of May, his Excellency the Governor or-
dered the following Petition, with several Papers relative
to the imprisonment of Mr. John Conolly, by the Officers
of Pennsylvania, while he was acting as a Magistrate
under the authority of this Government, to be laid before
the House of Burgesses.
To his Evcellcncy John Earl of Dunmore, his Majesty's
Lieutenant and Governor General of the Colony and
Dominion of Virginia, and Vice Admiral of the same,
and the Honorable the Council and House or Buh-
The Petition of the Inhabitants settled on the Waters of
the Ohio showeth:
That the major part of your Petitioners have formerly
lived in his Majesty's Colony of Virginia, and preferring
the mild, easy, and equitable Government thereof, to the
expensive administration of justice in Pennsylvania, which,
being a limited and Proprietary Government, hath extended
an unlimited, and (as we think) illegal jurisdiction over
his Majesty's subjects, settled many miles west of their
bounds, which is op])ressive to the poor, and burthensome
to all, particularly in trying titles to land, and in recovery
of small debts, wherein their officers' fees are so dispropor-
tioned that they seem rather calculated for enriching indi-
viduals than the public good ; tiieir practising attornies
being left at liberty to exact such fees as they may choose,
in all land trials, and will not plead against their jurisdic-
tion, however far west it may be extended. Officers of
Government being generally at the disposal of the Proprie-
taries' Governor, who will neither appoint nor continue any
but those who adhere strictly to their master's interest,
however contrary to the good of the settlers, his Majesty's
subjects ; add to this, a heavy Provincial tax, which they
likewise exact, a great part thereof being swallowed up by
the officers who lay and collect the same, to the great
grievance of the subject.
From the aforesaid several grievances, and the farther
ill provided defence of the country in cases of emergency,
we humbly conceive our lives and properties in imminent
danger, from our contiguity to the faithless and barbarous
natives, whose treaties, alliance, and sincerity, are never to
be relied on, as well as a hearty conviction tiiat the present
Government is usurped.
We humbly entreat your Lordship and Council, and the
Honorable House of Burgesses, to make such provision
for us, in our present distressed situation, as to you shall
seem meet; and your Petitioners, as in duty bound, will
ever pray, &;c. Signed by 587 Inhabitants.
Upon which the House addressed his Excellency as
follows :
Mr Lord : We his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal
subjects, the Burgesses of Virginia, now sitting in Gen-
»eral Assembly, beg leave to return your Excellency our
sincere thanks for the written message, and the several
papers therein referred to, which you were pleased to lay
before us.
It is our most earnest wish and desire to cultivate and
improve that good understanding and friendship which hath
hitherto subsisted between our sister Colony of Pennsyl-
vania and Virginia, and therefore we cannot sufficiently
lament that any unhappy incident should have interposed
which may tend to destroy this pleasing harmony, and
create any dissention between us. But, my Lord, how-
ever strongly we may be impressed by these sentiments, we
shall, on all occasions, think it our indispensable duty to
support the just rights of our inhabitants, and protect them
from oppression, in whatever quarter it may arise.
The imprisoning officers, acting under the authority of
Government in either country, upon a dispute about a
boundary, which appears to us never to have been esta-
blished with any degree of accuracy, we cannot but consi-
der as a wide departure and deviation from that plain and
simple plan of accommodation which has been observed
in former contests of this nature, and should have suggest-
ed a more conciliatory conduct on this occasion ; much
more should we have expected that it would have pre-
vented that sanguinary measure of subjecting men to death,
which, with concern, we observe halh been so precipitately
and incautiously adopted.
For the present, we take the liberty of recommending
to your Excellency to endeavour to have an equitable
temporary line fixed between this Colony and Pennsylva-
nia, until his Majesty shall be pleased to direct the pro-
per and true boundary to be established.
It gives us pain, my Lord, to find that the Indians have
made fresh encroachments and disturbances on our fron-
tiers. We have only tp request that your Excellency
will be pleased to exert those powers with which you are
fully invested, by the acts of Assembly, for making provi-
sion against invasions and insurrections; which, we doubt
not, will be found sufficient to repel the hostile and perfi-
dious attempts of those savage and barbarous enemies,*
*0f all the Nortliprn Colonics, Pennxyhania has ever been the most
vigilant to discover and active to avail herself of every commercial
advantage. Maryland too, of late, lias oxhibit'.'d, some symptoms of
attention to her true interests. Aware of the profits accruing from
277
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MAY, 1774.
278
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Saturday, 1th of
May, 1774 :
Present, the Honorable John Penn, Esquire, Governor,
Benjamin Chew, James Tllghnan, Andrew Allen, Esqrs.
Mr. Tilghman, and Mr. Andrew Allen having agreed,
at the particular request of the Governor, to undertake a
journey to WilUamsbwg, as Conimissionei-s from this Go-
vernment, to treat with the Governor of Virginia on the
subject of the disturbances in Westmoreland county, occa-
sioned by his extending the jurisdiction of his Government
within the western limits of this Province, and to negotiate
such other matters with him as were agreed upon in Coun-
cil the 21st of last month, one of the members laid before
the Board a draught of a commission, and a letter of in-
structions, to the above named gentlemen ; and also a letter
to be sent with them to the Earl of Dunmore, which being
severally considered, were fairly transcribed and signed by
die Governor, and follow in these words, viz :
the Indian nnd frontier trade, in her last Assembly she has taken into
consideration the state of her public roads, and levied several thou-
sand pounds to render more tolerable, the capital pass over the ^We-
ghaiiy only. Virginia, regardless of emoluments of this kind, still
continues in a profound lethargy ; and while the transmontane Terri.
lories of Penn and Baltimore, during the space of several years past,
have, notwithstanding the senseless prohibiting proclamation, been
rapidly peopled, those of this Colony remain in a manner unseated,
except a small spot bordering on Pennsylvania, seized on by needy or
foreign adventurers. To apply a remedy to this evil, it was destined
to the good sense and activity of Lord Dunmore, Not contented with
the reports of partial or uncertain fame, disregarding his own ease,
and the difficulties of a tedious journey through almost impassible
and uninhabited mountains, his Lordship penetrated to the seat of our
grievances, and on the spot rendered himself an eye and car witness,
of the indispensable necessity of granting the back lands ; aud, by
doing this, not only to deal justice to his own people, but with the
same blow, to give a check to the aspiring and encroaching spirit of
the princely Proprietor, who has been boldly venturing to extend his
writs and precepts a hundred miles beyond his true limits, far into the
Government of Virginia. To this end, his Lordship's leading step
was ap])ointing a militia officer to preside at Fort Pitt, and magis.
trates to transact the business incident to their office in that quarter of
Augusta. By this judicious measure, our countrymen there might
expect to be relieved from the intolerable inconvenience of being
dragged before the tribunal of PenTi. These were their hopes. How
vain ! for, behold the issue : These officers, the Captain commandant,
and the Justices, were threatened with the horrours of a jail, if they
but ventured to act in virtue of their commissions. This, however,
did not deter the spirited Captain Conolly from doing his duty. Not-
withstanding these, I will not call thenj impotent throats, he ordered
and appointed a muster; but an unlucky circumstance rendered the
Captain incapable of giving attendance, for the day before he was to
have mot his officers and men, the haughty Pennsyhanians realized
their threats, and conducted him to prison.
To the guardians, therefore, of our rights and liberties, I venture
to drop these few loose hints, and shall detain neither you nor the
public longer than just to close with this query: "Whether the es-
"tablishing our Courts of Justice upon a certain footing, adjusting
** the boundaries of our Colony and counties, and in consequence de-
"termining what lands may or may not, with propriety and safety,
" be located and surveyed by the late military grantees, are not ob-
**ject8 of that importance as to demand the immediate consideration
'•of the Legislature; or if deferred until the summer, whether that
"short delay must not prove the sure fruitful source of litigation,
" confusion, and dispute." A Virginian.
W1L1.1A.M8BURG, March 3, 1774.
Extract of a Letter received at Williamsburg, dated Pittsburg,
March 26, 1774. " You may depend that no disturbances have hap-
pined with t'le Indians on the Ohio this winter, and that more is to be
dnadf'd from the animosities subsisting between the settlers from Penn.
sylvmiin and Virginia tlian those barbarians. Governour Penn h;»3
sunt up a Proclam.ition, strictly enjoining all Magistrates and Sheriffs
to seizv) upon any twcdve men that shall be found together, for the
s))ace of an iiour, after being told to dis])erse. Doctor Conotly is re-
lieved from his confinement, and has lately been qualified in Augusta
Court as a Magistrate. He is daily expected to roturn, and will not
let any insult pass that may be offered to the authority reposed in him
by Lord Dunmore."
To his Excellency the Right Honorable John Earl of Dunmore, &c.,
&-C., Sec.
My Lord : Though I know it is an estabhshed maxim with your
Lordship that, as you are ever open to personal access, to take but littlo
notice of addresses connnunicated to you througli tiie channr-l of a
coimnon newspaper, yet I dare hope, tliat should some chance direct
your Lordship's eye to this letter, it will engage your closest attention.
I do not me:in to spread abroad causeless apprehensions, or aggrcvato
reports that have been already disseminated through the country ; but it
is my intention to give you informations founded on undoubted veracity,
nnd then leave it to your I/ordsliip's wisdom to determine what is most
expedient to be done. Doubt it not then my Lord, when I assure you,
from testimony scarcely to bo invalidated, that the situation of the
fi-ontier countiis of this Colony is of the most alarming nature ; a
situation so truly critical, as to require the instant assistance of both
tlio Executive and Legislative powers.
Our treacherous and clandestine foes, the Indians, have ever greedily
acobracvd ail opportunities of inauifcsting theii inimical affections to.
John Penn, Esq., one of the Proprietaries of the Pro-
vince of Pennsylvania, and Counties of New Castle, Kent,
and Sussex, on Delaware,
To James Tilghman and Andrew Allen, Esquires,
two of the Council of the said Province and Counties,
Greeting :
Whereas his Majesty King Charles the Second, by
his letters patent, bearing date the fourth day of March,
Anno Domini 1681, did, for the considerations therein men-
tioned, give and grant the Province of Pennsylvania, by the
bounds and limits therein particularly set forth and describ-
ed, to William Penn, Esquire, his heirs and assigns, forever,
constituting him and them Proprietary and Proprietaries
thereof, with divers powers, franchises and jurisdictions,
for the better government thereof, as by the said letters patent
may at large appear: And whereas the western lines and
bounds of the said Province, specified in the said letters
patent, having never yet been regularly and precisely run,
marked out or ascertained, divers differences and disputes
have of late arisen between the Right Honorable the Earl of
wards us ; but some recent transactions of theirs, with which (if report
speaks the language of truth) your Lordship has boon already made
acquainted, leaves us no room to doubt that the storm which has been so
long gathering, will, ere long, break forth in all its fury. And should
this ill-fated event take place while the inhabitants on the confines of
the Colony remain in their present undisciplined, distressed situation, it
will not be easy to give your Lordship an adequate idea of the horrid
consequences that must ensue. The indiscriminate massacre of men,
women and children, the depopulation of an infant Colony, whose
fertility has alroady been sufficient to induce us to foster the most
sanguine anticipations of its future value, the forcing from their peace-
ful habitations those adventurous people whom it ought ever to be the
first object of Government to support ; these, my Lord, with an infinite
series of other melancholy circumstances, must be the certain concomi-
tants of an Indian war, should we tamely suffer those savages to be
the first invaders. It is neither by the suggestions of a blood-thirsty nor
an avaricious disposition that I am instigated to dictate thus freely to
your Lordship on this subject, but by the. forebodings of a sympathetic
apprehension of the impending destruction which awaits my country-
men in the frontier counties. Their emergency loudly calls for the
relief of the Supreme Magistrate, and that, my Lord, must apologize for
the freedom which an obscure individual has assumed with your Lord-
ship, should you suppose any apology on that score necessary. Ten
thousand incidents conspire to render a war at this time necessary,
nay, inevitable ; and the innocent lives of niunbers might be saved by
the timely proclamation of it. The very smiles of those faithless
tribes ought to be considered as the harbingers of perfidy ; but when
they dare openly to annoy us with acts of hostility, surely a more
solid resentment is due. Should an instance of any hostile act of
theirs be demanded, I need only mention the unhappy murder of young
Russell, committed not long ago, and, as has since been ascertained,
was perpetrated by a Cherokee Chief. Numberless other examples, of
hostilities equally atrocious, might be adduced, were it not hoped that
this of itself is sufficient. Whether it would be prudent to wait for a
second stroke let the provident determine. The spring, it seems, is
the stated period for an invasion ; and, in all probability, the attack will
bo earlier on the more remote inhabitants. The month of May is the
time appointed for the convention of the Assembly ; so that it is more
than probable to suppose those barbarians will be scattering havoc and
desolation around, while our House of Burgesses are spending much
time in debating in what manner to prohibit such outrages. By con.
vening them a month or two sooner, what mischiefs might not be pre-
vented ? You have it now in your power, my Lord, to render the name
of Dunmore as memorable in Virginia as that of Marlborough is in
Great Britain. Do not let slip the golden opportunity.
Williamsburg, March 24, 1774. Virginius.
The subscribers, patentees of land, at the Falls of the Ohio, hereby
inform the public, that they intend to lay out a Town there in the most
convenient place. The lots to be eighty feet front, and two hundred
and forty deep. The number of lots that shall be laid off at first, will
depend on the number of applications. The purchase money of each
lot to be four Spanish dollars, and one dollar per annum quit rent, for
ever. The purchasers to build within the space of two years from the
first day of December next, on each lot, a log house, not less than
sixteen feet square, with a stone or brick chimney ; and, as in that
country, it will be necessary the first settlers should build compactly,
the improvements must naturally join each other,. It is further pro-
posed, for the convenience of the settlers, that an out lot, of ten acres,-
contigious to the town, shall bo laid off for such as desire the same,;
at an easy rent, on a long lease.
Attendance will be given by the patentees at Pittsburg, till the
middle of June, at which time one of them will set off to execute thO;
plan. The advantageous situation of that place, formed by nature as
a temporary magazine, or repository, to receive the produce of the very
extensive and fertile country on the Ohio and its branches, as well as
the necessary merchandise suitable for the inhabitants that shall emi-
grate into that country, (as boats of fifty tons may bo navigated from
New Orleans up to the town,) is sufficient to recommend it ; but when
it is considered bow liberal, nay, profuse, nature has been to it other-
wise, iu stocking it so abundantly, that the slightest industry may sup-
ply the most numerous family with the greatest plenty and amazing
variety of fish, fowl, and flesh ; tlie fertility of the soil, and facility of
ctdtivation, that fit it for producing commodities of great value with
little labour ; tlie wholesomeness of the waters, and serenity of the air,
which render it healthy ; and when property may be so easily acquired,
wo may with certainty affum that it will in a short time be equalled
by few inland places on tho American contiuent.
John CAMrBELL.
WuxiAMSBUSG, April 7, 1774. John Conollt.
3t9
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MAY, 1774.
280
Dunmore, Governor and Commander-in-chief, fee, of his
Majesty's Colony or Dominion of Virginia, and the Honor-
able the Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania,
their respective grantees, tenants, and officers, respecting
the western bounds and limits of the said Province, and
the jurisdiction of the said Colony or Dominion and Pro-
vince, which have been productive of great troubles and
disquiets to the settlers and inhabitants there, and endanger
the King's peace and the public tranquillity : To the end,
tlierefore, that the evils which have already arisen, and
which are likely to arise in the premises, may be remedied
and prevented, I have nominated and appointed, and do
by these presents nominate and appoint you, the said James
Tilghman and Andrew Allen, Esquires, to be Commis-
sioners on the part of the Proprietaries of this Province,
to confer and treat with his Excellency the Right Honora-
ble the Earl of Dunmore, of and concerning the premises,
and to agree upon such measures as you shall judge most
expedient for settling and composing the said differences,
troubles and disquiets, either by a temiwrary line or boun-
dary of jurisdiction, or otherwise, as may best answer the
good purposes of preserving his Majesty's peace, and quiet-
ing the minds of the inhabitants on or near the borders of
the two Colonies or Provinces, until the final settlement of
the said boundaries shall be effected, hereby ratifying and
confirming whatever you shall do in the premises.
In testimony whereof, I have set my hand, and caused
the great seal of the said Province to be hereunto affixed at
Philadelphia, the seventh day of May, 1774.
John Penn.
Instructions to James Tilghman and Andrew Allen,
Esquires, Commissioners appointed to treat and agree
with the Right Honorable John Earl of Dunmore,
Governor of Virginia, concerning the settlement of the
Western hounds and limits of the Province of Penn-
sylvania, and preserving the public peace and tranquil-
lity on the Borders, till a final settlement of the said
lines.
1st. You are to proceed, without loss of time, to Wil-
liamsburg, the place of his Lordship's residence in Vir-
ginia, and enter upon the execution of your commission as
soon as possible after your arrival. Should his Lordship
be from home, and not gone to too great a distance, you
will wait his return, or send an express, (as you judge most
proper,) to acquaint him with your being sent from this
Government to treat with him on public business, and re-
quest his return.
2d. Your first point should be to prevail with him to join
with the Proprietaries of this Province in a Petition to his
Majesty in Council, to appoint Commissioners to run and
mark out the boundary or division line — such as his Majesty
shall please to order and direct, between this Province and
Virginia ; the expense of which to be equally borne by
the two Colonies.
3d. Wiiether his Lordship should accede to the above
proposal or not, you should urge every argument in your
power to induce him to agree to the settling a temporary
line of jurisdiction between the two Colonies, till the said
boundary line shall be settled, or his Majesty's orders and
directions can be obtained respecting the same.
4th. Should bis Lordship come into the last mentioned
measure, you will no doubt endeavour to fix the temporary
line of jurisdiction as favourably as possible for this Pro-
vince, and as near to the Charter bounds as you can ; and
in order thereto you will refer yourselves to the map or
plan heretofore transmitted by me to him, which shows to
demonstration that Fort Pitt is near six miles to the east-
ward of our five degrees of longitude. At any rate, how-
ever, you are not to accede to any proposed temporary line
which shall give jurisdiction to Virginia over any lands
lying to the eastward of the river Monongahela.
5th. Whatever may be the temporary line agreed on,
you should take care to insert a clause in the articles to be
drawn up, containing a saving of the rights on both sides,
to the lands up to the true lines or boundaries where they
shall be finally settled.
6th. If the business is not carried on by the interchange
of letters, or written proposals between you, you should
take private notes, or minutes, by way of diary, of every
tiling material that passes, not only to enable you to make
an exact report of the whole transaction, but to found affi-
davits on to be sent to England, if necessary. As great
reliance is had on your knowledge and abilities, any further
instructions are unnecessary. John Penn.
I'hiladclphia, Ttli May, 1774.
Here follows the Governor's letter to the Earl of Dun-
more, Governor of Virginia, viz :
Philadelphia, 7th May, 1774.
My Lord : By accounts received from the westward,
since my last letter to your Lordsliip, I find that the disor-
ders in that quarter are greatly increased by your Lordship's
extending the jurisdiction of Virginia to Pittsburg, and
the country thereabouts ; and that Dr. Coriolty's proceed-
ings have been such as are very alarming, and have a ten-
dency to put the whole country beyond the Alleghany
mountains into a state of confusion. The consideration of
these unhappy cirrumstanccs have induced me to send two
gentlemen of my Council, Mr. Tilghman and Mr. Allen,
to wait on your Lordship, in order to confer with you on
this important subject, and, if possible, to conclude with
you upon such measures as may restore and establish the
public tranquillity until the lines and boundaries of this
Province can be finally settled by his Majesty's authority ;
for which good purpose 1 flatter myself your Lordship will
not hesitate to join with us in representing to his Majesty
the necessity of such a settlement. In tJie mean time, I
am in hopes such temporary expedients may be fallen upon
as may put an end to the present disturbances, secure the
public peace, and quiet the minds of tiie people concerned
in the unhappy differences which at present subsist between
the Governments of Virginia and this Province.
I am, with great respect, your Lordship's most obedient
humble servant, John Penn.
To the Right Honorable the Earl of Dunmore, Governor
and Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's Provinces of
Virginia, Williamsburg.
Memorandum, tst June, 1774,
The Reverend Dr. Peters having, at the instance of tlio
Governor, wrote a letter to Henry Wilmot, Esquire, the
same was ordered to be entered on the Minutes of Council,
and follows in these words, viz :
Philadelphia, 18tli May, 1774.
Sir: I am desired by the Governor to give you an ac-
count of what 1 know with respect to an Indian deed, under
which some private people, calling themselves the Susque-
hanna Company, inhabitants of the Colony of Connecticut,
claim all the lands in Pennsylvania between the forty-first
and forty-second degrees of latitude. This, then, follows
will give a true notion of the whole transaction, as far as
my remembrance will enable me to recollect the matter.
In the year 1741, the proprietor, Thomas Penn, went
from here for England, and from that time to this I have
been well acquainted with all sorts of Indian negotiations,
and have had a great share in the management of them,
cither as Proprietary Secretary, or as member of (Council,
or as Provincial Secretary , so tJiat 1 can speak from the best
grounds of every matter relating to Indians hr above thirty
years ; and I can witli truth declare, tbat before the year
17.53, 1 never, that I can remember, heard of any claim set
up by the Government, or any of tiie inhabitants of the
Colony of Connecticut, to any lands within this Province.
In the year 1753, I received information of a claim set up
by some Connecticut people to a degree of longitude within
this Province in virtue of the Connecticut Charter, and that
there was a party gone into the Indian country to make a
purchase of lands between Susquehanna and Delaware, to
begin at or near Wyomink. Mr. Hamilton, and several
others, were alarmed at this wicked attempt, and Conrad
Wciser, the Indian Interpreter, was ordered to give the
Six Nation Indians an account of tiiis intelligence, and to
put them upon their gtiard. Colonel Johnson, the Indian
Agent for his Majesty in the Ncio York Government, was
likewise made acquainted witii this new project, and desired
likewise to apprise the Indians of it. The intelligence
was likewise conmiunicated to the Governor and Deputy
Governor of Connecticut, who both disavowed the thing,
and declared that the Government had no concern in it ;
281
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MAY, 1774.
282
and the letters which passed between Mr. Hamilton and
the Government of Connecticut, were put into the Council
books, and a copy of tiiose minutes of Council are exem-
plified under the great seal and sent to you.
The year following, namely, in the year 1754, there was
a Congress, by order of the Crown, at Albany, between
the whole body of the Six Nations and the King's Agent,
together with the Governments of all the Northern Colonies.
Four Commissioners were sent on the part o{ Fennsylvania ;
Mr. Jo/m Penn and myself on the part of the Governor,
and Mr. Isaac Norris and Mr. Benjamin Franklin on the
part of the Assembly, were the four Commissioners for this
Province at that Congress. This being deemed a proper
time to get a purchase fiom the Indians of more' land, and
which was become absolutely necessary by the numbers of
people that had come into the Province, and could not be
kept within the bounds of the purchased lands, Mr. John
Penn and myself were instructed and empowered to make
as extensive a purchase as the Indians could be prevailed
on to make ; and belts were sent to the Onondago Council
by the Governor, to signify to them his desire to make
another purchase of them when they should be altogether
at this public treaty at Albany. Accordingly, as both sides
were beforehand prepared for a new Indian purchase, the
matter was gone upon, and a large extent of country, even
as far as the western boundary of tiie Province, was treated
for, and agreed to in open Council, and a deed executed
hy t\\e Indians ; and likewise another deed was executed
by them, confirming to the Proprietaries a former deed,
wherein the Indians bound themselves not to sell to any
persons whatever any of the lands comprised within the
bounds of his Majesty's Charter to the Proprietaries.
The Connecticut attempt was likewise made known by
tlie Indians to us ; and they, in tlieir speeches, declared
tlieir absolute refusal to make any grant to them of any
lands they were soliciting for ; and, indeed, in their public
treaty, they over and over declared that they would sell
none of the Wyomink country, either to them or to us, it
being what they had reserved for their own use, and for tha
reception of such other Indians as would want to come and
reside amongst them. These, and further particulars, are
to be seen in the exemplified copy of the report of that
treaty made by Mr. John Penn and myself to Governor
Hamilton, as the same is entered in the minutes of the
Council.
This will serve to show, that at that time there was no
Indian deed made to the people of Connecticut by the
Onondago Council, and that if any deed is set up it must
have been obtained in a clandestine manner from private
Indians. Indeed, it was there currently reported that one
Lydens, of the city of Albany, had undertaken this mat-
ter for the Connecticut people, and as he lived (and I think
kept a public house) at Albany, he made it his business
to get the Indians, as they came to trade there, into his
house, and by liquor, or private bribes, by two's or three's,
as he could find opportunity to prevail with them, to exe-
cute a deed, which was lodged with him for this infamous
purpose. 1 have further to observe, that the persons to
whom this pretended Indian deed was made were private
people, and acting in direct opposition to their own laws,
and in open violation of the right, if any, of the Colony of
Connecticut to those lands. The Indians themselves, in
public treaties, made mention that these very lands were
formerly given by them to Colonel Hungan, by deeds re-
gidarly and duly executed, but in trust for them, as they
said ; and that Colonel Hungan sold those lands to the late
proprietor, Mr. Penn, who, notwithstanding this purchase
from Colonel Hungan, did not hesitate to buy them over
again of the Indians, and to give them the full considera-
tion for them. Let it further be observed, that in the gen-
eral treaty held at Fort Stanwix, by Sir William Johnson,
his Majesty's Indian Agent with all tiie Six Nation Indians,
in 1768, for the King's purchase of lands from them, and
to settle a general boundary between the Indians and the
King's subjects, at which the Governor of Jersey, and the
Commissioners from the other Provinces, and from Penn-
sylvania in particular, were present and assisting, the In-
dians executed a deed to the Proprietors of Pennsylvania
for all the lands within the bounds of this Province, so far
es tliey had then settled the general boundary with his
Majesty. Tliat this purchase contains all, or most of the
lands claimed by Connecticut, and that tlie consideration
money, together with the expenses attending that treaty,
amounted to the sum of eight thousand pounds, or some
sum near that ; and in that very treaty, this attempt of the
Connecticut people was solemnly mentioned, and as so-
lenmly condemned by all the Indians.
As this great treaty is deservedly esteemed the basis and
foundation of all matters relating to lands between the
Indian nations and his Majesty, it was transmitted by Sir
William Jolmson to the King's Ministers, and lies among
the public papers in the Privy Council, and may be con-
sulted for the truth of what is here set down by the Pro-
prietaries' solicitors at any future time.
As it is supposed that the Susquehanna Company have
assigned over their right under this deed to the Government
of Connecticut, I have been thus particular ; and this detail
of the circumstances that attended the obtainment of the
Indian deed, may be kept among the Proprietary papers,
together with the exemplified minutes of Council that
have been sent to you, and may be made use of, in order
to furnish ample proofs for the invalidating of this pretended
Indian deed, if it should ever be set up by the Connecticut
Government. I am, sir, your most humble servant,
Richard Peters.
To Henry Wilmot, Esquire, Bloomsbury Square, London.
CORRESPONDENCE LAID BEFORE THE COUNCIL.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO BENJAMIN CHEW.
Carlisle, April 28, 1774.
Sir : In conversation with Colonel Wilson the other
day, he mentioned a transaction in Virginia, which if it be
as he represents it, will throw some light upon what has
been the " sense of that Colony, with regard to the
country about Fort Pitt." Colonel Stephens, it seems, in
the year 1764, when that fortress was besieged by the
Indians, sent a detachment of the militia to escort some
provisions for the relief of the besieged ; for this he was
complained of to the Assembly, and censured for sending
the militia out of the Government.
I have heard, sir, that you are to go to Williamsburg,
and imagined in that case, this hint would not be disa-
greeable. I wish you a pleasant journey, and am, sir,
your most obedient humble servant,
Ar. St. Claik.
The Honorable Benjamin Chew, Esquire.
a;NEAS MACKAY TO GOVERNOR PENN.
Staunton, May 5, 1774.
May it please yodr Honor: I have taken the liberty
of acquainting your Honor with the proceedings of Doctor
Conolly, in regard to the Justices Smith, McFarlane, and
myself, the 9th of April last, when we were torn from our
families and business by Conolly, and his militia, and sent
prisoners to this Colony, where, when we travelled together
one day's journey, Messrs. Smith and McFarlane accom-
panied the Sheriff to this place, and I found means to
procure leave to go to Williamsburg, in order to lay
Conolly and his militia's conduct before my Lord Hun-
more, in as true and clear a light as we had experienced
from their tyranny and oppression.
After six days riding, I arrived at Williamsburg, where
my Lord heard my story to an end, and then told ine that
Conolly was authorized by him, as Governor of Virginia,
to prosecute the claim of that Colony to Pittsburg and its
dependencies, and as to taking of prisoners, he, Conolly,
only imitated the Pennsylvania officers, in respect to
Conolly's imprisonment by them.
After his Lordship and I spoke our minds very free to
each other, relating to Conolly's claims and lines, he dis-
missed me at that time, desiring 1 would call upon him the
next day, which I did, but all the satisfaction 1 could ob-
tain, after waiting at Williamsburg three days, was a letter
to the Sheriff of this county, toNvhose custody we were
committed, a copy of which, together with one of the pro-
clamations sent to Conolly, by express from this place
yesterday, I take the liberty of enclosing with this for your
Honor's perusal.
In consequence of the above letter, we are to set off
from this place inunediately, but how to act after our re-
288
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MAY, 1774.
281
turn, is a mattar we are at this time unable to determine,
for \vc are certain Conolly will with his militia force, oppose
us in every step we may attempt, in the execution of our
office. We would, therefore, be glad to know your Honor's
sentiments on that subject as soon as possible. In the
mean time, I remain with perfect respect, your Honor's
most humble and most obedient servant,
iEwEAS Mackay.
Enclosed in tlie Letter of JEiieat Mackay to Governour Pejin, of 5tli
May, 1774.
Williamsburg, April 26, 1774.
Sir : I send you a packet, containing a Proclamation of
which you have herewith one enclosed, which by tlie ad-
vice of his Majesty's Council, I have issued for the Govern-
ment of the people in the district of your country, wherein
is included Pittsburg, which I beg you will forward by
express to Mr. Conolly.
With respect to Mr. Mackay, and the other two gentle-
men committed to your custody by Mr. Conolly, I desire
they may be permitted to return to their homes and occu-
pations ; I will become answerable for their appearance, in
case it may be required, and bear you harmless therein.
1 am, sir, your obedient and humble servant,
DuNMORE.
Daniel Smith, Esquire.
Eiiolosad in the Letter of JSneas Mackay to Governour Penn, of 5th
May, 1774.
L.ORD DUNMORE's PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, I have reason to apprehend that the Govern-
ment of Pennsylvania, in prosecution of tiieir claim to
Pittsburg and its dependencies, will endeavour to obstruct
his Majesty's Government thereof, under my administra-
tion, by illegal and unwarrantable commitments of the
officers I have appointed for that purpose, and that that
settlement is in danger of annoyance from the Indians also ;
and it being necessary to support the dignity of his Majesty's
Government, and protect his subjects in the quiet and
peaceable enjoyment of their rights, I have therefore,
thought proper, by and with the advice and consent of his
Majesty's Council, by this Proclamation in his Majesty's
naine, to order and require the officers of the militia in that
district, to embody a sufficient number of men to repel any
insult whatever; and all his Majesty's liege subjects within
tliis Colony, are hereby strictly required to be aiding and
assisting therein, as they shall answer the contrary, at their
peril. And I do further enjoin and require the several
inhabitants of the territory aforesaid, to pay his Majesty's
quit rents, and all public dues, to such officers as are, or
shall be appointed to collect the same, within this Dominion,
until bis Majesty's pleasure therein shall be known.
Given under my hand, and the seal of the Colony, at
Jfilliamsburg, this 25th day of April, 1774, in the four-
teenth year of his Majesty's reign. Dunmore
God save the King.
Extract of a Journal of the United Brethren'n Miision on Muskingum,
from Februanj iil to May 20, 1774.
April 30. Youngman and Schabosch returned from
Pittsburg, who brought information that the Government
was changed there, and the place now belonged to Virginia.
That they were afraid of the Shawanese, and it was sup-
posed they would fall upon the white people below the
Ohio, and opposite them, but the message from Sir tVil-
liam Johnson is come to all the other Nations, warning
them not to join the Shawanese.
May 6. Several Indians from Mochwesung came to
visit us, and we received the account that one Shawanese
Chief on the Ohio, was killed by the white people, and
another wounded. It seems an Indian war will break out.
We hear the Virginians on the Ohio, threaten to fall
upon the Shawanese setdements, and to destroy their
towns.
May 8. In the evening arrived an express from Geke-
lemuckcpuck, with the disagreeable news that the white
people on die Ohio had killed nine Mingoes, and wound-
ed two ; the messenger arrived, making a terrible noise as
it is usual in war time. He had also a message from the
Shawanese, which the Chief of Gekelemvck sent to us to
take notice of " that their grandfather, the Delaware
" Nation, should not be concerned, but be easy and quiet ;
" let the traders traffic among them, and not hurt tiiem. or
" any otiier white people in that quarter ; that the women
" should continue to plant until they could further see
" what would happen." This seems to signify a.s if they
intended to keep the road to Pittsburg clear, and not hurt
the Pennsylvanians, but only to contend with the Vir-
ginians.
May 9. In die evening, arrived Mr. Anderson and
another white man, in company with the Indian Chief
White Eyes, who came from Pittsburg, and went towards
the Shawanese ; little wanted, or these messengers would
have fallen into the hands of the Mingoes, who had fled
from the other side of the Ohio, and kept by the road
leading to Gtkelemuckepuck. But some of our Indians
going from here to Kaskaskum, warned them, so that they
turned oft' the common road, and arrived here safely.
They are sent to make anotlier trial to persuade the Shawa-
nese to peace, and to desist from all ho."'tilities. So as we
now hear it is but a gang of white people on Ohio, wiio
committed the murders of the Indians. And die people
of Pittsburg do not believe that they were acting by order
of the Governor of Virginia. They have also killed some
traders, because they carry merchandise and annnunition
to the Indians. We also heard that many people about
Pittsburg, and below, on Ohio, have fled to the seule-
ments.
May 15. In the morning arrived a messenger, inviting
some of our Indian brethren to a Council at Gckele-
mnckepuck ; at the return of one of them, we heard that
the Shawanese and Mingoes had left Gekelemuckepuck,
very angry, and threaten to kill all white people they
shall meet with. These Mingoes, about twenty in num-
ber, were present at the aforesaid massacre at Ohio, stirring
up the Shaivanese, who have not suffered much ; but the
Delatcares will do their utmost to hinder them. Tlie
Indians at Gekelemuckepuck have taken all the white
people there within their protection, and keep a watch in
the night that they may not be surprised.
May 18. Another of our Indians retuined from the
Council, who brought an imperfect account, but some
hopes that all would turn out well. The Chief has spoke
to the Shaivanese, who have heard him, and promised to
give their answer this day.
May 19. A messenger arrived from Mr. Croghan, at
Pittsburg, to the Delawares, Mingoes, and Shawanese,
advising them to be quiet, not to think of war, and not
hurt the traders ; that the people of Pittsbiirs; did their
utmost to apprehend the white people that have committed
the murder, and that they had taken one of them.
May 20. The rest of our /n(/jans returned, and brought
the agreeable news that the Shawanese had accepted of
the proposals made to them, so that we hope peace will be
re-established, and that they will not hurt the traders
among them, but rather assist them, that they may return
to their friends. There were about fifty Delaivares and
Monsys in their first day's journey from Gekelcmuckejnuk
arriving to Mochivesung, where mostly Monsys live ; they
see them dance the war dance, and, they said, how they
heard war was declared, for some of the Mingoes had
passed by, having a white scalp. Three of our brethren
who were of the Monsy Nation, told them to leave off, and
keep to the resolves of their own Nation, and of the Dda-
wares.
Extract of the Missionary's I.etter, dated, May 21, 1774.
This moment we are informed that another compa-
ny of traders, from the lower Shawanese Country, ha\e
arrived at G ekelemuckepuck, whom we expect to receive
here this night, and from hence they will proceed to
join the others.
[Extract of a Letter from David Zkisburoer, Missionary at Sciioic.
BRi'NN, dated 24th May, 1774.]
In my last I informed you of the critical situation in
which we find ourselves here. We then were in hopes
that the dark cloud would pass over soon, and peace be
re-established, as the Shawanese in the Council at Woake-
tameka, had given seemingly a pretty favourable answer.
But it appears now that they were only afraid of the
285
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MAY, 1774.
286
Delaware paity in die Council, for we heard since that a
party of twenty warriors were gone to make an incursion
wliere the Mingoes have been killed. The Chief Netaw-
ativees broui,dit this account himself mournfully to Gnaden-
hutttn, desiring some messengers might be sent after one
Killbuck, who was on the road to Pittsburg, with the
traders. We sent directly two men with a letter to Mr.
Aiulerso7i, that they may know of it at I'ittsburg. The
messengers returned last night after having delivered their
message. The Delawurts suppose that the S/iawanese
w ill soon move far off. I think our greatest danger would
be if the white people would make an incursion into the
Indians' land ; and ii' they should strike the Delawares, the
war would be general, and we then could not continue here ;
but we uill keep unto the Lord a solemn feast of thanks-
giving if he rules things so that we can stay here, for our
flight would be subject to many dilliculties ; and where
should such a number of people find a twelve months'
subsistence, if they must forsake all that they have
planted, for we are more than two hundred souls in this
place only, besides the congregation at Gnadenhutten, and
to move into the settlements of the white people with our
Indians, I cannot find advisable ; we know how it was
in the last war.
In a Letter dated 27th May.
Froth and his family having been hindered from setting off
from here till this day, I will mention what we heard since
my last. It is but too true that two parties of Shawanese
are gone against the settlements ; we also heard that some
with no good intent would visit us, and other terrifying re-
ports of that sort. But last night a stranger, a sensible In-
dian, told us that it is only the Shawanese at Woaketameka,
who want war, and are so mad because some of their
people have been killed ; these only have sent out the
parties. The lower Shawanese were peaceable yet, and
would have no war ; and when the Mingoes came thither
to kill the traders there, the Shawanese took them into their
protection, and told the Mingoes " if they would war
" against the white people, they would not hinder them,
" but they should not kill such people in their town who
" could not defend themselves ; they would take them into
" their bosom and not suffer that any harm should be done
" unto them." I believe this to be a true account that the
Shawanese are far from unanimous for war, and I am yet
in hopes things will be settled again.
The Cosh, alias John Bull, writes, dated 24th May
last: " About three weeks ago John Jungman and myself
were at Fort Fitt. On the way thither we heard that tliree
Cherokee Indians going down the river had killed one
trader and wounded another, and plundered the canoe : the
traders had imprudently shewn their silver things they had
for trading. In the Fort we heard that the Mingoes had
stolen that niglit fifteen horses, and that they were all gone
off from below Logtown. The white people began to
be much afraid of an Indian war. We hastened to get
home again, and after our return received the news that a
company of Virginians, under one Cresap, enticed some
of the Mingoes, living at the mouth of Yellow Creek, to
the other side of the river, and gave them rum to make
them drunk, and then they killed five ; two others crossing
the river to look after their friends were shot down as soon
as they came ashore. Five more were going over the
river whom they also waylaid, but the Indians perceiving
them, turned their canoe to make their escape, but being
immediately fired at, two were killed and two wounded.
The day following they killed one Shawanese and one
Delaware Indian, in a canoe down the river with two tra-
ders. The same party killed John Gibson's wife, a Shatv-
ancse woman ; they further pursued a canoe, killed a Shatv-
anese Chief, and wounded another man. Tliey said they
would kill and })1 under all that were going up and down
the river. But they soon fled and left the poor settlers as
victims to the Indians ; many are flod and left all their
effects behind. The Mingoes took their way up Yellow
Creek, and stmck our road just were it turns off from ihe
road to Gekelemuckepuck, where they hunted for ten
days to catch some traders, but as the Delawares had
found them out, they stopped the traders from going that
road. The Mingoes having sent word to the Shawanese
they fetched them to their town IVoakatameka, where they
had a Council of War.
" We are in great distress and dont know what to do ; our
Indians keep watch about us every night, and will not let
us go out of town, even not into our corn fields. If there
should be more bad news, we will be forced to move from
here, for we are in danger from both sides. I heard from
some, tl:at if the white brethren should be forced to leave
them, the greatest part would return to the Susquehanna.
But if only the Delawares continue in their peaceful mind
it may go better than we now think. At the Council at
Woakatameka, were several Headmen of the Delawares
present, who live at Schonbrunn and Gnadenhutten, being
particularly sent for by Netawatenees for to assist them in
the good work of preserving peace. The Chief address-
ed the Shawanese and Mingoes present in a fatherly man-
ner, shewing unto them the blessing of peace and folly of
war; and pressed it very much upon their reason, what
misery they would bring upon themselves and others by
their madness, and told them positively that they had not
to expect any help or assistance from the Delawares, and
enjoined them very earnestly not to stop the road to Fhit-
adelphia, but to let it be free and open. The Shawanese
gave him in answer, they did believe his words to be
good, and they would take notice of them, and desired
him to give also a fatherly admonition to their wives to
plant com for them ; which he did, but they seemed more
inclined to move off than to plant."
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOR PENN.
Ligonier, Miiy 29, 1774.
I doubt not before this time you have expected some
account from nie of the situation of this country, but as I
could not write with certainty respecting the intentions of
the Indians I choose to defer it.
In my last to Mr. Shippen I think I mentioned that Mr.
Croghan had sent a Delaware Chief (White Eyes) with
two of our traders with a message to the Shawanese ; their
return had been impatiently expected. Tired at last with
the suspense, I determined to go to Fort Fitt whatever might
be the consequence, and am just returned from thence. I
was lucky enough to arrive there the day they came in,
and though their accounts are alarming enough, yet I can-
not think they are equal to the panic that has seized the
country.
The Shawanese message is insolent enough ; and we
have a certain account that twenty of their warriors are
gone out, but we have still reason to think they do not
mean mischief to the people here, as they lay all to the
charge of the Big Knife, as they call the VirginiaTis.
The substance of their speech is, that they think what Mr.
Croghan and Mr. McKee says to them is lies ; that they
know the path is open from Fhiladelphia, and that they
will keep it so if they please ; but that the Big Knife has
struck them, and when they have satisfaction they will
speak to him, but not before ; that now they have no King,
and are all upon their feet, with other threatening expres-
sions in their way. There were several Chiefs of the
Delawares, and the Deputy of the Six Nations, (Goyasu-
tha) with eight others of the Seneca tribe, at Fittsburg,
by Mr. Croghan' s advice. They were called together and I
made a short speech to them ; they received it with plea-
sure, and in return gave the strongest assurances that they
wished for nothing more than to continue in peace with
this Province, and to become as one people. I think there
can be no doubt of the sincerity of the Delawares ; they
have given substantial proofs of it in the care they have
taken of the traders that were to have gone to the Shaw-
anese ; and if the Six Nations are in the same disposition,
the war will be of httle consequence, but I fear it is to be
doubted whether Goyasutha knows the sense of the league
or not.
One of the traders who went with Wliite Eyes was
detained at Newcomers Town ; they it seems thought it
imprudent that more than one should go very soon after
the others left it. They were met by a Shawanese man who
fired at Duncan, within a very small distance, but fortun-
ately missed him. White Eyes immediately called to him
to make back to the town, and he himself got betwixt the
Indian and him, and came up with him where he had
stopped to load his gun, and disarmed him ; they both got
safely back to the town, and were immediately shut up
287
COUiNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, MAY, 1774.
288
in a strong house, and a guard kept on them day and night
to preserve them from any attempt tliat might be made by
the Shawnncse or Mingoes (a small parly of these last live
near the Skawanese, and are in a manner incorjwrated with
them) and this was continued till H'hite Eijes went down
to the iShauianese town and returned, during all which time
they were furnished with provisions and every thing that
could he procured for them in the most liberal manner. This
1 think must be an unequivocal mark of their disposition.
The mischief done by Cresap and Gieathouse had
been much exaggerated when 1 wrote to Mr. Shippen, but
tlie number of Indians killed is exactly as 1 informed
Mr. Allen, viz: thirteen. Cresap has lately been in the
neighbourhood of Pittsburg, with intention it appeared to
pursue the blow he had before struck, but Mr. Conolly
sent a message to him forbidding him to attempt any thing
against the Indians ; this he has taken in high dudgeon,
and declares publicly that what he did before was by
Mr. Conolly s orders ; so that it is to be hoped some of the
devilish schemes that have been carrying on here will
come to light. I ventured to say that an Indian war was
part of the Virginia plan ; I am satisfied it must at least
be part of Mr. ConoUy's plan, for he has already incurred
such an expense by repairing the fort and calling out the
militia, that I think it is impossible that Colony will ever
discharge it uidess disturbances be raised that may give his
manoeuvres the appearance of nec-;ssity.
It is scarcely possible to conceive the distressed situa-
tion of this country : one day the spirits of the people are
raised a little, and some prospect of their being able to
remain on their farms ; the next a story worse than any
they have heard before, and a thousand times worse than
tlie truth, sinks them in despair; and those ahoni Pittsburg
are still in a more pitiable state, being harrassed and o[)press-
ed by the militia, who lay their hands on every thing they
want without asking questions, and kill cattle at their plea-
sure ; they indeed appraise them, when the owner happens
to know of it, and give him a bill on Lord Dunmore,
which is downright mockery.
From what I saw it was evident to me that the country
must very soon be totally evacuated unless something was
done to afford the inhabitants the appearance at least of
protection. I therefore consulted with some of the inha-
bitants at Pittsburg, and Mr. Mackay, Mr. Smith, Colonel
Croghan, Mr. Butler and myself entered into an associa-
tion to raise victuals, and pay a ranging company of one
hundred men for one month, to which a number of the in-
habitants, as I came down, readily acceded, and I think in
a few days we will have it completed. We flattered our-
selves indeed that your Honor if you approve the measure,
would take such measures witli the House as would release
us from the expense ; but as you may probably want a
formal requisition to lay before the House, I have acquaint-
ed you with it in another letter. One thing further I had
in view : the inhabitants of Pittsburg propose stocka-
ding the town ; when that is done should your negotiation
with Lord Dunmore miscarry, throwing a few men into
that place would recover the country the Virginians have
asurped.
I beg pardon for so long a letter, and yet I beheve I
should have given you more but tiiat 1 am detaining Mr.
Montgomery, who charges himself with forwarding this to
your Honor. I have only to request that you will please
to give us your directions as soon as possible.
I am, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
The Hon. John Penn, Esq., Governor of Penn'a.
P. S. An affair that has given me mi'jh trouble and vex-
ation had like to have escaped my memory, the murder of
a Delaware Indian, Joseph Wipey, about eighteen miles
from this place. It is the most astonishing thing in the
world the disposition of the common people of this coun-
try ; actuated by the most savage cruelty, they wantonly
perpetrate crimes that are a disgrace to humanity, and seem
at the same time to be under a kind of religious enthusiasm,
whilst they want the daring spirit that usually inspires. Two
of the persons concerned in this murder are John Hinkson
and James Cooper. 1 had got information of their design
some time before they executed it, and had wrote to Hink-
ton, whom I knew to be a leader amongst them, to dissuade
them and threatened them with the weight of the law i(
they persisted ; but so far from preventing them, it only
produced the enclosed letter. The body was discovered
hid in a small run of water, and covered with stones. I
immediately sent for the Coroner, but before he had got a
jury together the body was removed, so that no inquest
could be taken. I have issued warrants on suspicion, but
they are so much on their guard I doubt they cannot l)e
executed. Your Honor will please to consider whether it
may be proper to proclaim them ; it is most unlucky at this
time. The letter may perliaps be made use of as evidence.
Mr. McKee had not time to transcribe the speeches
of the Indians, but in a few days 1 shall probably receive
them, and will forward them by the first opportunity.
Nobody offered the arrest they have threatened me so
much with.
A Speech of the Shawanese, directed to Alexander
McKee, Es(/., George Croghan, Esrj., and the Com-
mandant at Pittsburg, Captain John Conolly.
Brothers : We are sorry to see so much ill doing be-
tween you and us. First you killed our brother Othaw-
akeesquo (or Ben,) next our elder brothers the Mingoes ;
then the Delaioares. All which mischiefs, so close to
each other, aggravated our people very much ; yet we all
determined to be quiet till we knew what you meant ; our
people were all getting ready to go to their hunting as
usual, but these troubles have stopped them. The traders
that were amongst us were very much endangered by such
doings from the persons injured, but as we are convinced
of their innocence, we are determined to protect them,
and sent them safe to their relations and other friends,
and it will, we hope, be looked upon as a proof of our
good intentions.
I, the Cornstalk, do send my brother to be along with
the traders in case any of the parties injured should be in
their way, and in revenge for the loss of their friends, fall
on them ; therefore, we request that you will present our
good intentions to the Governors of Virginia and Penn-
sylvania, and request that a stop may be put to such
doings for the future. We hkewise request that the Com-
mandant, Captain Conolly, of Pittsburg, will do his en-
deavour to stop such foolish people from the like doings
for the future. And I have with great trouble and
pains prevailed on the foolish people amongst us to sit
still and do no harm till we see whether it is tlie intention
of the white people in general to fall on us, and shall still
continue so to do in hopes that matters may be settled.
I did intend to go myself, not to talk, but to carry home
the traders, but in my stead I send my brother, and expect
that Mr. McKee, Mr. Croghan, and Mr. Conolly, and
each other of our brothers will shew him the same regard
that they would me, as in seeing him they see me all the
same as if personally present. This is all that I have to
say now to you.
N. B. what concerned the traders I have said to them-
selves, as the wampum we have given them will testify.
A short Speech to the Chiefs of the Delawares and a
few of the Six Nations, by Mr. St. Claib, at Pitts-
burg, May 1774.
Brothers of the Six Nations and Delawares : Tlie
Governor of Pennsylvania has heard your good speeches,
and I am come from him to thank you for the care you
have taken of our traders, and the pains you have been
at to preserve the general peace. Your brothers of Penn-
sylvania are detennind to maintain the friendship sub-
sisting betwixt the Six Nations and Delawares and them
entire, but as they are alarmed at the threatenings of
the Sha^vanese, we recommend it to you to prevent your
people from hunting on our side of the river for some time,
as our people will not be able to distinguish betwixt them
and those who may be enemies.
We wish and will endeavour to keep the path open to
our brothers, and will on our parts keep bright that chain
of friendship which has been so long held fast by their
and our forefathers. Ab. St. Claib.
289
CORRESPONDENCE, MAY, 1774.
290
GENERAL HALDIMAND TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Extract.
New- York, May 15, 1774.
Tlie accounts received before the arrival of the packet,
as late as tlie 14lh of April, liad made known the plan of
operation intended to brinj; Boston to a sense of order and
decency, so that on the arrival of Lieutenant General Gage,
the inhabitants of that place will not be at a loss what they
are to expect if they will prove refractory. It is the
opinion of many people here, that they will acknowledge
tlieir fault, pay for it, and endeavour to reinstate themselves
into his Majesty's favour by a proper submission.* .
I wish it may be the case, as there is no knowing how
far the factious spirit of a few leading men may carry an
ijiconsiderate multitude, who have imbibed the most
romantic notions of independence and liberty ; and there
will not fail to be such papers propagated amongst them, in
order to spirit them up. The Act of Parliament relative
to the port of Boston is already reprinted here, with such
representations, as may possibly answer that end. I take
the liberty to enclose to your Lordship one of those papers
handed about this town gratis.
attracts of private Letters from London, dated April 7
and 8, to persons in New-York and Philadelphia.
[ Printed on the back of the Boston Port Bill, and distributed in New.
York, oa the 14tli May, 1774.t]
AjJril 7. With the most anxious and deep concern, I
sit down to give you some account of the bitter things that
are meditated against America, and through her, against
England herself, and that Constitution, by which it has
"A British American, who is a lover of peace, as well as hater of
overy species of tyranny, whetlier monarchical or parliamentary, propos:'B
to the considsration of the public of Boston, whether it would not be
tlieir wisust course in tiie present critical situation of affairs, to raise
JMMKDIATKLY, by subscription, a sum equal to the estimated value of the
DROWNED TEAS, and deposite it in some public office, ready to be tendered
to his Excellency General Oaire, immediately on his first requisition
for restitution of the India Company's loss, with a solemn declaration
(conceived in respectful and conciliating terms,) that tliey make the
reimbursement with real i)loasura, as they thereby have at once an op.
. portunity of testifying their readiness to repair every private lose that
individuals may sustain, in the present unhappy struggle for the
maintenance of their just rights— of manifijsting the cheerfulness with
which they would lo id thems?lves with any burden for tlie public
good, whilst left to the exercise of the constitutional power of disposing
of their own property for that purjtose; and showing their promptness
to act in consonance with the sentiments of the British Parliament in
every thing they can, without sacrificing their liberties. Such a pro-
cedure will contain ample declaration of their steady continuance in
their patriotic s^utiments ; and, at tlie simo time, would so entirely
conform to the requisitions in the Act of Parliament that now threat-
ens their destruction, as could not fail to j>lace them at once in the
light of constitutionally dutiful subjects to the Crown, as well as
zealous defenders of the liberty of the subject.
Tlie Querist ])resumes, that by adopting some such mode of manage.
ment as this, " good may be brought out of evil;" and that hasty act
of violence which moderate men now look on with high disapproba-
tion, be thereby rendered a circumstance honourable to the Bostoniana
in particular, and advantageous vo the Colonies in general, who doubt-
less would cheerfully bear their proportion in the sum to be raised.
It certainly wo)ild be the maddest of all possible Quixotisms to think
of making an hosftile opposition to such a naval and military force as it
is certain is coming out with General Gage, and therefore some plan
of constitutional policy that will afford means of evading the heavy
thnaten'Hl crils, bIkiiiIiI b.; fallen upon.
N'ew.Yoek, May 16, 1774.
tA report having been circulated, that a printed paper, published as
extracts of letters from London, dated there the 7th and 8th of April,
hurt, which were printed on the back of a copy of the late Act of the
Ktigliih Parliament, for shutting up the port of Boston, and distributed
about town on Saturday last. May 14th, were spurious, and that the
intellig-ncB was not written from England, but fabricated here. As I
am able to prove tin siid report to be entirely false, I leave every one
to judge whether it coincs from the friends or the enemies of the rights
and liberties of Great Britain and the Colonies. The letters, wlioae
contents are [irint'.d on the back of the Act aforesaid, were rcc»ivcdon
Thursday, the 12th instant, by the Samson, Cajitain Cuupar, the
latest ship arrived here from London. They were by one of the writers
counnitted to the particular ciro of the gentleman who delivered them
here, who is now in town, and can prove both the receipt of tliem in
liondon, and the delivery hire. Due of the letters which contains the
nio.st circumstantial account of the facts, is left iu the hands of the
printer of the New-Xork .Journal, who can botli vouch for the truth of
the copies, and produce the original of the principal letter ; the other
two letters, which were also seen by him and several other persons in
town, are now gone to Philadeljihia, by a gentleman of that place,
who was here when Captain Conpar arrived. These lettiirs (one of
which was from a military officer of eminence, both on account of his
rank and literary abilities) soon after their arrival, were road to several
gentlemen in town, who thought their contents so important, that they
Bolicitcd for the copies, and were at the expense of making them
public. ■ New-Youk, May 17, 1774.
Fourth Series.
long been distinguished among the nations, as a land of
freedom and happiness, and an asylum against tyranny and
oppression. A distinction, alas! that now subsists no more!
And must be for ever lost — unless kind Providence should
interpose, to save us from that slavery and darkness,
which has well nigh overspread the face of the whole earth.
America, the last resort of retiring freedom, is now to
be invaded, and the fugitive driven from her peaceful re-
cesses there, that so she may find no resting place on this
side heaven.
A plan of despotism and arbitrary power has incessantly
been pursued during the present reign ; through all the
ministerial changes and manoeuvres, that has still been the
grand object in view ; and may explain all those intricate
movements of Government, which otherwise appear quite
mysterious, and unaccountable, especially with regard to
the Colonies; it may account for that obstinate perseverance
in measures palpably inconsistent with every principle of
the English Constitution, of justice, and of common sense ;
which have been attended with almost infinite expense,
trouble, and difficulty, both to the Colonies and Great
Britain itself; when at the same time, a plain, easy, and
certain way to peace, harmony, and prosperity, lies so open
before us, that none can mistake it, and yet offers itself in
vain. An absolute, arbitrary Government, has infinite
charms for a multitude of haughty luxurious parasites and
flatterers, that ever surround a throne, and hope to share
with it in tyrannizing over the people, and rioting on their
spoils. No wonder that such as these should prevail on
a young Monarch to be pleased with, to countenance, and
adopt their plan. Unlimited power is generally a most
desirable object, especially to youth and inexperience ; and
few are distrustful of themselves, or imagine that it would
be unsafe in their hands.
In England, almost every obstruction to the execution of
this plan is removed ; places of high trust and importance
are bestowed upon those who will act in subserviency to
the views of the Court ; those who might impede those
views, are divested of power, and disabled from any effec-
tual opposition. Experience has shown that the pensions
and places, in the gift of the Crown, have as great an
influence, on the nobility, whose estates might set them
above dependence, as upon common men, for luxury is
boundless, and can render the possessor of the greatest
estate as needy as a beggar, and as vulnerable to the in-
fluence of a bribe. As for the Commons,- those natural
guardians of the liberties and properties of the people,
though there are many worthy men among them, who
do their utmost to stem the torrent of corruption, and
preserve their country ; yet, their number is too small to
answer the end ; the eloquence of Cicero, the most con-
sumate knowledge of the interests of their country, and
zeal for its service, the greatest abilities and integrity, are
all rendered entirely useless, by a corrupt majority of minis-
terial tools, who vote just as they are directed ; this House,
therefore, which used to be the bulwaik of the people's
security, serves now only to give the form or appearance
of legality to acts of real tyranny and oppression, by which
they are deprived of their liberty and property. A great
majority of the House are returned by little venal boroughs,
bribed by the nation's own money, to elect such men as
the Ministry choose, and afterwards command to vote as
they please. A friend well acquamted with the internal
state of Great Britain, assures me, " that many boroughs
" in the Kingdom have scarce ten persons qualified to vote
" for a Representative in Parliament, and that all who are
" qualified, are under the influence of some nobleman, or
" squire, who, if he has no person of his own family to put
" in, transfers the election, or rather nomination, to such ad-
" venturers as choose to purchase a seat, as a means of
" climbing the hill of preferment. In some places, there is
" not even the shadow of an election, or town meeting.
•■' The Sovereign, Bailiff, or rather Returning Officer, with
" two or three Burgesses, go privately to the Session House,
" and in a moment name such a one, as duly elected, without
•' the appearance of a candidate."
What a farce are such transactions, when the liberties of
the people are thus played away at a game, wherein a cor-
rupt Government, and an ambitious, covetous landlord, are
the only gainers ! All things being thus ripe in England,
for the open introduction of arbitrary power, nothing seems
19
294
CORRESPONDENCE, MAY, 1774.
292
to have prevented it, but tlie stmggles of the A7nericam to
preserve their liberties. Tliese struggles have been doubly
mortifying to the Ministry, as they have thereby, been not
only prevented from levying a revenue upon America, but
from executing their scheme in its full extent upon Eng-
land. And unless that scheme be very soon executed,
it is in danger of being blown up entirely ; for mattei-s have
risen to such a crisis, the uneasiness and distress of the
nation are become so general, tliat some violent commo-
tion seems inevitable, and near at hand ; and if a revolution
should happen, and fail to establish despotism in England,
it would probably be fatal to those who have attempted to
introduce it. Tiie most strenuous efforts, therefore, will
now be made, both by force and fraud, to reduce the
Americans to a conformity with the measures of tlie Mi-
nistry, who arc enraged and distracted at the obstructions
they meet with from that quarter.
I therefore earnestly warn you to firmness and vigilance ;
every art will be used, both to intimidate, and to deceive
you ; may God direct you to be wise and faithful to your-
selves, and to your country, and crown your endeavours
with success. You have every thing at stake tliat can be
dear to reasonable creatures ; your freedom, your property,
your posterity, your honour. The very Ministry who are
striving to enslave you, in spite of themselves, both honour
and fear you ; but if they succeed against you, will despise
and spurn you.
About a fortnight ago, an Act of Parliament of a most
extraordinary kind, to shut up the port of Boston, was
passed in a most extraordinary manner, being smuggled
through the House in seventeen days only, from its intro-
duction. The evidence before the Privy Council was sup-
pressed ; the agents refused a hearing at the bar ; and no
member for Boston or America in either House. Nor had
the merchants and manufacturers in England, who will bo
deeply eflected by the execution of this Act, any proper
notice of it, or opportunity to remonstrate against it.
Indeed, it is openly said, that many thousand pounds were
issued from the Treasury, to obtain a majority in the House,
and hurry it through, before there should be time for oppo-
sition : so that, when a body of merchants, trading to
Boston and America, waited on Lord North, with a
request that a petition might be heard against the Bill,
before it passed into a law, diey had the mortification to
find they were too late, and that the Bill had already
])assed. As his Majesty has, by the Act, a conditional
power to suspend its operation, in case the tea destroyed
at Boston should be paid for, the merchants offered Lord
North £19,000 or a security to the India Company
to pay for the tea, if that suspension of the Act might
be procured from his Majesty. But these offers were
refused, and the merchants went away much dissatis-
fied— as thinking people are in general, against the
proceedings of the Ministry, especially in respect to this
law, and die manner of getting it passed, which was with
as much privacy and haste as possible, so that it is hardly
yet known in the manufacturing towns, which will be hurt
by it. It is expected to raise gi-eat clamour and uneasiness
as soon as it comes to be generally known, and felt, by the
labouring people, and the trade, the stoppage of which, it
is imagined, in a few months will convince the Ministry
they have acted wrong.
Another new Bill, as extraordinary as the Boston Bill,
only more general in its operation, is in agitation in the
Privy Council ; and like the Boston Bill, it is intended to
be smuggled through the House. God gnmt it may be
stopped in its progress, or defeated of its design. It is ex-
pected here, that America will be surjwisod or frightened
into a compliance with it, by the intended alarming clauses
in it, and the spirited manner of enforcing it.
God give you vigilance, fortitude, and wisdom to avoid
the snares laid for you, and enable you to escape them.
General Gage is appointed Governour and Commander-
hi-chief of Massachusetts Bay, with very extensive
powers. Under him are to be a set of officei-s, approved
by the Ministry, to be made Counsellors, and enforce the
Parliamentary laws, with the (apparent) consent of the
people. In short, every art will be used to deceive you,
and either cheat, or frighten you out of your freedom and
property ; however, I can assure you, the Commanders
have private orders not to fight, uiiless tliey can provoke
you to appear the aggressors — nay, they have orders iK)t
to commence hostilities, without further orders. But how
soon that restriction may be taken off, God only knows ; nor
do I think that it was from any regard to justice, or tender-
ness to you, that such a restraint was laid ; but jjurely from
fear of the consequences of sanguinary orders ; therefore, I
think, if you are firm and prudent, you have no occasion at
this time, to fear any tragical consequences from a refusal
to be taxed by die British Pariiament, who have really
no right at all to tax you ; not, that I would persuade you
to this refusal merely upon a supposition that the Ministry
will not proceed to hostile and sanguinary measures — for
my opinion is, that there is nothing too absurd or wicked
for them to do ; but that if they should proceed to such
measures it will be better for you to die than submit to
them ; however, as your cause is just, and all the world
must see that you are injured and oppressed, your opjires-
sors will be condemned by all the world, both at home and
abroad ; and if you are but firm and prudent in your opfKi-
sition, fear not but Providence will interpose in your behalf,
and raise you up friends to support and assist you.
Some of the greatest and wisest, as well as the best men
in England, are already on your side, and will stand by
you ; your enemies have nothing but mere power, unjustly
obtained and applied, to support their cause ; reason and
justice are altogether against them ; they therefore stand
on slippery ground, and totter in their stations. Lord
Camden exerted himself nobly In the House of Lords in
your favour — he told them the Boston Bill would be pro-
ductive of a train of evils, and they certainly would have
cause to repent it. Great care is taken to prevent copies
of his speech from getting to America, as well as to deceive
you by false intelligence. Every tool of power in America
\vill be called upon, and furnished with means to mislead
you, by a misrepresentation of facts, and giving a false turn
and colouring to every thing tiiat it concerns you to know.
Six hundred pounds per annum, are paid to writers of
false intelligence, and letters, as well as newspapers, that
might give you such intelligence as the Ministry desire to
conceal from you, are all stopped
It is given out that severe measures are only intended
against Boston, to punish their refractory conduct ; but
depend upon it, if they succeed against Boston, the like
measures will be extended to every Colony in America ;
they only begin with Boston, hoping the other Colonies
will not interpose. But you are all to be visited in turn,
and devoured one after another. You may depend upon
my intelligence — my oflice gives me access to the princi-
pals concerned in the measures, and I think it my duty to
warn the innocent against the wicked devices that I know
to be meditated against them. It behoves the Colonies to
be united, in their intelligence, councils, and measures ; it
is a matter of the last importance to them, to stand by, and
support one another ; the most favoured can only expect
to be last devoured. The Ministry are determined to trv
your metal to the utmost. Mansfield and Bute are sup-
posed to be the prime directors, and to influence the Royal
ear as they please. The fipo'ils of England me insufficient
to support the luxury of the minions of power; they have
fixed their voracious appetites upon the possessions of the
Americans, and intend to make a prey of them, in defiance
of reason and justice : of the Charters of Kings, and the
divine laws of nature. Depend upon it, every Colony is to
be subdued into a slavish obedience to the tyrannical im-
positions of Great Britain ; nothing less will suffice,
nothing less is intended. After the subjection of Boston,
and perhaps all the Nexc England Governments, New-
Jersetj and New- York are to be the next in course ; and
they talk of taking away Benn's Charter. Look to your-
selves ; exert all your faculties to the utmost ; your virtues
will be put to a severe trial, and if they are not genuine
and well founded, they will not stand the test.
Alas ! how is my soul shocked at the present situation
of England, my native country — a groat, a generous, and
late a happy people — but now, how changed, how fallen !
The men who are really wise and good, deprived of oppor-
tunities of acting ; the poor and middling people, ruined
and oppressed ; the rich, lost in luxury and dissipation ; a
set of weak and wicked men, misguiding the reins of Go-
vernment ; the people taxed to death, without mercy ;
placemen and pensioners, without number, Sic.
298
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
294
Many of the officers on tlie intended expedition against
Boston and America liave nobly thrown up their commis-
sions, and refused to fight against their brethren in the
Colonies, without a just cause ; and it is expected the
soldiers will desert in multitudes, from a mere sense of
honour and justice.
April 8. News is just now arrived, by a private hand,
that the discontent of the people, has so far prevailed, that
orders are sent to unman the fleet, or at least, that it should
not sail till further orders. I hope the news will prove true.
The Scots in the House of Commons, have been your
great enemies. I think it would be but just in the Bos-
tonians to withold every farthing due to them in that town,
which I am told, is very considerable, especially to the
city of Glasgow. Indeed, I think, as the ))ort is shut up,
the whole debt due from them to Great Britain should be
stopped, and reprisals be made by every means in your
power. The preservation of England itself, and her ex-
cellent Constitution, require it of you.
May God direct and prosper your counsels.
NEW.YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE.
New. York, Monday, May 16, 1774.»
The Merchants and other inhabitants of the city of New-
York, assembled at tlie Exchange, in the said city, and
nominated the following gentlemen to form a Committee
to correspond w'ith our sister Colonies upon all matters of
moment, and that fifteen be a Board, all being duly sum-
moned.
John Alsop, Tliomas Pearsall,
William Bayard, Elias Desbrosses,
Tlieopliilact Bacho, William Walton,
Peter V. B. Livingston, Richard Yates,
Philip Livingston, John Do Lmcey,
Isaac Sears,
David Johnston,
(Charles McEvers,
Charles Nicholl,
Miles Sherbrook,
John Thurmau,
John Broome,
John Jjy,
Alexander McDougall, Benjamin Booth,
Capt. Thomas Randall, Joseph Hallott,
John Moore,
Isaac Low,
Leonard Lispenard,
Jacobus Van Zandt,
James Duane,
Edward Laight,
On Tuesday the following Notice was published in hand-
bills :—
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
James Jauncey,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Nichol IS Hoffman,
Abraham Walton,
Gerardns Duyckinck,
Peter Van Schaack,
Henry Remsen,
Hamilton Young,
George Bowne,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goelet,
Abraham Brasher,
Abraham P. Lott,
David Van Home,
(ierard VV. Beekman.
Abraham Duryee,
Joseph Bull,
William McAdam,
Ricliard Sharpe,
Thomas Marston.
•At a very general meeting of tlie inhabitants of this city, on Monday
last, May 16, a body of fifty respectable gentlemen were appointed by
the public voice, to be a Standing Committee for the important and
salutary purposes of keeping up a correspondence with our sister Colo-
nies, and in conjunction with them pursuing in the present important
crisis such judicious and constitutional measures as should appear to
Ije necessary for the preservation of our just rights ; the maintenance
of the public peace ; and the support of that general union, which at
this time in particular, is so absolutely requisite to be preserved
throughout the Continent.
At a time like this, when the public good is concerned, the public
good alone should be the object of every individual. Tis therefore
anxiously hoped, that at the general meeting to be assembled this day,
to declare the universal assent to the choice of tile body who made the
nomination, all partial attachments and private animosities will be
laid aside, and the choice be confirmed without any sinister opposition
from narrow and ungenerous sentiments. As the gentlemen appointed
are of the body of the merchants ; men of property, probity, and un-
derstanding, wliose zeal for the public good caimot bo doubted ; their
own several ])rivate interests being so intimately connected with
thatof the whole community ; and whose situations, connections, and
opportunities of an universal knowledge of public circumstances, point
them out as the proper porsons to hold so important a trust.
On Tuesday evening, May 17, an express arrived in town from
Boston, with an account that the inhabitants of that place had received
on the 10th instant, by Captain Jfinkins, the Act of Parliament for
shutting u]) their port. On Wednesday, the Committees of Correspon-
dence ^rom eight of the adjacent towns, were summoned ; and on
Thursday thoy met at Fanueil Hall, and wrote circular letters to the
several Committees of Correspondence in the other Colonies. On
Friday the inhabitants of tlie town of Boston met, and agreed to send
letters to every town in the Massachusetts Government, and to every
Colony on the C'ontinent, acquainting tlism tliat they were determined
to stop all exports and imports to Great Britain and the West Indies.
They chose other committees to confer witli tlie inhabitants of Salem,
Marhlehead, &c. ; to collect subscriptions for the employment of the
artificers, &.c. ; and for effectually securing the peace of the city. In
short, tlie inhabitants who had asseml)led in prodigious numbers, were
all united in a firm resolution, not to comiily with the Act of Parlia-
ment. The purport of their letter to the Committees of Correspondence
at this city, and in Philadelphia, is to acquaint them with their resolu-
tions, and to desire that they may bo sujiported by their hearty concur-
rence in the measures which have hitherto been concerted by them.
Nkw.Yoik, May 19, 1774.
" To the Public : An Advertisement having appeared
" at the Coffee House, in consequence of the late extraor-
" dinary and very alarming advices received from England,
" inviting the Merchants to meet at the house of Mr.
" Samuel Francis, on Monday evening, May 16, in order
" to consult on measures proper to be pursued on the
" present critical and important occasion :
" A very respectable and large number of the Merchants
" and other inhabitants did accordingly appear at the time
" and place appointed, and then and there nominated for the
" approbation of the public, a Committee of fifty persons,
" of which fifteen to be a sufficient number to do business.
" That therefore, no formality may be wanting to con-
" stitute a Committee, duly chosen, the inhabitants of
" this city and county, are requested to attend at the Coffee
" House, on Thursday the 19th instant, at 1 o'clock, to
" approve of the Committee nominated as aforesaid, or to
" appoint such other persons, as in their discretion and
" wisdom may seem meet."
New-York, Tuesday, May 17, 1774.
In consequence of the foregoing Advertisement, a great
concourse of the inhabitants met at the Coffee House, on
Thursday, May 19, to confirm or alter the nomination of a
Committee to correspond with our sister Colonies, when
Mr. Isaac Low addressed his fellow-citizens in the follow-
ing words : *
"Gentlemen: You have been duly apprised, both by
handbills and advertisements in this day's papers, of the
intention of your present meeting.
"1 hope, gentlemen, you will manifest by your conduct
that you are actuated by the dictates of calm reason only,
in the choice of the Committee I am to propose for your
approbation.
" It is but charitable to suppose we all mean the same
thing, and that the only difference amongst us is, or at least
ought to be, the mode of effecting it, 1 mean the preser-
vation of our just rights and liberties.
" Let us, then, call down wisdom to our aid, and endea-
vour to walk in her hallowed paths.
" Zeal in a good cause is most laudable, but when it
transports beyond the bounds of reason it often leaves
room for bitter reflection.
" We ought, therefore, gentlemen, to banish from our
hearts all little party distinctions, feuds and animosities,
for to our unanimity and virtue we must at last recur for
• In addition to this Address of Mr. Low, the following appeals to
the people of New-York were published at this time : —
The late Act of Parliament for blocking up the harbour of Boston,
is so far from discouraging the inhabitants of that town, that they
never were in higher spirits than at the present hour. Confiding in
the other Colonies, that they will unite in suspending their exports and
imports, to and from Great Britain and the West Indies, they have
cheerfully resolved to expend their fortunes and lives in the cause.
Several among them, willing to part with all they possess for the pub.
lie good, have subscribed largely for the support of the poor. They
study to preserve good order, and to find employment for those who
will be wholly turned out of business.
The liberty and welfare of America is suspended on the issue of the
present struggle. If it be successful, our enemies will behold America
tending to greatness in spite of all their devilish machinations. They
will see her in full possession of that freedom which they look upon
with envy, and which they long to destroy. But, if unsuccessful,
wretched will be our condition. The sufferings of Ireland will be
desirable compared with ours. We shall be at the mercy of revenge,
made terrible by power, and inexorable by disappointment. Thoso
very men who are now embarassed and distracted by the opposition
they met with, will then insult and oppress us with all the wantonness
of security. They who now dread our firmness will then despise our
irresolution. Tliey will spurn us for doing what they now say is
rebellion not to do. AVe shall be in the hands of men who are aban-
doned to every abominable excess of wickedness ; who are of that
worst of characters, " alieni appeiens,fui profusus ;" men of unbounded
avarice, and of unbounded intemperance ; " men of blood," " who hate
not covetousness," " whose God is their belly," greedy as the grave,
and sanguinary as fiends. .
Can there be any, then, so lost to feeling, so lost to reflection, to all
disinterestedness, and all foresight, as not to be deeply engaged in
opposing and frustrating measures big with the fates ot America and
freedom, of En<rland and posterity ? Let us, with the braw> Romans,
consider our ancestors and our offspring. Let us follow the example
of tlie former, and set an example to the latter. Let us not be ike
that sluggish people, who, through a love of ease, "bowed themselves
and became servants to tribute," and whom the inspired prophet, their
father, justly compared to " asses!" Had I a voice which could be
heard from Canada to Florida, I would address the Ainericans in the
language of the Roman patriot : " If you have a mind to keep thoso
" things, be they what they will, you are so fond of," (whether your
moneyT your freedom, civU and religious, or whether your very super-
295
NEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
296
safety ; and that man will approve himself the best friend
to his coimtry whose hi^iiest emulation is to inculcate those
principles both by precept and oxam])le."
Tlio nomination of the fifty gentlemen made at the
Exchange, on the 16th instant, was then submitted by Mr.
Ltow, and confirmed by the meeting, and Mr. Francis
Lewis was added to the number by unanimous consent.
Now- York, Monday, May 23, 1774.
The Committee appointed to correspond with our sister
Colonies upon all matters of moment, met at the Coffee
House, pursuant to notice for that purpose given : Present,
Is&ac Low, Chairman, Nicholiis HofTinan,
Tlisophilact Biche, Philip Livingston,
Alexander McUoiigall, William Bayird,
Leonard Lispenard, Alexander Wallace,
J&mcB Jauncey, Peter Van Scliaack,
Isaac Sears, Bjnjimin Booth,
Joeaph Bull, Henry Renisen,
John Do L^ncpy, Peter T. Curtonius,
Abraham Duryee, Abraham Walton,
John Broome, Jolin Moore,
Thomas Marston, David Johnston,
Charhs Nicholl, Richard Yates,
James Duane, John Alsop,
Richard Sharpo, Abraliam P. Lott,
Peter Goelet,
Edward Laight,
William McAdam,
tJabric! H Ludlow,
('harlos Shaw,
William Walton,
Thomas Randall,
Gsriirdus Duyckinck,
Abraham Brasher,
Jacobus Van Zandt,
Peter V. B. Livingston,
Charles McKvcrs,
John Jay,
Miles Slierbrook,
Hamilton Young.
Schanclc, be a Committee to draw up a set of Rules for the
regulation of the Committee, and present the same to the
next meeting.
Ordered, That the first five members on the list, who
shall be in town be a Committee to open all letters directed
to the Committee, in the absence of the Chairman and
Deputy Chairman.
Letters from the Committee of Correspondence of Bos-
ton, with the Vote of the town of Botson, of the 1.3th
instant, and a TiCtter from theComiiiittee of Philadelphia,
were read.
Ordered, That Mr. McDmn>-all, Mr. Low, Mr. Duane,
and Mr. Jay, be a Committee to prepare and report a
draft of an Answer to the Boston Committee, at eight
o'clock, P. M.; to which hour the Grand Committee were
then adjourned.
The Committee proceeded to choose Mr. Isaac Loiv,
to be their Chairman, and Mr. John Alsop, their Deputy
Chairman.
The Committee received a Letter from the body of
Mechanics, signed by Jonathan Blake, their Chairman,
informing them of their concurrence with the other inhabi-
tants of this city, in their nomination.
Ordered, That Mr. Duane, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Van
iluities,) " rouse at length, and stand <ip for the liberties of your
" country."
What is it but for the rich to part with gratifications which nature
never called for, and for the poor to be at worst but temporary sufferers
for tlie general good? What but for some to be temperate, and all to
bo diligent? We have already seen, in one of the greatest towns in
America, all ranks consenting thus to deny themselves for their
country. Be, then, unanimous, and you shall be successful ; be united
and be free ; be virtuous and bo happy.
But lot the Bostoniam pay for the tea ; it is but about eight thousand
pounds sterling ! As if our enemies were after nothing mora than this
small sum, doubtless greater than that cargo of seven year old tea was
worth, which could not bo got off in England, and, like unsavoury
salt, was fit only to be trampled under foot, or thrown overboard ; as
if, in order to got this sum, they would lay out, none can tell how
many times as much more, in fitting out a fleet, and bribing men,
who could not, without reluctance, concur in their measures. Happy
land ! where the most deeply concerted stratagems of crafty tyrants
are at once seen through by every one ! May she never be guilty of
forfeiting her liberty I Great would the crime be, since she must do it
knowingly.
Tlio Englinh newspapers are stuffed with nonsensical declamations
on the right of Parliim^nl to have every farthing in America at their
command, and with virulent invectives against the Boslonians. These
writers are beneath contempt. They could not think as they do were
they not hired. It is not ignorance in their heads, but, to use a strong
scriptural phrase, " ignorance in their hearts," which makes them
talk in this manner. Common sense refutes them all by this short
question : How comes another by a right to take away my money
without my consent ? But, for our encouragement, let us remember,
that some of the greatest and best men in England wish us success ;
the merchants and manufacturers at home are greatly and generally dis-
satisfied already, and will soon feel the cause of American liberty to be
their own. In a word, let all our merchants unite as one man ; let them
strive against division in this crisis of jeopardy ; let them show them-
selves worthy of that divine appellation, " the fathers of their coufi-
try." And let not the Ministers of the Gospel neglect their duty ; let
them remember the example of the Apostles, who embraced every
opportunity of testifying their zoal for tlie civil and religious liberties
of mankind ; and wliile they teach men to consider their oppressors as
" the rod of God's anger, and the staff of his indignation," let them
not fail to excite and encourage them to a hope of his interposition in
their behalf, while they humble themselves by fasting and prayer, and
are in use of all proper means for deliverance.
The following Dialooue being conceived, in some measure, calcu-
lated to advance the cause of Freedom, in the present critical situation
of affairs, is for that purpose presented to the public : —
Questiun. What think you of the Act of Parliament for shutting
up the port of Boston ?
Answer. It appears to me an unconstitutional and tyrannical Act,
and that a submission to it will greatly endanger the liberties of Ame.
rica.
Question. But would not the Bostonians, making payment to the
East India Company for the destruction of their tea, reduce every
thing to its former situation ?
Answer. I think not. The Act does not enable the King to appoint
certain wharfs, quays, &c., for the lading and unlading of goods, until
peace and obedience to the laws are restored in the town of Boston ;
the East India Company paid for the tea ; and until the officers of
his Majesty's revenue, and others, shall receive satisfaction for what
New- York, May 23, 1774.
The Committee met at the Coffee House, at 8 o'clock,
in the evening, pursuant to adjournment : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman,
Philip Livingston,
• Charl:-s McEvers,
Nicliolas Hoffman,
Henry Remsen,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Isaac Sears,
Abraham P. Lott,
Abraham Walton,
James Duane,
John Broome,
Abraham Duryee,
Thomas Marston,
Richard Sharpo,
Jacol)US Van Zandt,
Peter V. B. Livingston,
Abraham Brasln^r,
Peter Van Schaack,
James Jauncey,
John Jay,
David Johnston,
William Walton,
Edward Laight,
Miles Shcrbrook,
William Bayard,
Hamilton Young,
Gerardus Dnvckinck,
Cliarles Nicholl,
Thcophilact Bache,
(Jabriel l\. Ludlow,
John Moore,
Peter Goelet,
L >onard Lispenard,
Alexander McDougall,
Gerard W. Bookman,
Charles Shaw,
John De Lancey,
Thomas Randall.
The Committee appointed, this morning to prepare a
draft of a Letter in answer to those received from Boston,
they have suffered. So that, however reasonable it may appear that
the Company sliould be paid for their loss, yet the remaining terms are
too humiliating and oppressive to be yielded to by men who have a
sense of the blessings of freedom, and who possess tlic means of seen,
ring them. When can the Govemour of Boston venture to give a cer-
tificate that the officers of his Majesty's revenue, and others, have
received full satisfaction ? Where will the demands of these officers
stop? And how many crouching submissions and offers of obedienca
to Parliamentary authority, will be expected by his Majesty before he
will declare in Privy Council, that the Bostonians have manifested a
spirit of peace and obedience to the laws ? But I will suppose (not
grant) that the Governor may have it in his power soon to discover
all the persons who have been injured by the conduct of the Bostoni-
ans ; tliat the demands of the suft'erers will bo moderate ; no advantage
taken of this golden opportunity to swell their damages ; and that his
Majesty will bo satisfied with general piof^ssioiis of a peaceable and
obedient spirit. Can you, however, believe tiiat the Govemour will give
such certificate, or his Majesty declare his acquiescence, till the uncon.
stitutional duties have been paid ? The words of the Act will warrant
the demand of them, and I believe so good an opportunity of obtaining
the grand desideratum will not be overlooked and neglected. The words
of the Act are, " Provided, also, that notliing herein contained shall
" enable his Majesty to appouil such port, wharf, &c., until it shall be
" certified that reasonable satisfaction hath been made to the officers of
" his Majesty's revenue, and others, who suffered by the riots and
" insurrections," &c. May it not be said, that tlie officers of his Majesty's
revenue have suffered the loss of the duties by means of the riots, (as
they are called,) and will it not with propriety be declared, that his
Majesty is one of those " others" mentioned in the Act, who have suf.
fered by the means aforesaid ? since, had the tea not been destroyed,
he would have been entitled to the duty, and, if not paid, might have
seized the tea to secure it. To me it apj)ears in a high degree proba-
ble, that the duty which we have so nobly and universally testified
against as unconstitutional, will be dcmtmded ; and that the want of
an explicit declaration in the Act to that purpose, is to be attributed to
ministerial art and contrivance to lead us on gradually in the business
of humiliation till we cannot consistently recede.
I will, however, suppose, that neither the Govemour nor his Majesty
will make any demand of the duty ; but, upon the above mentioned
concessions, will proceed to execute tlie powers vested in him by the
Act. In what condition will the Bostonians then bo ? Will they,
after all this distressing sui>mission, be reinstated in their forme.r privi-
leges? By no means. A great part of their property will be ravished
from them, or rendered altogether useless. By the Act of Parliament
the King may, after all propsr concessions made, appoint the bounds
and limits of the port or harbour of Boston, and assign so many
wharfs and quays for lading and unlading of goods, as his Majesty
shall think expedient, and it shall not be lawful to land or put off from
any others. Here you see the property of all wharfs and water lots
not licensed by his ALijesty, is wrested from the haiuls of their propri-
etors, and without their consent, in the most arbitrary manner, rendered
useless. By this Act, the merchant who had laid down at night in the
possession of well earned affluence, rises in tlic morning despoiled of
his property, and will in vain look for redr'ss from any other source
than the spirit of freedom, and the union of his follow Americana. If
the Parliament of Great Britain are allowed to bring their laws upon
your firms and your soil ; to regulato your internal policy, and snatch
from the honest proprietor his peaceable and well earned po-jsessions,
adieu to liberty and all the train of blessings that attend her ! Why
did you oppose the Stamp .\ct ? Upon wliat principles make opposition
to tlie Revenue Law ? And wherefore is the virtuous straggle yet kept
alive against the tyranny of the British Parliament ? For no other
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NEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
298
presented a draft to the Committee, which was unanimously-
approved of, and ordered to be signed by the Chair-
man, and transmitted to the Committee of Correspondence,
at Boston; in the words following:
New-York, May 23, 1774.
Gentlemen : The alarming measures of tlie British
Parliament relative to your ancient and respectable town,
which has so long been the seat of freedom, fill the inhabi-
tants of this city with inexpressible concern. As a sister
Colony, suffering in defence of the rights of America, we
consider your injuries as a common cause, to the redress of
wliich it is equally our duty, and our interest to contribute.
But wjiat ought to be done in a situation so truly critical,
while it employs the anxious thoughts of every generous
mind, is very hard to be determined.
Our citizens have thought it necessary to appoint a large
Committee, consisting of fifty-one persons to correspond
with our sister Colonies on this and every other matter of
public moment, and at ten o'clock this forenoon, we were
first assembled. Your letter, enclosing the 'vote of the
town of Boston, and the letter of your Committee of
Correspondence, were immediately taken into consider-
ation.
While we think you justly entitled to the thanks of
your sister Colonies for asking their advice on a case of
such extensive consequences, we lament our inability to
relieve your anxiety by a decisive opinion. The cause is
general, and concerns a v/hole Continent, who are equally
interested with you and us ; and we foresee that no remedy
can be of avail unless it proceeds from the joint act and
approbation of all; from a virtuous and spirited union which
may be expected while the feeble efforts of a few will only
ends sur.?Iy t!ian to retiin our freedom and transmit it unimpaired to
posterity ; and the same noble considerations ought to impel us more
strongly in the present case to use every lawful means to procure a
repeal of this detestable Act. Should the other Coloui.'S continue
inactive spectators of tiie struggles of the Bostonians, when she is
sacrificed to ministerial vengeance, then will a similar Act be forced
upon us. and so in succession throughout the Colonies ; the teas have
been destroyed not at Boston alone, some of them have been thrown
overboard at New-York, and the whole sent back from Philadelphia.
The cries of humiliation will be too pleasant to ministerial ears to suf-
fer them to forego a sacrifice so agreeable to them, especially when the
good end of providing for their friends and dependants, and promoting
in future their inimical designs, will be, in some measure, the conse-
quence of appointing particular landing places at most of the sea port
towns on the Continent. Let us, therefore, give our countrymen, the
Bostonians, every possible and lawful assistance, and encourage them
in a justifiable defence of their rights, by the earliest intimation of our
readiness to unite with them ; and if a non-importation and non-ox-
portation scheme be the best and most likely method to effect redress,
(as I believe it is,) we should signify that sentiment to all our sister
Coloni3s, and desire their judgment upon the occasion. This non.
importation agreement should be preceded by a declaration, that as the
East India Company have suffered from our exertions in support of
the causo of freedom, they, in justice, should be repaid the value of
til jir tea, and that the Colonies in general would contribute to that
payment ; not because it was the requisition of the Act, but as a dic-
tate of justice, at the very time when a resolution was made not to
import till that Act was repealed. Such a generous resolution, replete
at once with a sense of regard to the rights of the injured, and with a
spirit of firmness to maintain our own freedom and inheritance, would
conciliate us the aftection of thousands on the other side of the water,
and make the enemies of a people so spirited and just, fearful in the
execution of their iniquitous designs.
Question. But is not the present situation of the Bostonians similar
to that of a man attacked by a highwayman, who puts a pistol to his
breast and demands his money ? Can any concessions made by them
bo drawn into precedent, when such a violent act of force compels
them to the measure ?
Answer. I think the cases by no means similar. From the present
distress of the people of Boston, they may bo relieved by a virtuous
union and agreement of their fellow Americans not to import from the
mother coimtry till the Boston Act is repealed. This is like an oppor-
tunity of striking the pistol from the hands of the robber, and reducing
him to the terms of reason and justice. In the cause of freedom, in
the defence of our liberties, every struggle and effort for victory and
relief should be made ; and poor, indeed, must be the spirit of that
man, who, whilst an arm can even feebly be raised for its support,
would extend himself under the tyrannical stride of his oppressors,
and cry out submission to his force. No, my friend ! whilst a single
effort can bo made, and more es]>ecially when we have so noble and
eff.;ctu:il a one, let us never resign the only sweetener of all our enjoy-
ments, but put forth every power to maintain and defend it. There
are men who think it laudable, and their duty, to die in defence of their
liberties ; and shall wo be afraid of losing a little property, when by
that means we in all probability secure in perpetuity the enjoyment of
the remainder ? The robber may take your property when opposition
would endanger your person ; but what competition can the loss of
such trash be put in, with the wreck of all that is dear and valuable
in life. No highwayman, or set of highwaymen upon eurth, should
bo allowed to spoil us of our freedom, of our liberties, whilst a nerve
of opposition can be strvmg against them.
New-York, 20th May, 1774.
be attended with mischief and disappointment to them-
selves and triumph to the adversaries of our liberty.
Upon these reasons we conclude that a Congress of
Deputies from the Colonies in general is of the utmost mo-
ment ; that it ought to be assembled without delay, and some
unanimous resolution formed in this fatal emergency, not
only respecting your deplorable circumstances, but for the
security of our common rights. Such being our sentiments,
it must be premature to pronounce any judgment on the
expedient wliich you have suggested. We beg, however,
that you will do us the justice to believe that we shall
continue to act with a firm and becoming regard to Ame-
rican freedom, and to co-operate with our sister Colonies
in every measure which shall be thought salutary and con-
ducive to the public good.
We have nothing to add, but that we sincerely condole
with you, in your unexampled distress, and to request
your speedy opinion of the proposed Congress, that if it
should meet with your approbation, we may exert our
utmost endeavours, to carry it into execution.
We are, &c.
Ordered, That the Chairman send a copy of this Letter
to the Committee at Boston, and to the Committee of
Correspondence at Philadelphia, acknowledging the re-
ceipt of a copy of their Letter to Boston, and approving
the sentiments contained in it.
The Committee adjourned to the Exchange, to meet on
the 30th of May, iust., at 6 o'clock, in the evening.
Mr. Low, according to order, transmitted to the Com-
mittee of Correspondence, in Philadelphia, a copy of the
Letter from the Committee in New-York to the Committee
at Boston ; with a Letter, in the words, following :
New- York, May 24, 1774.
Gentlemen : A copy of your letter in answer to those
received by express, from Boston, having been communi-
cated to the Committee of fifty-one persons, lately ap-
pointed by our citizens to correspond with the other Colo-
nies on all matters of moment, I am desired by the Com-
mittee to transmit you, the enclosed copy of their letter to
the Committee of CoiTespondence at Boston.
I am also directed to inform you that the sentiments
contained in your letter, to the Committee of Boston, are
much approved by our Committee, who will be happy in
a free and mutual communication of sentiment on all
occasions on matters so important and interesting to the
American Colonies.
I have the honour to subscribe myself, with much respect
and regard, by order of the Committee,
L Low, Chairman.
To the Committee of Correspondence, Philadelphia.
New- York, May 30, 1774.
The Committee met at the Exchange, at 6 o'clock, in
the evening, pursuant to adjournment : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman, Edward Laight,
John Alsop, William Walton,
William Bayard, Richard Yates,
Tiieophilact Bache, John Ue Lancey,
Peter V. B. Livingston, John Thurinan,
Philip Livingston, Thomas Marston,
Isaac Sears, John Broome,
Charles McEvers, Benjamin Booth,
Charles Nicholl, Charles Shaw,
Peter Van Schaack,
Henry Remsen,
Hamilton Young,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goelet,
Abraham Brasher,
Abraham P. Lett,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Abraham Duryee,
Alex. McDougall, Gabriel H. Ludlow, Joseph Bull,
John Moore, Nicholas Hoffman, William McAdam,
Leonard Lispenard, Abraham Walton, Richard .Sharpe,
Jacobus Van Zandt, Gerardus Duyckinck, Francis Lewis.
James Duane,
Agreeable to a Resolution of the last meeting, the
following Regulations for the government of this Com-
mitteee in their debates and proceedings, were reported,
agreed to, and ordered to be entered upon their minutes,
to wit :
\. That tire Chairman, and in his absence, the Deputy
Chairman, and in the absence of both, a Chairman to be
appointed fro tempore, shall preside at every meeting, and
keep order and decorum, and that it shall be his duty to
sign all letters from the Board.
2. That a Secretary shall be appointed, who is not a
member of the Board.
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NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
800
3. Tliat all motions and addresses shall be made to the
Chair, and standing.
4. That if more than one shall rise to speak at the
same time, tlie Chairman shall determine who shall first
be heard.
5. Tiiat the substance of every motion which is second-
ed, shall be entered on the minutes.
6. Tiiat no interruption shall be suffered while a mem-
ber is delivering his senthnents.
7. That every question sliall be determined by a majo-
rity of voices ; and, after a determination, the same ques-
tion shall not be resumed, but with the consent of the
majority at a subsequent meeting.
8. That when a question shall be determined upon a
division, the names of the membei-s shall be entered as
they shall vote on each side ; and the dissentients, or any
of them, shall be at liberty to enter their protest.
9. That the Committee shall meet upon their adjourn-
ments. But upon application of any five members, the
Chairman, or in his absence, the Deputy Chairman, in the
absence of both, the Secretary, shall call a special meet-
ing ; printed notice whereof shall be left at the residence
of each member.
10. That none but members shall be permitted to take
copies of the Committees' letters or proceedings without
leave of the Board. That for the despatch of business,
and to prevent interruptions, the doors at our meetings
shall be shut ; but that any citizen shall have free access
to our proceedings, iu the presence of a member.
11. That when both the Chairman and Deputy Chair-
man shall be out of town, the five first members named on
the list of the body who may be in town, shall be at liberty
to open letters directed to the Committee.
12. That every member who shall be absent at any
meeting, or shall appear fifteen minutes after the appointed
hour, (to be determined by the Chairman) shall forfeit a
fine of two shilhngs ; and if any member, after appearing,
shall leave the meeting, without obtaining the consent of
the Chairman, he shall forfeit eight shillings.
13. That at every meeting these Rules shall be pub-
licly read, previous to the proceeding upon business.
Ordered, That Joseph AUicoclic be appointed Secre-
tary, and Thomas Peitit Messsenger of the Board.
Ordered, That Messrs. Peter Van Schaack, Francis
Lewis, John Jay, Alexander McDougaU, and Theophilact
Bache, be a Committee to write a Circular Letter to the
Supervisors in the different counties, acquainting them of
the appointment of this Committee, and submitting to the
consideration of the inhabitants of the counties whether it
could not be expedient for them, to appoint persons to
correspond with this Committee, upon matters relative to
the purposes for which they are appointed.
The Committee adjourned to meet at the Exchange, on
Monday next, the 6th June, 1774, at 6 o'clock, in the
evening.*
•Among the Letters written at this time by persons in Neui-York to
their Correspondents in Great Britain, were tlie following :
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN LONDON.
Notwithstanding the boasteil resolutions of many of tlie principal
people of this Colony to stand forth in dofjncj of their rights and liberties,
we are well assured that most of them are sorry for embarking in the
cause so f<ir, and that they only want an opportunity to throw off the
mask, to join with the friends of Govtrnment. If the Minister was
wicked enough to load us with the heaviest imposition, I doubt not but
he would bo able to carry his designs into execution, by moans of a
few men-of-war ; for the spirit of the inhabitants here died away as
soon as it wab known that (Jc'ural Gage, with a fleet of ships, arrived
at Boston, to shut up the ports and remove the courts of judicature. I
heartily wish that an end were put to all disputes between us and o\ir
mother country, that trade and commerce miglit flourish again, for
whilst these contentions last, the merchants of your city must feci tlie
eifccts of it as well as us. The Spaniards alone have had the advan-
tage, and thoy are ready to receive us under their protection ; but I hope
the peopl'- are more loyal than to accept of their olfers.
New-Yobk, il% 30, 1774.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A OKNTLKMAN L\ LONDON.
I have the pleasuri to inform you thit General Gage arrived safs,
and in good health, at Boston, in twenty-five days from Portsmouth. Ho
landed at the Castle, and immediately sent for the Council, where ho
made a speech to them which was spirited, but at the same time tem-
pered with very sound and wholesome advice. In tv.'o or three days ho
made his entry into Boston, and had his cojinnission read ; upon which
the Bostonians tell us, in their newspaper, that they showed him evTy
demonstation of their attention ; that they made him a grand entertain-
ment at Faneuil Ilall, but evan could not help affronting him at that
grand Bosionian feast, by hissing him, because he gave Govoruour Hut.
Now- York, May 31, 1774.
At a special meeting, held this evening, at 6 o'clock, at
the Exchange : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman,
P. V. B. Livingston,
Isaac Sears,
Charles McEvers,
('harlos Nioholl,
Alex. McDougall,
Leonard Lispuuard,
James Duanc,
Edward Laight,
William Walton,
John Mooro,
John De Lancey,
Miles Sherbrook,
John Thurman,
William Bayard,
John Broome,
Benjamin Booth,
.Toscph Hallett,
t'harlcs .Sliaw,
(Gabriel II. Ludlow,
Nicholas Ilolfman,
Abraham VV'alton,
Gerard Uuyckinck,
Peter Van ISchaack,
Henry Romsen,
Hamilton Young,
Peter T. Curtoniug,
Peter Goolct,
Abraham Brasher,
Abraham P. Lott,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Abraham Uuryoo,
Joseph Bull,
Francis I^ewis,
Theophilact Bicho.
The Committee a))pointed to write Circular Letters to
the Supervisors in this different towns in the Province,
produced a draft of a Letter for that purpose, wiiich was
approved of.
Ordered, That Mr. Francis Lewis procure three
hundred printed copies thereof, to be transmitted with all
convenient speed, enclosed to the Treasurer of each county,
with a line signed by the Chairman, requesting their care
in forwarding them, and that intimation be given in the
newspapers that such Circular Letters have been sent.
A Letter from Mr. Charles Thomson of Philadelphia,
signed by order of, and in behalf of Deputies convened
from the different congregations in Philadelphia, dated
May 29th, 1774. The Committee concei\'ing that the
subject of this Letter not being in their province :
Ordered, That copies thereof be made out well, and
sent to the Clergy of the different denominations in this
city, and that a Letter be written by the Chairman, in-
forming Mr. Thomson thereof.
Which was accordingly done ; a copy of which is as
follows :
New.York, June 1, 1774.
Sib : Your favour of the 29th ultimo, by express, was
laid before our Committee of Correspondence last evening.
I am directed to acquaint you, that, conceiving the sub-
ject of it to be out of their province, they could only order
copies to be delivered to the Clergymen of the different
congregations in this city, that they may conduct them-
selves therein, as to them shall seem fit. By order of the
Committee. Sir, your most humble servant,
Isaac Low, Chairman.
Mr. Charles Thomson.
Pursuant to a Resolve of the last meeting, the following
is a copy of a Letter transmitted to the respective Treasu-
rers of each county in this Province, enclosing Circular
Letters to be by them forwarded to the Supervisors in
their respective Districts.
Now- York, June 3, 1774.
Sir : It having been thought expedient by the Comfnit-
tee of Correspondence in this city to send circular letters to
the Supervisors of the several counties in this Province,
I am directed to enclose a sufficient number of them to
chinson as a toast. You nor your friends must not imagine thvra w.ts
any honesty in those marks of joy these Bostonians shewed the (reneral
on this occasion; — no sir, it was hypocrisy all ; for at the samo time
they weri sending cxprei-s after express to the i^outliern Colonies,
assuring them tli.it at several loyal town meetings, as tlicy cull them,
they had conn to the rt solution of shutting up their port ; that they
would fast and pray, and stand firm to the cause of American liberty,
raving out invocations to their dear sisters to join them in this firm
work. But allowing the hiyul town of Boston all the merit they
assume to themselves, for the verj' curious and remurkahle and no less
sensible resolution of siiutting up their port, after they and all llie other
Colonies know very well that I'arliaiii'mt had first done that business
for tliem, yet it won't all do. It is true the Presbyterian junto, or
self-constituted Committee of the Sons of Liberty for the city of Nexc-
York, (as th-y style themselves) which had stood ever since the time of
the Stamp AcX, had taken upon them to write letters to Bosinn to their
brethren there, assuring tliem, "that the city of New-York would
" heartily join them against the cruel and arbitrary proceeduigs of the
** British Parliament," &.c., which as soon as the geiitlemen of property
in this city knew, they were very justly alarmed, and a meeting of the
inhabitants was d. sired at the Coffee House, when, in spite of all that
could bo done by the old Committee, which consisted of eight or ten
flaming patriots without prop..'rty, or any thing else but im)mdence, a
new Committee was chosen, consisting of fifty membirs, most of them
men of sense, coolness, and property ; and I understand that nearly the
same thing was done at Philadelphia. Now, sir, these two new stll-
authorized Committees have wrote to the Bostonians, "that they arc of
" opinion that they certainly ought to pay for the tea they had destroyed,
" because it would be no more than justice so to do ; that to be sure the
" British Parliament had behaved very cruelly to them iu making such
" an Act, and they heartily condole with them on account of the
" dreadful hard circumstances they were thereby roducod to. but as to
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NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
302
you, requesting the favour of you to direct and forward
tliem to your Supervisors in their several districts.
By order of tlie Committee, Isaac Low, Chairman.
Directed to the Treasurer of the county of Albany, with
forty copies ; to the Treasurer of the county of Tryon,
with tliirty ; to the Treasurer of the county of Charlotte,
with twelve ; to the Treasurer of the county of Cumber-
land, with twelve; to the Treasurer of the county of West-
chester, with thirty ; to the Treasurer of the county of
Gloucester, with twelve ; to the Treasurer of the county
of Ulster, with twenty ; to the Treasurer of the county of
Orange, with twenty ; to the Treasurer of tiie county of
Dutchess, witii forty ; to the Treasurer of the county of
Richmond, with six ; to the Treasurer of the county of
Kings, with six ; to the Treasurer of the county of Qiieens,
with thirty ; and to the Treasurer of the county of Suffolk,
thirty. — Total two hundred and eighty-eight.
New-York, June 6, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at the Exchange,
at 6 o'clock, in the evening : Present,
" shutting up tlie two ports of New-York and Philadelphia, they could
" by no means think of such a nieusuro, bocans^j it did not soem to be at
" all the general opinion of the inhabitants of the two cities to do so ;
" that they of themselves were but a small number when compared to
" the inhabitants of these cities, and these few could not pretend to dic-
" tata to them, much less to tlio wholo Province, which must be n ducjd
" to distress and desperation by sccli a measure." This, I am told, was
tlij purport of their letter, for 1 was not present, because I never have
clioscn to countenance s :lf-:ippointed meetings of this sort, which
appears to me contra ry to law, and flying in the f ice of Goveiiunent.
I would have sent you all the papers printed on the occasion of those
meetings, together with the impudent and inflammatory pieces published
ou account of the Boston Fort Bill, but as those latter pieces are in
general copied or inserted in the newspapers which, I fancy, you will
sje at the coff",;o houses, it is needless ; and were I to s:^nd i!he former,
it would not be worth the heavy charge of postage. Upon the whole
I think there is little doubt but that all will be prjtty quiet in all the
Colonies in a short time ; the most bitter pill will be the acknowledg-
ment of the right of taxation in the Parliament. There is a talk of
desiring the different Govcrnours to call their wise Assemblies to settle
this matter, and that it would be proper to have a Congress of the most
sensible men amongst all the Colonies to meet somowiiere to try to ward
off" the blow aimed at that great goddess of the Dutch East India
t.'ompiiny in America, called American Liberty. You will have dis-
covered tliat I am no friend to Presbyterians, and that I fix all the
blame of those extraordinary American proceedings upon them. You
would perhaps, think it projier to ask, whether no Church of England
people wore among them ? Yes, there were, to their eternal shame be it
spoken I but in general they were interested in the motion, either as
smugglers of tea, or as b.-ing over!)urdened with dry goods they know
not how to pay for, and would therefore have been glad to have a non-im-
portation agreement, or a resolution to pay no debts to England. But,
Sir, these are few in uumb;ir. Believe mo the Presbyterians have been
the chi:f and principal instruments in all these flaming measurus, and
they always do and ever will act against Government, from that restless
and turbulent anti-monarchical spirit whicli has always distinguished
them every whore, whenever they had, or by any moans could assume
power, however illegally. In short, I am myself well convinced, that
Government at home, if they meuu to look for genuine loyalty, and
<;ordial affection to the State, will no where find it except in the hearts
of the professors of the Church of England : And I am as well con-
vinced, that if Government would wish to preserve and encourao-e
loyalty in the Colonies, they must countenance the Church of England
much more than they have done hitherto. It is an indubitable fact that
previous to and during all these acts of violence committed in the
Colonies, cepeci:illy to the eastward, the Presbyterian pulpits groaned
with the most wicked, malicious and infliimnatory harangues, pro.
nouuced by the favourite orators amongst that sect, spiriting tlicir
godly hearers to the most violent opposition to Government ; persuading
them that the intention of Government was to rule theni with a rod of
iron, and to make them all slaves ; and assuring thun that if they
would rise as one man to oppose those arbitrai-y schemes, God would
assist them to sweep away every ministerial tool, (the amiable name
these wretches are i)loased to bestow on the professors of the Church)
from the f ice of the earth ; that now was the time to strike, whilst
(Jovernment at home was afraid of them ; togetlier with a long string
of such seditious stuff, well calculated to impose on the poor devils
their hearers, and make them rim into every degree of extravagance
and folly, which if I foresee aright, they will liave leisure enough to
be sorry for : But in general, the Church of England people during all
this time, without any public oratory to spur them, did, from principle,
from their own truly loyal principles, in which care is taken to educate
them, eveiy thing tliey could by writing and argument, and their
influence, to stop the rapid progress of sedition, which would have gone
much firther lengths if it had not been for them.
I am not a little amr;zed at reading over the speeches in the House
in the debates on the Boston Bill, to find those gentlemen saying such
mighty pretty things of tile Americans in general, and of Boston in
pirticular ; if those things have not been sai(l merely out of opposition
to the Ministry, believe me, those gentlemen in the House are cgre-
giously ignorant of the state of the Colonies, and have an opinion of
them, they arc far from meriting ; however, I hope every thing will
noon be settled, and that the Americans will be taught to pursue their
true interest, viz : tlie im]>rovement of their commerce, and the culti-
vation of their lands ; if they attend to those particulars, I fancy they
will find it full as much to their advantage as the regulation of the
State. In short, Administration at homo has really nothing further to
Isaac Low, Chairman,
William Bayard,
Thophilact Bache,
Peter V. B. Livingston,
Isaac Sears,
Charles McEvors,
Charles Nicholl,
Alexander McDougall,
Thomas Umdall,
John Moore,
Leonard Lispenard,
James Duane,
Edward Laight,
William Walton,
llichard Yates,
Miles Sherbrook,
John Tluinnan,
Benjamin Booth,
Joseph Hallett,
C'harles Shaw,
Al 'xander Wallace,
Abraham Walton,
Gerardus Uuyckinck,
Henry Rcmsen,
Hamilton Young,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter (Joelet,
Abraham Brasher,
Abraham P. Lott,
Gerard W. Beekman,
John Broome,
Joseph Bull,
Richard Sharp?,
Thomas Marston.
Ordered, That a Committee be appointed to write a
Letter to the Committee of Correspondence in Boston,
acquainting them that we adhere to tlie measure of a
Congress, and that we shall be ready to meet them at any
time and place tiiey shall think fit to appoint, eitlier Depu-
ties from the General Assembly, or such other Deputies
as shall be properly chosen and authorized to speak the
sentiments of their different Colonies.
That the Committee at Boton give a sufficient time for
the Deputies of the Colonies to the southward, as far as
Carolina, to assemble, and acquaint them with the measure
of Congress. Those letters to the southward of us, we
shall with pleasure fcrward.
do but to be determined, and steady, to put an entire stop to smuggling,
and to make an example of some few of the ringleaders of the faction,
in every princip;il city on the Continent, and if this is done, 1 fancy
America will afterwards give very little trouble.
New-York, May 31, 1774.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN SCOTLAND.
Sir : I seldom trouble you with politics, but at this time you may
like iMjrhaps to know what reception tlie Bostoii Port Bill has met
with. To give you any tolerable idea of our present system of [Kjlitics
in America in generjl, would exceed the bounds of a letter. I shall
only tell you that the power which it was found necessary to throw
into the hands of the mob, during the general opjjosition to the .Stamp
Act, was not extinguished with the re])eal of that Act. The attempt
of the India Company to import their tea was no sooner in agitation,
than the leaders of the mob, supported by the Dutch tea smugglers,
made their appear.ince ; and finding the men of property careless of
shewing themselves, they took upon them to act for the whole com.
munity. It was the same body who formed the association for oppos-
ing the landing of the tea, and for returning it, which they afterwards
deliberately effected. When the account of the Boston Port Bill
reached us, the same body assumed the lead, and were hurrying them-
selves into the most violent measures. The injn of property, however,
finding affairs began to wear too alarming an appearance for them to
stand any longer neuter, determined to attempt wresting the power onco
more out of tlicir hands. A committee of fifty of the marc;intile body
was accordingly opposed to these leaders, and the election was carried
in their favours, tliough with some difficulty. In this state has iVcw-
York been since the Stamp Act, and that of Philadelphia, Charles,
ton, and Boston, has been pretty much the same. As the manage,
ment, however, has now fallen into the hands of men averse to precipi-
tate measures, I think the interdict of the Parliament to Boston, and
the new moddliug of this Governmoiit will meet with no opposition.
But what alarms us is their suspicion of the third bill, which we have
heard is before the House. Should the import of this bill prove to be
what is surmised of it, viz : the sending home those suspected or
charged with any act against Government, to stand trial in Westmin-
ster Hall, you must not be surprised to find all America in flames.
The friends of Government and the advocates for the proper subordi-
nation of America to England, have a hard struggle to keep things in
the situation they are now in ; but should a bill have passed to this
effect, we shall no longer find argument, or, what is more, dare to offer
them though we should.
New-York, June, 1774.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN ENGLAND.
You'll see by the papers I sent you by Captains Lawrence and
Miller, that we have published the intelligence we received from all our
friends in England, by Captain Coupar, and the last vessels. They
have had as great an eflect as could be wished ; and from one end to
the other of the British Colonies we shall see but one sentiment, that
is, to view the treatment and pretensions of Great Britain with the
highest resentment and disdain. We shall all bo united, and act as
one man ; and if you should see any friends to America, pray tell
them to be in no pain for us ; we shall act as we ought, and, to a man,
not hesitate to die, rather than submit to be the slaves Briton would
make us. We fear not to tell the highest of them that wo are as free
as they are, and so will live and die. If their force should plunder us
of our rights and property, we will tell them with our latest breath,
that they are tyrants and robbers, and we shall leave them a land as
desolate as our forefathers found it. We shall leave the stings of their
own guilty consciences to avenge our wrongs, and present them with a
lively view of the horrours they have caused. AVe are at the same timo
assured. Great Britain will not long survive the destruction of her Colo-
nies. Alas ! that a few traitors should occasion such complicated and
extensive calamity ! Vi'c are well assured it is but a few, comparatively,
a contemptible f3W, that are the authors of all this mischief, and that
the whole body of the nation, as well in England and Ireland, as hero,
havo the same sentiments that we have, and like us are injured and
oppressed. We love the nation, its Constitution, and constitutional
Government, and have ever been ready to risk our lives in their defence.
We lament their fall as well as our own, in which we see it involved,
unless Providence interpose. Perhaps lie may turn all the mischief
upon the heads of the contrivers of it ; perhaps, by the united exer-
tions of all the Colonies, which there is no doubt of, we may bo
delivered and England preserved, though its strength seems now only
applied to crush us, the best friends it had in tlio world. The boat
waits, adieu. NEW-YoBiC, June 2, 1774.
SOS
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
304
Sub-committee for writing the IjCtter are Peter V. B.
lAvingston, John Moore, John Broome, John Thurman,
Isaac Low.
Ordered, That tlie Committee of Boston be requested
to give this Committee tiie names of tlie persons who con-
stitute the Committee of Correspondence at Boston ; that
they have made a mistake in answering tiiis Committee's
Inciter, which mentioned not a word of a suspension of
trade, wliich they say we liave so wisely defined, as we
leave that measure entirely to the Congress, and we shall
readily agree to any measure they shall ado|)t — to request
that their letters for the future be sealed and directed to
the Chairman.
The Committee adjourned, to meet at the Exchange, on
Monday, the -iOth of this instant, June, at 6 o'clock, in the
evening.
Copy of the Letter sent to the Committee of Correspon-
dence in Boston:
Ne«--York, Juno 7, 1774.*
Gentlemen : We have received your favour of the 30th
May, and you may rest assured, we shall eagerly embrace
all proper opportunities of contributing our mite towards
bringing to a favourable issue the unhappy disputes which
at present subsist between the parent State and her Colo-
nies.
You say, that " a speedy, united, and vigorous effort is
" certainly all that can be depended upon, to yield us any
" effectual relief, and that this effort is on all liands ac-
" knowledged to be the suspension of trade, so wisely
" defined by you." To the first, we entirely concur with
you in sentiments ; but in the last, we apprehend you have
made a mistake — for on revising our letter to you, so far
from finding a word mentioned of a " suspension of trade,"
the idea is not even conceived. That, and every other
resolution, we have thought it most prudent to leave for
the discussion of the proposed general Congress.
Adhering tlierefore to that measure, as most conducive
to promote the grand system of politics we all have in
view, we have the pleasure to acquaint you, that we shall
be ready on our part, to meet at any time and place that
you shall think fit to appoint ; either of Deputies from tlie
General Assemblies, or such other Deputies as shall be
chosen, not only to speak the sentiments, but also to
pledge themselves for the conduct of the people of the
respective Colonies they represent.
We can undertake to assure you, in behalf of the people
in this Colony, that they will readily agree to any measure
that shall be adopted by the general Congress. It will be
necessary that you give a sufficient time for the Deputies
of the Colonics, as far southward as the Carolinas, to
assemble, and acquaint them as soon as possible with the
proposed measure of a Congress. Your letters to the
southward of us we will forward with great pleasure.
You may have seen all the names of our Committee in
the public prints ; and as we never heard the names of those
which constitute your Committee, we request the favour
of you to give us that satisfaction in your next. We beg
"Saturday last, the 4tli instant, being the anniversary of his Mrijesty's
birth day, wlien ho entered the thirty-soventh year of his ago, at 12 o'clocli
his Excellency General Haldiinand, attended by a nuni)};r of gentle-
men, walked to the Corninons, where they were received by a Royal
salute from the train of artillery, and the Royal Wehh Fnsileers then
under arms, after which his JExccHcney returned to his residence,
whore his Majesty's and other loV'il h;?altha were dr.mk, iiniler tlio
disciiarge of a royal salute from For/ George, his Majesty's ship jSuvi/i,
Jamim Ayscottgh, Esquire, commander, and sundry other vessels in the
harbour.
In the evening some very curious fire-works were exliibitnd, and a
small number of houses were illuminat'^d ; but th ; generality of the
inliabitants (though perfectly well affoctcd to his M ijcsty's porson and
family, and preferring the English t'onstitution to every other form of
(Vovemmont) were too deaply impress d with t!ie melancholy situation
of all the British Colonies, to assume the least upp-jarance of public
rejoicing, while it remains in suspense, whether we shall remain free,
men by maintaining our rights, or submit to be slaves.
Every town in every Colony of America from which we have yet
heard, consider the case of Boston astlieir own, and agree in sentiment,
to imite their strength, and cxort every faculty in the most determined
persevering endeavours to preserve their rights and liberties against the
tyrannical eucroaclmients of Greni Britain. To this end a Congress
is soon expected, and a total suspension of all commercial intercourse
between the Colonies and Great Britain, and Ireland, at least, it is
£oQorally bolieved will very goon take place.
that your letters for the future may be sealed and directed
to our Chairman.
We are, gentlemen, your friends and most humble ser-
vants, by order of tlie Committee,
I. Low, Chairman.
Now.York, June lOth, 1771.
At a special meeting held at the Exchange, at 7 o'clock,
this evening : Present,
Isaac liOw, Chairman,
Jolin Alsop,
Theophilact Bacho,
P. V. B. Livingston,
Isaac Sears,
Charles McEvcrs,
Charles NichoU,
Alex. McDougall,
Thomas Randall,
John Moore,
Leonard Lispenard,
Edward Laight,
William Walton,
Richard Yates,
Miles Sherbrook,
John Broome,
Jolm Jay,
Benjamin Booth,
Jo.s.ph Hallett,
Charles Sliaw,
James Jatincey,
Nicholas Hoffman,
Abraham Walton,
Cerardus Duyckinck,
P* tr,r Van Schaack,
Henry Remsen,
Hamilton Young,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goelet,
Abraham Brasher,
Abraham P. Lott,
G. W. Beekraan,
Joseph Bull,
Richard iSharpe,
Thomas Marston,
Francis Lewis,
John De Lancey,
John Thuruiau.
A Letter from the Committee of Correspondence for
Connecticut was received and read, and is as follows :
Hartford, June 4, 1774.
Gentlemen: Mr. Revere, on his return, acquainted us
w-ith the purport of yours by him, to the Committee at
i?o»^on, which being agreeable to our sentiments, and simi-
lar to what we had previously wrote them on the subject,
we take the liberty to enclose you a copy of ours to them of
this date, and ask your consideration of the proposal, and
your sentiments of the measure, as soon as conveniently
they may be had. We have wrote to the same purport
to the Committees of the Colonies of Rhode Island and
New-Hampshire. And are, with great truth and esteem,
gendemen, yours, &.c.
By order and in behalf of the Committee of Corres-
pondence for Conneclicnt, Silas Deane.
To the Committeee of Correspondence for New- York.
P. S. The Resolves of our lower House of Assembly
are enclosed ; in addition to w liich they gave us in com-
mand to recommend a Congress, and to join therein.
Copy of a Letter from the Committee of Correspon-
dence for Connecticut to the Committee of Correspon-
dence at Boston, enclosed in the preceding Letter to the
New-York Committee:
Hartford, June 3, 1774.
Gentlemen : The lower House of Assembly, at their
session at this place, which closes this day, came into sun-
dry resolutions relative to their rights and privileges, a
copy of which you have enclosed ; and on the impor-
tant subject take liberty to add, as our opinion, that a
Congress is absolutely necessary previous to almost every
other measure, since, as the injury is general, the mode
taken for redress ought to be commensurate, which is not
probable to be obtained short of a general conference and
union. The resolves of merchants of any individual town
or Province, however generously designed, must be partial
when considered in respect to the whole Colonies in one
general view ; while, on the other hand, every measure
recommended, every resolve come into by the whole united
Colonies, must carry weight and influence with it on the
mind of the people, and tend effectually to silence those
base insinuations which our enemies are ever ready to
throw out, of interested motives, sinister views, unfair jirac-
tices,and the like, for the vile purposes of sowing the seeds
of jealousy between tlie Colonies, to divide and render
abortive all our designs in favour of the liberties of Ame-
rica. We conceive little or notliing need be added on the
subject, tlie propriety and utility of which .seems to be
universally acknowledged. The time and place must be
fixed. For the first, the earlier, consistent with having
tlie principal Provinces notified and present, the better ;
say the last week of July, or first in August, by whicti
time all, as far as Virginia, may be informed of, and
invited to attend it ; for the place. New- York, is near the
centre, but the season of the year make us prefer some
305
NEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
806
agreeable country town to a city, in which there will neces-
sarily be more avocations, besides its being disagreeable in
these months. Norwalk or Fairfield are towns in which
gentlemen may be well accommodated in this Colony.
But we submit this, as well as the thne, to the opinion of
the other Colonies, to whom we shall write, and expect
their answer will be in season. We conceive, as Commit-
tees of Correspondence and Inquiry are appointed in every
considerable Colony by their Assemblies, they are the pro-
per persons to attend, or to appoint others for that business.
But of this you are to judge. And we hint it, as the
Assemblies of some of the Colonies will probably not
have an opportunity of meeting again till next winter, and
consequently will not be able to appoint in any season.
We have only to add, that we are sensibly affected with
your distressed situation.
We are, gentlemen, with great respect, your obedient
servants. By order, and in behalf of the Committee of
Correspondence for Connecticut,
Silas Deane.
To the Committee of Correspondence for Boston.
P. S. Yours of the 31st ult., in answer to ours of the
26tli, is before us. The situation of the town of Boston,
particularly of the poor, and such as must now be deprived
of employ, and reduced to straits, was considered by both
Houses of Assembly, and a resolution come into to contri-
bute to their relief, which passed both Houses. But the
time and mode of carrying it into execution is deferred
until they hear more directly from you, which doubtless
they will before their next meeting.
Ordered, That a Committee be appointed to answer the
Letter received from the Committee at Hartford, and
enclose them a copy of a Letter wrote the 23d ultimo, by
this Committee, to Boston ; and also to answer a Letter
received from Mr. Bernard Lentot, of Branford, and that
they write a letter to the Committee of Correspondence
of South Carolina, enclosing a copy of this Committee's
first letter to Boston, and to acquaint them that this Com-
mittee have, in a subsequent letter to the Committee at
Boston, desired them to appoint a time and place for a
Congress, an answer to which they expect daily.
The Committee for that purpose were Peter Van
Schaack, Henry Remsen, Alexander McDougall, John
De Lancet/, Isaac Low.
Copy of a Letter sent to the Committee of Correspon-
dence of Connecticut :
New. York, June 11, 1774.
Gentlemen : Your agreeable favour of the 4th inst.,
covering a copy of yours of the 3d to the Committee of
Correspondence for the town of Boston, and the resolu-
tions of your lower House of Assembly on the second
Thursday of May, came duly to hand, which were last
night laid before us. We are greatly obliged to you for
your communications on the interesting concern of our
country. The sentiments contained in the former of the
necessity of a Congress, are supported with such reasons
as must command the assent of every well-wisher to the
rights and privileges of America, and we are happy to find
that this measure is so generally adopted, and so much
desired by all the Colonies who have given their opinion
on the present alarming crisis. Our sense and approbation
of the utility of such a Convention, is fully expressed in
a letter of the 23d ultimo, to the Committee of Boston, a
copy of which is enclosed. We have wrote them on the
7th inst., to appoint the time and place for holding the
Confress, where we shall be ready to meet either Deputies
of the General Assemblies, or such other Deputies as shall be
chosen, not only to speak the sentiments, but also to pledge
themselves for the conduct of the people of the respective
Colonies they represent. The substance of this will be
communicated to the Committee of Charlestown, South
Carolina, by a vessel that sails to-morrow. We are,
gentlemen, your most obedient and very humble servants.
Signed by order of the Committee of Correspondence
for the city of Netv- York.
Isaac Low, Chairman.
To Silas Deane, Esq., and others, of the Committee of
Correspondence for Connecticut.
Copy of a Letter to Mr. Bernard Lentot, of Branford.
New. York, June 11th, 1774.
Sir : Your favour of the 29th of last month has been
laid before our Committee of Correspondence. I am
directed to acquaint you that they esteem themselves
obliged by the communication of your sentiments at this
very important and critical conjuncture. The hints you
furnish may be very proper for the consideration and dis-
cussion of a general Congress of Deputies from the different
Colonies, a measure that seems on all hands agreed will
be most likely to produce the desired effect ; but what can
or will be done must be submitted to the wisdom of their
united councils. We can only join you in our ardent
wishes that they may prevail in their endeavours to re-es-
tablish that peace and harmony on which so essentially
depend the prosperity and happiness of both countries.
We remain, with much respect, sir, your friends and
most humble servants. By order of the Committee,
Isaac Low, Chairman.
Copy of a Letter from the Committee of Correspon-
dence, appointed by the Assembly of New- York,* to the
Committtee of Correspondence for Connecticut:
New.York, June 24, 1774.
Gentlemen: We have your letter of the 4th before us,
enclosing the resolves of your Assembly, and a letter to
the Committee of Correspondence at Boston ; and we
agree with you, that at this alarming juncture, a general
Congress of Deputies from the several Colonies would be
a very expedient and salutary measure ; such a Congress,
consisting of men of coolness, prudence, and understanding,
would, we conceive, be the best means under Providence,
of restoring that peace and harmony between Great Britan
and her Colonies, which is the surest foundation of happi-
ness to both, and which every good man, every well wisher
to his country, ought to labour strenuously to establish.
We are sorry therefore, that we are not sufficiently em-
powered to take any steps in relation to so salutary a
measure ; for we are a Committee of Correspondence
only, and cannot consistently with good order and propriety
interfere in a matter of such importance, without the
appointment and concurrence of our whole House of Rep-
resentatives. After what has been said, it would be need-
less to mention any thing about the places of meeting,
only this, that if the other Colonies, who may have authority
for so doing, should meet in Congress, in, or near this city,
we shall most gladly and willingly assist with our advice,
&,c., if necessary, which, circumstanced as we are at
present, is all we are enabled to do.
We should be glad however to know before we come to
any final determination on this matter, what steps will be
taken by the other Colonies, who are in the same situation
with us, by not having an opportunity of knowing the
sentiments of their Houses of Representatives ; when the
measures proposed to be adopted by them, shall be com-
municated to us, Ave shall be better able to judge what
plan will be most likely to procure a redress of our present
grievances, and promote the union and prosperity of the
mother country and the Colonies ; and we expect daily to
receive accounts of these matters, of which we shall send
you the most early intelligence. We are with great res-
pect, gentlemen, your most obedient servants,
John Cruger, S. Boerum,
Frederick Phillips, Daniel Kissam,
Benjamin Seaman, Zeb. Williams, late >
James Jauncey, Zeb. Seaman, 5
James De Lancey, John Rapalje.
Jacob Walton,
To the Committee of Correspondence of the Colony of
Connecticut.
*Remhed, nem. con., That a Standing Committee of Correspondence
and Inquiry he appointed, to consist of the following persons, to wit :
John Cruger, Esq., .Speaker, James De Lancey, James Jauncey, Jacob
Walton, Benjamin Seaman, Isaac Wilkins, Frederick Phillips, Daniel
Kissam, Zelmlon Seaman, John Rapalje, Simon Boerum, John De
Noyelles, and Gemge Clinton, Esqnirjs, or any seven of theni, whose
business it shiiU be to obtain the most early and autlicntic intelligence
of all such acts and resolutions of the British Parliament, or proceed-
ings of administration, as do or may relate to or aff'ct tlio liberties and
privileges of his Majesty's subjects in the British Colonies in America,
and to keep up and maintain a correspondencs and communication witli
our sister Colonics respecting these important considerations, and the
result of their proceedings to lay before the House.— Januory 20, 1774.
Fourth Series.
90
307
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
308
New-York, June 20, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjoumment, at 6 o'clock, this
evening, at tlie Exchange : Present,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Gerardufi Duyckinck,
Henry Reinsen,
Hamilton Young,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goclct,
Abraliiiin Brasher,
Joseph Bull,
William McAdam,
Francis Lewis.
Isaac Low, Chairman, Edward Laight,
John Alsop, William Walton,
William Bayard, Richard Yates,
Thoophilact Bache, John 0e Lancey,
Peter V. B. Livingston, Miles .Slicrbvook,
Isaac Sears, John Thurman,
Charles McEvers, Benjamin Booth,
Charles Nicholl, Joseph Ilallclt,
Alexander McDougiU, Charles Shaw,
Thomas Randall, Alozandor Wallace,
John Moore,
Mr. AUicocke requested for particular reasons to resign
as Secretary to this Committee. John Blagge was unani-
mously appointed in his stead.
The Committee then adjourned until Monday, the
27th June, instant, then to meet at the Exchange, at
6 o'clock, in the evening.
New.York, June 27, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at 6 o'clock, this
evening, at the Exchange : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman,
AVilliain Bayard,
Theophilact B.iche,
Peter V. B. Livingston,
Isaac Sears,
Charles McEvors,
Charles Nicholl,
Alexander McDougall,
Thomas Randall,
John Moore,
Leonard Lispenard,
Jacobus Van Zandt,
Edward Laight,
William Walton,
Richard Yates,
John Do Lancey,
Miles Sherbrook,
John Thurman,
John Broome,
Benjamin Booth,
Joseph Hallett,
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Nicholas Hoffman,
Gerirdus Duyckinck,
Henry Rerasen,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goolet,
Abraham Brasher,
Abraham P. Lott,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Joseph Bull,
Thomas Marston,
John Alsop.
A Letter from Easthampton, of 17th June, 1774, with
Resolves, received and read ; a Letter from Fhiladelphia,
of 21st June, 1774, with Resolves, received and read ;
a Letter from Boston, of 16th June, 1774, received and
read.
On motion of Mr. McDougall, it was debated, which
was the most eligible mode of appointing Deputies to
attend the ensuing general Congress : when it was agreed
to postpone the determination of the matter, until Wednes-
day evening, at 6 o'clock, to which time the Committee
adjourned.
New-York, June 29, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at 6 o'clock, this
evening, at the Exchange : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman,
John Alsop,
Tlieophilact Bache,
Peter V. B.Livingston,
Isaac Sears,
Charles McEvers,
Charles Nicholl,
Alexander McDougall,
Thomas Randall,
John Moore,
Leonard Lispenard,
Jacoboa Van Zandt,
Edward Laight,
William Walton,
Richard Yates,
John De Lancey,
Miles Sherbrook,
John Thurman,
John Broome,
Benjamin Booth,
Josjph Hallett,
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Gerardus Duyckinck,
Henry Remsen,
Hamilton Young,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goelct,
Abraham Brasher,
Abraham P. Lott,
William McAdam,
Richard Sharpe,
William Bayard,
Nicholas Hoffman.
A Letter from Tryon county, dated the 22d June, 1774,
was received and read ; a Letter from Southampton, dated
the 22d June, 1774, was received and read, together with
Resolves.
Mr. McDougall moved, and was seconded by Mr. John
Broome, in the following motion, viz :
'' That this Committee proceed immediately to nominate
five Deputies for the city and county of New- York, to
represent them in a Convention of this Colony, or in the
general Congress, to be held at Philadelphia, on the first
of September next, if the other counties of this Colony
approve of them as Deputies for the Colony ; and that
their names be sent to tlie Committee of Mechanics for
their concurrence ; to be proposed on Tuesday next to the
freeholders and freemen of this city and county for their
approbation."
Debates arising on the foregoing motion,
Ordered, That the same be postponed until Monday
evening, the 4th of July next, then to be finally determined.
To which time the Committee adjourned.
Now-York, July 4, 1774.
Tlie Committee met, by adjoumment, at the Exchange,
at 6 o'clock, this evening : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman,
John Alsop,
William Bayard,
Theophilact Bache,
Peter V. B. Livingston,
Isaac Sears,
(Miarles McEvers,
Charles Nicholl,
Alexander McDougall,
Thomas Randall,
John Moore,
Leonard Lispenard,
Jacobus Van Zandt,
Edward Liight,
William Walton,
Richard Yates,
Jolm Do lancey,
Miles Sherbrook,
Jolin Thunnan,
John Broome,
Benjamin Booth,
Joseph Hallett,
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Gerardus Duyckinck,
Hamilton Young,
Henry Rcmsen,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goolet,
Abraham Brasher,
Abraham P. Lott,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Joseph Bull,
William McAdam,
Richard Sharpe,
Thomas Marston,
Francis Lewis.
A Letter, dated Annapolis, 26th June, 1774, with
printed Resolves, was received and read ; a Letter from
Shelter Island, dated June 7th, 1774, with Resolves, was
received and read ; one from County Hall, in Suffolk
county, dated 2.5th June, 1774 ; and one from the Com-
mittee of Mechanics, dated New- York, 4th July ; also
one from Dutchess county, dated June 29th, 1774, was
received and read.
Mr. Booth moved, and was seconded by Mr. De
Lancey, that the previous question be put. Whether this
Committee shall determine upon Mr. McDougall's motion,
referring the nomination of Delegates to the Committee of
Mechanics for their concurrence, or whether it should be
referred only to the town at large.
Affirmatives.
William Bayard, Gerardus Duyckinck,
John Alsop,
Thomas Marston,
Hamilton Young,
Richard .Sharpe,
Joseph Bull,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Miles Sherbrook,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
Peter Goelet,
Edward L:iiglit
Benjamin Booth,
Williim Walton,
William McAdam,
Theophilact Bache,
John Da Lancey,
Richard Yates,
Ciiarles Nicholl,
Henry Remsen,
John Thurman,
Charles McEvers.
and was
Dissentienis,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Francis Lewis,
Isaac Sears,
Peter V. B. Livingston,
Leonard Lispenard,
Jacobus Van Zandt,
Abraham Brasher,
John !\Ioore,
Abraham P. Lott,
Thomas Randall,
Joseph Hallett,
John Broome,
Alexander McDougall.
seconded by Mr. De
Mr. Bache moved
Lancey :
" That this Committee proceed to nominate five persons
to meet in a general Congress, at the time and place which
shall be agreed on by the other Colonies, and that the
freeholders and freemen of the city and county of New-
York be summoned to appear at a convenient place to
approve or disapprove of such persons for this salutary
purpose ; also, that this Committee write Circular Letters
to the Supervisors of the several counties, informing them
wiiat we have done, and to request of them to send such
Delegates as they may choose to represent them in Con-
gress."
Captain Sears moved, and was seconded by Mr. P. V.
B. Livingston :
" That Messrs. Isaac Low, James Duane, Philip Liv-
ingston, John Morin Scott, and Alexander McDougall,
be nominated agreeable to the question now carried."
The previous question being on Captain Sears's motion,
it was carried as follows :
Affirmatives.
Gerardus Duyckinck,
Edward Liight,
William Walton,
Theophilact Bache,
William McAdam,
Charbs Nicholl,
Richard Yat:s,
John Thurman,
Benjamin Booth,
Frmcis L"wis,
Charls McEvers,
Peter Goelct.
Dissentients.
Isaac Sofir-s,
Petor T. Curtenuis,
Petar V. B. Livingston,
Leonard Lispenard,
Jacobus Van Zandt,
Abraham Brasher,
Thomas Randall,
Richard Sharpe,
Jolm Broome,
Abraham P. Lott,
Alex ind."r McDougall,
Joseph Hallett.
Jolm Moore,
William Bayard,
Thomas Marston,
John Alsop,
Hamilton Young,
Miles Sherbrook,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Joseph Bull,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Henry R-^msen,
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
John De Lancey,
Mr. De Lancey moved, and was seconded by Mr. Booth :
" That this Committee immediately proceed to nomi-
nate five persons to be held up to this city and county as
proper persons to serve them as Delegates in a general
Congress."
When the following gentlemen had the greatest number
of voices for their nomination, viz : Philip Livingston,
John Alsop, Isaac Low, James Duane, and JoAn Jay.
sod
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
310
Ordered, That an Advertisement, signed by the Chair-
man, be published, requesting the inhabitants of this city
and county to meet at the City Hall, on Tfiursdai/, the
7th instant, at 12 o'clock, to concur in the nomination of
tlie foregoing five persons, or to choose such others in their
stead as in their wisdom shall seem meet.*
The Committee then adjourned, until 6 o'clock, on
Thursday evening, the 7th instant, then to meet at the
Exchange.
New. York, Tth July, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at 6 o'clock, this
evening, at the Exchange : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman,
John Alsop,
William Bajard,
Thf^ophilact Bache,
P. V. B. Livingston,
Isaac Sears,
Charles McEvcrs,
Charles Nicholl,
Alex. McDougall,
Thomas Randall,
John Moore,
Leonard Lispenard,
Edward Laight,
William Walton,
Miles Sherbrook,
John Tliurman,
Benjamin Booth,
Joseph Hallctt,
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
Francis Lewis,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Nicholas Hoifman,
Henry Remsen,
Hamilton Young,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goelet,
Abraham P. Lott,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Joseph Bull,
Ricliard Sharpe.
I
A Letter, dated Albany, 29th June, 1774, from Jacob
Lansing, was received and read.
Agreeable to the meeting advertised to be held at .the
City Hall this day, a number of citizens attended, and it
* While the question on appointing Delegates to the General Con.
gress was pending, the following publications appeared :
To the Lnhabitan'ts of the British Colonies in America. Never
did America behold so alarming a time as the present. The parent
State is big with resentment against us for our late proceedings ; and
seems detrmined, at all events either to make us obedient to the laws of
the British Parliament, or to cast us off, or let us cast off ourselves, and
leave us freely to follow our own inventions. We seem as determined
as they are, to abide by the issue ; otherwise, we should not certainly
encourage the people of Boston to refuse the papnent of a just
demand. And yet, all are ready to declare, that we cannot hope to
withstand the power of Britain, if once she was to let loose her mili.
tnry indignation agiinst us. God forbid that we should ever feel it
the consequences might be ruinous to her; to us they must assuredly
prove utterly destructive. The British Legislature claims a right of
regulation which we professedly deny.
How shall the dispute between us bo adjusted ? How shall a firm
foundation be laid for a. future permanent Union ? Surely not by op.
posing a military force, wliich, in the event, must infallibly over.
])ower us ; and then we shall have no claim of right — as being a con.
quered country. Surely not by making resolves in toicn and county,
and parish meetings : — for tliey can do nothing, if we may judge by
exjierienco, but inflame and irritate. Surely not by a General Con.
VENTION ; for that is a measure which never should be adopted, unless
we were resolved on the last extremes. Whatever may b3 the proceed.
ings of such a body, it is too much to bo apprehended that thry will
have no salutary influence on the British policy; because the Convcn.
tion itself will be deemed unconstitutional, and having no existence in
law, it may also be judged to be illegal. These, I hope, are the
harshest terms it will be distinguished by ; but much softer ones, I am
too clear, it will not experience.
But we are aggrieved, and must have redress. Redress, I am confi-
dent, may be obtained ; but, I fear, not by any of the moans that we
have hitherto fallen upon. We talk much of the Constitution: Con.
stitutionally then let us act.
Let EVERY CoLONV instruct its Representatives in General Assem-
bly, to present an humble address to the KING, requesting the liber-
ty of sending a certain number of their body to England at a fixed
time, for the express purpose of settling with the National Council, a
Constitution for America, which hitherto we have not enjoyed, but in
idea ; and let that settlement be final.
Tliis is a request which a most gracious Sovereign would most gladly
accede to; this is a measure which despotism itself could find no fault
with ; and in my humble opinion, it is the only measure which can
ensure to us our liberties, save the effusion of human blood, and make
our children's children adore the memory, and bless the wisdom of
their ancestors, who not only preserved their country from destruction,
))ut procured for them blessings— the blessings of right ascertained and
acknowledged, with which former ages were almost wholly unac.
quaintcd.
Should it be objected that some of the Assemblies are dissolved, and
not likely to be culled again, so that their constituents could not have
an opportunity of instructing their Representatives ; the answer is
obvious, that when such a disposition shall appear in the people, it
cannot be doubted that all the Gorernours upon the Continent would
readily embrace the favourable season, and give us all what ought to
be our most ardent, and is our most patriotic wish to obtain.
New-York, July 5, 1774.
To the Author of a piece addressed to the Inhabitants of the British
Colonies in America, dated New. York, July 5, 1774.
Sir : You Address as above, I have read with much attention ; and
liapiiening to differ in opinion from you, in matters of importance only
to the public, I hope you'll indulge me with the liberty of publishing
my sentiments.
I agree with you, Sir, that America never did behold so alarming a
time as tlie present ; and that the parent State is big with resentment
against us for our late proceedings. But who are to blame for our
alarming situation, and for our late proceedings ? The parent State
was unanimously agreed that this Committee appoint a
Committee of their body to attend with the Committee
from the Mechanics, at Mr. Francis's, at 10 o'clock
to-morrow morning, in order to appoint two or more per-
sons in each Ward in this city, to take with them a list of
the five persons nominated by this Committee, and also a
list of the five persons nominated by the Committee of
Mechanics, as Delegates to the proposed Congress ; and
exhibit to the freeholders, freemen, and such of "the inhab-
itants who pay taxes, both lists, leaving it to their election
to sign either ; for the five names nominated by this Com-
mittee, or for the five nominated by the Committee of
Mechanics, as they shall think fit.
Ordered, That the following persons be a Committee
to attend the Committee of Mechanics for the aforesaid
purpose: Joseph Hallett, Charles Shaw, Isaac Sears,
Peter Goelet, Francis Lewis, Peter T. Curtenius, Richard
Sharpe, Edward Laight, Joseph Bull.
The following motion was made by Mr. Thurman, and
seconded by Mr. McEvers :
" Mr. Chairman : An advertisement appeared yesterday
in the following words, viz :
" The enemies of the liberties o/ America being unwea-
" ried in misrepresenting the attachments of the inhabit-
" ants of this city to the common cause of this country to
" the neighbouring Colonies, a number of the citizens
or we ? They for endeavouring to impose such laws upon us, or to
deprive us of all our right to our own property ; or we, lor endeavour,
ing to prevent the imposition ? Surely Sir, the answer is obvious to
all mankind. The parent State is to blame, and not we. But, you
say, they seem determined to make us obedient to the laws of the
British Parliament, or to cast us off. What then. Sir ? Should the
only happy country upon the face of the earth, should the groat
asylum for the distressed of all Europe, give up its right to its own
property, because a present Ministry, and a present House of Commons
seem d:,termined that they should ? 1 will venture to affirm. Sir, that
if you consider this matter again, you will agree with me, that they
ought not ; and as to the casting us off, I am told that Britain re.
ceives too much advantage from the connection, to admit the idea.
But we seem as determined as they to abide by the issue ; otherwise,
you say, wo should not certainly encourage the people of Boston to
refuse payment for the tea lately destroyed there. In this I have the
honour of agreeing with you again ; but you'll excuse my dissent when
you say. Sir, that we encourage Boston to refuse the payment of a. just
demand. How is it possil)le. Sir, tliat the well known honour and
honesty of the British Colonies could encourage a sister Colony to
refuse the payment of a. just demand. No, Sir, they do not ; you quite
mistake the encouragement the Colonies give upon that liead ; it is
only to refuse the payment of an unjust dsmand ; and a demand too
that is as unjustly made. But you implicitly take it for granted, that the
demand lajust. What then. Sir, does that prove it to be so ? Or i» it
a reason that the Colonies should do so too ? I believe I may venture
to inform you, that they consider particular circumstances, wnich that
tea was under, which I think you would do well to consider too,
before you attempt to publish again upon the subject. And pray, Sir,
in the interim give free scope to your thouglits, and judge from your
own reason, wlicther that same tea was not a felonious instrument
wafled over the Atlantic, with the express and malicious design of
murdering the rights and liberties of a whole Continent. The Colo,
nies viewing the matter in this ;«»( point of light, can no more con.
demn its destruction, than you or I could the destruction of a weapon
raised by the hand of an assassin to deprive us of life, limb, or private
property. And let me assure you Sir, that while there is any private
property lefV in the world, it will ever be defended by those who have
it ; though to the damage of those who would unjustly attempt to take
it away. But you add, that the British Legislature claims a right of
regulation, which we professedly deny. True, Sir, such a right of
regulation, as would deprive us of all right to our oion properly, we
both professedly and sincerely deny : and I believe will continue to do
so, till the old principles of natural reason and justice are no more.
But then you ask, " how can tlie dispute be adjusted ?" I'll tell you.
Sir, when our oppressors are convinced that it is more for their interest
to treat ms justly, than otherwise ; and then, and not till then, will a,
firm foundation be laid for a permanent Union ; and j ustico being the
corner stone, then every subject of the Empire shall be acknowledged
to have an equal right to his own property ; and that no power on
earth can take tlie whole or any part of it from him, but by his own
consent, or that of his Representatives. I grant with you. Sir, that
this foundation cannot be laid by opposing a military force ; but should
it be otherwise, should we be forced into a state of tlie most absolute
slavery ; I should take the liberty of denying your consequence, that,
when conquered, we should have no claim of right, as being a con.
quered country ; for even in that case we should have all the rights
you are pleased to vouchsafe to us no\v, the sole right of petitioning.
You seem to be very sure that our gjneral resolves can do us no
service ; and that a General Convention will be ineffectual ; for you
say, *' that is a measure that should never be adopted, unless we were
" resolved on tlie last extremes." 'I'rue, Sir, no more it ought. But
America is now brought to the last extremity, to the very brink of the
arbitrary gulf opened wide to devour her. And these being in our ap.
prehensions necessarily tending to tlio last extremes, consequently in
your opinion, a General Convention ought now to be adopted to resolve
upon them. But you say again, that Convention will be deemed un.
constitutional ; I hope not by you. Sir, who have been so good as to
allow it a right to meet upon tlie last extremity, to resolve upon the
last extremes. But having no existence in law, you say also it may
81 i
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
812
" think it highly necessary to convene the good people of
" this metropolis in the Fields on Wednesday next, which
" will be the 6th instant, at six o^clock, in the evening,
" where every friend to the true interest of this distressed
" country is earnestly requested to attend, when matters of
•' the utmost importance to their reputations and security
" as freemen will be communicated. Tuesday, 5th July,
" 1774."
" The above advertisement is conceived in such mystic
and ambiguous terms, that no person out of the secret
could imagine from whence it could proceed. Much sur-
prised, therefore, was I, to learn that a member of this
Committee acted as Chairman to the promoters of the said
advertisement.
" 1 conceive, Mr. Chairman, that no individual whatever,
especially a member of this Committee, had a right to
call a meeting by an anonymous advertisement, much less
to exhibit a set of resolves calculated for particular pur-
poses, no motion ever having been made for resolves in this
Committee, and that no resolves whatsoever should have
been entered into, until when well digested by this Com-
mittee, and held up to the public for their consideration.
" I therefore move that this Committee disavow all such
proceedings, evidently calculated to throw an odium on this
Committee, and to create groundless jealousies and suspi-
cions of their conduct, as well as disunion among our fel-
low-citizens."
Mr. McDougall moved, and was seconded by Mr. Lis-
penard, That the previous question be put, on Mr. John
Thirman's motion, disavowing the proceedings in the Fields
on the 6th instant.
Carried in the negative.
Affirmativet, Negathet.
Francis Lowis, John Alsop, Edward Lii^ht,
Peter V. B. Livingston, Charles McEvers, WiUiam Walton,
Leonard Liepenard, Gerard W, Beekman, Charles Shaw,
Isaac Sears, Richard Sharps, Peter Goclet,
Thomas Randall, Hamilton Young, John Moore,
Peter T. Curtenius, Benjamin Booth, Nicholas Hoffman,
Alexander McDougall, Alexander Wallace, Miles Sherhrook,
Abraham P. Lett, John Thurman, William Bay.ird,
Joseph Hallett, Charles NichoU, Gabriel H. Ludlow.
Joseph Bull, Theophilact Bache.
Henry Remsen,
Mr. Thurman' s motion being then put, it was carried in
the affirmative.
Affirmativet,
AViUiara Walton,
Charles Shaw,
Peter Goalet,
John Moore,
Nicholas HofTman,
Miles Sherbrook,
William Bayard,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Joseph Bull,
Henry Remsen.
Negatives.
Francis Lewis,
Peter V. B. Livingston,
Leonard Lispenard,
Isaac Sears,
Thomas Randall,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Alexandsr McDougall,
Abraham P. Lott,
Joseph Hallett.
John Alsop,
Charles McEvers,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Richard Sharpe,
Hamilton Young,
Benjamin Booth,
Alexander Wallace,
John Thurman,
Charles Nicholl,
Theophilact Bache,
Edward Laight,
Resolved, therefore, That such proceedings are evidently
calculated to throw an odium upon this Committee, and to
cause groundless jealousies and suspicions of their conduct,
as well as disunion among our fellow-citizens.
be judged to be illegal ; by no means. Sir, when you have allowed that
the last extremes will make it legal. You are confident that redress
may be obtained, but not by any means we have hitherto fallen upon.
If the Congress or Convention which you have permitted to meet
upon the last extremes, do fall upon means of redress, we shall be quite
satisfied ; though we have hitherto been unsuccessful. As to your
method of redress, which you say is the only one that a most frraciam
Sovereign would most gladly accede to, and which can insure to us
our liberties, I do humbly afiirm, that I think it a method so little
caleulated to inture to us our liberties, that, with ninety.nine Ameri.
cans out of every hundred, it would bo thought a most cffoctual way to
destroy them ; unless, Sir, you would he pleased to give security that
our Duputi:,s sent to Parliament sliould not be polluted by the well
known fountains of corruption, that at present have too much existence
there. In one place you grant that we have a Constitution, or why do
you call upon us to act constitution:! lly ? And in another, you are
pleased to inform us that hitherto we have had no Constitution, but in
idea. Pray, Sir, be pleas(«l to inform us of your design in these senti-
ments ; lest we miglit bo led to think you liad bjen guilty of a small
contradiction. For my own part, could I bili-ive that hithprto wo
have had no Constitution, but in idea, 1 sliould be led to think that
our soveral Governments were ideal also ; that our courts of justice
were ideal, and that the glorious Conorkss itself will bo l)Ut ideal ; if
so, surely it cannot be an object worthy of your future opposition.
However tliat may be, we shall trust to the wisdom of its m imbors,
and to tiicir nncorrupted patriotis7n coumiit our cause ; tlie cause of
Gad ; the cause of nature ; tlio cause of America.
Mr. Lewis moved, and was seconded by Mr. Curtenius :
" That a Committee be appointed to draw and report,
without delay, a set of Resolutions to be proposed to the
city, expressing their sense of the Boston Port Act, and
our concurrence with such of the neighbouring Colonies as
have declared what may be pro}>er to be done for the relief
of the town of Boston, and the redress of America
grievances."
Ordered, unanimously, Tliatthe seven following persons
be a Commintee for tliat purpose, viz : Mr. Low, Mr.
Lewis, Mr. Moore, Captain Sears, Mr. Remsen, Mr.
Shaw, Mr. McDougall.
Mr. McEvers moved, and was seconded by Mr. Booth,
" That Mr. Thurman's motion of this evening, with the
resolve thereon, be immediately printed at large.
Which was carried as follows :
Affirmatires.
Negi
itirfs.
Mr. McEvers, Walton,
Mr
. Curtenius,
Mr.
. Bull,
Bocknian, Laight,
McDougall,
Lispenard,
Sherbrook, Bache,
Randall,
P.V. B. Livingston,
Alsop, Nicholl,
Lott,
Captain Sears.
Shaw, Thurman,
Hallett,
Goelet, Booth.
Moore,
The Committee then adjourned until Wednesday, the
13th of July, at 6 o'clock, in ilie evening.
Proceedings in the Fields, referred to in Mr. Thur-
man's motion of this Evening.
At a numerous meeting of the inhabitants of the city of
iVew- York, convened in the Fields by public advertisement,
on Wednesday, the 6th of July, 1774.
Mr. Alexander McDougall, Chairman.
The business of the meeting being fully explained by
the Chairman, and the dangerous tendency of the numerous
and vile arts used by the enemies of America, to divide
and distract her councils, as well as the misrepresentations of
the virtuous intentions of the citizens of this metropolis,
in this interesting and alarming state of the liberties of
America, the following Resolutions were twice read, and
the question being separately put on each of them, they
were passed without one dissentient :
1st. Resolved, nem. con.. That the statute commonly
called the Boston Port Act, is oppressive to the inhabitants
of that town, unconstitutional in its principles, and danger-
ous to the liberties of British America ; and that, tiiere-
fore, we consider our brethren at Boston as now suffering
in the common cause of these Colonies.
2d. Resolved, nem. con., That any attack or attempt to
abridge the liberties, or invade the Constitution of any of
our sister Colonies, is immediately an attack upon the liber-
ties and Constitution of all the British Colonies.
3d. Resolved, nem. con.. That the shutting up of any of
the ports in America, with intent to exact from Americans
a submission to Parliamentary taxation, or extort a repara-
tion of private injuries, is highly unconstitutional, and sub-
versive of the commercial rights of the inhabitants of this
Continent.
4th. Resolved, nem. con.. That it is the opinion of this
meeting, that if tlie principal Colonies on this Continent
shall come into a joint resolution to stop all importation
from, and exportation to Great Britain, till the Act of
Parliament for blocking up the harbour of Boston be
repealed, the same will [irove the salvation of North
America and her liberties; and that, on the other hand, if
they continue their exports and imports, there is great rea- .
son to fear that fraud, power, and the most odious oppres-
sion, will rise triumphant over right, justice, social happi-
ness, and freedom : Therefore,
5th. Resolved, nem. con.. That the Deputies who shall
represent this Colony in tlie Congress of American Depu-
ties, to be held at Philadelphia, about the first of Septem-
ber next, are hereby instructed, empowered, and directed
to enga"e with a majority of tlie principal Colonies, to
auree for tliis city upon a non-imiwrtation from Great Bri-
tain, of all goods, wares and nierchiindises, until the Act
for blocking up the harbour of Boston be repealed, and
American grievances be redressed ; and also to agree to
818
NEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
814
all such other measures as tiie Congress shall in their wisdom
judge advancive of these great objects, and a general secu-
rity of the rights and privilege* of America.
6th. Resolved, nem. con., Tliat this meeting will abide
by, obey, and observe all such resolutions, detenninations
and measures, which the Congress aforesaid shall come
into, and direct or recommend to be done, for obtaining
and securing the important ends mentioned in the foregoing
resolutions. And that an engagement to this effect be
immediately entered into and sent to the Congress, to
evince to them our readiness and determination to co-ope-
rate with our sister Colonies for the relief of our distressed
brethren at Boston, as well as for the security of our com-
mon rights and privileges.
7th. Resolved, nem. con.. That it is the opinion of this
meeting that it would be proper for every county in the
Colony, without delay, to send two Deputies, chosen by
the people, or from the Committees chosen by them in
each county, to hold, in conjunction with Deputies for this
city and county, a Convention for the Colony, (on a day
to be appointed,) in order to elect a proper number of
Deputies to represent the Colony in the general Congress.
But that, if the counties shall conceive this mode imprac-
ticable or inexpedient, they be requested to give their
approbation to the Deputies who shall be chosen for this
city and county to represent the Colony in Congress.
8th. Resolved, nem. con., That a subscription should
immediately be set on foot for the relief of such poor
inhabitants of Boston as are, or may be deprived of the
means of subsistence, by the operation of the Act of Par-
liament for stopping up the port of Boston. The money
which shall arise from such subscription to be laid out as
the city Committee of Correspondence shall think will best
answer the end proposed.
9th. Resolved, nem. con.. That the city Committee of
Correspondence be, and they are hereby instructed, to use
their utmost endeavours to carry these resolutions into
execution.
Ordered, That these Resolutions be printed in the pub-
lic newspapers of this city, and transmitted to the different
counties in this Colony, and to the Committees of Corres-
pondence for the neighbouring Colonies.
To the Inhabitants of the City and Ct)Mn<yo/" New- York.
Gentlemen : The trust you were pleased to repose in
us, in appointing us members of the Committee of Corres-
pondence, renders it necessary to inform you of the above
proceedings, as well as to justify our conduct upon the
points on which we divided. We voted against Mr.
Thiirman's motion, because the people have an undoubted
right to convene themselves, and come into whatever
resolutions they shall think proper, if they be not contrary
to law ; and although the manner of calling them might not
be deemed so regular as might be wished, though practised
heretofore in the debates on the Stamp Act, yet consider-
ing that a respectable number of our fellow-citizens did
meet, and did no acts but what were conformable to the
general spirit of all the Colonies in this alarming state of our
public affairs, we therefore conceived that our disavowing
their conduct would naturally tend to hold up the idea of
a division, if not a disapprobation ofthe resolutions ; and as
the resolutions do not so much as insinuate that they came
from the Committee, no charge could lie against them for
any matter contained in them. For these reasons, also, we
voted against Mr. McEvers's motion to publish the pro-
ceedings, and because he declared, before the question was
put, that these proceedings should be published, in order
that they might be sent home by the packet. This decla-
ration from a member of the Committee, has, in our opinion,
such a tendency to hold up a disunion amongst us, which
must impede the public business, and retard a redress of
our grievances, especially as the gentlemen who voted for
his motion heard the reasons offered against their being
published, that we conceive we cannot, with such a majo-
rity, answer the end of our appointment ; and, therefore,
in justice to ourselves, and from a regard to the public
interest, we desire that our names may be erased out of
the list of the Committee. And we are humbly of opinion,
that the temper manifested by the majority for publishing
Mr. McEvers's motion, is destructive to, and subversive
of, the end for which the Committee of Correspondence
was appointed. All of which is, nevertheless, humbly
submitted to you.
Francis Lewis, Isaac Sears,
Joseph Hallett, Thomas Randall,
Alexander McDougall, Abraham P. Lott,
P. V. B. Livingston, Leonard Lispenaru.
We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, though not
present at the debates, do likewise request our names may
be struck out of the list of the Committee.
John Broome,
Abraham Brasher.
Jacobus Van Zandt.
N. B. It may be proper to inform the reader, that
printing the proceedings of the Committee has been
agitated several times, and judged inexpedient, because
every citizen, by the rules of the Board, may have access to
them in the presence of one of the members ; that Mr.
McEvers's motion was made after the Committee adjourn-
ed to Monday next, and some of the members were gone,
and one going down stairs.
New.Yoik, July 8tli, 1774.
To the worthy Inhabitants of the City and County of
New- York.
Fellow-Countrymen : Your Committee of fifty-one
having laid before you their proceedings on Thursday even-
ing, I should not have troubled you at this time, had not
eleven of the Committee made a formal resignation, and
published an appeal to you in justification of their conduct.
You are told, that " the people have an undoubted
" right to convene themselves, and come into whatever
" resolutions they shall think proper, if they be not con-
" trary to law." This is granted by every one ; but you
would think me a very impudent ftjllow, and deserving of
the severest reprehension, if I, as a member of that Commit-
tee, was to call you together this evening by an anonymous
advertisement, and propose a set of resolves to you of the
last importance, whhout either giving you the least previous
notice of their contents, or consulting your Committee upon
the occasion. Would you not be all of opinion that I
deserved the highest censure, both from you and the Com-
mittee ? This was the ground of your Committee's con-
duct ; and their disapprobation, as you have seen, was
conceived in the mildest terms the nature of the case could
admit of. And let those who quitted the chamber in a
rage, ordering their names struck off, and afterwards bawl-
ing along the streets, " the Committee is dissolved — the
Committee is dissolved" — let them, I say, be answerable
for the consequences of a division, if a division must take
place. Your Committee, notwithstanding the. evident
designs of a faction to dissolve them, are determined to
persevere in promoting, to the utmost of their ability, the
important ends of their appointment, so long as you, their
constituents, shall signify your approbation of their conduct.
The remainder of the appeal is taken up with a declara-
tion of Mr. McEvers's, artfully selected to throw an obli()ue
slur upon that gentleman's character. You are told, " that
" he declared, before the question was put, that these pro-
" ceedings should be published, in order to be sent home
" by the packet." But they forgot to tell you, that Mr.
McEvers previously declared that the resolves were printed
in Mr. Holt's paper on purpose to be sent home by the
packet, and that he wished our proceedings might accom-
pany tliat paper wherever it went. This is all that your
Committee had in view in publishing their proceedings.
They conceived that the resolves were printed and held
up to the worid, not only as the act of this Committee,
but of the city at large', and that they would evidently
pass under sucii a construction, unless the mode of obtain-
ing them was publicly disavowed. But you will readily
discover how artfully this lias been rej^resented, with a view
of tarnishing one of tlie most amiable characters among us ;
a cliaracter^that is strongly marked in the breast of every
315
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
3^6
good citizen, as exhibiting not only a true friend to the
lil>erties of this country, but a friend to mankind.
O.NE OF THE Committee.
New. York, July 9th, 1774.*
New. York, July 13, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at six o'clock, in
the evening.
[ The Committee appointed on the 7th instant, present-
ed a set of Resolutions to be proposed to the City. ]
Ordered, Tiiat the same be forthwith printed, and dis-
tributed in iiaiidbills, for the consideration of the public,
who are requested to attend at the Coffee House on Tues-
day next, at 12 o'clock in the morning, to si::nify their
.sense of the said resolves.
Mr. Laight moved, and was seconded by Mr. McEvers :
" That the five gentlemen nominated by diis Committee as
Delegates to the general Congress, viz : Mr. Diiane, Mr.
Philip Livingston, Mr. John Alsop, Mr. Isaac Loio, and
Mr. John Jay, be proposed to the citizens for their appro-
bation at the same time and place ;"
Which being unanimously agreed to.
Ordered, That printed Notices be immediately dis-
pei-sed.
The Committee adjourned until Tuesday, the 19th of
July, instant, to meet at 6 o'clock, in the evening.
New-York, 19th July, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at 6 o'clock, this
evening: Present,
Isaac IjOW, Chairman, Peter Go"let, John Jay,
John Alsop, Charles McEvers, Joseph Bull,
Peter T. Curtenius, Alexander Wallace, Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Henry Remsen, diaries Shaw, Edward L lisrht,
Jolm Da Lancoy, John Moore, Hamiltoii Young,
Benjamin Booth, Ahriharn Walton, G ravJus Duyckinck,
William Walton, Willidm Bayard, Richard Yates,
(ierard W. Beekman,
A Letter, dated Charlcstown, S. C, 8th July, 1774,
with Resolves, was received and read.
The Resolves proposed by this Board to the inhabitants
of this city, having been pubhshed and dispereed through
the town several days previous to this meeting, and every
person thereby furnished with an opportunity of consider-
ing them with due deliberation, and as only a small pro-
portion of the citizens attended the meeting at the Coffee
House to signify their sense of same, and the sentiments
of the majority still remaining uncertain :
Therefore, to remove all doubts and uneasiness on that
head, it is ordered, that certain amendments be made to
the said resolves, [see Resolves, 2d, 3d, and 7th,] and that
two or more persons be appointed in each Ward to take
tiie sense of the freeholders, freemen, and such others who
])ay taxes, respecting the said resolutions so amended ; as
also the Delegates nominated by this Committee to attend
the Congress. But, in the mean time, although the said
resolves cannot with certainty be said to correspond with
tlie sentiments of the major part of the citizens, though in
• Several handbills on the Times have been printed and distributed in
this city since the 9th instant, viz :
Mr. McDougall's Address to the Freeholders and Freemen of this
City and County, upon the nomination of five gentlemen to represent
the Province in the Continental Congress. In this perrormance, the
proposed method of taking the sense of the city upon the nomination,
that ought to be adopted, is censured as an infringement of the liber,
ties of the electors ; for which reason, and to end a controversy that
might prove injurious to the common causb, this gentleman declines a
nomination to the Congress.
A Moderate Man's Address to the free.horn Citizens o/ New-York,
approving of the Resolves, disapproving of the manner in wliich thoy
were obtained, and recommending that the eleven members be desired
to resume their seats in the Committee Chamber ; and yesterday was
published an Address to the Inhibitants of this City and County, by
Agricola. T)ie author of this last exhibition undertakes to justify
the mode in which the Committee propos-d, agret^able to that ordained
for their direction by the electors at the City Hall, on the Gth instant,
to collect the sense of the city and coimty, touching tlie choice of
Deputies for the Congress. He makes very free, in other resi)ects,
with Mr. McDousaU's Address, and treats tlie Moderate Man (who
would gladly conciliate all differences, and wishes the eleven members
may resume their scats at the Committee Board,) with ineftable con.
tempt.
List night the Committee of Correspondence mft, and concluded
upon a set of resolves on our present alarming satuation, wliieh will be
this day eommuiiieatod to the public for their further consideration,
and on Tuesday next the inhaliitants will he desired to meet at the
Coffee House to signify their sense of the said resolves.
New-York, July 14, 1774.
all probability they do, yet, as they contain our sentiments,
it is furdier ordered, that diey be immediately published
as such, leaving those who may dissent from us to declare
their opinions in such other phrases or modes of expression
as they siiali diink ))roper.
1st. Resolved, That his most sacred Majesty George
the Third, King of Great Britain, is our liege, lawful,
and rightful Sovereign, and that it is our indispensable
duty, to the utmost of our power, by all constitutional
means, to maintain and support his crown and dignity ;
that it is our greatest happiness and glory to have been
born British subjects, and that we wish nothing more
ardently than to live and die as such : that we are one
people, connected by the strongest ties of affection, duty
and interest, and that wo lament as the greatest misfortune,
every occurrence which has the least tendency to alienate
or disturb that mutual harmony and confidence, which, if
properly cultivated, could not fail of rendering the British
Empire the admiration and envy of the world. That we,
therefore, view with inexpressible concern and grief, some
late acts of the British Parliament, claiming rights, and
exercising powers, which we humbly conceive are replete
with destruction, and may be attended with the most fatal
conseqtiences to the Colonies and their parent State.
2d. Resolved, That all Acts of the UriCuA Parliament,
imposing taxes on the Colonies, are unjust and unconstitu-
tional, and particularly that the Act for blocking up the port
of Boston, is in the highest degree arbitrary in its princi-
ples, oppressive in its operation, unparalleled in its rigour,
indelinite in its exactions, and subversive of every idea of
British liberty, and therefore justly to be abhorred and
detested by all good men.
3d. Resolved, That the destrucdon of the tea at Boston
was not die only motive for bringing such unexampled dis-
tress on that people, because the alternative of suffering
it, or paying for the tea, had otherwise been left in their
option. But we truly lament that the enforcing the right
of taxation over the Colonies seems to have been the main
design of the said Act of Parliament.
4tli. Resolved, That vengeance separately directed has
a more dangerous tendency, and is more destructive of the
liberties of America dian conjunctively ; and that dierefore
it is the indispensable duty of all the Colonies, according
to their different circumstances, to afford every reasonable
assistance to a sister Colony in distress, especially when
that distress is evidently calculated to intimidate others
from contributing what may be in then: power to procure
the desired relief.
5th. Resolved, That the proposed Congress of Dele-
gates from the different Colonies, to consult on the mode
of procuring relief from our difficulties, is the most pru-
dent measure that could have been devised at this alarming
crisis.
6th. Resolved, That as the wisdom of the Colonies
will, in all probability, be collected at the proposed Con-
gress, it would be premature in any Colony to anticipate
their conduct by resolving what ought to be done; but
that it should be left to their joint councils to determine
on the mode which shall appear most salutary and effec-
tual to answer the good purposes for which they are con-
vened.
7th. Resolved, That nothing less than dire necessity
can justify, or ought to induce the Colonies to unite in any
measure that might materially injure our brethren, the
manufiicturers, traders, and merchants in Great Britain ;
but that the preservation of our inestimable rights and
liberties, as enjoyed and exercised, and handed down to
us by our ancestors, ought to supersede all other consider-
ations ; and that, therefore, we doubt not the cool, dispas-
sionate people of England, whose friendship on former
occasions we have experienced, will, on mature considera-
tion, not only applaud our motives, but co-operate with us
in all constitutional measures, for carrying these our vir-
tuous resolutions into execution, in order to obtain the
desired and just redress of our grievances.
8th. Resolved, That if a non-importation agreement
of goods from Great Britain should be adopted by the
Congress, it ought to be very general and faithfully adhered
to ; and that a non-importation, partially observed, like the
last, would answer no good purpose, but, on tlie contrary,
only serve to expose all the Colonies to further injuries.
817
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
818
9th. Resolved, therefore. That the Delegates to the
Congress ought to be so cliosen or instructed, that they
may " be able, not only to speak the sentiments, but to
" pledge themselves for the good conduct of the people of
" the Colonies tliey represent."
10th. Resolved, Tiiat the tribute of our most grateful
thanks is justly due to all the friends of the Colonies in
Great Britain who are opposed to the severe measures
now exerting against them ; and particularly to those
illustrious patriots who so ably distinguished themselves in
both Houses of Parliament, in opposing laws, which, at
the same time that they subvert the liberties of America,
have a manifest tendency to injure those of the mother
country, and may eventually entirely overthrow their once
excellent Constitution.
The following motion was made by Mr. Jay, and
seconded by Mr. haight :
" That a Committee be appointed to take the distresses
of the poor of the town of Boston, and ways and means for
their relief, into consideration, and make their report with
all convenient speed."
Ordered, That Mr. Also]), Mr. Jay, Mr. Curtenius,
Mr. Laight, Mr. Duyckinck, and Mr. De Lancey, be a
Committee for that purpose.
Ordered, That the following persons be a Committee
to prepare answers to the Letters which have been
received, viz : John Alsop, Theophilact Bache, Miles
Sherbrook, Richard Yates, Joseph Bull, Peter Goclet,
Gerardus Duyckinck.
Ordered, That Mr. Shaw, Mr. William Walton, Mr.
Curtenius, Mr. Goelet, Mr. Remsen, Mr. Laight, and Mr.
Bull, be a Committee to apply to the Committee of
Mechanics, and request them to appoint certain persons of
their body to join our nominating body to go round the
Wards to take the sense of the inhabitants on the matters
above mentioned.
The Committee adjourned, to Monday, the 25th instant,
at 6 o'clock, in the evening, to meet at the Exchange.
New. York, July 20th, 1774.
To the Respectable Public. — We conceive the sense
of our fellow-citizens, relative to the Delegates to repre-
sent them at the proposed Congress, (notwithstanding the
proceedings of yesterday at the Coffee House,) remains
so uncertain, that until the sentiments of the town are
ascertained with great precision, we can by no means con-
sider ourselves, or any others, nominated as Delegates,
duly chosen or authorized, to act in so honourable and
important a station. John Alsop,
Isaac Low,
John Jay.
New. York, 20th July, 1774.
To the Respectable Public. — Certain Resolves having
been proposed by the Committee of Correspondence, to
a number of citizens assembled at the Coffee House yes-
terday, and rejected,* and instead of desiring that amend-
ments or additions might be made, or a new set drawn up
by the said Committee, more agreeable to their sentiments,
they proceeded to nominate a new Committee for the
purpose, and appointed us, the subscribers, on it ; and
being summoned this morning to attend their meeting,
thought it incumbent on us to return the following answer :
Gentlemen : We have received your notice to attend
the Committee appointed yesterday to draw up resolves
for this city. When we consider that the appointment of
this Committee was proposed and carried without any pre-
vious notice of such design having been given to the
inhabitants, and made no part of the business for which
they were requested to assemble, we think our election
too irregular to assume any authority, in consequence of it,
to draw resolves for the town ; especially as the nomina-
tion of this Committee seems to cast an invidious reflec-
* By a very lato letter we are informed that the people of New.York
have unanimously voted, that the resolves proposed to them were desti-
tute of vigour, sense, and integrity ; that tlicy have chosen a Commit-
tee of fifteen persons to draw up new resolves, and that two unexcep-
tionable friends of liberty wore added to the Delegates.
Boston, July 25, 1774.
tion on the Committee of Correspondence, and manifestly
tends to divide the citizens into factions and parties, at a
time when they should be distinguished by concord and
unanimity. Besides, we conceive our attendance could
answer no purpose, nor afford you any assistance. The
resolves read yesterday, with a few amendments, contain
our sentiments ; as such they will be published, and (some
seemingly exceptionable parts being omitted) offered to
the consideration of the public.
We are, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servants,
Isaac Low, Henry Remsen,
John Moore, John Jay.
To the Gentlemen of the Committee at Mr. Doran's.
New-York, July 25, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at the Exchange,
at 6 o'clock, in the evening : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman, Richard Yates, Gerardus Duyckinck,
John Alsop, Jolin De Lancey, Henry Remsen,
William Biiynrd, Miles .Sherbrook, Hamilton Young,
Theophilact Bache, Jolm Jay, Peter T. Curtenius,
Charles McEvers, Benjamin Booth, Abraham Duryee,
Charbs NichoU, Charles Shaw, Joseph Bull,
John Moore, Gabriel H. Ludlow, Richard Sharpe,
Edward Liight, Abraham Walton, Alexander Wallace.
William Walton,
A Letter dated Boston, July, 1774, received and read.
Mr. Remsen, seconded by Mr. Duryee, made the follow-
ing motion, viz :
" Mr. Chairman, I move that a poll be opened at the
usual places of election in each Ward in this city, on
Thursday, the 28th instant, at 9 o'clock, in the morning, to
elect five Deputies for the city and county of New- York,
to meet in Congress, at Philadelphia, the first o( September
next ; and in order that the same may be conducted in the
most unexceptionable manner :
" I further move, that this Committee request the Alder-
men, Conmion Council, and Vestry in each Ward to super-
intend the same, and that the Committee of Mechanics be
also requested to appoint two persons in each Ward to
attend with two of this Committee for the same purpose ;
that not only the freeholders and freemen, but also persons
who pay taxes be deemed qualified to vote."
Which being unanimously agreed to ;
Ordered, That the same be forthwith earned into exe-
cution, and public notice thereof be immediately given
by printed handbills.
Ordered further. That the following persons be a
Committee : For the East Ward, Theophilact Bache and
Charles McEvers ; for the South Ward, Charles NichoU
and John DeLancey ; for the Dock Ward, Charles Shaw
and Gabriel H. Ludlow ; for Montgomerie Ward, James
Bull and Edward Laight ; for the North Ward, William
McAdam and Miles Sherbrook; for th.e West Ward,
Benjamin Booth and Peter T. Curtenius; for the Out
Ward, William Bayard and Abraham Duryee.
An Amendment having been made, by upwards of fifteen
persons of this Committee, in their third resolve, and
ordered to be printed in Mr. Gaine's paper of this day,*
different from what was inserted in Mr. Rivington's and
Holt's papers of Thursday last, the said Amendment is
unanimously adopted by this Committee, and ordered to
remain as such.
The Committee adjourned, to meet on Thursday even-
ing, the 27th instant.
•Whereas a set of Resolves were published in Mr. Gaine's Gazette of
the 25th instant, by some gentlemen and others, styling themselves a
Committee of the city of New-York, wherein among other things it
was proposed to the Committee of Correspondence to send expresses to
the Supervisors of the different precincts or districts of each county,
in order to collect the sentiments of the people upon the present alarm-
ing and critical situation of affairs in America.
In case such expresses arrive, an inhabitant of this county would bo
glad to have answers to a few queries, which may enlighten the minds
of some, and facilitate the measure of joining with their fellow-subjects
in publisliing a proper set of resolves.
First, Does the King of Great Britain's authority, or his right of
dominion over the American Colonics, stand in any need of being esta-
blished by such resolves of town and parish meetings, as appaar in the
newspapers ?
Secondly, Does our resolving that wo are his Majesty's true and
faithful liogn subjects, make us one jot tho more so ?
Thirdly, Have or have not tho Boslonians for a series of years past,
by many of their transactions and publications, discovered an inclina-
tion to subvert the Constitution both in Church and State ?
319
NEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
320
New. York, July 27, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjomiiment, this evening:
Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman, John Do Lancey, Henry Romson,
William Bayard, Jolin Jay, Peter T. C^urtoniiu,
Philip Livingston, Bjnjaniin Booth, Abraham J)uryeo,
Charles Niclioll, ClinrL-s Shaw, Josepli Bull,
Jolin Moora, Aloxander Wallace, Richard Sharpe,
Edward Laight, Gabriel H. Ludlow, IVter Godet,
William Walton, G<!rard Duyckiiick, Joseph llallett.
Richard Yates, Peter Van iScliaack,
A Note from the Commitlee at Mr. Marriner's, to the
Delegates nominated by this Committee, with their Answer
was read, and is in the words following :
^ow-York, July 2G, 1774.
Gentlemen : As you are upon the nomination as Dele-
gates to represent this city and county of New-York, at
the proposed Congress, in order to avoid the inconveniences
which may arise from contested elections, we are re-
quested as a Conmiitlee from a number of citizens to ask
you, whether on your part you will engage to use your
utmost endeavoui-s at the proposed Congress, that an
agreement not to import goods from Great Britain
until the American grievances be redressed, be entered
into by the Colonies there to be represented, if you
will so engage, tiie body by whom we are nominated
will support you, if not, that body have a set of candidates
who will comply with the proposed engagement.
Presented by Messrs. Abraham Brasher, Theophi-
Lus Anthonit, Francis Van Dyck, Jeremiah Platt,
Christopher Duyckinck.
Answer to the foregoing Note :
New- York, July 27, 1774.
Gentlemen : Should we become your Delegates, we
beg leave to assure you tliat we will use our utmost endea-
vours to carry every measure into execution at the pro-
posed Congress that may then be thought conducive to
the general interest of the Colonies ; and, at present, are of
opinion that a general non-importation agreement, faith-
fully observed, would prove the most efficacious means to
procure a redress of our grievances.
Permit us to add, that we are led to make this decla-
ration of our sentiments, because we think it right, and not
as an inducement to be favoured with your votes ; nor have
we the least objection to your electing any gentlemen as
your Delegates, in whom you think you can repose greater
confidence, than in your humble servants,
Philip Livingston, John Alsop,
Isaac Low, John Jay.
Tlie following was received in Answer to the above :
New- York, July 27, 1774.
At a meeting of a number of citizens, convened at the
house of Mr. Marriner, it was unanimously agreed. That
they acquiesce in the nomination of the following gentle-
men, as Delegates to represent the city and county of New-
York, at the ensuing Congress to be held at Philadelphia,
on the first of September next, viz :
Mr. Philip Livingston, Mr. James Duane,
John Alsop, John Jay.
Isaac Low,
Presented by Messrs. Abraham Brasher, Theophi-
Lus Anthony, Francis Van Dyck, Jeremiah Platt,
Christopher Duyckinck.
Fourthly, Was the destruction of the tea at Boston the sole cause of
tlin gri'^vances under which that city now labours ?
Fifthly, Does not our resolving, that the people of Boston are suffer,
ing in the common cause of America, involve us in an imputation
that we concur with tliom in sentiments and inclinations in sucli
schemes as may have created a jealousy in the motlier country, and
brought on thom their present sufferings ?
Sixtiily, Will not a general agroenient of non-iraportation from
England bring on an entire non-exportation, by justly causing our ports
to be blocked up like that of Boston ; and tlien what will become of our
produce, of wliich we are like to have such vast quantities ?
Lastly, Would not a general agreement, (religiously observed) not
to use t !a, or any other article unconstitutionally taxed ; together with
the united repr sentalion or application of tlieir 1 igal Representatives
in the several Provinces, to our most gracious Sovereign, bo the most
likely and unexceptionable means for American* to havo their present
grievances r^'^ressed ?
Ulster County, Nete-York, July 30, 1774.
The Committee appointed to wait on the Magistrates,
Common Council, and Vestry, to request their superin-
tendence in each Ward, at tlie election for Delegates, to
attend the proposed Congress, reported, that they had ac-
cordingly waited on them, and received for answer, that
they would comply with their request.
The Committee of Mechanics returned the names of
the fourteen persons they were requested to appoint to
attend the said election.
A Letter from Charles Thomson, dated Philadelphia,
25th July, 1774, received and read, with Resolves.
The Committee adjourned to 28th instant.
New- York, July 28, 1774.
The Committee met this evening, at 6 o'clock, at the
Exchange : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman, John Mooro,
John Alsop,
William Bayard,
Theophilact Bacho,
Philip Livingston,
C-harles McEvers,
Charles Nicholl,
Edward Laight,
William Walton,
John De Lancey,
Miles Slicrbrook,
John Jay,
Benjamin Booth,
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Nicholas Hoffman,
GerarduB Duyckinck,
Peter T. ("urtcnius,
Peter Goelst.
The Committee observing a mistake in the account
given in Mr. Holt's paper, of the opinion declared by the
Delegates nominated to attend the Congress, relative to
the more proper measures to be adopted by the Colonies
in the present alarming situation,*
Ordered, That the proceedings of this Committee
relative to tlie matter, be published in the next paper.
The gentlemen of this Committee appointed to attend
the poll held in the different Wards of the city, for the
election of five Delegates to represent this city and county,
at the ensuing Congress, deHvered the poll lists taken at
the said election in each Ward of this city, subscribed by
the Magistrates and others under whose superintendence
the same was held, w'hich said several poll lists being read
and examined, it appears that Philip Livingston, Isaac
Loio, John Jay, John Alsop, and James Duane, the
persons nominated by this Committee, were unanimously
elected Delegates for the aforesaid purpose.
The Committee appointed to take the distresses of the
poor of the town of Boston, and ways and means for their
relief into consideration, reported that they have entered
on the inquiry, and will make a full report upon the matters
submitted to them at the next meeting of tlie Committee.
Copy of a Letter to the Committee of Correspondence
at Charlestown, South Carolina :
New.York, July 26, 1774.
Gentlemen : Your favour of the 8th instant, enclosing
the resolutions entered into by the inhabitants of your
Colony, was delivered to us by Captain Hunt ; and the
resolutions being read to this Committee, were much ap-
proved of.
It gives us the greatest pleasure to perceive that at tiiis
time, when the liberties of America are so unjustly invad-
ed, your sentiments so exactly correspond with oiu' own,
as nothing but a strict union among all the Colonies can
ever effect a restoration of our just rights; it is our sincere
wish that every Colony will exert themselves to the utmost
to preserve that union strict and inviolable ; for our parts,
you may depend we will readily concur in every constitu-
tional measure that carries with it any probability of
success in obtaining a redress of our grievances.
You will please to observe, there lias been three differ-
ent sets of resolves entered into by the inhabitants of this
city ; but that which is signed by our Chairman, we have
adopted. Thursday next is the day appointed to choose
Delegates to represent this city and county in the general
• The following is the publication referred to : —
"There seems to be at present, a coilition of parties in this city, with
respect to the measures previous to a general Congress of Dologat, s
from the several British Colonies. Both pirtics acqui;sced in the
Delegates nominated for tliis city ; and those g!ntlemon have daclartHi
their present opinion, that a non-importation agreement will be nec.s.
sary, but are left at liberty to conform to the general opinion of th«
Delegates at the Congress."
821
NEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
322
I
Congress, to be held at Philadelphia, the first oi September
next, and we make no doubt the other Colonies will soon
follow our example. When the choice is made, we shall
acquaint you therewith, as well as with every other
measure entered into by the inhabitants of this Province.
In the mean time, we remain, gentlemen, your most
obedient servants. By order of the Committee.
P. S. The packets enclosed in yours, were carefully
forwarded, and the proper direction put on that for
Quebec. This Committee think themselves highly obliged
to Captain Hunt for his civility, in detaining his vessel for
your despatches.
July 28ih. This day a poll was opened in the different
Wards for choosing Delegates to represent this city and
county at the Congress, the first of September next, at
Philadelphia ; and the following five gentlemen, James
Duane, Philip Livingston, John Alsop, John Jay, and
Isaac I^ow, were unanimously elected for that purpose.
Copy of a Letter to the Committee of Correspondence
at Philadelphia :
New. York, July 28, 1774.
Gentlemen : After various contests and other interven-
ing circumstances to prevent our endeavours for terminat-
ing the appointment of our Delegates to represent this
city and county in the general Congress, we have at length
the pleasure to acquaint you, that a mode has been adopted
which has given universal satisfaction ; that of opening
a regular poll in each Ward of this city. In consequence
whereof, the following five gentlemen, James Duane,
Philip Livingston, John Alsop, John Jay, and Isaac
Loiv, were unanimously elected.
Circular Letters have also been despatched to the dif-
ferent counties in this Province, informing them of what
we have done, and requesting them each to appoint, with
ail possible speed, one or more Delegates to join and go
with ours to Congress ; or if they choose to confide in our
Delegates, to signify such their determination, in the most
clear and explicit terms the first opportunity after the sense
of the counties can be known on so interesting a subject.
We received your favour, enclosing the Resolves and
Instructions of your Provincial Committee to the House of
Assembly ; they are approved, and do great honour to the
authors. We are gentlemen, your most humble servants.
By order of the Committee.
Copy of a Letter to Matthetv Tilghman, Esquire,
Chairman for Maryland :
Ncw-York, July 28, 1774.
We have received your favour of 26th ultimo, which
brought us your Resolutions for the people of the Province
of Maryland. They were read, and their firmness and
spirit much approved.
You mention the 20th September, at Philadelphia, as
the time and place for the general Congress ; but the Colo-
ny of Massachusetts has fixed on the 1st of September, at
Philadelphia, for that purpose ; and we with the rest of
the Eastern Colonies have agreed to the same time and
place, New-Hampshire excepted, from whence we have
not yet been favoured with their sentiments on the present
situation of our American affairs, so that we are uncertain
how they intend acting, but are in hopes they will join in
the general plan of operation.
This city and county have this day elected their five
Delegates to attend at the ensuing Congress : their names
are Philip Livingston, John Alsop, Isaac Low, James
Duane, and John Jay ; whose names will be sent up to the
other counties of this Province to know if they approve of
them to represent the whole Province, if not, to add such
others as tliey shall think proper.
You have herewith the Resolves of this Committee,
which seem to be principally adopted in this city ; notwith-
standing, tl'.ere are two other sets of resolves in the public
newspapers.
The delay that has happened in fixing upon our Dele-
gates, lias prevented our answering your favour until now,
for which we must beg your excuse, and remain, with
great respect, gentlemen, your most humble servants.
Copy of a Letter sent to the Committee, or Treasurer
of the different Counties :
New-York, July 29, 1774.
Gentlemen : We should have answered your letter
sooner, but were induced to defer it by the prospect we
had of having all disputes relative to our Delegates (the
only matter of moment we had to communicate) settled
before now ; but various cross-circumstances have continu-
ally intervened to prevent our endeavours for terminating
so important a controversy.
At length, however, we have the pleasure to acquaint
you, that a mode has been adopted which gave universal
satisfaction ; that of opening a regular poll in each Ward of
this city ; in consequence whereof, the following five gentle-
men, James Duane, Philip Livingston, John Alsop, Isaac
Low, and John Jay, were unanimously elected to repre-
sent this city in the general Congress, the 1st of September
next, at Philadelphia.
It therefore becomes necessary that the Delegates to
represent the other counties in this Province, be speedily
appointed. The counties will judge of the propriety of
confiding in the same persons only which we have chosen,
or to appoint such others to go with them to the Congress,
as they may think fit to depute for that purpose. Permit
us to observe, that the number of Delegates is imma-
terial, since those of each Province, whether more or less,
will conjointly have only one vote at the Congress.
In order, however, that the representation of the different
counties may be quite complete, it is absolutely necessary
that your county appoint, with all possible speed, one or
more Delegates, to join and go with ours to the Congress,
or, if you choose to repose your confidence in our Dele-
gates, that you signify such your determination in the most
clear and explicit terms, by the first opportunity after the
sense of your county can be known on so interesting a
subject.*
The Committee adjourned, until Monday, August 7th,
1774.
New-York, August 7, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at the Exchange,
at 6 o'clock, in the evening : Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman, Miles Sherbrook, Peter Van Schaack,
John Alsop, John Jay, Henry Remsen,
Philip Livingston, Benjamin Booth, Peter T. Curtenius,
James Uuane, Charles Shaw, Gerard W. Beekman,
Edward Laiglit, Gabriel H. Ludlow, Abraham Duryee,
William Walton, Nicholas HofFman, Joseph Bull.
John De Lancey, Gerardus Duyckinck,
A Letter from Elizabethtown, dated August 5, 1774,
was received and read.
Ordered, That John Jay, James Duane, Philip Living-
ston, and Henry Remsen, be a Committee to answer a
Letter from Boston ; and to wait on the Chairman of the
Mechanics' Committee, to request the favour of the
Boston Letter to them.
Ordered, That the following persons be a Committee
to procure proper persons to go round in the different
Wards of this city, with a subscription for the relief of the
poor in the town of Boston, and to draw up the form of
such subscription, Peter T. Curtenius, Peter Van Schaack,
Charles Shaw, Edward Laight, Nicholas Hoffman, Ge-
rardus Duyckinck, Joseph Bull.
The above persons to request the Committee of Me-
chanics to appoint a Committee from their body, to assist
this Committee in the above office. That the moneys
when collected, be paid into the hands of Messrs. Gerar-
dus Duyckinck, Peter T. Curtenius, a.nd G. W. Beekman.
The Committee adjourned until to-morrow evening, at
8 o'clock.
• New-York, August 25. On the 16tli instant there was a meeting
of the several Committees of the County of Orange, when Henry
Wisner and John Waring, Esquires, were chosen Delegates for that
county, to meet at tlio Congress at Philadelphia on or about the first
day of September next.
We hear from Albany, that on the 10th instant there was a meetmg
of the inhabitants at the Market Place in tliat city, on the business of
appointing Delegates for the general Congress. That on the Uth they
had anotlicr meeting, wiien it was resolved that Robert Yates, feter
Sylvester, and Henry Van Schaack, Esquires, if approved by the
majority of the Delegates from the several Districts, at a general meet-
ina for the county, sliould be deputed for the said county to attend tlie
Co'ngrcss at Philadelphia. We hear several other counties havo
adopted the measure of sending, each for itself, Delegates to the
Congress.
FouETH Series.
21
828
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
334
Ncw.York, August 8, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, this evening:
Present,
Poter T. Curteiihis,
Abraham Duryeo,
Joaepli Bull,
William Walton,
Peter Van Schaack.
Isaac Low, Chairman, Edward Laight,
William Bayard, Miles Sherbrook,
Philip Livingston, Benjamin Booth,
Charles NichoU, Charles Shaw,
John Moore, Nicholas Hoffman,
James Duane, Hamilton Young,
Copy of a Letter to the Committee of Correspondence,
at Boston :
New. York, August 9, 1774.
Gentlemen : It gives us pain to be infomied that you
have the least reason to impute our silence to any but the
true cause, viz : our having had nothing of importance to
communicate, even in point of ceremony, which at such a
juncture might be dispensed with. We do not think we
have been deficient. When all depends on mutual confi-
dence, and hannony, much is it to be lamented that the
letters or whisperings of individuals should become the
foundation of jealousy for the rectitude of our intentions,
and our sincere desire of supporting the general cause.
We can cheerfully appeal to our acts, our letters, our
resolves, and the unreserved and open declarations which
we have frequently and publicly made of our sentiments,
in the present alarming state of our Colonies; and by
these alone we ought to be judged. Permit us to add,
that whatever grounds you have to question the patriotism
of the order of Merchants, which is so strongly implied in
your letter to our Committee of Mechanics, it is a debt of
justice to affirm that the spirited and disinterested conduct
of the commercial part of this city, ought to place them
above the reach of suspicion, .since at all times, and upon
every occasion, they have proved themselves the unshaken
friends of constitutional liberty, and have virtuously sacri-
ficed the advantages of their profession to the public good.
To justify ourselves to you and to the world, far from
declining, we think it our indispensable duty, and therefore
must demand, as a right, that you will candidly furnish us
with copies of the letters, and the dates of the newspapers,
in which they were published, and a detail of the facts
which have given rise to your uneasiness ; and you may
be assured that they shall become the subject of serious
consideration. In times like these it is highly necessary
that the foes to truth and liberty should be known and
detected ; and if they cannot be reformed, at least that a
period may be put to their power of sowing the seeds of
discord, one of the most fatal evils which can befall our
country.
We have the pleasure to acquaint you that we have at
length chosen five Delegates to represent this city in Con-
gress, viz: Philip Livingston, John Alsop, Isaac Low,
James Duane, and John Jay. They were elected by the
people, without one dissenting voice. Circular letters have
been sent to the counties informing them of it, and
requesting them either to signify their acquiescence in
our Delegates, or immediately appoint others to represent
them. Enclosed you have a copy of our Resolves, which
have been generally adopted in this metropolis.
The distresses of the poor of your town, and ways and
means for their relief, have engaged the earnest attention of
our Committee ; and for this necessary and benevolent
purpose, we have agreed that a subscription shall be set on
foot throughout the Colony, which we do not doubt will
meet with the wished for success. On our parts, we beg
leave to assure you that nothing shall be omitted which
we shall think conducive to your welfare and redress, or
which may have a tendency to promote the restoration and
establishment of our common rights and privileges.
We are, gentlemen, &c.
Copy of a Letter to the several Counties of this Pro-
vince :
New. York, August 9, 1774.
Gentlemen : The distresses of the poor of the town of
Boston, now sinking under the hand of power, and exposed
to all the miseries which must attend so fatal a calamity, call
aloud for our tender and compassionate concern. Every
motive of policy and humanity should excite us to contri-
bute with a liberal hand to their immediate redress. They
are our countr)'men and brethren, suffering in the common
cause of liberty, and their hard condition may one day be
our own, and we stand in need of that bounty which it
now becomes our duty cheerfully to dispense.
From considerations so interesting, this Committee of
Correspondence have unanimously recommended to their
constituents a generous subscription for the support of the
indigent inhabitants of that oppressed town, and entertain
no doubt but it will meet with all the success to be
expected from a people equally distinguished for their
charity and benevolence, and their unshaken zeal for con-
stitutional liberty. All the collections are appointed to be
paid into the hands of Messrs. Gerard William Bcekman,
Gerardus Duyckinck, and Peter T. Curteniw, of this
city, merchants, and to be expended under the direction
of this Committee, for such necessaries as the condition
of the poor inhabitants require.
After laying before you this example, we earnestly
recommend it to the imitation of your county. Per-
haps, in some instances, it may be most convenient to the
inhabitants to contribute in wheat or flour, which will be
equally serviceable. Permit us, gentlemen, to submit this
salutary measure to your immediate patronage. The
interest and welfare of a whole Continent require that a
provision should be made for all who become sufferers in
our common cause, and the immediate honour and reputa-
tion of this Colony must animate us to distinguish ourselves
on so patriotic and benevolent an occasion.
We are, gentlemen, your obedient humble servants.
By order, he.
The Committee adjourned to Monday evening, the 2'2d
instant, at 6 o'clock, in the evening.
New. York, August 22, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at the Exchange,
this evening :* Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman, James Duane,
William Bayard,
Theophilact Bache,
Philip Livingston,
Charles McEvers,
John Moore,
Edward Laight,
Miles Sherbrook,
Benjamin Booth,
Charles Shaw,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Nicholas Hoffman,
Peter Van .Schaack,
Henry Remsen,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Goijlet,
Abraham Duryee.
A Letter, dated tSu^oZZ: County, 11th August, 1774,
received and read.
Copy of a Letter to William Floyd, Esq., Suffolk
County :
New. York, August 23, 1774.
Sir: Your favour of the 11th instant, acquainting that
Colonel William Floyd is appointed a Delegate to repre-
sent your county at the ensuing general Congress at Phila-
delphia, has been communicated to the Committee of
Correspondence in this city.
I am, sir, your most humble servant.
Copy of a Letter to Zephaniah Piatt, Esquire, Pough-
kcepsie, Dutchess County :
Sir : We received your favour of the 20th instant,
enclosing the Resolves of the inhabitants of your precinct,
and acquainting that you confide in the Delegates chosen
by our citizens to represent them in the general Congress.
What good can be effected time must discover, but we are
* On Monday evening, August 22d, the Committee of Corrcspon.
denco met, according to a<ljournmcnt ; and as this was tlic last time of
their assembling before the dc])nrture of our Delegates, the business of
the ensiling Congr-Rs was discussed with a manly firmness, and a
becoming freedom of sentiment. Throe of the Delegates were present,
and ]iai<l great attention to the opinions of their follow.citizens, de.
claruig tlKnislvrs hapjiy to receive information on those important
points that were shortly to come before them ; the whole scope, e.xten.
sion, and consequences of which, they were unable, as yet, to compre.
hend. The points mostly insisted upon in these debates, were, that if
it was r;Commended to the Bostunians to piy for the tea, as an act of
justice, tlx'ir port would soon be opened, and then we should stand
upon our former ground of importing no goods lialile to a duty. That
notliing but " dire necessity," according to our own resolves, should
induce us to Ijreak off our conneclions with tlie parent country ; and
that whenever we should be reduced to tlie last sad alternative of
entering into a non-importation agreement, it ought not to be a partial
one, like tlie last, when some men made fortunes by the ruin of others,
but that it sliould include and suspend the importation of every Euro-
pean commodity from all parts of the world.
835
NEW-YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774,
836
confident our Delegates, (and we trust those from the other
Colonies,) will go with hearts most sincerely and zealously
disposed to render the measure productive of every happy
consequence that can be reasonably expected from their
united councils on matters of so truly important and serious
a nature. We are, gentlemen, your most humble servants,
By order of the Committee.
The Committee adjourned until Monday, 29th August,
1774.
New- York, Au^ist 99th, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment : Present,
Nicholas Hoffman,
Peter Van Schaack,
Hamilton Young,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Abraham Duryee,
Joseph Bull.
Isaac Low, Chairman,
John AIsop,
William Bayard,
Theophilact Bache,
Charles Nicholl,
James Duane,
Edward Laight,
William Walton,
Miles Slierbrook,
John Tliurmau,
Benjamin Booth,
Charles Shaw,
Alexander Wallace,
Gabriel H. Ludlow,
A Letter dated Kingston, 19th August, 1774, received
and read ; a Letter dated Kingston, 19th Augiist, 1774;
a Letter dated New Windsor, 26th August, 1774 ; a Letter
with Proceedings of Bedford, dated August 9th, 1774 ;
a Letter dated Mamaroneck, 7th August, 1774 ; a Letter
dated White Plains, 27th August, 1774 ; — received and
read, approving of the Delegates adopted for the city and
county of New York.
The Committee adjourned until Monday,* 5th Septem-
ber, 1774.
* On Monday evening, September 5, the Inhabitants of this City
were greatly alarmed with the following Accounts, brought by express,
which had been forwarded with great despatch to our Committee of
Correspondence :
PoMFRET, Connecticut, September 3, 1774.
Captain Cleveland : Mr. Keyi this moment brought us the news
that the men-of-war and troops began to fire upon the people last night
at sunset at Boston, when a post was immediately sent off to inform
tlie country. He informs, that the artillery played all night ; that the
people were universally rallying from Boston as far as here, and desire
all the assistance possible. The first was occasioned by the country's
being robbed of their powder from Boston as far as Farmingham, and
when found out, the persons who went to take them were immediately
fired upon ; six of our number were killed the first shot, and a number
wounded, and beg you will rally all the forces you can, and be upon
tlie march immediately for the relief of Boston, and the people that
way. Israel Putnam.
Send an express along to Norwich and elsewhere.
Aaron Cleveland.
Forwarded from Norwich per John Durkee.
New-London, September 3.
Pray send forward an express to Saybrook, and elsewhere on the
nea shore, and to Eitst Haddam, immediately. I desire those towns to
forward expresses to their neighbouring towns.
Richard Law,
Nathaniel Shaw,
Samuel H. Parsons.
To Messrs. John Lay, Esquire, and the rest of the Committee of Cor-
respondence at Lyme.
New-London, September 3.
You will see. by a Letter to your Committee of Correspondenre, the
necessity of rallying all your forces immediately. Pray let every man
who values his own, or his country's liberty, appear immedintely. We
shall march before noon to-morrow. I came home to-day ; shall set
out with our forces on the morrow. Let your Captains call their men
a.s early as possible, and make no delay in joining. S. Parsons.
To the Committee of Correspondence in Saybrook, or to the Select.
men in .Savbrook :
It is desired that this may be forwarded to Killingsworth, to be for.
warded w>;8tward.
Ele. Matther, John Lay, 2d, John McCurdy, William Noyes, Samuel
Mtttther, Jun., Committee of Correspondence.
TO DR. NATHANIEL RUGQLES, AND SAMUEL BROWN, ESQUIRE.
Gentlemen : You will doubtless think it prudent, on the receipt of
this intelligence, to forward it at least as far as New-Haven, where,
doubtless, intelligence will be received by the upper road.
Aaron Elliott,
Benjamin Gale.
Guilford, September 4.
Forwarded by the subscriber to Branford. Samuel Brown.
Branford, September 4.
Forwarded to John Whiting, Esquire, and the rest of the C^ommittee
of Correspondence at New-Haven, per .Samuel Baker,
Samuel Jones.
New-Haven, September 4.
Gentlemen : We have to communicate the fatal news o' an attack
by the King's fleet and troops upon the town of Boston. Enclosed
you have the foundation and conveyance of the melancholy intelli-
gence. We thought it necessary and expedient to communicate by
express, expecting your speedy aid to forward the same to the Congress
at Philadelphia. We are, gentlemen, your friends and brethren in the
common cause. Signed for the Committee of Corresi)ondence.
Timothy Jones, Clerk of the said Committee.
To the Committee of Correspondence of New- York.
New. York, September 5, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment: Present,
Abraham Duryee, John De Lancey, Peter T. Curtenius,
Theophilact Bache, Alexander Wallace, Benjamin Booth,
Charles Nicholl, Gabriel H. Ludlow, Charles Shaw,
Edward Laight, Peter Van Schaack, Gerard W. Beekman,
William Walton, Hamilton Young, Joseph Bull.
Mr. Low, the Chairman, and Mr. Alsop, the Deputy
Chairman of this Committee, being out of town, they
proceeded to choose a Chairman pro tempore, when Mr.
Abraham Duryee was unanimously chosen.
A Letter dated Albany, August 27, 1774, with Resolves
and Proceedings, received and read ; a Letter dated Pough-
keepsie, August 31st, 1774, received and read, approving
the resolves and Delegates for New- York.
The Committee adjourned to Monday, 19th September.
New- York, September 19, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment : Present,
A. Duryee, Chairman, Alexander Wallace, Edward Laight,
William Walton, Henry Remsen, Joseph Bull,
John Moore, Peter T. Curtenius, Charles Nicholl,
Peter Goelet, Nicholas Hoffman, John De Lancey,
Gabriel H. Ludlow, Peter Van Schaack, Charles Shaw.
A Letter from Mr. Isaac Low, dated Philadelphia, 17th
September, 1774, was received and read.
Ordered, That Mr. Van Schaack, Mr. Moore, and
Mr. W. Walton, be a Cofnmittee to prepare a draught of
a Letter to be sent to the counties of Richmond, Kings,
Queens, and Tryon, requesting them to send Delegates
from their respective counties to represent them in the
general Congress now sitting at Philadelphia, or to signify
their acquiescence in those already assembled there for the
Province of New-York.
The Committee adjourned to Monday, 3d October
next, 1774.
New. York, September 30, 1774.
At a special meeting of the Committee at the Exchange,
at 9 o'clock, A.'M. : Present,
Henry Remsen, Gerardus Duycklnck, William Walton,
Charles McEvers, Peter Goelet, William McAdam,
Charles Nicholl, Gerard W. Beekman, John Moore,
Richard Sharpe, Peter T. Curtenius, Theophilact Bache,
William Bayard, John Dc Lancey, Edward Laight,
Charles Shaw, Miles Sherbrook, Peter Van Schaack,
Hamilton Young, Joseph Bull, Gabriel H. Ludlow.
Mr. Abraham Duryee, the Chairman of this Committee,
being out of town, they proceeded to choose one in his
stead, when Mr. Henry Remsen was unanimously chosen.
The Chairman laid before the Committee a representa-
tion of a number of the inhabitants of this city, signed by
Joseph Totten, their President. And the Committee
taking into their serious consideration the subject matter of
the said Address, and being desirous on all occasions to
conform themselves to the true sense of their constituents,
thought proper to publish a notification, immediately to be
dispersed throughout the city for convening the inhabitants
at the City Hall at one o'clock this day.
The Committee then adjourned to this evening at six
o'clock.
New- York, September 30, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at 6 o'clock, this
evening : Present,
H. Remsen, Cham'n. William Walton, Nicholas Hoffman,
Theophilact Bache, Hamilton Young, Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Richard Sharpe, Miles Sherbrook, John Moore,
Nicholas Hoffman, John De Lancey, Edward Laight,
Peter Van Schaack, Charles McEvers, Charles Shaw,
Peter T. Curtenius, Charles Nicholl, Gerard W. Beekman.
Joseph Bull,
It was unanimously Resolved, That the following Nar-
rative of the proceedings of the Committee on this day be
published.
At a meeting of the Committee of Correspondence of
this city, specially summoned, the following representation,
being the result of the deliberations of a number of their
constituents assembled last night, was presented to the
Committee and read :
" To the respectable body of gentlemen nominated by
the public voice as a Committee for managing the affairs of
the inhabitants of this city in the present exigency of our
public concerns.
327
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
838
"The Representation of a number of the Citizens who
chose J oil to act in their belialf in all matters relating
to tlie public weal, respectfully showelh :
"That within a few days past a number of persons, very
inconsiderable in comparison to the number who constitute
the body of the freeholders and freemen of this city, have
taken upon themselves to disturb the peace and order of
the town, by assembling, without any notification from you,
to whom the public voice gave the care of the community's
interest in all affairs of a public nature ; and have presumed
to call themselves a Connnittee from the body of the
inhabitants of the city, and in that character have arbi-
trarily censured and threatened several worthy and respec-
table persons amongst our fellow-citizens.
" We, therefore, respectfully desire you will call a meet-
ing of the inhabitants to assemble at the City Hall, at one
o'clock, to-morrow, and there declare to them our senti-
ments of such proceedings, and make such public resolves
for the preservation of the peace, good order, and general
weal of the community, as the state of affairs makes
requisite.
" We are, gentlemen, with great respect, and the fullest
confidence in your wisdom and integrity, as the guardians
of your fellow-citizens' true interest and liberties, your
sincere friends.
" Signed by the unanimous desire of the assembly,
" Joseph Totten, President."
New. York, September 29th, 1774.
Tlie Committee taking into their serious consideration
the subject matter of the said Address, and being desirous
of giving to our fellow-citizens every satisfaction in our
power, in the Important capacity they did us the honour to
appoint us to, we give this public notice, that, agreeable to
their desire, we shall attend at the City Hall at one o'clock
this day, and we earnestly request all the inhabitants of
this city to meet us, and assist our deliberations with their
counsel and support.
Signed by order of the Committee,
Henry Remsen, Chairman.
In consequence of the above Notice, the Committee, at
the time appointed, repaired in a body to the City Hall,
when Mr. Henry Remsen, their Chairman, was proceeding
to open and explain the business of the meeting to a very
respectable body of his fellow-citizens, but being inter-
rupted by the noise and clamour of sundry persons, it was
agreed to adjourn to the Coffee House ; and, notwithstand-
ing the attempts which were then again made use of to
prevent his being heard, the Chairman addressed himself
to the people as follows :
" Gentlemen : In consequence of an application from
a number of respectable citizens, communicated by Mr.
Joseph Totten, their Chairman, which has been published
in handbills, it was thought proper to summon a special
meeting of the Committee of Correspondence, at which
meeting it has been resolved, that the inhabitants of this
city should be called together, and that the following ques-
tions should be proposed for their consideration :
•' Whether those persons who style themselves a Com-
mittee, and have called upon several of our fellow-citizens to
inquire into their private business, were audioi-ized by you ?
And whether you approve of their conduct in so doing ?"
Which questions being severally and distinctly put,
passed in the negative by a very great majority, who
declared that the said persons, styling themselves a Com-
mittee, had acted without authority from the public ; that
their conduct was highly disapproved of, and that such
their sentiments, should bo published.
Therefore, in conformity to the sentiments of a very
great majority of our constituents, and being ourselves
fully persuaded that all such irregular proceedings have a
direct tendency to promote a disunion amongst ourselves,
we thus publicly declare our disapprobation of all such
measures. By order of the Committee,
Henry Remsen, Chairman.
The Committee adjourned to Monday, October 10, 1774.
New. York, October 4, 1774.
The Committee had a special meeting at 6 o'clock:
Present,
H. Remsen, Chairman, Benjamin Booth, Gabriel H. Ludlow,
John Thurinan, Josepli Bull, Nicholas Hoffman,
Peter Van Schaack, Gcrardus Diiyckcink, Abraham Walton,
Charles NiclioU, Peter Goelot, William W.ilton,
Edward Laight, Hamilton Young, Charles McEvers.
Charles Shaw,
The Committee taking into consideration the exorbitant
price to which sundry articles of goods have advanced,
but more particularly some of the necessaries of life :
Ordered, That Mr. Van Schaack, Mr. McEvers, Mr.
Bull, and Mr. Booth, be a Committee to draw up an
advertisement, requesting the Importers of Goods in this
city, to meet on Friday morning, the 7th instant, at 1 1
o'clock, in the morning, in order to consider of tlie most
effectual ways for stopping this growing evil.
Committee Chamber, Ncw-York, October 5, 1774.
The Committee of Correspondence, having taken into
consideration the present dissatisfaction i)revailing in the
city on account of the advance upon several articles im-
ported from Great Britain, and foreseeing that these
discontents will be likely to increase, when a non-impor-
tation agreement shall have taken place, have judged it
necessary to request a meeting of all the Importers at the
Exchange, on Friday morning next, at 11 o'clock, to
consider and determine upon such a plan as will be best
likely to remedy these inconveniences.
By order of the Committee,
Henry Remsen, Chairman.
New- York, October 13, 1774.
At a meeting of Importers of goods from Great Britain,
to take into consideration the dissatisfaction that has already
appeared, upon the advance of divers articles, some of
them the real necessaries of life: And being determined,
as far as in us lies, to preserve the peace of the city, we
think it necessary, in order to remove the cause for any
future murmurings to make tlie following declarations :
Tliat we will not from the apprehension of a non-impor-
tation agreement put any unreasonable advance upon our
goods; and when such an agreement shall have taken
place, we will continue to sell them for a moderate profit,
and no more.
That we will do our utmost to discourage all engrosser?
and persons who buy up goods with a view of creating an
artificial scarcity, thereby to obtain a more plausible pretext
for enhancing the prices.
That if any retailer or other person, should by a contrary
conduct, endeavour to defeat these our good intentions,
we will, as one man, decline dealing with him, and shall
consider him or them as the author or authors of all the
disturbances that shall be consequent thereupon.
Signed, by order of a large number of Importers, met
at the Exchange. Henry Remsen.
New.York, November 7, 1774.
The Committee met at the Exchange, at 6 o'clock :
Present,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Gerard W. Backman,
James Duane,
John Thurman,
John Moore,
Charles Shaw.
Isaac Low, Chairmaii, Abraham Duryee,
David Johnston, Jolm Da Lancey,
Charles NichoU, John Alsop,
Gerardus Duyckinck, Josc^li Hull,
Gabriel H. Ludlow, I'hilip I^ivineston,
William Walton, Aloxandc-r Wallace,
A Letter dated Malbro' Town, October 17th, 1774, was
received and read.
Mr. Duane moved. That this Committee inquire what
progress has been made in the subscriptions and collections
ibr the poor of the town of Boston.
Ordered, That Peter Van Schaack, Peter T. Curtenius,
Charles Shaw, James Duane, Nicholas Hoffman, Ger-
ardus Duyckinck, John Jay, and Joseph Btdl, be a Com-
mittee for that purpose; who are authorized to take such
further measures for cai'rying the above into execution, as
they may tJiink necessary.
Mr. Duane moved, that the following Advertisement be
published in the papere for the purpose therein mentioned:
New.York Committee Clianiber, NoTember 7, 1774.
Whereas, at the Continental Congress, held at Phila-
delphia, it was
" Resolved, That a Committee be chosen in every coua-
829
NEW- YORK COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, 1774.
330
ty, city, and town, by those who are qualified to vote for
Representatives to the Lcfrislature, whose business it shall
be attentively to observe the conduct of ail persons touch-
ing the Association entered into by the members of tlie said
Congress in the name, and on the behalf of themselves
and tlieir respective constituents ; and wiien it shall be
made to appear to the satisfaction of the majority of any
such Committee that any person within the limits of their
appointment has violated the said Association, that such
majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case to be
published in the Gazette, to the end that all such foes to
the rights of British America, may be publicly known,
and univei-sally contemned as the enemies of American
liberty ; and that thenceforth the parties to the said Asso-
ciation will respectively break off all dealings with him or
her."
Which said resolve of the Congress being this day taken
into consideration by the Committee of Correspondence
of the city of New-York, they do hereby recommend to
the freeholders and freemen of the said city, to assemble
together at the usual places of election in their several
Wards, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, on Friday, the 18th
inst., then and there to elect and appoint eight fit persons
in each respective Ward, to be a Committee of Inspection
for the purpose expressed in the said resolve of the Con-
gress. By order of the Committee,
Isaac Low, Chairman.
Tlie following persons were appointed to prepare a
Circular Letter to the different Counties recommending
them to appoint Committees of Inspection, agreeable to
the eleventh resolve of the Congress, viz : John Jay,
Peter T. Curtenius, Isaac Low, and James Duane.
The Committee adjourned to Monday evening, the
14th instant.
New.York, November 14, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, at 6 o'clock, in
the evening : Present :
James Duane,
Gerard W. Beekman,
Abraham Duryeo,
Peter T. Curtenius,
Peter Van Schaack.
Isaac Low, Chairman, Miles Slierbrook,
John AIsop, Joseph Bull,
Joliu Tlmrman, Hamilton Young,
William Walton, Richard Sharpe,
Henry Romsjn, John Jay,
Gerardus Duyckinck, Peter Goelet,
Copy of a Letter to Mr. Daniel Dunscomh, Chairman
of the Committee of Mechanics :
Committee Chamber, November 14, 1774.
Sir: Some difliculties have arisen relative to the ad-
vertisement published by this Committee for choosing a
Committee of Inspection : and this Committee being
desirous of adopting a mode that shall be agreeable to
their fellow-citizens in general, have postponed the further
consideration of this subject until to-morrow evening, at
six o'clock, to the end that they may have a conference with
your Committee on a matter which is conceived of so
much importance to the peace and welfare of this city.
You are therefore requested to call a meeting of your
Committee, some time to-morrow, and beg the favour of
the whole body to meet us here in the evening, precisely
at six o'clock, and you will oblige, sir, your most humble
servant. By order of the Committee,
Isaac Low, Chairman.
To Mr. Daniel Dunscomh, Chairman of the Committee
of Mechanics.
Committee Chamber, November 14, 1774.
Whereas it is intended very soon to transmit the donations
that have been collected in the Colony, for the support of
the poor of Boston to that city. The Committee of Cor-
respondence request the favour of the benefactors and
collectors of that laudable charity as soon as possible to
pay the several contributions into the hands of Messrs.
Gerard W. Beekman, Gerardus Duyckinck, and Peter T.
Curtenius, of the city of New-York, merchants, or either
of them, who are appointed by this Committee and have
undertaken lo transact that business.
By order of the Committee,
Isaac Low, Chairman.
The Committee adjourned until to-morrow evening, at
6 o'clock, November 15, 17T4.
New.York, November 15, 1774.
The Committee met, by adjournment, this evening:
Present,
Isaac Low, Chairman, Nicholas Hoffman, Charles Shaw,
John Alsop, Willium Wulton, John Tlmrman,
James Duane, Hamilton Younj;, Banjamin Booth,
Phihp Livingston, C^harles Nicholl, William McAdam,
John Jay, Henry Rcmsen, Peter T. Curtenius,
William Bayard, Peter Vmi Schaack, Abraham Duryee,
Theoiihilact Bacho, Joseph Bull, John IMoore.
John Dc Lancey,
Ordered, That when a Committee for carrying the
Association of the Congress into execution shall be elected,
this Committee do consider themselves as dissolved; and
that this resolution be immediately made j)ublic.
New- York Committee Chamber, 15th November, 1774.
Whereas it is apprehended that inconveniences may
arise from the mode lately recommended by this Committee
for electing a new Committee to superintend the execution
of the Association entered into by the Congress ; and this
Committee of Correspondence having taken the same into
further consideration, and consulted many of their fellow-
citizens, and also conferred with the Committee of Mecha-
nics thereupon, and having agreed to dissolve their body
as soon as such new Committee shall be appointed :
Public notice is, therefore, hereby given, that it is now
thought fit, that, instead of the mode prescribed by the
former advertisement, sixty persons, to continue in office
until the first day of July next, shall be chosen by the
freeholders and freemen of the said city, to be a Committee
for the purposes mentioned in the said Association ; and
that the said election shall be held at the City Hall, on
Tuesday next, at ten o'clock, in the forenoon, under the
inspection of the Vestrymen of this city, who shall be
requested by the inhabitants for that purpose.
By order of the Committee,
Isaac Low, Chairman.
At the before mentioned conference with the Committee
of Mechanics, it was mutually agreed :
1st. That the Committee nominated and held up to the
public are not to exceed seventy ; nor to be less than sixty
persons.
2d. To be chosen by the freeholders and freemen, at the
City Hall, on Tuesday next, under the inspection of the ■
Vestrymen of the city.
3d. To continue in office until the first day of July
next.
4th. Each Committee to interchange one hundred
names, out of which the Committee is to be nominated.
5th. To be styled, " The Committee for carrying into
execution the Association entered into by the Continental
Congress."
The Committee adjourned until to-morrow evening,
16th November, 1774, at six o'clock.
Tuesday, November 22, 1774.
The Election of a Committee of sixty persons, for the
purposes mentioned in the Association, entered into by the
Congress, having this day come on, pursuant to advertise-
ments in the public newspapers, a respectable number of
the freeholders and freemen of this city, assembled at the
City Hall, where the election was conducted under the
inspection of several of the Vestrymen, and the following
persons were chosen without a dissenting voice, viz :
Isaac Low, Henry Remsen, Hercules Mulligan,
Philip Livingston, Peter T. Curtenius, John Anthony,
James Duane, Abraham Brasher, J'rancis Basset,
John Alsop, Abraham P. Lett, Victor Bicker,
John Jay, Abraham Duryee, John White,
P. V. B. Livingston, Joseph Bull, Theophilus Anthony,
Isaac Sears, Francis Lewis, William Goforth,
David Johnston, John Lasher, William Denning,
Charles Nicholl, John Roome, Isaac Roosevelt,
Alex. McDougall, Joseph Totten, Jacob Van Voorhocs,
Thomas Randall, Samuel Jones, Jeremiah Piatt,
Leonard Lispenard, John De Lancey, William Ustick,
Edward Laight, Frederick Jay, Comfort Sands,
William Walton, William W. Ludlow, Robert Benson,
John Broom, John B. Moore, William W. Gilbert,
Joseph Hallett, George Janeway, John P^rtian,
Charles Shaw, Rodolphus Ritzema, Gabriel H. Ludlow,
Nicholas Hoffman, Lindley Murray, Nicholas Roosevelt,
Abraham Walton, Lancaster BurUng, Edward Flemming,
Peter Van Schaack, Thomas Ivers, Lawrence Erabree.
331
CORRESPONDEISCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, MAY, 1774.
882
TOWN MEETING IN BOSTON.
Friday, May 13, 1774.
On this clay there was a numerous and respectable
ineeting of tlie freelioUlers and otiier inhabitants of this
town, lesjaliy warned and assembled at Fanueil Hall,
to consider an edict lately passed by the British Parlia-
ment, for sluitting u]) the harbour, and otherwise punishing
the inhabitants ;* and to determine upon proper measures
to be taken by the town thereon.
After niakine; choice of Mr. Samuel Adams, Moderator
of the meeting, the edict was distinctly read by the Clerk ;
and the nature and tendency, as well as the design of it,
being explained in the observations of several gentlemen
upon it, the town came into the following vote, nem. con :
Voted, That it is the opinion of this town, that if the
other Colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all im-
j)ortations from Great Britain, and exportations to Great
Britain, and every part of tiie fVest Indies, till the Act
for blocking up this harbour be repealed, the same will
prove the salvation of North America and her liberties.
On the other hand, if they continue their exports and
imports, there is high reason to fear that fraud, power, and
the most odious oppression, will rise triumphant over right,
justice, social happiness, and freedom.
And, Ordered, That this vote be forthwith transmitted
by the Moderator to all our sister Colonies, in the name
and behalf of this lown.f
Then it was moved for consideration what measures were
proper for the town to take on the present emergency ;
whereupon several judicious, spirited and manly proposals
were made, which being debated with a candour, modera-
tion, and firmness of mind becoming a people resolved
to preserve their liberty, it was voted, that the Moderator,
with John Rowe, Esq., Mr. Thomas Boylston, William
Phillips, Esq., Dr. Joseph Warren, John Adams, Esq.,
Josiah ^uinci/, Esq., Thomas Cashing, Esq., Mr. Hender-
son Inches, Mr. William Mollineaux, and Mr. Nathaniel
Appkton, be a Committee to take the several proposals
that have been, and others that may be made, into con-
sideration, and report to the town as soon as may be.
After which the town made choice of Mr. Oliver Wen-
dell, Isaac Smith, Esq., Mr. William Dennie, Mr. Wil-
liam Powell, and Mr. John Pitts, to repair immediately
to the towns of Salem and Marblehead, to communicate
the sentiments of this metropolis to the gentlemen there,
consult with them, and make report at the adjournment.
Then the meeting was adjourned to Wednesday next,
the 18th instant, at ten of the clock in the forenoon.
Wednesday, May 18,t 1774.
The freeholders and other inhabitants of this town,
met again this day, at Fanueil Hall, by adjournment;
and the Committee which had been appointed to re-
ceive and consider of proposals for the support and
employment of such as will be sufferers by the operation
of the cruel edict of the British Parliament, reported that
several judicious proposals had been made, and that they
conceived that ways and means would be found for the
relief of such inhabitants in the time of distress. They
recommended to their fellow-citizens patience, fortitude,
and a firm trust in God, and desired further time to agree
upon a report.
* The Port Bill was received at Bonton by Captain Jrnhn», who
arrived there on Tiirsday, the 10th of itfuy, 1774. On Friday, the
13th, about noon, General Gage arrived in the Lively frigate, and
landed at the Castle.
t On Saturday, the 14tli, Mr. Paul Retere was despatched by the
Committee of Correspondence with important letters to tlie Soutliern
Colonies.
t On Tuesday, the 17tli, his Excellency General Gage landed at the
long wharf, where several of his Majesty's Council, of the House of
Koprescntatives, and many of the principal gentbmen of tlie town,
together with the Cadet Company undi»r arms, waited his arrival, and
escorted him to the Council Chamber. The Troop of Horse, the
(Company of Artillery, the Company of Grenadiers, and the several
companies of militia under arms, saluted him as he p issod. His com.
mission was read, and after the usual ciTjmonies he was sworn in
• Jovernour and Vice.Adniiral of the Province. His Proclamation for
continuing all officers, &c., in their places, till further orders, was
then read by the High .SUeritf, which was answered by thrac huzzas,
firing the cannon from the battery and artillery company, and three
voUies of small arms. After receiving the compliments, &c., and
reviewing the railitia, he was escorted to Faueuil Hall, whore an
elegant entertainment was provided at the expense of the Province.
After dinner, and drinking several loyal toasts, his Excellency went
to the Province House.
The meeting was therefore adjourned to Monday, the
31st instant, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, by which
time it is expected we shall have encouraging news from
some of the sister Colonies.
Previous to the adjournment the town thought it their
duty to pass the following Votes, viz :
1st. That the trade of the town of Boston has been one
essential link in that vast chain of commerce, which, in the
course of a few ages, lias raised Ncio England to be what
it is, the Southern Provinces to be what they are, the West
India Islands to their wealth, and, in one word, the British
Empire to that height of opulence, power, pride and splen-
dour, at which it now stands.
2d. That the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity and cruelty
of the Act aforesaid, exceed all our powers of expression.
We, therefore, leave it to the just censure of others, and
appeal to God and the world.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED IN BOSTON.
Philadelphia, May 17, 1774.
The post has just brought us an account of General
Gage's arrival, which I hope will give you quiet and secu-
rity. Many people here were of opinion that neither
Govemour Hutchinson's, nor the Commissioners' lives were
safe before. I sincerely hope that your town and Province
will, at length, learn a litde wisdom and moderation. I
assure you that their friends here are much cast down ;
their enemies (of which we have a great many) rejoice,
and moderate people are almost silent ; but all concur in
wishing moderation and peace. Your patriots will find
themselves deceived in the general support of the other
Provinces ; from this they will find none ; and, if they
were so inclined, we are likely to have work enough on
the frontiers, where above fifty Indians have just now
been cruelly murdered, which will certainly bring on an
Indian war. God bless you, and grant you peace and
quiet.
SAMUEL ADAMS TO ARTHUR LEE.
Boston, May 18th, 1774.
My DEAR Sir : The edict of the British Parliament,
commonly called the Boston Port Act, came safely to my
hand. For flagrant injustice and barbarity, one might
search in vain among the archives of Constantinople to
find a match for it. But what else could have been
expected from a Parliament too long under the dictates
and controulof an Administration which seems to be totally
lost to all sense and feeling of morality, and governed by
passion, cruelty and revenge. For us to reason against
such an Act, would be idleness. Our business is to
find means to evade its malignant desiirn. The inhab-
itants view it, not with astonishment, but with indignation.
They discover the utmost contempt of the framers of it ;
while they are yet disposed to consider the body of the
nation (though represented by such a Parliament) in the
character they have sustained heretofore, humane and
generous. They resent the behaviour of the merchants in
London : those, I mean, who receive their bread from
them, in infamously deserting their cause at the time of
extremity. They can easily believe, that the industrious
manufacturers, whose time is wholly spent in their various
employments, are misled and imposed upon by such mis-
creants as have ungratefully devoted them.selves to an
abandoned Ministry, not regarding the ruin of those who
have been their best benefactors. But the inhabitants of
this town must and will look to their own safety, which
they see does not consist in a servile compliance with the
ignominious terms of thi.* barbarous edict. Tiiough the
means of preserving tiieir liberties should distress, and even
ruin the British manufacturers, they are resolved (but
with reluctance) to try the experiment. To this they are
impelled by motives of self-preservation. They feel
humanely for those who must suffer, but being innocent,
are not the objects of their revenge. They have already
called upon their sister Colonies, (as you will see by the
enclosed note,) who not only feel for them as fellow-citi-
zens, but look upon them as suffering the stroke of Minis-
terial vengeance in the common cause of America ; tliat
cause which the Colonists have pledged themselves to
333
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, MAY, 1774.
334
each other not to give up. In the mean time, I tnist in
God thisdevoted town will sustain tlie shock with dignity;
and, supported by their brethren, will gloriously defeat the
designs of their connnon enemies. Calmness, courage,
and unanimity prevail. While they are resolved not
tamely to submit, they will, by refraining from any acts of
violence, avoid the snare that they discover to he laid for
them, by posting regiments so near them. I heartily
thank you for your spirited exertions. Use means for
the preservation of your health. Our warmest gratitude
is due to Lords Camden and Shelhurne. Our dependence
is upon the wisdom of the few of the British nobility. We
suspect studied insult in the appointment of the person
who is Commander-in-chief of the troops in America to
be our Governour ; and I think there appears to be in it
more than a design to insult upon any specious pretence.
We will endeavour, by circumspection and sound prudence,
to frustrate the diabolical designs of our enemies.
I have written in haste, and am, affectionately, your
friend, Samuel Adams,
Arthur Lee, Esq., London.
GOVERNOUR GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
£ztract.
Boston, May 19, 177'1.
His Majesty's ship, the Lively, in which I embarked at
Pit/mouth, on the 16th o( April, arrived here on the 13th
of this month.
The late Governour Hutchinson, the Chief Justice, the
Commissioners of the Customs, and the Consignees, were
either at the Castle, or dispersed in the country, not daring
to reside in Boston. I went to Mr. Hutchinson, and
remained with him at Castle William, till preparations were
made for my reception in Boston, where my commission
was read and published in the usual forms, on the 17th
instant.
The Act for shutting up the port got here before me ;
and a town meeting was holding to consider of it at the
time of my arrival in the hai-bour. They determined to
invite the other Colonies to stop all exports and imports to
and from Great Britain and Ireland, and every part of
the West Indies, till the Act be repealed ; and appointed
persons to go to Marblehead and Salem to communicate
their sentiments to the people there, and bring them into
like measures ; which persons were to make their report at
the adjournment, on the 18th, when the meeting was again
held, and 1 am told, received little encouragement from
Salem and Marblehead, and transacted nothing of conse-
quence.
I do not propose laying any thing before the new Assem-
bly at their meeting, except tlie common business of the
Province, if any occurs.
I hear from many, that the Act has staggered the most
j)resumptuous ; but minds so inflamed cannot cool at once ;
so it may be better to give the shock they have received,
time to operate ; and I may find the Assembly in a better
temper than usual, and more inclined to comply with the
King's expectations at Salem, to which place they will be
removed after the first of June.
At a town meeting held at Providence, Rhode Island,
on the nth day of May, A. D., 1774, called by war-
rant : Samuel Nightengale, Esquire, Moderator.
Resolved, That this town will heartily join with the
Province of the Massachusetts Bay and the other Colo-
nies, in such measures as shall be generally agreed on by
the Colonies, for the protecting and securing their invalua-
ble natural rights and privileges, and transmitting the same
to the latest posterity.
That the Deputies of this town be requested to use their
influence at the approaching session of the General Assem-
bly of this Colony, for promoting a Congress as soon as
may be, of the Representatives of the General Assemblies
of the several Colonies and Provinces in North America,
for establishing the firmest Union, and adopting such
measures as to them shall appear the most effectual to
answer that important purpose, and to agree upon proper
methods for executing the same.
That the Committee of Correspondence of this town be
desired to assure the town of Boston, that we do consider
ourselves greatly interested in the present alarming conduct
of the British Parliament towards them, and view the
whole English American Colonies equally concerned in
the event, and that we will, with the utmost firmness, act
accordingly, whenever any plan shall be agreed on : in the
mean time, we are of opinion that an universal stoppage of
ail trade with Great Britain, Ireland, Africa, and the
West Indies, until such time as the port of Boston shall be
reinstated in its former privileges, &c., will be the best ex-
pedient in the case ; and that a proper time should be
generally agreed on for the same universally to take
place.
Whereas, the inhabitants of America are engaged in the
preservation of their rights and liberties ; and as personal
liberty is an essential part of the natural rights of mankind,
the Deputies of the town are directed to use their endea-
vours to obtain an act of die General Assembly, prohibi-
ting the importation of negroe slaves in this Colony ; and
that all negroes born in the Colony should be free at
attaining to a certain age.
Voted, That James Angell, Esquire, be added to the
Committee of Correspondence of this town, and that he
sign their letters as Clerk.
Chestertown, Maryland, May 18, 1774.
It must be universally allowed, that the essential circum-
stauce which constitutes the political happiness of a free
people, consists in their being governed by laws of their
own making, or to which their consent is given by Dele-
gates of their own choice and nomination. This maxim,
founded, on the genius of the British Constitution — the
most perfect under Heaven — cannot be supposed partial or
confined ; but must be as extensively diffusive in its benign
operations, as are the regions subordinate to, and claiming
protection under that Constitution.
The Act of Parliament, therefore, subjecting the British
Colonies in America to the payment of a duty on tea, for
the purpose of raising a revenue, being passed without
their consent, and calculated to enslave them, cannot but
be deemed unconstitutional and oppressive ; from whence
it clearly follows, that it highly behoves the Americans as
loyal and free-born subjects of Great Britain, to take
every prudent and justifiable measure in order to evade its
baneful effects ; thus to baffle the designs of a corrupt and
despotic Ministry. Our brethren of the Northern Colonies
have already declared their opposition to this Act ; and as
it equally affects the good people of this loyal Province of
Maryland, a number of respectable gentlemen, friends to
liberty, met at a public house in Chestertown, on Friday,
the 13th of May, 1774 ; when a Chairman was chosen ; a
Committee appointed ; and it was agreed upon to have a
general meeting of the inhabitants of the county, on Wed-
nesday, the 18lh of the same month, to declare their senti-
ments respecting the importation of tea, while subject to a
duty. A numerous and very respectable meeting was ac-
cordingly held, when the Committee was enlarged, and the
following resolutions were repeatedly read, and unanimous-
ly agreed to, viz :
1st. Resolved, That we acknowledge his Majesty
George the Third, King of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, to be our rightful and lawful Sovereign, to whom
we owe and promise all dutiful allegiance and submission.
2d. Resolved, That no duties or taxes can constitu-
tionally be imposed on us, but by our own consent, given
personally, or by our Representatives.
3d. Resolved, That the Act of the British Parliament
of the 7th of George the Third, (Chapter 46th,) subject-
ing the Colonies to the payment of a duty on tea, for the
purpose of raising a revenue in America, is unconstitu-
tional, oppressive, and calculated to enslave the Americans.
4th. Resolved, therefore, That whoever shall import,
or in any way aid or assist in importing, or introducing from
any part of Great BHtain, or any other place whatsoever
into this town or county, any tea, subject to the payment
of a duty imposed by the aforesaid Act of Parliament ;
or, whoever shall wilfully and knowingly sell, buy, or
consume, or in any way assist in the sale, purchase, or
consumption of any tea imported as aforesaid, subject to
335
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, MAY, 1774.
336
a duty, he, or they, shall be stigmatized as enemies to the
liberties of America,
5tli. Resolved, Tliat we will not only steadily adhere to
the foregoing resolves, but will endeavour to excite our
worthy neighbours to a like patriotic conduct ; and whoever
amongst us shall refuse his concurrence, or after complying,
shall desert the cause, and knowingly deviate from the true
spirit and meaning of these our resolutions, we will mark
him out, as Inimical to the liberties of America, an unwor-
thy member of the community, and a person not deserving
our notice or regard.
6th. Resolved, Tliat the foregoing resolves be printed,
that our brethren in this and the other Colonies may know
our sentiments as they are tlierein contained.
Signed by order of the Committee,
W. Wright, Cleric.
N. B. Tlie above resolves were entered into upon a
discovery of the late importation of the dutiable tea, (in
the brigantine Geddes, of this port) for some of tiie neigli-
Iwuring counties. Furtiier measures are in contemplation,
in consequence of a late and very alarming Act of Parlia-
ment.
TO THE FREEMEN OF AMERICA.
It is impossible to re\iew the advantages we derive from
our connection with Great Britain, without wishing it to
be perpetual. We were formed by her laws and religion.
We are clothed with her manufactures, and protected by
iier fleets and armies. Her Kings are the umpires of our
disputes, and the centre of our Union. In a word, the
island of Britain is the fortress in which we are sheltered
fron) the machinations of all the Powers of Europe. No
wonder therefore, we look forward with horrour to those
convulsions that must attend (ages hence,) our separation
Irom that country.
The councils of a State, like the faculties of the mind,
are liable to prejudice and decay. Tiie conduct of the
British Parliament towards America for several years past,
carries strong marks of insanity and folly. The laws of
mechanics, apply in politics as well as philosophy ; a grain
of wisdom ])roperly managed, will outweigh in tliis science
the whole annies and navies of Britain.
We have been in some measure passive spectators of
the manoeu\Tes of our mother country. A Stamp Act ;
Revenue Acts ; a Board of Commissioners ; Judges of
Admiralty, invested with new powers ; the Military set
over the Civil Governours, and both rendered independent
of the people ; Restrictions on our trade ; Dissolutions of
our Assemblies : and disregarded petitions for redress of
these grievances, have all been borne with a temper and
moderation, which show how much we value peace and
order, and how inestimable we esteem the advantages of
being connected with Great Britain. We have only as-
serted our right to freedom. This has produced in some
places, a few trifling commotions, but these were conducted
only by mobs, which are always the first-born offspring of
oppression, and which are not unknown even in Britain ;
and particularly remembered there for having insulted our
King a few years ago at his Palace gates. Future ages
will hardly believe that we were descended from British
ancestors, when they read of our having borne so long, and
resented so feebly, the outrages committed by a British
Parliament, upon the dearest birth-right of a Briton.
Moderation and gratitude are sometimes an over-balance
for self-preservation. The first law of nature cannot be
contradicted by any social or national obligations. The
man who refuses to assert his right to liberty, property,
and life, is guilty of the worst kind of rebellion ; he
commits high treason against God.
Liberty, projierty, and life, are now but names in Ame-
rica. Liberty is levelled by the Declarative Act of Parlia-
ment to tax us without our consent ; property is now an-
nihilated by the late Act of Parliament, which destroys
the trade of Boston : our countrymen are condemned
without being heard ; a whole community sufl^er for the
conduct of a few individuals. Newspa|)ers, and a private
letter from a Governour, are their only accusers ; and
thousands, accustomed to affluence, are reduced to the
lowest species of poverty : " they cannot work, and to
beg, they are ashamed." We dare not even call our lives
our own. Tlie next act of Parliament may summons our
Assemblymen and patriots to expiate their virtue at
Ti/lrum.
Neiv-York, Philadelphia, and Charlcstou-n, cannot
expect to escape the fate of Boston. Our doom is delayed
only with a view of dividing and weakening us. We have
offtjred the same indignity to tiie British Parliament, and
have done nearly the same injury to tlie property of the
East India Company. Wiien tlie spirits of our brethren
in Boston are subtlued, our rivers and shores will probably
be crowtled with men-of-war, and lined with tide waiters.
An union of the Colonies, like an electric rod, will
render harmless the storms of British vengeance and tyran-
ny. Remember my dear countrymen, we are contending
for the crown and prerogative of our King, as vvell as for
liberty, property, and life. The British Parliament have
violated the Constitution in usurj)ing his supreme jurisdic-
tion over us. Our brethren in Boston may perhaps stand
in need of our counsels ; every stroke aimed at them, is
levelled against the vitals of all America. Success has
liitherto crowned our attempts to save our country.
Virtue, unanimity, and perseverance, are invincible.
Philadelphia, May 18, 1774.
Farmington, Connecticut, May 19, 1774.
Early in the morning was found the following handbill,
posted up in various parts of the town, viz :
" To pass through the fire at six o'clock this evening, in
" Jionour to the immortal goddess of Liberty, the late infa-
" mous Act of the British Parliament for farther distressing
" the American Colonies ; the place of execution will be
" the public parade, where all Sons of Liberty are desired
" to attend."
Accordingly, a very numerous and respectable body
were assembled, of near one thousand people, when a
huge pole, just forty-five feet high was erected, and con-
secrated to the shrine of Liberty ; after which the Act of
Parliament for blocking up the Boston harbour was read
aloud ; sentenced to the flames, and executed by the hands
of the common hangman ; then the following Resolves were
passed, nem. con. :
1st. That it is the greatest dignity, interest, and happi-
ness of every American to be united with our parent State,
while our liberties are duly secured, maintained, and sup-
ported by our rightful Sovereign, whose person we greatly
revere ; whose Government while duly administered, we
are ready with our lives and properties to support.
2d. That the present Ministry, being instigated by the
Devil, and led on by their wicked and corrupt hearts, have
a design to take away our liberties and properties, and to
enslave us for ever.
3d. That the late Act which their malice hath caused
to be passed in Parliament, for blocking up the port of
Boston, is unjust, illegal, and oppressive ; and that we,
and every American, are sharers in the insults offered to
the town of Boston.
4th. That those pimps and parasites who dared to advise
their master to such detestable measures, be held in utter
abhorrence by us and every American, and their names
loaded with the cui-ses of all succeeding generations.
5th. That we scorn the chains of slavery ; we despise
every attempt to rivet them upon us ; we are the sons of
freedom, and resolved, that, till time shall be no more,
that god-like virtue shall blazon our hemisphere.
COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE AT WESTERLY TO THE
COMMITTEE OF BOSTON.
Westerly, May 19, 1774.
Gentlemen : With mingled concern and indignation,
the Committee of Correspondence for this town have sefen
an Act for blocking up the harbour of Boston.
Rome designing to destroy the city of Carthage, barba-
rously required of the Carthagenians that they should
forsake tiieir city, and remove their habitations twelve
miles from the sea. The consideration of the inveterate
hatred occasioned by the long and bloody wars wliich had
subsisted between Rome and Carthage ; the remembrance
of several hundred thousand Romans killed in those wars,
837
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, MAY, 1774.
888
and several liundred towns plundered by the Carthage-
nians, are some excuse for the Roman severity ; but the
cruel and unnatural treatment which the town of Boston
has received from Great Britain, will admit of no
j)alliation. The metropolis of a most affectionate and loyal
Colony, which in all the wars of Great Britain hath
gloriously supported the British interest in America, and
even by their wise and vigorous eflbrts made a conquest
which gave peace to Europe, is now threatened with de-
struction, for no other cause, but because the people have
bravely determined not to become slaves.
We have long felt for the town of Boston ; we heartily
sympathize with our brethren upon this alarming occasion ;
we are much pleased with the noble firmness with which
this cruel edict is received in Boston. We highly approve
the measures taken by the town, and are entirely of opinion
that the joint resolution of the Colonies to stop all impor-
tations from and exportations to Great Britain and the
West Indies, until the Act is repeled, will infallibly produce
the desired effect.
The country which we possess, blessed be God ! affords
every necessary of life. We are morally certain, that
with the common blessings of Heaven upon our industry
and frugality, we can live comfortably, without importing a
single article from Britain or the West Indies ; and we
are equally certain, that neither England nor the West
Indies can subsist long without us ; their own preservation
therefore, will compel them to do us justice.
This horrid attack upon the town of Boston, we consider
not as an attempt upon that town singly, but upon the
whole Continent. We are therefore determined to use our
whole influence for the support of the town of Boston, in
the same manner as if the attack had been made on the
metropolis of this Colony ; and we doubt not but the other
Colonies will consider this arbitrary and tyrannical edict in
the same light, and heartily unite with the friends of liberty
in Boston in support of the common cause.
That infinite wisdom may direct and preserve all the
Colonies, is the ardent prayer of, &ic., 8ic.
COMMITTEE OF PORTSMOUTH, NEW-HAMPSHIRE, TO THE
COMMITTEE OF BOSTON.
Extract.
Portsmouth, May 19, 1774.
We think the late Act of Parliament, to shut up the port
of Boston, of the most extraordinary nature, and fatal ten-
dency. Administration are taking every method to dis-
unite the Colonies, thereby to render the noble opposition
to their arbitrary and destructive measures abortive. We
hope a firm union of all the Colonies will still subsist, and
that such a plan may be devised, and resolutely pursued
by all as may prevent the cruel effects of this Act.
We heaitily sympathize with you under your present
difficult and alarming situation ; and we will exert our-
selves to carry any plan into effect which may be concerted
by the Colonies for the general relief. We sincerely wish
you resolution and prosperity in the common cause; and
shall ever view your interest as our own. And are with
tiie highest esteem, &ic.
Williamsburg, Virginia, May 19, 1774.
The following Loiter is supposed to bo written by Mr. Edmund
Burke, of the House of Commons.
To the Right Honourable Lord North :
My Lord : As questions of the highest national impor-
tance are now to be decided, and as measures pregnant with
danger and ruin are meditated, permit an American to
relate a few historical facts, which merit your most serious
attention. This is probably the only address you will
receive on behalf of the Colonies ; when, friends, con-
vinced of the efficacy of reason or truth in the present
contest, have resolved to leave the British Government, to
gain wisdom by the more certain, but expensive means of
unhappy experience ; concluding, that the consequences
which must result from one hostile effort against America,
will produce more conviction than volumes of argument.
But as the public papers have been for some weeks aban-
doned to those incendiaries who wish to spread carnage
and devastation through America, I shall make one solitary
Fourth Series.
attempt to frustrate their hopes, and vindicate the claims
of the Colonies.
At the discovery of America, no person imagined any
part of that Continent to be within the Realm of England,
which was circumscribed within certain known and estab-
lished limits. Whatever was the title of the Kings of
England, at that time, to any share of America, it must
have been an acquired title : and the Sovereign then had,
and still has, an undoubted prerogative right, to alienate
for ever from the Realm without consent of Parliament,
any acquisition of foreign territory. This right has been
constandy exercised by the Kings of England, at almost
every treaty of peace, and at the sale of Dunkirk, Uc,
and it was particularly manifested by the Act for annexing
Gibraltar to the Realm. Confonnable to this prerogative
right King James the First, and Charles the First, did alien-
ate unto certain persons large territories in America, and
by the most solemn compacts, did form them into separate
civil States, with all the powers of distinct legislation and
Government ; particularly those of making peace and war,
coining money, pardoning crimes, comferring titles and
dignities, erecting and incorporating boroughs and cities,
establishing ports, harbours, &;c., with a grant and release
of all subsidies and customs, to be levied within the same,
and an express exemption fi-orn foreign taxation. This is
evident from the most ancient Charters of Virginia and
Massachusetts Bay, but especially from that of Maryland,
which I have particularly stated in another performance.
From these charters it manifesdy appears to have been the
Royal intention, to form these Colonies into distinct States
like Jersey, Guernsey, Isle of Man, Stc, dependent on
the CroHTi, but not on the Parliament of England ; and
conformable to this intention, we find that when a bill was
several times brought into the House of Commons, to
secure the people of England a liberty of fishing on the
coasts of America, messages were sent to the Commons by
those Monarchs, requiring them to proceed no further in
the matter, and alleging that " America was without the
" Realm and jurisdiction of Parliament ;" and on this prin-
ciple the Royal assent was withheld, during all those reigns,
from every bill affecting the Colonies. These and other
facts, which appear on the journals of Parliament, joined
to the charters of the Colonies, fully demonstrate that they
were really and intentionally created distinct States, and
exempted from the authority of Parliament. And their
inhabitants having on the faith of such fundamental terms
and conditions, accepted, cultivated, and improved the
territories thus granted, have an indefeasible right to main-
tain and enjoy the privileges so acquired ; and nothing but
an act of union, made with their own consent, can annex
them to the Realms, or subject them to its Legislature.
The right of the Crown to alienate the soil of the Colo-
nies, has not been disputed ; but the right of exempting their
inhabitants from the jurisdiction of Parliament, has been
denied without cause. Allegiance and subjection are due
from a people to their Sovereign ; but the allegiance of
subjects to subjects, is an absurdity unknown to the laws of
this Kingdom. The freedom of Britains consists in this,
that they participate the power of making those laws by
which they are governed ; and wherever this freedom is
enjoyed, the Legislative power must necessarily be confined
to those who partake of it, either in person or delegation.
So long as the people oi America resided within the Realm,
shared in its Government, and were protected by it, so
long they were necessarily bound to obey, and support
that Government; but when, by the consent of their
Sovereign, they migrated to Ireland and America, though
diey continued within the King's allegiance, yet ceasing to
participate or enjoy the Legislative power of this Realm,
the operation of diat power over them necessarily termina-
ted ; and nothing more was necessary to emancipate the
people of America from the authority of Parliament, than
to permit them to leave the Realm ; which nobody will
deny the King's right of doing; and should the people of"
England, by their Delegates, continue to exercise the
powers of legislation and taxation upon the Colonies, after
such separation from the Realm, tliey must exalt them-
selves to the sovereignty of America, and render the inha-
bitants of that country the subjects o( subjects ; a condition,
more humiliating than those of the Spartan Helotes; for if
a people be subject to any supreme power, in which
22
88^
CORRESPONDEISCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., MAY, 1774.
340
they have no pacticipation, whether it be legal in a single
person, or in thousands, the power is despotism, and the
subjects of it are slaves.
After the death of King Charles the First, the Common-
wealth Parliament, which usurped the rights of the Crown,
naturally concluded, that by those rights they had acquired
some kind of supremacy over the Colonies of America ;
the people of New England, had indeed approved their
proceedings, and were therefore left without any exercise of
such supremacy by the Commonwealth Parliament ; but
Virginia, and other places, having held out for the King,
were reduced by force ; and tlie conditions on which they
submitted, clearly discover that the supremacy, claimed by
this Parliament, was no more than nominal.
The Articles of the Treaty were as follow :
" 1st. The Plantation of Firginia, and all the inhabit-
ants thereof, siiall be and remain in due subjection to the
Commonwealtii of £nif/flwrZ; not as a conquered country,
but as a country submitting by their own voluntary act :
and shall enjoy such freedoms and privileges as belong to
the free people of England.
" 2d. The General Assembly, as formerly, shall convene
and transact the affiiirs of the Colony.
" 3d. The people of Virginia shall have a free trade,
as the people of England, to all places, and all nations.
" 4th. Virginia shall be free from all taxes, customs,
and impositions whatsoever, and none shall be imposed on
them, without the consent of their General Assembly ; and
that neither forts nor castles shall be erected, nor garrisons
maintained, without their consent."
From hence your Lordship may discover, that the rights
of the Colonies, in those early days, were acknowledged ;
and that even those who had brought a Monarch to the scaf-
fold, had the moderation and justice to respect, and preserve
those rights. Nor did the Virginians esteem the privileges
granted by this treaty as any valuable acquisition ; for (con-
sidering themselves as a distinct State) they in January,
1659, invested Sir William Berkley with the Government,
and proclaimed Charles the Second King of England,
Scotland, France, Ireland, and Virginia, some time before
his restoration to England,
After the restoration, the Act of Navigation, and that of
fifteenth of Charles Second, were passed ; but these I have
fully considered in another place ; as also that of the twenty-
fifth of the same reign, which for the regulation of Com-
merce (as the preamble expresses) first laid duties on certain
articles in the Colonies. This, however, was held to be
such an infringement of their rights, that a general revo-
lution ensued in Virginia, and the King's Govemour was
deposed ; and when after Bacon's death, this insurrection
subsided, agents were sent to England, to remonstrate
'• against taxes and impositions being laid on the Colony
" by any authority but that of the General Assembly."
And this remonstrance produced a declaration from the
King, under the privy seal, dated the 19th of April, 1676,
declaring " that taxes ought not to be laid upon the pro-
" prietors and inhabitants of the Colony, but by the com-
" mon consent of the General Assembly, except such
" impositions as the Parliament should lay on the com-
" modities imported into England, from the Colony."
And though the duties which had given rise to this remon-
strance and declaration were not wholly repealed until
some time after, yet when a supply was wanted for the
support of Government in Virginia, the King, in 1679,
framed (in England) an Act for the purpose, and sent it
thither by Lord Colepcper when it was passed into a law,
and " enacted, by the King's most excellent Majesty, by
" and with the consent of the General Assembly of the
" Colony of Virginia, &c." Here we see the Sovereign
naming himself as a part of the Legislature of that Pro-
vince, and thereby manifesting that he considered it as a
supreme Legislature. For if the Colonies be a part of the
Realm it is a violation of the great Charter of King John
and the bill and Declaration of Rights, for the King person-
ally, or by his Govemours, to join any other Assembly
than the Parliament, in Any act for raising money from
them ; it is to subject them to complex taxations, which
are repugnant to the British Constitution.
In the year 1663 the Territory o{ Carolina was erected
into a Principality, with the powers of a distinct state ; and
so jealous were the Lords Proprietaries of tliese privileges,
that they even denied the King's right of appointing a
Vice Admiral therein, for trying offences committed without
the Principality : and Joseph Morton, the Govemour, was
dismissed from the Government for having accepted a
commission of Vice Admiral from the King.
In 1691, when the new Charter of Massachnsetis Bay
was granted by King William, the agents thought it not
adequate to the deserts and expectations of the Province,
and were unwilling to accept it. This, however, the ma-
jority of them, after consulting the most able lawyers, re-
solved to do, and in justification of their conduct subscribed
an instrument containing the reasons of it. The last article
of which will shew the idea then entertained of the rights
of that Province: "The Colony," say these gentlemen,
" is now made a Province, and the General Court has,
" with the King's approbation, as much power in New
" England, as the King and Parliament have in England.
" They have all English privileges and liberties, and can
" be touched by no law and by 7io tax, but of their own
" making." Nor had the people of New England any
reason to alter this opinion of their rights until since the
conclusion of the last war ; no imposition upon them
having in that long interval been attempted by Parliamen-
tary authority. There are many other facts which might
be adduced to the same ])urport ; but these will suffice
to shew that the claim of the Colonies to the privi-
leges of distinct Legislation and Government, and to an
exemption from Parliamentary taxation, are not new, as
some have ignorantly or wickedly pretended. They will
also shew, that from the earliest years of their settlement
the rights of the Colonies have been known, and with but
little variation have been acknowledged, respected, and
maintained, even by the Legislature of this country, and
the few instances which have happened to the contrary,
may be considered as usurpations of the strong against the
weak ; and " q%wd ab initio injustum est, nullum potest
" habere juris effectum." — Grotius.
There are other grounds, however, on which the adver-
saries of the Colonies have chosen to manage this contest ;
and upon these grounds I shall meet them in my next.
I am, my Lord, yours, Sic, fee. E. B.
FROM A MEMBER OF THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY TO HIS
CORRESPONDENT IN LONDON.
Extract.
Williamsburg, May 20, 1774.
Infinite astonishment, and equal resentment, has seized
every one here on account of the war sent to Boston. It
is the universal determination to stop the exportation of
tobacco, pitch, tar, lumber, ice, and to stop all importation
from Britain while this act of hostility continues. VVe
every day expect an express from Boston, and it appears
to me jncontestably certain, that the above measures will
be universally adopted. We see with concern, that this
plan will be most extensively hurtful to our fellow-subjects
in Britain ; nor would we have adopted it, if Heaven had
left us any other way to secure our liberty, and prevent the
total ruin of ourselves and our posterity to endless ages.
A wicked Ministry must answer for all the consequences.
I hope the wise and good on your side will pity and forgive
us. The House is now pushing on the public business for
which we were called here at this time ; but before we
depart our measures will he settled and agreed on. The
plan proposed is extensive ; it is wise, and I hope, under
God, it will not fail of success. America possesses virtue
unknown and unfelt by the abominable sons of corruption
who planned this weak and wicked enterprise.
At a Meeting of between two and three hundred of the
respectable Inhabitants of the City of Philadelphia, at the
City Tavern, on Friday even'mg, May 20th, 1774, the
Letters from the Boston Committee were read: when
it was
Agreed, That a Committee be appointed to correspond
with our sister Colonies.
That John Dickinson, Esq., William Smith, D. D.,*
Edward Pennington,* Joseph Fox, John Nixon,* John
M. Nesbit, Samuel Hotvelt,* Thos. Mijjlin,* Jos. Reade,
Thomas PVharton, Jun., Benjamin Marshall, Joseph
9M
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &sc., MAY, 1774.
842
Moulder,* Tlwmas Barclay* George Clymer* Charles
Thomson,* Jeremiah Warder, Jun.,* John Cox,* John
Gibson,* and Thomas Penrose, compose the Coniniittee
of Correspondence until an alteration is made by a more
general meeting of the inhabitants.
That the Committee be instructed to write to the people
of Boston, that we ti-uly feel for their unhappy situation.
That we consider them as suffering in the general cause ;
that we recommend to them firmness, prudence and mode-
ration ; and that we shall continue to evince our firm adhe-
rence to the cause of American liberty.
That the above resolutions be transmitted by the Com-
mittee to the other Colonies.
That the Committee be instructed to apply to the
Governour to call the Assembly of the Province.
That they be authorized to call a meeting of the inhab-
itants when necessary.
On the day following, these gentlemen of the Committee
whose names are marked thus, * having met, the following
letter was drawn up and signed by them, to be immediately
forwarded by Mr. Paul Revere to Boston. Copies of it
were transmitted to New-Yorlc, and most of the Southern
Colonies. The gentlemen of the Committee who did not
attend at the first meeting were prevented by necessary
business, but the proceedings of that meeting have been
since fully approved by them.
A Letter from the Committee of the City of Philadelphia
to the Committee of Boston, sent by Mr. Paul Revere,
dated May 21st, 1774:
Gentlemen : We have received your very interesting
letter, together with another from the town of Boston, and
the vote they have passed on the present alarming occa-
sion ; and such measures have been pursued thereon as the
shortness of the time would allow. To collect the sense of
this large city is difficult ; and when their sense is obtained
they must not consider themselves as authorized to judge
or act for this populous Province in a business so deeply
interesting as the present is to all British America.
A very respectable number of the inhabitants of this
city was, however, assembled last evening, in order to con-
sult what was proper to be done, and after reading the
sundry papers you transmitted to us, and also a letter from
the Committee of Correspondence at New-York, the
enclosed resolves were passed, in which you may be
assured we are sincere, and that you are considered as suf-
fering in the general cause. But what further advice to
offer on this sad occasion, is a matter of the greatest diffi-
culty, which not only requires more mature deliberation,
but also that we should take the necessary measures to
obtain the general sentiments of our fellow-inhabitants of
this Province, as well as our sister Colonies. If satisfying
the East India Company for the damage they have sus-
tained would put an end to this unJiappy controversy, and
leave us on the footing of constitutional liberty for the
future, it is presumed that neither you nor we could con-
tinue a moment in doubt what part to act ; for it is not the
value of the tea, but the indefeasible right of giving and
granting our own money ; a right from which we never
can recede. That is the matter now in consideration.
By what means the truly desirable circumstance of a
reconciliation and future harmony with our mother country
on constitutional grounds may be obtained, is indeed a
weighty question. Whether by the method you have
suggested of a non-importation and non-exportation agree-
ment, or by a general Congress of Deputies from the dif-
ferent Colonies, clearly to state what we conceive our
riuhts, and to make a claim or petition of them to his
Majesty, in firm, but decent and dutiful terms, so as that
we may know by what line to conduct ourselves in future,
we now the great points to be determined. The latter,
we have reason to think, would be most agreeable to
the people of this Province, and the first step that ought
to be taken ; the former may be reserved as our last
resource, should the other fiiil, which, we trust, will not
be the case, as many wise and good men in the mother
country begin to see the necessity of a good understanding
with the Colonies upon the general plan of liberty as well
as commerce.
We shall endeavour, as soon as possible, to collect the
sentiments of the people of this Province, and the neigh-
bouring Colonies, on these grand questions, and should also
be glad to know your sentiments thereon ; in the mean
time, with sincere fellow-feelings of your sufTerings, and
great regard to your persons, we are, gentlemen,
Yours, &.C., &,c. -
GOUVERKEUR MOBRIS to MR. PENN,
New-York, May 20th, 1774.
Dear Sir : You have heard, and you will hear, a great
deal about politics, and in the heap of chaff you may find
some grains of good sense. Believe me, sir, freedom and
religion are only watchwords. We have appointed a Com-
mittee, or rather we have nominated one. Let me give
you the history of it. It is needless to premise, that the
lower orders of mankind are more easily led by specious
appearances than those of a more exalted station. This
and many similar propositions, you know better than your
humble servant.
The troubles in America, during Grenville's administra-
tion, put our gentry upon this finesse. They stimulated
some daring coxcombs to rouse the mob into an attack
upon the bounds of order and decency. These fellows
became the Jack Cades of the day, the leaders in all the
riots, the belwethers of the flock. The reason of the
manoeuvre in those who wished to keep fair with the
Government, and at the same time to receive the incense
of popular applause, you will readily perceive. On the
whole, the shepherds were not much to blame in a politic
point of view. The belwethers jingled merrily, and
roared out liberty, and property, and religion, and a mul-
titude of cant terms, which every one thought he under-
stood, and was egregiously mistaken. For you must know
the shepherds kept the dictionary of the day, and. like the
mysteries of the ancient mythology, it was not for profane
eyes or ears. This answered many purposes ; the simple
flock put themselves entirely under the protection of these
most excellent shepherds. By and bye behold a great
metamorphosis, without the help of Ovid or his divini-
ties, but entirely effectuated by two modem Genii, the god
of Ambition and the goddess of Faction. The first of these
prompted the shepherds to shear some of their flock, and
then, in conjunction with the other, converted the belweth-
ers into shepherds. That we have been in hot water with
the British Parliament ever since every body knows.
Consequently these new shepherds had their hands full of
employment. The old ones kept themselves least in
sight, and a want of confidence in each other was not the
least evil which followed. The port of Boston has been
shut up. These sheep, simple as they are, cannot be
gulled as heretofore. In short, there is no ruling them ;
and now, to leave the metaphor, the heads of the mobility
grow dangerous to the gentry, and how to keep them down
is the question. While they correspond with the other
Colonies, call and dismiss popular assemblies, make resolves
to bind the consciences of the rest of mankind, bully poor
printers, and exert with full force all their other tribunitial
powers, it is impossible to curb them.
But art sometimes goes farther than force, and, therefore,
to trick them handsomely a Committee of patricians was
to be nominated, and into their hands was to be committed
the majesty of the people, and the highest trust was to be
reposed in them by a mandate that they should take care,
quod respublica non capiat injuriam. The tribunes,
through the want of good legerdemain in the senatorial
order, perceived the finesse ; and yesterday I was present
at a grand division of the city, and there I beheld my
fellow-citizens very accurately counting all their chickens,
not only before any of them were hatched, but before above
one half of the eggs were laid. In short, they fairly con-
tended about the future forms of our Government, whether
it should be founded upon aristocratic or democratic prin-
ciples.
I stood in the balcony, and on my right hand were ranged
all the people of property, with some few poor dependants,
and on the other all the tradesmen, &c., who thought it
worth their wiiile to leave daily labour for tiie good of
the country. The spirit of the English Constitution has
yet a little influence left, and bu a little. The remains of
848
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, MAY, 1774.
344
it, however, will give the wealthy people a superiority this
time, but would they secure it they must banish all school-
masters and confine all knowledge to themselves. This
cannot be. The mob begin to think and to reason. Poor
reptiles ! it is with them a vernal morning ; they are strug-
gling to cast off their winter's slough, they bask in the sun-
shine, and ere noon they will bite, depend upon it. The
gentry begin to fear this. Their Committee will be
appointed, tiiey will deceive the people, and again forfeit
a share of their confidence. - And if these instances of
what with one side is policy, with the other pei-fidy, shall
continue to increase, and become more frequent, farewell
aristocracy. I see, and I see it with fear and trembling, tliat
if the disputes with Great Britain continue, we shall be
under the worst of all possible dominions ; we shall be
under the domination of a riotous mob.
It is the interest of all men, therefore, to seek for reunion
with the parent State. A safe com|)act seems, in my poor
opinion, to be now tendered. Internal taxation is to be
left with ourselves. The right of regulating trade to be
vested in Great Britain, where alone is found the power
of protecting it. 1 trust you will agree with me, that this
is the only possible mode of union. Men by nature are
free as air. When they enter into society, there is, there
must be, an implied compact, for there never yet was an
express one, that a part of this freedom shall be given up
for the security of the remainder. But what part ? The
answer is plain. The least possible, considering the circum-
stances of the society, which constitute what may be called
its political necessity.
And what does this political necessity require in the
present instance? Not that Britain should lay imposts
upon U3 for the support of Government, nor for its defence ;
not that she should regulate our internal police. These
things affect us only. She can have no right to inter-
fere. To these things we ourselves are competent. But
can it be said that we are competent to the regulating of
trade ? The position is absurd, for this affects every
part of the British Empire, every part of the habitable
earth. If Great Britain, if Ireland, if America, if all
of them are to make laws of trade, there must be a collision
of these different authorities, and then who is to decide the
vis major! To recur to tliis, if possible to be avoided, is
the greatest of all great absurdities.
Political necessity, therefore, requires, that this power
should be placed in the hands of one part of the Empire.
Is it a question which part? Let me answer by taking
another. Pray, which part of the Empire protects trade?
Which part of the Empire receives almost immense sums
to guard the rest ? And what danger is in the ti-ust ? Some
men object that England will draw all the profits of our
trade into her coffers. All that she can, undoubtedly. But
unless a reasonable compensation for his trouble be left to
the merchant here, she destroys the trade, and then she
will receive no profit from it.
If I remember, in one of those kind letters with which
you have honoured me, you desire my thoughts on matters
as they rise. How much pleasure I take in complying with
your requests let my present letter convince you. If I am
faulty in telling things which you know better than I do,
you must excuse this fault, and a thousand others, for
which I can make no apology. I am, sir, &.c.
Mr. Pe7vi. GouvERNEUR Morris.
Newport, Rhode Island, May 20, 1774.
At a town meeting, called and held at Newport, in the
Colony of Rhode Island, the 20t!i day of May, 1774 :
Henry Ward, Esq., Moderator.
Voted, That we have the deepest sense of the injuries
done to the town of Boston, by the Act of Piirliament
lately passed for putting an end to tlieir trade, and destroy-
ing the port. And that we consider this attack upon them
as utterly subversive of American liberty ; for tiie same
]iower may at pleasure destroy the trade, and shut up the
ports of every Colony in its turn ; so that there will be a
total end of all property.
Voted, Tliat we will unite with the other Colonies in
all reasonable and proper measures to procure tlie estab-
lishment of the rights of the Colonies upon a just and
permanent foundation ; and particularly, in case the other
Colonies shall, upon this alanning occasion, put a stop to
their trade to Great Britain and the West Indies, that we
will heartily join with them in the measure.
Voted, That the Committee of Correspondence for this
town, immediately transmit a copy of these resolutions to
the Committee of Correspondence for the town of Boston.
Voted, Tliat the Committee of Correspondence of this
town immediately send a copy of the above resolutions to
each town in this Colony.*
William Coddington, Totvn Clerk.
GENERAL GAGE TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBDLL.
Boston, May 20th, 1774.
Sir : His Majesty having judged fit to order me to
return to my command of his forces in North America,
and also to appoint me to be Governour of his Province
of the Massachusetts Bay, I think it necessary to
acquaint you therewith, and at the same time to assure
you of my readiness to co-operate with you in all matters
that concern the good of his Majesty's service, and the
welfare of his subjects.
I have the honour to be, with great regard, sir, your
most obedient humble servant,
Thomas Gage.
To the Honourable John Trumbull, Sic.
extract of a letter to sundry GENTLEMEN IN
NEW-YORK.
Boston, May 21, 1774.
On receipt of your letter by express, on advice of the
late tyrannical Acts of Parliament, we of the Committee
specially assembled, and feasted on the welcome repast.
A general joy spread through the whole city, who had the
most pleasing resentment of the noble and patriotic gene-
rosity of our worthy brethren in Neii'-York, who even
prevented our solicitations for assistance. We are in the
most assiduous and vigorous motion here. We have sent
circular lettei-s to every town and district in the Province ;
and though we have not had time to receive answers from
distant towns, we have this day received from an inland
town a full declaration of their resolution to stand by us
with their lives and fortunes : another topic for Wedder-
burne to harangue upon. The British merchants them-
selves have already began to anticipate our non-importation
agreement, which will be confirmed by a brig which sailed
yesterday for London, with countermands and letters
enough expressive of the general sense of tlie Colonies, as
far as we have been able to collect it.
The friends of Government (or rather despotism) here,
finding their patron Hutchinson in the deepest distress,
have been handing about an address to him, applauding
his virtue and public spirit, declaring his letters quite
harmless', and imploring his interposition with his Majesty
on their behalf; at least that the port may be opened ;
some of them have talked loudly of giving largely to the
sura proposed to be raised by tliem to compensate the
JEast India Company's loss in their tea; but this project
drags heavily, though Mr. Hutchinson sent word to the
town, that in case they would pay only the fii'st cost of the
tea, he would engagethat every thing else should be made
easy. They absolutely tremble with a dread of the junc-
tion of the Colonies, and a suspension of the trade with
Great Britai7i, which, at this critical season, must bury
the authors of this complicated, treasonable conspiracy
against the peace and security of the nation, in the ruins
of their own scheme.
It is given out here, by some of the crew, that your
Chamber of Commerce have wiitten letters to Captain
Chambers, offering, if he will be easy, and return, they will
* The above votes were passed in a very full meeting, and it is with
great pleasure we inlbrm the public that there never appeared a more
universal spirit, firranoss, and determined resolution, to stand by and
support our brethren of Boston against the diabolical Ministerial plan
of slavery, there being but one or two hands held up against every
thing bearing the least imaginable appearance of liberty. It is pro-
posed that a number of gentlemen immediately form a company for
carrying on the woollen manufacture in this Colony in the most exten.
sivo manner, there being quite wool enough raised here to clothe all
tho inhabitants.
d45
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &tc., MAY, 1774.
346
pay liim for his tea, and provide him the command of a witli their families, and that they thought tiie whole coun-
good ship, but this report gains no credit here. try was fled, as Crcsap, who was the perpetrator of the
first offence, was then also on his way to Redstone.
Pliiladelphia, May 23, 17T4.
By intelligence from Pittsburg of the 1st of May, we
learn that about the '26th of April, as one Stephens,
with two Indians, (a Shawancse and a Dclaivare,) were
going down the Ohio in a canoe, (that had been a few days
before robbed by three men and a woman of the Cherokee
nation, after they had killed one white man, and wounded
another,) he discovered a canoe with people near Whcding,
coming up the river, which he suspected to be Indians,
and strove to avoid them by making towards the opposite
shore, when they were fired upon twice, and the two
Indians in his canoe killed ; but he could not perceive who
it was that fired, as the enemy lay concealed in the bushes.
He then threw himself into the river, and observed the canoe
that was coming up to contain white men. He made towards
it, and found therein Colonel Michael Cresap, and some
other men, who pretended entire ignorance of his misfor-
tune, although he, the said Stephens, declares, that, from
several circumstances, he suspects the murder was commit-
ted by persons in confederacy with Cresap, as he heard
him tlireaten to put every Indian to death he should
meet with on the river ; and that if he could get a number
of men together sufficient for the undertaking, he was
determined to mark a small Indian village on Yellow
Creek.
We also learn, that Major Macdonald, of Virginia, on
his return to Pittsburg from the Big Runaicay, gives
account that a skirmish had happened between some Vir-
ginians and Indians, in which some were killed on both
sides, which had occasioned the surveyors and grantees of
land from that Colony to return ; and that on his way to
Pittsburg, on the 27th of April, he stopped at the house
of Colonel Cresap, near Whaling, where one Mahon came
and informed that fourteen Indians, in five canoes, had
called at his house going down the river, and asked him for
provisions, which he refused, telling them that two of their
brethren, the day before, had been killed by the white peo-
ple, which these Indians heard nothing of before, and pro-
ceeded down the river. That, upon this new's, Cresap
collected fifteen men, followed and overtook them at the
mouth of a small creek, where they had hauled up the
canoes, and were waiting with expectation of being attacked
as a consequence of what they had heard. That Cresap,
spying the canoes, fired among them, upon which a skirmish
ensued : and the Indians retired after the loss of one man
on each side, and left in the canoes sixteen kegs of rum,
and some saddles and bridles.
Captain Crawford, and Mr. Neville, of Virginia, from
Pittsburg, informed, that about the .3d instant, in their way
there, they met a number of the inhabitants moving off
their places, and with them a party who produced several
Indian scalps, and said they got them as follows : " That
a number of Indians encamped at the mouth of Yellow
Creek, opposite to which two men named Greathouse and
Baker, with some others, had assembled themselves, at a
house belonging to the said Baker, and invited two men
and two women of the Indians over the creek to drink
with them, when, after making them drunk, they killed
and scalped them ; and two more Indian men then came
over, who met with the like fate. After which six of their
men came over to seek their friends, and on approaching the
bank where the white men lay concealed, perceived them,
and endeavoured to retreat back, but received a fire from the
shore, which killed two Indians, who fell in the river ;
two fell dead in the canoe, and a fifth was so badly wounded
that he could hardly crawl up the bank." Among the
unfortunate sufferers was an Indian woman, wife to a white
man, one of the traders ; and she had an infant at her
breast, which these inhuman butchers providentially spared
and took with them. Mr. Neville asked the man who had
the infant if he was not near enough to have taken its
mother prisoner without killing her ? He replied, that he
was about six feet horn her when he shot her exactly in
the forehead, and cut the hoppase with which the child's
cradle hung at her back ; and he thought to have knocked
out its brains, but remorse prevented him, on seeing the
child fall with its mother. This party further informed
them, that after they had killed these Indians they ran off"
Address of the Episcopal Ministers and Wardens in
Boston, to Govcrnour Hutchinson, presented Mon-
i>AV, May 2-3, 1774, at the Castle.
Sir : The Ministers of the Episcopal Churches in
Boston, and the neighbouring towns, with as many of the
Wardens as could conveniently attend, hearinc; of your
intention to emlaark in a short time for England^heg leave
to express our unfeigned gratitude for your generous atten-
tion, and unwearied application to the important interests
of this Province, in which your wisdom and integrity have
been equally conspicuous. If any of our fellow-citizens
have viewed your administration in a less favourable light,
we are persuaded it must be owing to some misapprehension
of your Excellency's intentions. But that which falls more
immediately within our province, is the regard you have
always paid to the interests of religion, and the favourable
notice you have taken of the Church of England within
your Government. Be pleased, sir, to accept this sincere
testimony of our respect and gratitude, together with our
earnest prayers that the divine blessing may attend you
through the remaining stages of your life, and reward you
with an eternity of happiness in the life to come.
To which his Excellency was pleased to return the
following Answer :
Gentlemen : Whatever favourable notice I may have
taken of the Church of England, the grateful return you
have made in this mark of respect, is alone an ample
reward, and will be an additional inducement to me, in
whatever station I may be the remaining part of my life,
sincerely to wish your prosperity, and to contribute every
thing in my power to the advancement of the interest of
religion among you.
Address of the Justices of the Court of General Sessions
of the Peace, for the County q/" Suffolk, in Massa-
chusetts, to his Excellency Governour Gage. Pre-
sented on Tuesday, May 24, 1774.
Province of Massachusetts Bay :
To his Excellency the Honourable Thomas Gage, Esq.,
Governour, Commander-in-chief, and Vice Admiral of
said Province, and Lieutenant General of his Majesty's
Forces in North America:
Sir : The Justices of his Majesty's Court of General
Sessions of the Peace for the county of Suffolk, are happy
in having an opportunity before the close of tlie present
term, at once to testify their loyalty to the King, and to pay
your Excellency their dutiful respects, on your advance-
ment to the Chair of Government in this Province.
The appointment of a gentleman of your Excellency's
eminence and character, we esteem as a mark of the royal
favour ; we flatter ourselves that it will be acceptable to
the people over whom you preside, as it may afibrd them
encouragement that the powers with which you are invest-
ed, will invariably be applied to the promotion of their
peace and prosperity, and thereby they may lose the
remembrance of their former troubles.
We are sensible that the cares of Government are at all
times burthensome, and more peculiarly so when increased
by any public dissentions. We therefore wish your Ex-
cellency that wisdom which is from above, to direct you
in every department both of office and duty, and that under
your auspices the people of your charge may ever enjoy
the benefits resulting from a just and due execution of the
laws, even security to their persons and property, and the
happiness of British subjects.
The administration of justice, we consider as the princi-
pal duty of Kings ; in this view, conformable to our duty,
we would tender to your Excellency the eariiest assurances
that die Executive powers wherewith wc are intrusted, by
our commission, shall in all respects be employed for the
preservation of the peace and good order of this county ;
and that both as citizens and Magistrates, we will afford
847
CORRESPONDEiNCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, MAY, 1774.
348
every assistance in our power, towards rendering your
Excellency's administration easy and happy to yourself,
and effective of the most permanent tranquillity and wel-
fare of this community.
To ivhich Address his Excellency was pleased to return
the foUoiving Answer:
Gentlemen: Tlie loyalty you express to the King,
and your kind Address to me on my appointment to this
Government, claim my warmest acknowledgments.
I receive the greatest satisfaction in the assurances you
give of your intentions towards the preservation of the
j)eace and welfare of tlie community, and return you thanks
for the assistance you oiFur to render my administration
easy and happy.
1 beg you to believe, tiiat as it is my duty, so it is my
inclination to give a close attention to the administration of
justice, and the due execution of the laws ; and that I
shall exert every power lodged in my hands, for the pro-
tection of his Majesty's subjects, that every individual may
enjoy the blessings peculiar to a British Constitution, by
being secured both in his person and property.
FROM PHILADELPHIA TO THE BOSTON COMMITTEE.
Extract.
Philadelphix, May 24, 1774.
We lament with you the distress of Boston, and
think Great Britain must be out of her senses. VVe are
fully sensible your cause is the common cause of all the
Colonies ; we must have a push for it, with all our strength
against the whole strength of Great Britain ; by sea they
will beat us; by land, tliey will not attempt us; we must
try it out in a way of commerce.
1st. By suspending all trade with Great Britain, we
can lessen the revenue of the Crown near a million ster-
ling per annum.
2d. By suspending all trade with the West Indies, we
can starve them and ruin their plantations; by withholdinu'
our provisions and lumber, in six months, which will stop
the four and a half per cent to the Crown, min a great
number of mercliants in London, who are concerned in
the West Indies, and deliver us from the slow poison we
usually import from thence.
3d. By withholding flax-seed from Ireland, we can
ruin the linen manufactory in twelve months. Tiiis will
reduce about three hundred thousand people to a want of
employ ; which, with near an equal number of British
manufacturers in Great Britain reduced to the same state,
will soon muster tumults enough to fill their hands and
hearts at home, for there is no satisfying starving people,
but by killing or feeduig them.
These are the means we are coolly deliberatinir; vve
have other things in contemplation; as stopping our ports
ent'rely, and laying up all our shipping ; and some other
things ; we shall try to convene a general Congress of all
the Colonies as soon as may be. May God give wisdom
and firmness, prudence, and patience, in this time of trial.
Talbot Court House, Maryland, May 24, 1774.
Alarmed at the present situation of America, and im-
pressed with the most tender feelings for the distresses of
their brethren and fellow-subjects in Boston, a number of
gentlemen having met at tliis place, took into their serious
consideration the part they ought to act, as friends to liber-
ty, and to the general interests of mankind.
To preserve the rights, and to secure tlie property of
the subject, they appreliend is the end of Government.
But when those rights are invaded — when the mode pre-
scribed by the laws for the punishment of offences, and
obtaining justice, is disregarded and spurned : when, with-
out being heard in their defence, force is employed, and
the severest penalties are inflicted ; the people, they
clearly conceive, have a right not only to complain, but
likewise to exert their utmost endeavours to prevent the
effect of such measures as may be adopted by a weak or
corrupt Ministry to destroy their liberties ; deprive them
of their property; and rob them of their dearest birth-right
as Britons.
Impressed with the warmest zeal for, and loyalty to
their most gracious Sovereign ; and with the most sincere
affection for their fellow-subjects in Great Britain, tliey
are determined cahnly and steadily, to unite with their
fellow-subjects in pursuing every legal and constitutional
measure, to avert the evils threatened by the late Act of
Parliament for shutting up the port and harbour o( Boston;
to support the common rights of America ; and to promote
that union and harmony between the mother country and
her Colonies, on wliicli the preservation of both must finally
depend.
I. TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN
AMERICA.
Philadelphia, May 24, 1774.
Brethren : Divine Providence has been pleased to
place us, in this age and country, under such circumstances
as to be reduced to the necessity of choosing one of these
conditions : either to submit to the dominion of others hold-
ing our lives, liberties, and properties, by the precariom
tenure of their will ; or, to exert that understanding, reso-
lution, and power, with which Heaven has favoured us, in
striving to maintain our rank in the class of freemen.
The importance of these objects is so immensely great,
and the treatment of one of these Colonies so extremely
alarming, as to call for your most earnest and immediate
consideration.
The subject of the present dispute between Great
Britain and us is so generally understood, that to enlarge
upon it is needless. We know liie extent of her claims ;
we begin to feel the enforcement of those claims ; we may
foresee the consequences of them ; for, reason teaching us
to infer actions from principles, and events from examples,
should convince us what a perfection of servitude is to be
fixed on us and our posterity ; I call it perfection, because
the wit of man, it is apprehended, cannot devise a plan of
domination more completely tending to bear down the
governed into the lowest and meanest state in society,
than tliat now meditated, avowed, and in part executed on
this Continent.
If this system becomes established, it may with trutli be
said of the inhabitants of these Colonies, " that they hold
" their lives, liberties, and properties, by the precarious
" tenure of the will of others.".*
Allowing the danger to be real at the prospect of so
abject and so lasting a subjection, wliat must be the senti-
ments of judicious and virtuous Americans ? They will
quickly determine whether the first part of the alternative
should be adopted.
Here arguments would be absurd ; not more ridiculous
would be an attempt to prove vice preferable to virtue ;
the climate of St. Vincent more pleasant than that of
Pennsylvania ; the natives of Indostan, under tlie Govern-
ment of the East India Company, as happy as English
freeholders ; or the inhabitants of Great Britain more
loyal subjects than those of the Colonies.
That liberty is inestimable, and should if possible, be
preserved, you know. To pretend to convince you of the
truth of the former proposition, or of the duty of the latter,
would be to insult you. You must be ; you are resolved
to observe the most proper conduct for securing your best
and dearest interests. What that may be, deserves,
demands, your closest attention, your calmest deliberation.
On this head, I venture to submit some observations to
your consideration. I am by every tie of interest and duty
an American ; and, unless my heart deceives me, 1 am an
American in affection ; my fortunes, hopes, and wishes are
bound up in your prosperity ; with my countrymen I must
mourn or rejoice ; and therefore, though 1 am perfectly
sensible I cannot present to them reflections arising from
great abilities, or extensive learning, and adorned by ele-
gance of composition ; yet, I trust they will lend a careful
and candid attention to ])lain thoughts ; dictated by honest
intentions, and a ])articipation of afflictions. Aiming solely
at your welfare, and not at the trifling reputation of a
writer, far be from me, the over-weening presumption
that my opinions are free from errour ; con=cious of my
frailties, I desire those opinions to be severely examined ;
the correction of them will confer a real obligation upon
* " Non nnhis nail svmrts. It is for our posterity we desire to pro-
" Tide — that they rauy not be in worss casi? than villains For a. free.
" mart to bo a tenant at will for his liberty '. I will not agree to it. It
" is a tenure not to be found in all Littleton." — Speech of Sir Edwako
Coke, Lord Chief Justice. — Par. His. Vol. 8. p. 61.
S49
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &ic., MAY, 1774.
350
me, if it serves my country ; and iiappy shall I esteem
myself, if the detection of my mistakes shall open to you
a clear view of the most expedient measures to be pursued.
There are some men who say that the late Act of Parlia-
ment, abolishing the privileges of the port of Boston, was
occasioned by the particular imprudence of the inhabitants,
and in no manner concerns the otiier Colonies.
To form a true judgment on this point, it will be proper
to take a short review of some other transactions.
Great Britain, triumphant by your assistance in the
late war, found at the conclusion of it, by a peace hastily
bestowed on her haughty and hereditary foes, her Domin-
ions enlarged ; her fleets formidable : her armies discip-
lined ; her trade flourishing ; her enemies intimidated and
exhausted ; her Colonies thriving, affectionate, and dutiful.
The cup of prosperity large and full, courted her lips.
Deep she drank of the enchanted beverage, as if the vessel
like the cruise of Serepta's widow, could not fail ; after a
short, but feverish repose she roused herself, may 1 say,
as one of Homer's giants ; a race,
" By wliom no statutes and no rights wer3 known,"
to injure those that never injured her. She had conquered
her enemies ; that, other Kingdoms had done. Should no
exploits of a more transcendent energy illustrate the annals
of George the Third ? no achievements so shockingly great
and advantageous, that even the pensioned historians of
the animated era must weep in tracing them, and blush in
reciting them. Luckily for her fame, perhaps for her
profit, the near-sighted policy and low-spirited humanity
of every State, in every period, had left untouched for her,
the novel glory of conquering friends, children, flesh of
her flesh, and bone of her bone, unstained by any former
reproach ; resting in perfect tranquillity, acknowledged
loyalty, and actual obedience to every kind of authority
hitherto by her exercised over them ; perpetually pouring
into her lap those fruits of their industry, which she would
permit them to collect from the different parts of the world.
Proud of their connection with her ; confiding in her ; lov-
ing, revering, almost adoring her ; and ready and willing as
they ever had been, to spend their treasure, and their blood,
at her request, in her cause.
* " Parcere superbis, et debellare subjectos," .
was a thought that had escaped the sagacity of statesmen,
and even the fancy of poets. The subtlety of Machiavel's
Italian brain had missed it, and no Bceoiian had blundered
upon it.
The temptation was too great to be resisted ; the parent
resolved to seize that treasure, and if not tamely resigned,
to s])ill that blood herself, f " O sapiens et beata regina."
The greatest :|:Ministers who had heretofore conducted
her afFdii-s, had discovered, and declared, that we were
continually toiling for her benefit ; that she was sure of
receiving, in the course of commerce, all those emolu-
ments of our labour which reason could require ; and,
therefore, tenderly cherished and supported us. Notions
too dull ! and advantages too just ! to merit the slightest
regard from his Majesty's enlightened and magnanimous
Counsellors.
" They lavish gold out of the bag, and weigh silver in the
" balance ; they fall down ; yea ! they worship" (them.)
Remember this, and show yourselves men.
P.P.
* " To spare the proud and to subdue the subject."
t " O wise and liappy Queen."
} Sir Robert Walpule, and every other Minister to whom the project
of taxing the Colonies was mentioned, rejected it,
" Wlien I had the honour of serving his Majesty, I availed myself of
tlie means of information which I derived from my office. I speak
therefore, from knowledge. My materiils were good ; I was at pains
to collect, to digest, to consider tliom ; and I will be bold to affirm that
the profit of Great Britain from tlie trade of tlie Colonies, through all
its branches, is two millions a year ; this is the fund that carried you
triumphantly through the last war ; the estates that were rented at
£2,000 a year, tliroo score years ago, are £3,000 at present ; those
e.states sold then from fifteen to eighteen years purcliase ; the same may
DOW bo sold for thirty. You owe tliis to America ; this is the prica
that America pays you for her protection. I dare not say how much
higher these jirofits may be augmented. Upon the whole, I will bog
leave to tell the House what is really my opinion : it is that the Stamp
Act be rspealed absolutely, totally, and innnediatoly ; that the reason
for the repeal be assigned, because it was founded on an erroneous
principle." — Mr. Pitt's Speech.
All the most distinguished writers on tlie trade of Great Britain
previous to the present reign, lield a language entirely agreeing witli
Mr. Pitt's sentiments. — See Davenant, Child, Tucker, Beaaes, Postle.
thwaile, ^.
Williamsburg, May 30, 1774.
The House of Burgesses, of Virginia, on the 24th of
May, adopted the following Resolution, which was directed
to be forthwith printed and published :
"Tuesday, 2.Uh of May, 14th Genr^e III., 1774.
" This House being deeply impressed with apprehension
of the great dangers to be derived to British America
from the hostile invasion of the city of Boston, in our sister
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, whose commerce and
harbour are on the first day of June next to be stopped by
an armed force, deem it highly necessary that the said
first day of June be set apart by the Members of this
House, as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer; de-
voutly to implore the Divine interposition, for averting the
heavy calamity which threatens destruction to our civil
rights, and the evils of civil war ; to give us one heart and
one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means,
every injury to American rights ; and that the minds of
his Majesty and his Parliament may be inspired from above
with wisdom, moderation, and justice, to remove from the
loyal people of America all cause of danger from a con-
tinued pursuit of measures pregnant with their ruin.
" Ordered, therefore, That the members of this House ,
do attend in their places at the hour of ten in the forenoon,
on the said first day of June next, in order to proceed with
the Speaker and the mace to the church in this city for
the purposes aforesaid ; and that the Reverend Mr. Price
be appointed to read prayers, and to preach a sermon
suitable to the occasion.*
" By the House of Burgesses,
" George Wythe, c. h. b."
Thursday, May 26. Between three and four o'clock,
P. M., the Right Honourable the Earl oi Dunmore, sent a
message to the honourable the House of Burgesses, by the
Clerk of the Council, requiring their immediate attendance
in the Council Chamber ; when his Excellency spoke to
them as follows :
" Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of
Burgesses : I have in my hand a paper published by
order of your House, conceived in such terms as reflect
highly upon his Majesty, and the Parliament of Great
Britain, which makes it necessary for me to dissolve you,
and you are dissolved accordingly."
Friday, May 27. At ten o'clock this day, the honour-
able Members of the late House of Burgesses, met by
agreement, at the long room of the Raleigh tavern, in
Williamsburg, called the Apollo; when, having formed
themselves into a Committee, and appointed the Honoura-
ble Peyton Randolph, Moderator, the following Associa-
tion was unanimously entered into by the patriotic Assem-
bly, in support of the constitutional liberties of America,
against the late oppressive Acts of the British Parliament,
respecting the town of Boston, which, in the end, must
affect all the other Colonies.
AN ASSOCIATION, BY THE MEMBERS OF THE LATE HOUSE
OF BURGESSES.
We his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the
late Representatives of the good people of this country,
having been deprived by the sudden interposition of the
Executive part of this Government from giving our coun-
trymen the advice we wished to convey to them in a legis-
lative capacity, find ourselves under the hard necessity of
adopting this, the only method we have left, of pointing out
to our countrymen such measures as in our opinion are best
fitted to secure our dearest rights and liberty from destruc-
tion, by the heavy hand of power now lifted against North
America. With much grief we find that our dutiful appli-
cations to Great Britain, for security of our just, ancient,
and constitutional rights, have been not only disregarded, but
that a determined system is formed and pressed for reducing
the inhabitants of British America to slavery, by subjecting
them to the payment of taxes, imposed without the consent
* The order originally was, " that the Reverend Mr. Price be ap.
" pointud to read prayers ; and tlie Reverend Mr. Gmatkin to preach a
" sermon suit ible to the occasion." But upon Mr. Gwntkin'n petition-
ing to be excused from complying with his appointment, Mr. Price,
tlie Chaplain to the House, was directed to preach in his stead.
851
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, MAY, 1774.
852
of the people on their Representatives ; and that in pursuit
of this system, we find an Act of tlie British Parliament,
lately passed, for stopping the harbour and commerce of the
town of Boston, in our sister Colony of Massachusetts
Bay, until tlie people there submit to the payment of
such unconstitutional taxes, and which Act most violently
and arbitrarily deprives them of their property in wharfs
erected by private persons, at their own great and proper
expense, which Act is, in our opinion, a most dangerous
attempt to destroy the constitutional liberty and rights of
all North America.
It is further our opinion, that as tea, on its importation
into America, is charged with a duty, imposed by Par-
liament for the purpose of raising a revenue, without the
consent of tiie people, it ought not to be used by any
person who wishes well to the constitutional rights and
liberty of British America. And whereas the India Com-
pany have ungenerously attempted the ruin of America, by
sending many ships loaded with tea into the Colonies,
thereby intending to fix a precedent in favour of arbitrary
taxation, we deem it highly proper and do accordingly
recommend it strongly to our countrymen, not to purchase
or use any kind of East India commodity whatsoever,
except saltpetre and spices, until the grievances oi America
are redressed.
We are further clearly of opinion, that an attack, made
on one of our sister Colonies, to compel submission to
arbitrary taxes is an attack made on all British Ame-
rica, and threatens ruin to tiie rights of all, unless the
united wisdom of the whole be applied. And for this
purpose it is recommended to the Committee of Corres-
pondence, that they communicate, with their several Cor-
responding Committees, on the expediency of appointing
Deputies from the several Colonies of British America,
to meet in general Congress, at such place annually as
shall be thought most convenient : there to deliberate on
those general measures which the united interests of Ame-
O ...
rica may from time to tmie require.
A tender regard for the interest of our fellow-subjects,
the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain, pre-
vents us from going further at this time ; most earnestly
hoping, that the unconstitutional principle of taxing the
Colonies without their consent will not be persisted in,
thereby to compel us against our will, to avoid all commer-
cial intercourse with Britain. Wishing them and our peo-
ple free and happy, we are their affectionate friends the
late Representatives of Virginia.
Signed by eighty-nine Members of the late
House of Burgesses.
May 27, 1774.
We the subscribers. Clergymen and other inhabitants of
the Colony and Dominion of Virginia, having maturely
considered the contents of the above Association, do most
cordially approve and acceed thereto.
Signed by a number of Clergymen and
other Inhabitants.
On Sunday afternoon, May 29, letters were received by
express from Boston, Philadelphia, and Annapolis, in
Maryland, testifying the resentment of those different
places, and the Northern Provinces in general, against the
late oppressive Act of the British Parliament which is in-
tended so materially to injure the port of Boston, and
recommending an union of measures to their Southern
brethren, to induce the Ministry to abate in their rigorous
and unconstitutional designs against American freedom,
which they consider themselves equally entitled to with
their fellow-subjects in Britain.
Immediately upon receiving the letters the Honourable
Peyton Randolph, Esquire, moderator of the Committee of
the late House of Representatives, thought it proper to
convene all the members tliat were then in town ; who on
considering those important papers, came to a resolution
to call together the several other members near this city,
to whom notice could be given. Twenty-five of them ac-
cordingly met next day, Monday, May 30, at ten o'clock,
when it was unanimously agreed to refer the further consi-
deration of this matter to the first day of August next ; at
which time it is expected there will be a very general
attendance of the late members of the House of Burgesses,
and that a non-importation agreement will be then entered
into, as well as resolutions to suspend, at some future clay,
exporting any of our conunodities to Britain, should the
present odious measures, so inimical to the just rights and
liberty of America, be pursued.*
EARL OF DUNMORE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Williamsburg, May 29, 1774.
My Lord : The General Assembly of this Colony met
here on the 6th of May, for despatch of the necessary
business, and a few days after an account arrived in this
country of the Act of Parliament, passed for discontinuing
the shipping or discharging goods in the harbour of ^Oi/ojj,
which has induced the House of Burgesses again, on this
occasion to declare, what they are fond of having it
thought always originates with them, a determined resolu-
tion to deny and oppose the authority of Parliament.
Accordingly Robert Carter Nicholas, the Treasurer of this
Colony, made a motion for the order, which .passed, and
which I herewith transmit to your Lordship.
It was intended by the solemnity of a public fasting
and praying to prepare the minds of the people to re-
ceive other resolutions of the House, the purport of which
I am not informed of, but from such a beginning may natu-
rally be concluded could tend only to inflame tiie whole
country, and instigate the people to acts that might rouse the
indignation of the motlier country against tiiem ; in hopes
therefore of preventing the progress of these ill effects by
the only means in my power, which I fear will not be
effectual, I have with the unanimous consent of the Coun-
cil, dissolved the Assembly, and I have determined not to
issue new writs until I hear from your Lordship, and am
informed whether his Majesty shall think it necessary to
give me any command in respect to this undutiful part of
the Legislature of Virginia.
I have heard from many of the dissolved members, and
I hope it is true, that tlie House in general in the hasty
manner the measure was proposed and agreed to, did not
advert to the whole force of the tenns in which the order
I transmit is conceived, and that if it had, it is believed a
strong opposition would have been made to it, and proba-
bly that it might have met a different fate.
I am, &c. DuNMORE.
Annapolis, Maryland, May 26, 1774.
At a meeting of the Inhabitants of the City of Anna'
polls, on Wednesday, the 25th day of May, 1774, after
notice given of the time, place, and occasion of this
meeting :
Resolved, That it is the unanimous opinion of this
meeting, that the town of Boston is now suffering in the
common cause of America, and that it is incumbent on
every Colony in America, to unite in effectual means to
obtain a repeal of the late Act of Parliament for blocking
up the harbour of Boston.
That it is the opinion of this meeting, that if the Colo-
nies come into a joint resolution to stop all importations,
from, and exportations to, Great Britian, till the said Act
be repealed, the same will preserve North America and
her liberties.
Resolved therefore, Tliat the inhabitants of this city,
will join in an Association with the several counties of this
Province, and the principal Colonies of America, to put
an immediate stop to all exports to Great Britain, and
that after a short day hereafter to be agreed on that there be
no imports from Great Britain till the said Act be repealed,
and that such Association be on oath.
That it is the ojiinion of this meeting that the gentle-
men of the law of this Province, bring no suit for the
recovery of any debt due from any inhabitant of this
Province to any inhabitant of Great Britain, until the
said Act be repealed.
*On the first of June, the Honourable the .Sp-jaker and as many
members of the late Assembly, as were in town, with the citizens of
Williatnsljurg, and numbers from a distance, ansembled at the Court
House and went in procession to tlie Church, where an excellent ser.
mon, well adapted to the present unhappy disputes between Great
Britain and her Colonies, was preached by the Reverend Mr. Price,
cliaplain to tlio House of Burgesses, agreeable to the late order of
that patriotic and very respectable body.
353
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, MAY, 1774.
354
Tliat the inhabitants of this city will, and it is the
opinion of this meeting, that this Province ought imme-
diately to break off all trade and dealings with that Colony
or Province which shall refuse or decline to come into
similar resolutions with a majority of the Colonies.
That Messrs. John Hall, Charles Carroll, Thomas John-
son, Jun., William Paca, Matthias Hammond, and Samuel
Chase, be a Committee for this city, to join with those who
shall be appointed for Baltimore town, and other parts of
this Province, to constitute one general Committee, and
that the gentlemen appointed for this city immediately
correspond with Baltimore town, and other parts of this
Province, to effect such Association as will best secure
American liberty.
To the Printers of the Maryland Gazktte :
Your Gazette of the 26th instant, contains an anonymous
publication of the Resolutions entered into by the meeting
of the inhabitants of this city, held for the purpose of
taking into consideration Letters from Boston and Phila-
delphia, which it is presumed is entitled to no other than
an anonymous answer. The public are desired to sus-
pend forming any judgment of the sentiments of this city
on a subject of so momentous a concern, until they are
furnished with more authentic grounds.
Annapolis, May, 26, 1774.
Annapolis, (A. M. 11 o'clock,) May 27, 1774.
. A paper having been circulated this morning, in this
city, and distributed with the Gazette, desiring the public
to suspend forming any judgment of the sentiments of this
city, on the subject matter of letters from Boston, and
Philadelphia, until they are furnished witli more authentic
grounds than the resolutions entered into by the meeting
of the inhabitants held for that purpose, all the citi-
zens, and particularly those who dissent from the printed
resolutions, are earnestly requested to meet at the Play-
liouse, precisely at diree o'clock, this afternoon.
At a meeting of the inhabitants of the city of Annapo-
lis in consequence of the foregoing notice, after reading
the several letters and papers communicated from Boston,
and Philadelphia, the first, second, and third resolutions
of this city, on Wednesday last, were distinctly read, one
by one, and the question being put on them, severally,
that they be confirmed, the first was unanimously con-
finned, and, on a division, the second and third were also
confirmed, very few dissenting. The fourth resolution
being read, the question was moved and put, that the same
be expunged, and on a division, resolved by a considerable
majority, that it be not expunged. The other resolutions
were read, and on the question being put on each, were
confirmed without any division.
Resolved, That this day's proceedings be immediately
printed, and made public. Per order,
John Ducket, Clerk.
Annapolis, May 30, 1774.
A publication of the enclosed Protest, supported by a con-
siderable number of die Inhabitants of the City of
Annapolis, will, it is presumed, furnish the most authen-
tic grounds for determining the sense of the majority on
a question of the last importance.
We whose names are subscribed, inhabitants of the city
of Annapolis, conceive it our clear right, and most incum-
bent duty, to express our cordial and explicit disapproba-
tion of a Resolution which was carried by forty-seven
against thirty-one, at the meeting held on the 27lh in-
stant.
The Resolution against which we protest in the face of
the world is the following :
•' That it is the opinion of this meeting that the gentle-
'• men of the law of tiiis Province, bring no suit for the
■' recovery of any debt due from any inhabitant of this
" Province to any inhaiiitant of Great Britain, until the
" said Act be repealed."
Dissentient,
1. Because we are impressed with a full conviction,
that this resolution is founded in treachery and rashness,
inasmuch as it is big with bankruptcy and ruin to tliose
inhabitants of Great Britain, who, relying witli unlimited
security on our good faith and integrity, have made us
masters of their fortunes ; condemning them unheard,
for not having interposed their influence with Parliament
in favour of the town of Boston, without duly weighing
the force with which that influence would probably have
operated, or whether, in their conduct, they were actuated
by wisdom and policy, or by corruption and avarice.
2. Because, whilst the inhabitants of Great Britain
are partially despoiled of every legal remedy to recover
what is justly due to them, no provision is made to prevent
us from being harrassed by the prosecution of internal suits,
but our fortunes and persons are left at the mercy of
domestic creditors, without a possibility of extricating our-
selves, unless by a general convulsion ; an event, in the
contemplation of sober reason, replete with horrour.
3. Because our credit as a commercial people will
expire under the wound ; for what confidence can possibly
be reposed in those who shall have exhibited the most
avowed and most striking proof, that they are not to be
bound by obligations as sacred as human invention can
suggest.
Lloyd Dulany,
William Cooke,
James Tilghman,
Anthony Stewart,
William Stcuart,
Charles Steuart,
David Steuart,
Jonathan Pinkney,
William Tuck,
Thomas Sparrow,
John Green,
James Brice,
George Gordon,
John Chalmers,
John Anderson,
John Unsworth,
James Taylor,
William Cayton,
George Ranken,
Robert Moor,
Jonathan Parker,
Brice Selden,
John Vamdel,
John Annis,
Robert Ridge,
Robert Nixon,
Thomas Kirby,
William Edwards,
Robert Lambert,
William Eddis,
John Clapham,
Elie Vallette,
Robert Buchanan,
William Noke,
James Brooks,
Richard Murrow,
John Brown,
John Hepburn,
Colin Campbell,
Nathaniel Ross,
William Niven,
James Kingsbury,
James Barnes,
John Sands,
James Williams,
Joseph Williams,
John Howard,
William Munroe,
John D. Jaques,
John N orris,
John Steele,
N. Macubbin,
Thomas Hammond,
Thomas Pipier,
Thomas Neal,
William Tonry,
James McKenzie,
Nicholas Minsky,
Martin Water,
John Warren,
William Chambers,
James Clarke,
Denton Jacques,
Joseph Dowson,
Thomas Macken,
Richard Burland,
Dan. Dulany, of Dan.
R. MoUeson,
Robert Couden,
William Aikman,
George French,
John Parker,
Archibald Smith,
Thomas Bonner,
Matthias Mae,
Alexander McDonald,
David Crinnig,
John Timmis,
David Atchison,
James Maynard,
William Harrison,
Robert Kirkland,
William Ashton,
Robert Morrison,
Charles Bryan,
John Haragan,
Hugh Hendley,
Richard Thompson,
Rcverdy Ghiselin,
Charles Marckel,
John Randall,
William Stift;
James Mitchell,
Charles Roberts,
Samuel Skingle,
Thomas Stiff,
Henry Jackson,
William Devenish,
James Hackman,
Charles Barber,
John Evitts,
James Maw,
Jordan Steiger,
Joseph Richards,
Edward Owens,
Thomas Prysse,
J. Wilkinson,
Robert Key,
Lewis Jones,
William Waiatt,
John King,
William rrew,
Thomas Towson,
William Howard,
John Donaldson,
D. Dulany, of Walter,
William Worthington,
Thomas B. Hodgkin,
William Wilkins,
Thomas French,
Joseph Selby,
William Gordon,
Thomas Hyde,
John Maconochic,
Philip Thomas Lee,
John Ball,
Samuel Owens,
Samuel Ball,
Thomas Braithwaito,
James Murray,
Richard Mackubin,
Michael Wallace,
William Hyde,
Nathan Hammond,
Peter Psalter,
Joseph Brouing,
Thomas Hincke,
Lewis Neth,
Edward Dogan,
J. H. Anderson,
Richard Burt,
Henry Horsley,
Cornelius Fenton,
Richard Addams,
George Ranken, Sen.
Edward Wilmot,
Robert Lang,
George Nicholson,
Benjamin Spriggs,
John Horton,
Charles Wright,
Constantine Bull,
Amos Edmons,
Henry Sibell,
Joshua Cross,
John Woolford,
Samuel H. Howard,
Oliver Weeden,
Alexander Finlater,
Cornelius McCarty,
Jonathan Simpson.
DANIEL DULANV, JUN. TO ARTHUR LEE.
Annapolis, May, 1774.
Dear Sir : I received your favour, which I made it
my business to communicate to my acquaintances, who all
agreed in your proposal. It would give me the highest
satisfaction to continue a correspondence with you. Our
town was assembled a few days ago to consider let-
ters sent from Boston and Philadelphia. The subject
of the Boston letter was, to request the Colonies to join
in a non-importation and non-exportation scheme, as the
readiest method to compel Parliament to restore them to
their just ri<^hts. The Philadelphians were very cool,
indeed, upon the application. There is a stroke of insult-
ing pity in their answer which 1 am sure will raise your
indignation to the highest pitch.
Fourth Series.
23
855
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, MAY, 1774.
356
We came here to the following resolves :
1st. That it is the opinion of the meeting that the town
of Boston is now suft'cring in the common cause of Ame-
rican liberty.
2d. Tiiat tlie best method to redress the evils they now
labour under, would be to put a total stop to imports and
exports to and from Great Britain.
;3d. That the Association be upon oath for that purpose.
4th. That it is the opinion of this meeting that no
lawyer should bring an action for any merchant in Great
Britain against an inhabitant till this Act be repealed.
5th. That no trade be carried on with any Colony that
does not come into similar resolutions.
Tiiese are not to be obligatory till they are agreed to by
a majority of the Colonies and the several counties of this
Province. Every thing passed unanimously except the
fourth resolution, which I confess 1 opposed, with about
thirty more. It seems to me to carry with it so much
injustice and partiality, that I am afraid it will give a
handle to our enemies to hurt the general cause. I would
have agreed to it if it had extended to merchants in this
country as well as foreign merchants.
Every just, indeed, every efficient measure, should be
taken against the British Parliament in their designs to
tax America ; for I am convinced, that if once the princi-
ple of taxing were established, property here would not be
worth holding. But, at the same time, let us never give
them an opportunity, by our resolves, to accuse us of
injustice. I hope you will agree with me in this.
It gives me great pleasure to hear that our friend
Alleyne succeeded so well in the four and a half per cent,
cause. I have expected to hear from him on business for
some time past, liis management of which I requested,
but I have not had the pleasure. Present my compli-
ments to him, and inform him that I should be glad of a
line from him. Remember me to your brother.
I am, with great esteem, dear sir, your most humble
servant, D. Dulany, Jun.
Arthur Lee, Esq,, London.
CONNECTICUT RESOLtJTIONS.
In the House of Representatives of the English Colony
of Connecticut.
This House, taking into their serious consideration sundry
Acts of the British Parliament, in which their power and
right to impose duties and taxes upon his Majesty's subjects
in the British Colonies and Plantations in America, for
the purpose of raising a revenue, are declared, attempted
to be exercised, and in various ways enforced and carried
into execution : and especially a very late Act, in which
pains and penalties are inflicted on the capital of a neigh-
bouring Province, a jirecedent justly alarming to every
British Colony in America, and which being admitted
and established, their lives, liberties, and properties, are at
the mercy of a tribunal where innocence may be punished
upon the accusation and evidence of wicked men, without
defence, and even without knowing the accuser ; a pre-
cedent calculated to terrify them into silence and submis-
sion wiiilst diey are stripped of their invaluable rights and
liberties — do think it their duty and expedient at this time,
to renew their claim to the rights, liberties and immunities
of freeborn Englishmeji, to which they are justly entitled
by the laws of nature, by the Royal Grant and Charter
of his late Majesty King Charles the Second, and by long
and uninterrupted possession ; and thereupon do declare
and resolve as follows, viz :
1st. In the first place, we do most expressly declare,
recognise and acknowledge his Majesty King George the
Tiiird to be the lawful and rightful King of Great Britain,
and all other his Dominions and Countries ; and that It is
the indispensable duty of this Colony, as being part of his
Majesty's dominions, always to bear faitliful and true alle-
giance to his Majesty, and him to defend to the utmost of
their power, against all attempts upon his person, crown and
dignity.
2d. That the subjects of his Majesty in this Colony
ever have had, and of right out to have and enjoy, all the
liberties, immunities and privileges of free and natural bom
subjects within any of the Dominions of our said King, his
heirs and successors, as fully and amply as if they, and
every of them, were bom within the Realm of England.
That they have a property in their own estate, and are to
be taxed by their own consent, ojily given in person, or by
their Representatives, and are not to be disseized of their
liberties and free customs, sentenced or condemned, but by
lawful judgment of their peers ; and that the said rights
and immunities are recognised and confirmed by the inhab-
itants of the Colony, by the Royal Grant and Charter
aforesaid, and are their undoubted right, to all intents,
constructions and j)urposes W'hatsoever.
3d. That die only lawful representatives of the freemen
of this Colony, are the persons they elect to serve as mem-
bers of the General Assembly thereof.
4th. That it is the just right and privilege of his Majes-
ty's liege subjects of this Colony to be governed by their
General Assembly in the article of taxing, and internal
police, agreeable to the powers and privileges recognised
and confirmed in the Royal Charter aforesaid, which they
have enjoyed for more than ti century past, and have neither
forfeited nor surrendered, but the same have been con-
stantly recognised by the King and Parliament of Great
Britain.
5th. That the erecting new and unusual Courts of
Admiralty, and vesting them with extraordinary powers
above, and not subject to, the controul of the Common
Law Courts in this Colony, to judge and determine in suits
relating to the duties and forfeitures contained in said
Acts, foreign to the accustomed and established jurisdiction
of the former Courts of Admiralty in America, is, in the
opinion of this House, highly dangerous to the liberties of
Ills Majesty's American subjects, contrary to the great
Charter of English liberty, and destructive of one of their
most darling rights, that of trial by juries, which is justly
esteemed one chief excellence of the British Constitution,
and a principal branch of English liberty.
6th. That the apprehending and carrying persons beyond
the sea to be tried for any crime alleged to be committed
within this Colony, or subjecting them to be tried by Com-
missioners, or by any court constituted by Act of Parlia-
ment, or otherwise within this Colony, in a summary way,
without a jury, is unconstitutional, and subversive of the
liberties and rights of the free subjects of this Colony.
7th. That any liarbour or port duly opened and consti-
tuted, cannot be shut up and discharged but by an Act of
the Legislature of the Province or Colony in which such
harbour or port is situated, without subverting the rights
and liberties, and destroying the projjerty of his Majesty's
subjects.
8th. That the late Act of Parliament inflicting pains
and penalties on the town of Boston, by blocking up dielr
harbour, is a precedent justly alarming to the British
Colonies in America, and wholly inconsistent with, and
subversive of, their constitutional rights and liberties.
9th. That whenever his Majesty's service shall require
the aid of the inhabitants of this Colony, the same fixed
principles of loyalty, as well as self-preservation, which
have hitherto induced us fully to comply with his Majesty's
requisitions, together with the deep sense we have of its
being our indispensable duty, (in the opinion of this House,)
will ever hold us under the strongest obligations which can
be given or desired, most cheerfully to grant his Majesty,
from time to time, our fiirtlier proportion of men and
money, for tiie defence, protection, security, and other
services of the British American Dominions.
10th. That we look on die wellbeing and greatest secu-
rity of this Colony, to depend (under God) on our connec-
tion with Great Britain, which it is ardently wished may
continue to the latest posterity ; and that it is the humble
opinion of this House that the Constitution of this Colony
being understood and practised upon, as it has, ever since
it existed, (till very lately,) is tlie surest bond of union,
confidence, and mutual prosperity of our mother country
and us, and the last foundation on which to build the good
of the whole, whether considered in a civil, military, or
mercantile light ; and of the truth of this opinion we are
the more confident, as it Is not founded on speculation only,
but has been verified in fact, and by long experience found to
produce, according to our extent, and other circumstances,
as many loyal, virtuous, industrious and well governed sub-
jects, as any part of his Majesty's Dominions ; and as truly
857
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., MAY, 1774.
358
zealous of, and as warmly engaged to promote the best
good and real glory of the grand whole, which constitutes
tiie Bntish Empire.
11th. That it is an indispensable duty which we owe
to our King, our country, ourselves, and our posterity, by
all lawful ways and means in our power, to maintain, defend
and preserve, these our rights and liberties, and to transmit
them entire and inviolate to the latest generations ; and
that it is our fixed, determined, and unalterable resolution,
faitiifully to discharge this our duty.
At their Sessions at Hartford, on the second Thursday
of Mai/, 177^, in the fourteenth year of his Majesty's
reign, the foregoing Resolutions, reported to the House by
their Committee, were unanimously voted, and ordered to
be entered on their Journal or Record.
Boston, Wednesday, May 25, 1774.
This being the anniversary day appointed by the Royal
Charter, for convening a great and general Court or Assem-
bly of this Province, and for the election of his Majesty's
Council, the gentlemen who were returned to serve and
represent the several towns, met a Committee from the
Honourable Board, authorized and appointed by his Excel-
lency the Govemour, administered the oaths required by
Act of Parliament to the members of the House, who,
after having taken the oath of abjuration, and subscribed
the declaration, they unanimously chose Mr. Samuel
Adams for their Clerk ; the House then proceeded to the
choice of a Speaker, when the Honourable Thomas Cash-
ing, Esquire, was unanimously chosen and approved.
The following gentlemen were elected Counsellors for
the ensuing year :
For the Ipte Colony of Massachusetts Bay. —
The Honourable Samuel Danforth, John Erving, James
Bowdoin, James Pitts, Samuel Dexter, Artemas Ward,
Benjamin Greenleaf Caleb Cushing, Samuel Phillips,
John fVinihrop, William Phillips, John Adams, James
Prescott, Timothy Danielson, Richard Derby, Jun.,
Michael Farley, Benjamin Austin, Norton Quincy,
Esquires.
For the late Colony 0/ Plymouth. — James Otis, Wil-
liam Sever, Walter Spooner, Jerathmeel Bowers, Esquires.
For the Province of Maine. — Jeremiah Powell, Jede-
diah Prebblc, Enoch Freeman, Esquires.
For Sagadahock. — Benjamin Chadbume, Esq.
At Large. — George Leonard, Jun., Jedediah Foster,
Esquires.
Before the election of Counsellors, letters were received
from the Honourable Isaac Royall and James Gowan,
Esquires, resigning their seats at the Board.
Thursday, May 26.
The list of Counsellors chosen yesterday, being, this
day, agreeable to the direction of the Royal Charter, pre-
sented to the Govemour, his Excellency was pleased to
consent to the gentlemen before mentioned, except James
Bowdoin, Samuel Dexter, John Winthrop, William Phil-
lips, John Adams, James Prescott, Timothy Danielson,
Michael Farley, Benjamin Austin, Norton ^incy,
Jerathmeel Bowers, Enoch Freeman, Jedediah Foster,
Esquires.
This day his Excellency was pleased to make the
following Speech to both Houses :
Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the
General Assembly:
His Majesty having been pleased to appoint me Govei-
nour and Captain General of his Province of the Massa-
chusetts Bay, and my commissions liaving been read and
published, 1 have met you for the election of Counsellors
for the ensuing year; on wiiicii business you have been
convened agreeable to your Charter, and as that work is
finished, you will proceed as you shall judge fit to the con-
sideration of such other matters as may properly come
before you, and that you judge ought to be entered upon
previous to the fiist of next month. And you will be
assured that I shall with pleasure concur with you to the
utmost of my power in all matters that tend to the welfare
and prosperity of the Province. I make mention of the
first of next month, because I have the King's particular
commands for holding the General Court at Salem from
that day, until his Majesty shall have signified iiis royal
will and pleasure for holding it again at Boston.
The honour of my appointment to the command of this
Govemment being so lately conferred, and the time since
I took it upon me so very short, I have not at present
any matter to lay before you, farther than to acquaint you,
that the Provincial Treasurer having informed me that
sufficient provision is made for the redemption of the
Government securities that are now, and will become due
in June, 1775, you will have no other burden upon you
but to supply the Treasury for the support of Govemment
for the ensuing year. T. Gage.
Council Chamber, May 26, 1774.
Marblehead, May 25, 1774.
AN ADDRESS PRESENTED TO OOVERNOUH HUTCHINSON BY
SUNDRY GENTLEMEN OF MARBLEHEAD.
To Govemour Hutchinjon :
Sir : His Majesty having been pleased to appoint his
Excellency the Honourable Thomas Gage, Esquire, to be
Govemour and Commander-in-chief over this Province,
and you (as we are informed) being speedily to embark
for Great Britain, we, the subscribers, merchants, traders
and others, inhabitants of Marblehead, beg leave to pre-
sent you our valedictory Address on this occasion ; and as
this is the only way we now have of expressing to you
our entire approbation of your public conduct during the
time you have presided in this Province, and of making
you a return of our most sincere and hearty thanks for the
ready assistance which you have at all times afforded us
when applied to in matters which affected our navigation
and commerce, we are induced from former experience
of your goodness, to believe that you will freely indulge
us in the pleasure of giving you this testimony of our sin-
cere esteem and gratitude.
In your public administration we are fully convinced,
that the general good was the mark which you have ever
aimed at, and we can, sir, with pleasure assure you, that it
is likewise the opinion of all dispassionate thinking men
within the circle of our observation, notwithstanding many
publications would have taught the world to think the
contrary ; and we beg leave to entreat you, that when you
arrive at the Court of Great Britain, you would there
embrace every opportunity of moderating the resentment
of the Government against us, and use your best endeavours
to have the unhappy dispute between Great Britain and
this country brought to a just and equitable termination.
We cannot omit the opportunity of returning you, in a
particular manner, our most sincere thanks for your pairon-
izinjr our cause in the matter of entering and clearing ves-
sels at the Custom House, and making the fishermen pay
hospital money. We believe it is owing to your repre-
sentation of the matter that we are hitherto free from that
burthen.
We heartily wish you, sir, a safe and prosperous passage
to Great Britain ; and when you arrive there, may you
find such a reception as shall fully compensate for all the
insults and indignities which have been offered you,
Richard Hinkly, Robert Hooper, 3d., Robert Hooper,
Samuel Reed, John Prince, John Gallison,
John Lee, George McCall, Jacob Fowle,
Robert Ambrose, Joseph Swasey, John Pederick,
Jonatlian Glover, Nathan Bowen, Richard Reed,
Richard Phillips, Thomas Robie, Benjamin Marston,
Isaac Mansfield, John Stimson, Samuel White,
Joseph Bubler, John Webb, Joseph Hooper,
Richard Stacey, Joseph Lee, John Pentice,
Thomas Proctor, Sweet Hooper, Robert Hooper, Jan.,
John Fowle, Henry Saunders, Thomas Lewis.
GOVEBNOUR HUTCHINSOn's ANSWER.
So kind an Address from so many gentlemen of respec-
table characters in the town of Marblehead, requires my
most grateful acknowledgments. You may be assured of
mv endeavours, as far as shall fall within my sphere, to
obtain what you desire. Thomas Hutchinson.
S50
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &o., MAY, 1774.
360
A Declaration of Marble head, relative to the Address
from sundry Inhabitants of the town to Governour
Hutchinson.
Be it known to the whole worid, its present generation,
and every future one :
That the town of Marhlehead now legally assembled,
pureuant to appointment, taking into consideration an Ad-
dress which appeared in the last Essex Gazette, from
sundry inhabitants of this town, to the late Governour
Hutchinson is clearly of opinion,
1st. That as the Address did originate since the com-
mencement of this meeting, and as the warrant for the
meeting enabled the inhabitants to take any suitable steps
upon the present critical situation of public affairs, whether
by addressing instructions, or otiierwise, the Addressers,
by the secret and clandestine manner in which they have
conducted this Address, have manifested a disposition to
destroy the hamiony of the town in its public affairs, and
thus planted the seeds of dissensions, animosities and
discords.
•2d. That a public address to a pereon just leaving a
high and public office in the Province, who is not only
neglected by the two honourable branches of the present
Legislature of it, but has likewise been censured by both
Houses of a former Assembly as an inveterate enemy to
the liberties of the Province, is such an indignity offered
to those branches of the Government, as this town is in
duty and gratitude bound to bear testimony against ; more
especially as it conceives itself under lasting obligations to
them for their steady and virtuous attachment to the liber-
ties and true interest of the Province, which they have
strenuously contended for.
;3d. That the Addressers have, to the utmost of their
power, strengthened the hands of a subtle enemy to the
Province by their Address ; and this instrument, although
but a fantastical shadow of public respect, will be naturally
improved by Mr. Hutchinson to justify his own conduct,
and raise still higher the prejudices which so unjustly rage
against this injured Province and Continent.
4th. That the Address aforesaid is not only in substance
exceptionable, but insulting and affrontive to this town ; as
the Addressers first say to Mr. Hutchinson, " In your
" public administration we are fully convinced that the
" general good was the mark you ever aimed at," (which,
however, this town could never believe, and having been
fully convinced of the contrary, hath publicly declared it.)
And then they go on to assert, that this, their sentiment,
is likewise the opinion of all " dispassionate thinking men
" within the circle of their observation, notwithstanding
" many publications would have taught the world to think
" the contrary." By which paragraph this town con-
ceives that the Addressers have plainly adjudged all the
inhabitants of it who are not, in this their opinion relative
to Mr. Hutchinson, to be passionate thoughtless men ; and
at least nineteen-twentieths of the inhabitants must fall
under this indecent censure.
5th. That the thirty-three inhabitants of this town who
could publicly pass such an encomium on an opinion of
their own, which appears to the town both flattering and
absurd, " as that it is likewise the opinion of all dispas-
sionate thinking men ;" who could not only declare them-
selves, and those, in their opinion, entitled to the charac-
ters mentioned, but that no other persons in the community
of which they were a part, were deserving of them ; and
who could in the public papere appear subscribers of such
a conduct, have exposed themselves to be censured by the
world as persons in this instance both vain and inattentive.
6th. That the Addressers have needlessly agitated tiie
matter of " fishermen paying hospital money ;" which
being an affair that nearly affects many considerable towns
in this Province, could not with propriety have been taken
up so publicly by any particular town, witliout consulting
the other towns, as it has been by the Addressers, and
without noticing an error in the Address, Mr. Hutchinson
is told by the signers, " that they believe it is owing to
" his representation of the matter that we are hitherto free
" from the burthen." By which clause the Government
of Great Britain may have great reason to think that a
demand of hospital money from the fishery is expected
here, and should the poor men who can now scarcely
support themselves and families alive by fishing, have an
increased burthen of hospital money brought upon them
hereafter, they may have great reason to condemn this
impudent measure of the Addressers. This town cannot
but express, on the present occasion, a great satisfaction at
the unanimity wliicii appears in the collective body of
this Province with respect to its enemies. The number
addressing Mr. Hutchinson, compared with the body of
freeholders in the Province, are but as a drop in the
bucket. May it continue to be the fixed principle of the
latter, " that the pereons who are declared by the right-
" eous Government of a people to be their inveterate ene-
" mies, ought so to be esteemed and treated by them ;
" and may we heartily join with our brethren in this Pro-
" vince in supporting the honour and dignity of our Gene-
" ral Assembly, by treating with neglect and contempt
" those persons who are or may be under just censures."
The preceding is a true copy of a Declaration this day
unanimously voted at a legal meetuig of this town, and
published by its order.
Benjamin Boden, Totvn Clerk.
Marblehead, June 3, 1774.
In the Home of Representatives of the Province of
New-Hampshire.
Thursday, May 26, 1774.
Voted, That there be allowed and paid unto the Ca|>
tain General of this Province for payment of officers, sol-
diers, billetting, firewood, and candles, for support of his
Majesty's Fort ffilliam and Mary, for one year, viz :
from the 25th of March, 1774, to the 25th of March,
1775, the sum of two hundred pounds lawful money, to
be paid in four quarterly payments, out of the money
that is or shall be in the Treasury, with advice of Council.
Sent up by Mr. Jenness.
Friday, May 27, 1774.
The Secretary brought from the Board the vote for an
allowance for Fort William and Mary, with a verbal mes-
sage from his Excellency that he thought the allowance
insufficient, and desired some alteration might be made by
allowing a larger sum, or appointing a number of soldiers
sufficient, with proper allowance.
The House took into consideration the Message from
the Governour by the Secretary, and came to the following
vote, viz :
Voted, That his Excellency the Captain General be
desired to give orders for the enlisting three men, to be
posted at his Majesty's Fort William and Mary, for one
year, commencing the 25th day of March, 1774, under
such officer as he shall appoint ; the pay of the officer to
be three pounds per month, and each private twenty-five
shillings per month, and five shillings per week for billetting,
and that there be allowed thirty cords of wood for the use
of the Fort for the said year, to be paid out of the money
in the Treasury when the muster roll shall be allowed by
the General Assembly.
Sent up by Colonel Folsom and Captain Waldron,
Friday, P. M., May 27, 1774.
Mr. Secretary and Mr. Warner came from the Board
with the vote for soldiers for the Fort, and observed that it
was insufficient, which he took notice of in sundry particu-
lars, and left the vote for tiie consideration of the House ;
also a written Message from his Excellency, viz :
Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the Assembly :
The vote of Assembly for the support of his Majesty's
Castle William and Mary, dated this day, appears to me
to be so inadeiiuate, tliat it is my duty to inform the
Assembly that I do not think it safe to entrust so important
a fortress to the care and defence of three men and one
officer. Also that the wages, billetting and fuel mentioned
in said vote, will by no means engage able men in the ser-
vice proposed, more especially as the money for the whole
is to be paid when the muster roll shall be allowed, which
necessarily implies an advance, the issue whereof is not
provided. I therefore earnestly recommend to the Hon-
ourable Assembly to make such provision for the support
of the Castle aforesaid, as may enable me to carry into
execution the intention of the grant.
J. Wentworth.
Council Chamber, New-Hampshire, May 27, 1774.
set
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, k.c., MAY, 1774.
362
Saturday, May 28, 1774.
Voted, That the Honourable John fVenttvorth, Esquire,
of this House, Samuel Cutis, John Gedcling, Clement
March, Joiiah Barlktt, Henry Prescott, and John FicJc-
erins;, Esquires, be a Committee of this House to corres-
pond, as occasion may recjuire, with the Committees that
are or may be appointed by tlie several Houses of Repre-
sentatives in our sister Colonies, and to exhibit to this
House an account of such their proceedings when required.
The House taking into consideration the many and great
difficulties that have arisen, and still subsist, between our
parent country and the Colonies on this Continent, and in
particular the present distressing circumstances of the town
of Boston, came to the following Resolution, viz :
Resolved and Voted, That the Speaker of this House
be directed to answer such Letters, from time to time, as
he may receive from any of the Houses of our sister
Colonies relative to the aforesaid difficulties, and to assure
them that this House is ready to join in all salutary mea-
sures that may be adopted by them at this important crisis,
for saving the rights and privileges of the Americans, and
promoting harmony with the parent State.
Voted, That his Excellency, the Captain General, be
desired to give orders for enlisting five men, to be posted
at his Majesty's Fort William, and Mary, from the 25th of
March, 1774, until the 25th of March, 1775, under such
officer as he shall be pleased to appoint ; and the pay of
the officer shall be three pounds lawful money per month,
and five shillings lawful money per week for billetting, to
be paid quarterly by warrant I'rom his Excellency on the
Treasurer. The muster roll to be adjusted, and allowed
by the General Assembly. And that there be thirty cords
of firewood allowed, and paid for out of the Treasury, for
the use of the aforesaid officer and soldiers during said time.
by the outrage of the people, we acknowledge to be just ;
and though we have ever disavowed, and do now solemnly
bear our testimony against such lawless proceedings, yet,
considering ourselves as members of tiie same community,
we are fully disposed to bear our proportions of those
damages whenever the sum and the manner of laying it
can be ascertained. We earnestly request that you, sir,
who know our condition, and have at all times displayed
the most benevolent disposition towards us, will, on your
arrival in England, interest yourself in our behalf, and
make such favourable representations of our case, as that
we may hope to obtain speedy and effectual relief.
May you enjoy a pleasant passage to England, and
under all the mortifications you have patiently endured,
may you possess the inward and consolatory testimonies of
having discharged your trust with fidelity and honour, and
receive those distinguishing marks of his Majesty's royal
approbation and favour, as may enable )'ou to pass the
remainder of your life in quietness and ease, and preserve
your name with honour to posterity.
Boston, May 28, 1774.
ADDRESS OF MERCHANTS AND OTHERS, OF BOSTON, TO
GOVERNOUR HUTCHINSOiV.
To Governour Hutchinson :
Sir: We, Merchants and Traders of the town of Bos-
ton, and others, do now wait on you, in the most respectful
manner, before your departure for England, to testify, for
ourselves, the entire satisfaction we feel at your wise, zeal-
ous, and faithful administration, during the few years that
you have presided at the head of this Province. Had
your success been equal to your endeavours, and to the
warmest wishes of your heart, we cannot doubt that many
of the evils under which we now suffer, would have been
averted, and that tranquillity would have been restored to
this long divided Province ; but we assure ourselves, that
the want of success in those endeavours will not abate your
good wishes when removed from us, or your earnest exer-
tions still, on every occasion, to serve the true interest of
this your native country.
While we lament the loss of so good a Governour, we
are greatly relieved that his Majesty, in his gracious favour,
hatii appointed as your successor a gentleman, who, having
distinguished himself in the long command he hath held in
another department, gives us the most favourable prepos-
session of his future administration.
We greatly deplore the calamities that are impending,
and will soon fall on this metropolis, by the operation of a
late Act of Parliament for shutting up the port on the first
of next month. You cannot but be sensible, sir, of the
numberless evils that will ensue to the Province in general,
and the miseries and distresses into which it will particu-
lariy involve this town in the course of a few months.
Without meaning to arraign the justice of the British
Parliament, we could humbly wish that this Act had been
couched with less rigour, and that the execution of it had
been delayed to a more distant time, that the people might
have had the alternative, either to have complied with the
conditions therein set forth, or to have submitted to the
consequent evils on refusal ; but, as it now stands, all choice
is precluded, and however disposed to compliance or con-
cession the people may be, they must unavoidably suffer
very great calamities before they can receive relief.
Making restitution for damage done to the property of the
East India Company, or to the property of any individual.
William Blair,
James Selkrig,
Archibald Wilson,
Jeremiah Greene,
Samuel H. Sparhawk,
Joseph Turin,
Roberts & Co.
Jolm Greenlaw,
Benjamin Clark,
William McAlphine,
Jonathan Snelling,
James Hall,
Williiim Dickson,
John Winslow, Jun.,
Theophilus Lillie,
Miles Whitworth,
Jamas McEweu,
William Codner,
Diniol Silsby,
William Cazneau,
Jamss Forrest,
Edward Cox,
John Berry,
Richard Hirons,
Ziphion Thayer,
John Joy,
Joseph Goldthwait,
Samuel Prince,
Jonatlian Simpson,
James Boutineau,
Nathaniel Hatch,
Martin Gay,
Joseph Scott,
Samuel Minot,
Benjamin M. Holmes,
Archibald McNiel,
John Winslow,
Isaac Wmslow, Jan.,
Thomas Oliver,
Henry Lloyd,
Benjamin Davis,
Isaac Winslow,
Lewis Deblois,
Thomas Aylwin,
William Bowes,
Gregory Townsond,
Francis Greene,
Philip Dumaresq,
Harrison Gray,
Peter Johonnot,
George Irving,
Joseph Green,
John Vassall,
Nathaniel Coffin,
James Perkins,
John White,
Robert Jarvis,
William Perry,
J. and P. McMasters,
William Coffin,
Simeon Sto<ldard, Jun.
John Powell,
Henry Laughton,
Eliphalet Pond,
M. B. Goldthwait,
Peter Hughes,
Samuel Hughes,
John Semple,
Hopestill Capen,
Edward King,
Byfield Lyde,
George Lyde,
A. F. Phillips,
Rufus Greene,
David Phipps,
Richard Smith,
George Spooner,
George Leonard,
John Borland,
Joshua Loring, Jun.,
William Jackson,
James Anderson,
David Mitchelson,
Abraham Savage,
James Asby,
John Inman,
John Coffin,
Thomas Knight,
Benjamin Greene, Jr.,
David Greene,
Benjamin Greene,
Henry H. Williams,
James Warden,
Nathaniel Coffin, Jun.,
Sylvester Gardiner,
John S. Copley,
Edward Foster,
Colbourn Barrel!,
Nathaniel Greenwood,
William Burton,
John Timmins,
William Taylor,
Thomas Brinlcy,
Harrison Gray, Jun.,
Jolm Taylor,
Gilbert Deblois
Joshua Winslow,
Daniel Hubbard,
Hugh Tarbett,
Henry Lyddel,
Nathaniel Cary,
George Brinley,
Richard Lechmere.
John Ervmg, Jun.,
Thomas Gray,
George Bethunc,
Thomas Apthorp,
Ezekiel Goldthwait,
Benjamin Gridley,
John Atkinson,
Ebenezer Bridgham,
John Gore,
Adino Paddock.
To which his late Excellency uas pleased to return the
following Answer :
Gentlemen : You may be assured that I have nothing
so much at heart as to contribute to the relief of my country
in general, and of the town of Boston in particular, from
the distresses which you have described so fully in your
Address to me.
Your persons and characters are so well known to me,
that I am sure you wish to do what may be necessary on
your part, and your sentiments declared in this open man-
ner, totrether with your known disposition to promote
peace and good order in the Government, will, I flatter
myself, have a tendency to facilitate the success of my
endeavours.
1 entirely agree with you in your just sentiments of his
Excellency the present Governour, whose administration I
hope you will strive to make easy to himself, as well as
prosperous to the Province. I thank you for so warm,
affectionate, and respectful an Address.
Boston, Tuesday, 21tli May, 1774,
Protest of the Merchants and Traders o/ Boston,
unanimously voted at a very full meeting this day.
Whereas a paper called an Address to Governour
Hutchinson, has been handed about and signed in a private
manner by sundry persons, who style themselves merchants
363
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, MAY, 1774.
364
and others of the town of Boston ; and whereas the
merchants and traders, duly notified and met, having; been
refused a copy of said paper, althougli requested by their
Committee, and apprehending said Address is intended to
justify the administration of Mr. Hutchinson, wlien Gover-
nour of this Province, we iiereby utterly disclaim said
Address, and disavow a measure so clandestinely con-
ducted, and so injurious in its tendency.
ADDRESS PRESENTED BY SEVERAL GENTLEMEN OF THE
LAW TO GOVERNOUR HUTCHINSON.
To his EtceUency Governour Hutchinson :
Sir : A firm persuasion of your inviolable attachment
to the real interests of this your native country, and of
your constant readiness, by every service in your power,
to promote its true welfare and prosperity, will, wc flatter
ourselves, render it not improper in us. Banisters and
Attorneys at Law in the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
to address your Excellency upon your removal from us,
with this testimonial of our sincere respect and esteem.
The various important characters of Legislator, Judge,
and First JMagisti'ate, over tiiis Province, in which, by the
suffrages of your fellow-subjects, and by the royal favour
of the best of Kings, your great abilities, adorned with a
uniform purity of princijile and integrity of conduct, have
been eminently distinguished, must excite the esteem, and
demand the grateful acknowledgments of every true lover
of his country and friend to virtue.
The jiresent perplexed state of our public affairs, we
are sensible, must render your departure, far less disagree-
able to you than it is to us. We assure you, sir, we feel
the loss ; but when, in the amiable character of your suc-
cessor, we view a fresh instance of the paternal goodness
of our most gracious Sovereign — when we reflect on the
probability that your presence at the Court of Great Bri-
tain will afford you an opportunity of employing your
interest more successfully for the relief of this Province,
and particularly of the town of Boston, under their present
distresses, we find a consolation which no other human
source could afford. Permit us, sir, most earnestly to
solicit the exertion of all your distinguished abilities in
favour of your native town and country, upon this truly
unhappy and distressing occasion.
VVe sincerely wish you a prosperous voyage, a long
continuation of health and felicity, and the highest rewards
of the good and faithful.
We are, sir, with the most cordial affection, esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient and very humble
sei'vants,
Robert Auchmiity, Andrew Cazneau, David IngersoU,
Jonathan Sewall, Daniel Leonard, Jeremiah D. Rogers,
Samuel Fitch, John Lowell, David Gorliani,
Samuel Quincy, Daniel Oliver, Samuel Sewall,
William Pinchon, Sampson S. Blowers, John Spraguo,
James Putnam, Shearjashub Bourn, Rufus Cliandler,
Benjamin Gridley, Daniel Bliss, Thomas Dinforth,
Abel Willard, Samuel Porter, Ebenezer Bradish.
Boston, May 29, 1774.
To which his Excellency was pleased to return the
following Answer;
Gentlemen : The relation to the Bar which I stood in
for many years together, makes this mark of your affection
and esteem peculiarly acceptable. I feel the distress com-
ing upon the town of Boston. I am confident nothing
will be wanting on your part which may tend to promote
the free course of law and that peace and good order in
government wliich seems to have been made the conditions
of obtaining relief from this distress. You may be assured
that nothing shall be wanting on my ])art which may tend
to procure this relief as speedily and effectually as may be.
You certainly may be happy under the administration of
his Excellency the present Governour, and I have great
reason to join with you in a testimony to his amiable dis-
position and character.
Duncan, and Mr. Saundtrson, who were sent down the
river from Fort Pitt, in order to accommodate matters
with the Shawanese, are returned, but had hard work to
get back. The Delawarcs, who at present seem to be
friends, had enough to do tp save their Hves, and as to the
poor traders down among the Shawanese, no person can
tell whether they are dead or alive.
White Eyes, on his return to Fort Pitt, said the Shaw-
anese were for war, and that forty odd of them are at pre-
sent out, intending a stroke, as is supposed, at some part of
J'irginia. The Delawarcs say they will not go to war ;
but there is no dependence on them. We expect every
day to hear of their striking in some tjuarter.
It is lamentable to see the multitudes of poor people that
are hourly running down the country ; such of them as
stay are building forts. God knows how it will turn out
with them. We intend, as soon as we hear of any damage
being done, to erect fortifications here. The Shaicancse
themselves say, that they have nothing against Pennsylva-
nia, but only Virginia; though we may depend, as soon
as they strike Virginia, they will also fall on us.
JOIN OR DIE
I"
The Act of Parliament for blocking up the harbour of
Boston, in order to reduce its spirited inhabitants to the
most servile and mean compliances ever attempted to be
imposed on a free people, is allowed to be infinitely more
alarming and dangerous to our common liberties, than even
that hydra the Stamp Act, (which was defeated by our
firmness and union.) and must be read with a glowing
indignation by every real friend of freedom in Europe and
America. Though the town of Boston is now intended
to be made a victim to Ministerial wrath, yet the insult
and indignity offered to our virtuous brethren in that capi-
ta], who have so nobly stood as a barrier against slavery,
ought to be viewed in the same odious light as a direct
hostile invasion of every Province on the Continent, whose
inhabitants are now loudly called upon, by interest, honour
and humanity, to stand forth, with firmness and unanimity,
for the relief, support and animation of our brethren in the
insulted, besieged capital of Massachusetts Bay. The
generals of despotism are now drawing the lines of cir-
cumvallation around our bulwarks of liberty, and nothing
but unity, resolution and perseverance, can save ourselves
and posterity from what is worse than death — slavery !
Newport, Rhode Island, May 30, 1774.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED IN PHILADELPHIA.
Bedford, Pennsylvania, May 30, 1774.
I suppose you have heard of the Indians being killed
at JVIialing. Since that time, Indian White Eyes, Mr.
ADDRESS FROM THE MAGISTRATES OF THE COUNTY OF
MIDDLESEX TO T. HUTCHINSON, LATE GOVERNOUR.
To his Excellency Governour Hutchinson :
Sir: The Magistrates of the county of Middlesex, im-
pressed W'ith a deep sense of the miseries and calamities
in which the town of Boston and this county will, espe-
cially, be involved, by the operation of a late Act of the
British Parliament, proiiibiting imports and exports to
and from the port of Boston, beg leave to address your
Excellency on this most interesting occasion, and to beseech
the exertion of those powers and talents for its relief, of
which we have so long and so often experienced the great
and beneficial effects ; and we assure you, sir, that not-
withstanding the popular delusion, which prevails in some
parts of this Province, your Excellency's administration of
the Government has ever appeared to us so replete with
evidence of your sincere and uniform desire to promote its
best interests, as leaves us no room to doubt your willing-
ness to employ your great abilities, to extricate the Pro-
vince from those calamities in which, notwithstanding your
utmost endeavours to prevent them, it is now unhappily
plunged. We can assure you, sir, tliat tlie Magistrates of
this county have long beheld, with an indignant eye,
those riotous and tumultuous proceedings which have, in so
great a measure destroyed public peace and order, rendered
the safety of persons and property precarious, and drawn
the resentment of Pariiamcnt on this Province ; and that
none of his Majesty's subjects more ardendy wish for the
restoration and establishment of order and good Govern-
ment, than we of this loyal county. We hope and trust
that the future conduct of this whole Province will be
865
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &ic., MAY, 1774.
866
such, as that, aided by your good offices at the Ciurt of
Great Britain, we may be restored to liis Majesty's favour,
and quietly and peaceably enjoy all the rights and privi-
leges to which English Colonists are constitutionally enti-
tled. And we humbly hope that the policy of Great
Britain wiW ever be such, as shall induce them to view
every desirable benefit, which they can rationally expect to
receive from their Colonies, as founded in the principles
of commerce, and not of taxation.
With the most unfeigned sincerity we wish your Excel-
lency a safe and easy voyage ; that you may find that
favour in the eyes of the King which your long and faith-
full services afford you the Ijest grounds to expect from a
wise and virtuous Sovereign ; and, above all, that after
many more years happily spent in doing good, you may
finally receive the apjirobation of the King of Kings.
We have the honour to be, with the utmost gratitude,
and sincerest respect, your Excellency's most obedient and
very humble servants.
Signed by thirty-one of the Magistrates.
Monday, May 30, 1774.
To which his Excellency was pleased to return the follow-
ing Anstucr :
I thank you, gentlemen, for this honour done me by
your Address. You may depend on my improving every
favourable circumstance in order to obtain for the peo-
ple of this Province, a restoration to his Majesty's favour,
and securing to them the enjoyment of all those rights and
privileges which English Colonists are constitutionally
entitled to ; and I join with you in humbly hoping that the
expectation of benefit from the Colonies to the Kingdom
will be founded on the principles of commerce, and not of
taxation.
This public declaration from the Magistrates of so large
a county, of their abhorrence of those riotous and tumul-
tuous proceedings which have drawn the resentment of
Parliament upon the Province, and of their ardent wishes
for the restoration and establishment of order and good
Government will, I conceive, have a tendency to promote
the success of ray endeavours.
Philadelphia, May 30, 1774.
Observing in the Pennsylvania Packet of this day, a noti-
fication, "that a number of persons, composed of the mem-
" hers of all societies in this city, met, and unanimously
" agreed, that it would be proper to express their sym-
" pathy for their brethren at Boston, by suspending all
" business on the first day of the next month ;"* the
people called Quakers, though tenderly sympathizing with
the distressed, and justly sensible of the value of our religious
and civil rights, and that it is our duty to assert them in a
Christian spirit, yet in order to obviate any misapprehen-
* It having been suggested that tlie first day of June, which will be so
distinguished an era in the American luetory, when the Boston Port
Bill is to talce effjct, sliould have some particular notice taken of it, a
number of persons, composed of the members of all societies in this city,
met and unanimously agreed that it would be proper to express their syni.
pathy for their brethren at Boston, by suspending all business on that day.
Sucli a pause is intended, not only to shew the real concern we feel for
the distresses of our brethren and fellow.subjects, but to give an oppor.
tunity of seriously reflecting on our own dangers, and the precarious
tenure of our most valuable rights Philadelphia, May 30, 1774.
Tliis being the first day of June, when the inhabitants of the town
of Boston, our brethren and fellow.subjects, suffering in the common
cause of liberty, are to have tlieir port and harbour shut up, and to bo
excluded from all commercial intercourse, except an allowance of
wood and provisions, just necessary to keep them from perishing with
want and cold, in consequence of an Act of Parliament lately passed
for that purpose, many of the inhabitants of this city, of most denomi.
nations, propose to express their sympathy and concern for their dis
tressed brethren, by suspending business on thin day, and will be glad
of the concurrence of such of their fellow-citizens as approve of the
measure. — June 1.
Yesterday we had a pause in the business of this city, and a solemn
pause it indeed was. If we except the Friends, I believe nine-tentlis of
the citizens shut up their houses. The bells were rang muffled all the
day, and the ships in the port had their colours half hoisted — June 2.
Whereas, in the Pennsylvania Packet of this day, it is mentioned,
that " on Wednesday last, being the day wlien the Act for shutting up
" the port of Boston took cffbct, the bells of Christ Church were muffled
" and rang asobmnpeil, and that the houses of worship were crowded,"
&.C. We are desired by the Rector of that Churcli to acquaint the
public that the bells were not ryng with his knowledge or approbation,
«id that, by his express direction, there was no pirticulnr observance
of that day in either of the Churches under his care. It is well known
that the established Churcli is restrained from any religious ol^servanco
of days, except those appointed by the Church, or the public authority
of Government. — June 6.
sions which may arise concerning us, think it necessary to
declare, that no person or persons were autiiorized to
represent us on this occasion, and if any of our conmiunity
have countenanced or encouraged this proposal, they have
manifested great inattention to our religious principles and
profession, and acted contrary to the rules of Christian
discipline established for the preservation of order and good
government among us.
Signed, on behalf and at the desire of the elders and
overseers of the several meetings of our religious society
in Philadelphia, and other friends met on the occasion,
the 30th of the fifth month, 1774.
John Reynell,
James Pemberton,
Samuel Noble.
QUEEN ANNE (mARYLANd) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a considerable number of the Magis-
trates, and other the most respectable Inhabitants of Queen
Anne's County, at ^ueenstown on the thirtieth day of
May, 1774, in order to deliberate upon the tendency and
effect of the Act of Parliament for blocking up the port
and harbour of Boston.
Duly considering and deeply affected with the prospect
of the unhappy situation of Great Britain and British
America, under any kind of disunion, this meeting think
themselves obliged by all the ties which ever ought to
preserve a firm union amongst Americans, as speedily as
possible to make known their sentiments to their distressed
brethren of Boston; and therefore publish to the world :
That they look upon the cause of Boston, in its conse-
quences to be the common cause of America.
Tliat the Act of Parliament for blocking up the port
and harbour of Boston, appears to them a cruel and
oppressive invasion of their natural rights, as men, and
constitutional rights as English subjects, and if not re-
pealed, will be a foundation for the utter destruction of
American freedom.
That all legal and constitutional means ought to be
used by all America for procuring a repeal of the said
Act of Parliament.
That the only effectual means of obtaining such repeal,
they are at present of opinion is an Association inider the
strongest ties, for breaking off all connnercial connections
with Great Britain until the said Act of Parliament be
repealed, and the right assumed by Parliament for taxing
America, in all cases whatsoever be given up, and Ameri-
can freedom ascertained, and settled upon a permanent
constitutional foundation.
That the most practicable mode of forming such an
effectual Association, they conceive to be a general meeting
of the gentlemen who are already or shall be appointed
Committees to form an American intercourse and corres-
pondence upon this most interested occasion.
That in the mean time they will form such particular
Associations as to them shall seem effectual ; yet profes-
sing themselves ready to join in any reasonable general one
that may be desired as aforesaid.
That these sentiments be immediately forwarded to be
printed in the Maryland and Pennsylvania Gazettes.
That Edward Tilghman, Solomon Wright, Tarbut
Wright, John Brown, Richard Tilghman Enrle, James
HoUyday, Thomas Wright, William Hemsley, Adam
Gray, Clement Sewell, Richard Tilghman, James Kent,
John Kerr, James Bordley, and William Bruff, be a Com-
mitteee of Correspondence and Intercourse, until some
alteration is made in this appointment by a more general
meeting. Attested by
James Earle, Cleric to Committee.
BALTIMORE COUNTY RESOLUTIONS.
At a General Meeting of the Freeholders, Gentlemen,
Merchants, Tradesmen, and other Inhabitants of Bn/^imore
County, held at the Court House of the said county, on
Tuesday, the .31st of May, 1774 :
Captain Charles Ridgely, Chairman.
1st. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting
that the to^vn of Boston is now suffering in the common
36T
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Stc, MAY, 1774.
868
rause of America, and that it is the duty of every Colony
in America to unite in the most effectual means to ohtain a
repeal of the late Act of Parliament for blocking up the
harhour of Boston. [Dissentient three.]
•id. Resolved, That it is tiie opinion of this meeting,
that if the Colonies come into a joint resolution to stop
importations fiom and exportations to Great Britain and
tiie IVest billies, until the Act for blocking up the harbour
of Boston be repealed, the same may be the means of pre-
serving Sorth America in her liberties. [Dissentient three.]
:jd. Resolved, That, therefore, tiie inhabitants of this
county will join in an Association with the several coimties
in this Province, and the principal Colonies in America, to
put a stop to exports to Great Britain and the Ji'tst
Indies, after the first day of October next, or such other
day as may be agreed on, and to put a stop to the imports
from Great Britain after the first day of December next, or
sue!) other day as may be agreed upon, until the said Act
sliall be repealed, and that such Association shall be upon
oath. [Dissentient nine.]
4lh. Resolved, unanimously, That it is the opinion of
this meeting, that as the most effectual means of uniting
all parts of this Province in such Association as proposed,
a I'eneral Congress of Deputies from eacli county be held
at Amiajyolis at such time as may be agreed upon, and
that, if agreeable to the sense of our sister Colonies, Dele-
gates shall be appointed from this Province to attend a
general Congress of Delegates from the other Colonies, at
.such time and place as shall be agreed on, in order to settle
and establish a general plan of conduct for the important
purposes aforementioned.
.3th. Resolved, unanimously, That the inhabitants of
tliis county will, and it is the opinion of this meeting, that
this Province ought to break off all trade and dealings with
that Colony, Province, or town, which shall decline or
refuse to come into similar resolutions with a majority of
the Colonies.
^5th. Resolved, Tliat Captain Charles Ridgely, Charles
Ridgehj, son of John, Walter Tolley, Jun., Thomas
C'Oclcey Dye, JVilliam Lux, Robert Alexander, Samuel
Purviance, Jun., John Moale, Andrew Buchanan, and
George Risteau, be a Committee to attend a general
meeting at Annapolis. And that the same gentlemen,
together with John Smith, Tliomas Harrison, William
Buchanan, Benjamin Nicholson, Thomas Sollars, l¥il-
liam Smith, James Gittings, Richard Moale, Jonathan
Plowman, and William Spear, be a Committee of Cor-
respondence to receive and answer all letters, and on any
emergency to call a general meeting, and that any six of
the number have power to act.
7th. Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings be
transmitted to the several counties of this Province,
directed to their Committee of Correspondence, and be
also published in the Maryland Gazette, to evince to all
the world the sense they entertain of the invasion of their
constitutional rights and liberties.
3th. Resolved, That the Chairman be desired to return
the thanks of this meeting to the gentlemen of the Com-
mittee of Correspondence fi'om Annapolis, for their polite
personal attendance in consequence of an invitation by the
Committee of Correspondence for Baltimore town.
Signed per order, William Lux, Clerk.
UEPUTT GOVERNOUB PENN TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Philadelphia, 3lst May, 1774.
My Lokb^ I take the opportunity of the Packet to
acquaint your I>ordship, that as soon as the people of Bos-
ton knew of the late Act of Parliament for shutting up that
port, an express was despatched from thence witli tiie
intelligence to this city, with a proposal to concur witii
tlieiTi in putting a total stop to the importing or exporting
any kind of goods whatsoever until the above Act should
he repealed. In consequence of this, a considerable num-
ber of merchants and others had a meeting at a tavern in
this city, where I understand the matter was taken into
consideration and debated. The only resolution that I can
learn they came into was to prefer a petition to me to con-
vene the Assembly on the occasion ; and I am told a peti-
tion has been framed for that purpose, and is now handed
about the town to be signed, and will be presented to me
in a few days. Should so affrontive an application be
really made to me, your Ix>rdship may be assured I shall
treat it as it deserves. I have, however, been informed,
that the movers of this extraordinary measure had not the
most distant expectation of succeeding in it, but that their
real scheme was to gain time by it to see what jiarl the
other Colonies will take in so critical a conjuncture.
Should any further steps be taken here that may be
worthy your Lordship's information, I sliall not fail imme-
diately to communicate them. I have the honour to be, inc.,
John Penn.
GOVERNOUR FRANKLIN TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Extract.
Burlington, 31st Miiy, 1774.
Since my last I have received two circular despatches
from Mr. Poumall, dated March 10th and April 6th,
enclosing copies of his Majesty's Message to both Houses
of Parliament relative to the late disturbances in America,
their Resolutions thereupon, and the Act of Parliament
respecting the port of Boston. The latter has been pub-
lished in the usual manner, though the people in this Colony
are not concerned in carrying on any commerce with the
Province of Massachusetts Bay.
It is didicult as yet to foresee what will be the conse-
quence of the Boston Port Act. It seems as if the mer-
chants oi Philadelphia and Neio-York, at their late meet-
ings, were inclined to assist or co-operate with those of
Boston, in some degree, but not to carry matters so far as
to enter into a general non-importation and exportation
agreement, as was proposed to them by the town of Bos-
ton, However, I believe it may be depended upon, that
many of the merchants, on a supposition that a non-impor-
tation agreement (so far as respects from Great Britain)
will be certainly entered into by next autumn, have ordered
a much greater quantity of goods than common to be sent
out by the next fall ships from England.
A Congress of members of the several Houses of
Assembly has been proposed in order to agree upon some
measures on the present occasion ; but whether tliis expe-
dient will take place it is as yet uncertain. The I'ir-
ginia Assembly, some time ago, appointed a Committee of
Correspondence to correspond with all the other Assem-
blies on the Continent, which example has been followed
by every other House of Representatives. I was in hopes
that the Assembly of this Province would not have gone
into the measure ; for though they met on the 10th of
November, yet they avoided taking the matter into con-
sideration, though frequently urged by some of the mem-
bers, until the 8th of February, and then I believe they
would not have gone into it, but that the Assembly of
New-York had just before resolved to appoint such a
Committee, and they did not choose to appear singular.
GOVERNOUR GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Extract.
Boston, 31st M:iy, 1774.
I wish I had met with a ready disposition to comply with
the terms of the Act of Parliament, instead of a resolution
to ask assistance from tlie other Colonies ; but I don't find
there is any inclination in the rest to shut up their ports,
which was not to be expected considering what they before
suffered from their non-importation agreements. If tliey
intend, or not, to take any resolutions in behalf of Boston,
farther than giving good words, is not known here.
Tiie violent party seems to break, and people fall off
from them, but no means are yet adopted to comply with
the Act. The Assembly has sliown no disposition to begin
ujwn it, but were hurrying the business of supplies through
their House, to tlirow it off tliemselves,and to avoid meet-
ing at Salem, by adjourning themselves when the supplies
had passed their House ; but receiving intelligence of their
designs, I adjourned them, on a sudden, to the 7th of June,
and then to meet at Salem.
They, as yet, have only presented me with a petition to
proclaim a day of fasting and prayer, but as they have
lately had a day of the kind, according to custom, and as I
saw no cause for an extraordinary day of humiliation, I
have judged it best not to comply.
369
CORRESPOADENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, MAY, 1774.
370
I liad a meeting with tlie late Govemour, the Admiral,
and Gominissioiiers of the Customs, on tlie subject of put-
ting the Act in force, in which, after |)utting some questions
to liie Attorney Gunenil, the Chief Justice being absent,
they ap|)eared to aijree in tlie maimer of it. The officers
of the Customs remove to-morrow, when I also purpose
to leave Boston, and the Admiral has stationed his ships.
No design has appeared of opposing the execution of
the Act, nor do I see any jwssibility of doing it with effect;
but many are impatient for the arrival of the troops, and I
am told that people will then speak and act openly, which
they now dare not do. General Hahlimand took the
opportunity of a vessel in the service to send a detachment
of sixty artillerists, and eight pieces of ordnance, from
New-York to Castle fVilliam, which 1 propose to encamp
with the troops.
JOHN SCOLLAY TO ARTHUH LEE.
Boston, May Slst, 1774.
Sir : Mr. Adams informs me that you kindly received
the letter 1 wrote you in December last. This information
prompts me to address you again. Letter writing, and on
politics, is not my province, but sucli are the times, that
that man's heart must be callous indeed that does not feel
for his country, and that does not give it out in every
way. In short, we have all, from the cobbler up to the
senator, become politicians.
On the morrow, that Act, cruel Act of our parent
State, (or, rather, hard-hearted step-mother,) called the
Boston Port Bill, is to take place, a Bill fraught with
vengeance against this town. However, Lord North
will find out himself, and that very soon, that he
overshot his mark. That which he intended should
operate against Boston only, will affect every town in this
Province. The seaport towns will feel the operation of
tiie Act, in a degree as much as Boston, Boston being the
grand engine that gives motion to all the wheels of com-
merce. This being stopped, it will sensibly affect the
whole trade of the Province. All the seaport towns
depend on this to take off by far die greatest part of their
imports ; they cannot send a vessel to sea again after her
return from a voyage, till they send her cargo to Boston to
be sold. In short, all the running cash in the Province
centres in this town. To this market all the trading towns
repair with their goods to make money of them. Ntivhu-
ryport, Marblehead, and Salem, will most sensibly feel the
shock, and if the blockade continues long they must haul
up their vessels, for no place but Boston can take off dieir
cargoes. It is a most melancholy consideration, that this
town, which was, and is now, the most flourishing in trade
and commerce, must be devoted to destruction, and in a
few days be brought to the forlorn condition of a deserted
village. Thousands that depend on their daily labour for
support, must be reduced to die greatest degree of distress
and want. However, they will suffer in a good cause, and
that righteous Being who takes care of the ravens who
cry unto him, will provide for them and theirs. * * * * *
****** For that purpose we have it in contem-
plation, if the blockade continues any length of time,
to employ the poor in building a horse bridge over Charles
river, a river ajjout as wide as the Thames. , By this
bridge, Charlestown, a large and opulent town, will be
joined to Boston. This bridge will greatly facilitate the
intercourse between Boston, Marblehead and Salem, and
other trading towns.
When the news first arrived of Lord North^s pro-
posing this Bill in Parliament, it was looked on as a mere
between Great Britain and these Colonies. This may
be looked on as visionary, but I think the crisis is near
when this must take place, which is the warmest wish of
every free-hearted North American. We have too great
a regard for our parent State (although cruelly treated by
some of her illegitimate sons) to withdraw our connection.
Of her we have no idea of an independency, and the
Colonies are too precious a jewel for the Crown to part
with ; therefore 1 think that the wisdom of the English
nation, and that of the Colonies united, might fall on some
plan of conciliating their differences, and fix on some prin-
ciples for each party to resort to, as the great charter of
agreement between the King and his Colonies. Such an
event would make the Colonies happy, and the British
nation great and prosperous.
As you will no doubt have the particulars of these mat-
ters handed to you by some of your friends, it will be
needless for me to enlarge.
I hope you will excuse my troubling you with this epistle,
and believe me to be, with great regard, sir, your most
humble servant, John Scollay.
Arthur Lee, Esquire, London.
Charlestown, Soutli Carolina, May 31, 177-1.
This morning a packet was received here, despatched
from on board the brigantine Sea Nymi}h, Captain Moore,
from a very respectable Committee at Philadelphia, en-
closing letters from the Committees, and containing the
first intelligence of the passing of the Act of Parliament for
blockading of the town of Boston ; which, if we may
judge from the indignation with which it is every where
received, will prove the crudest policy that ever disgraced
a British Senate, and be the very means to perfect that
imion in America which it was intended to destroy, and
finally restore the excellent constitution even of the mother
country itself".
A LETTER TO THE INHABITANTS OF CHARLESTOWN,
SOUTH CAROLINA.
Norfolk, May 31, 1774.
Gentlemen : The occasion is too serious to admit of
apologies for diis unsolicited communication of our senti-
ments to you, at this alarming crisis to American freedom ;
for die time is come, the unhappy era has arrived, when
the closest union among ourselves, and the firmest con-
fidence in each other, are our only securities for those
rights, which as men and freemen, we derive from nature
and the Constitution. The late hostile Parliamentary in-
vasion of the town of Boston we deem an attack upon the
liberties of us all. Of the particulars of that unhappy
transaction, we presume, you are already fully informed,
and, we doubt not, shudder with us at this systematic mode
of depriving the unrepresented American of his rights and
possessions, and vesting the Crown widi such despotic
power over the free-born inhabitants of the capital of the
Massachusetts Bay. What measures are most proper to
be adopted on this sad occasion we are at a loss to point
out ; but we look to the wisdom of your city, in cunjunc-
tion with the other large commercial towns on this Conti-
nent, to take more immediately the lead in these important
matters, and to fix upon such expedients in the regulation
of trade, as may be most productive of relief to our suffer-
ing bretliren of Boston, and the general establishment of
the rights of these Colonies. And you may rest assured
that in every measure conducive to this grand Continental
object, you will always meet with our most hearty concur-
rence. We are under great apprehensions for the peojile
hum. Peojile could not tiiink that a British House of of Boston, least they may sink under the weight of their
Commons would be so infatuated as to pass such a Bill,
to punish a whole town for a trespass that was com-
mitted in it by nobody knows who, and to carry it into
execution witliout giving the town an opportunity to answer
to the charge, is an unheard of proceeding. Ahhough it
was designed this town sliould be ruined, yet I doubt not
but that it will finally end in great good, not only to this
town, but to all the Colonies. 1 believe, by this manage-
ment, his Lordship's fabric, wiiich cost him so much
laijour, and afforded him so much delight, will be demolish-
ed, and instead of despotism and tyranny over the Colo-
nies, a foundation will be laid for lasting peace and harmony
Fourth Series.
misfortunes. And at the same time that we highly approve
of the expediency of a Congress, as proposed by several
of the Colonies, we think the trading pait of the commu-
nity ought particularly to interfere; for nothing but the
most speedy and efficacious measures can relieve them ;
and if after all, dicre should be found an unhappy neces-
sity to reimburse the India Company for that just punish-
ment they received for their ungenerous attempts on our
liberties, we trust there is no inhabitant of these Colonies
who feels and thinks himself a freeman, but will cheerfully
put his hand to his purse, and join in the general expense.
Enclosed we transmit you the proceedings of the inha-
24
87i
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
372
bitants of the borougli of Norfolk and town of Porismoutk,
o^ether witli tlie letters and otlier papers from Boston,
Philadelphia, and Baltimore, as also cojjies of the resolu-
tions and other proceedings of the Members of our late
House of Burgesses, both before and after their dissolution.
We hope to be able to inform you more particularly of the
collected sense of the trade of this Colony at the general
meeting of the merchants next week at fVilliamsburg,
wiien we expect furtiier despatches from the Nortinvard.
We hope the favour of a free and full communication of
your sentiments on this important occasion, and trust that
your flourishing and respectable Province will still continue
their generous endeavours for the establisliment of the
rights of the Colonies, that the opposition of all America
may be as extensive as the oppression.
With the warmest attachment to the interest of the
Colonies, we are, gentlemen, most respectfidly, your most
obedient iiumble servants,
Thomas Newton, Jun., John Greenwood,
Joseph Hutchings, Alexander Skinner,
Pall Loyall, William Harvey,
Alexander Love, Niel Jamieson.
jSamuel Inglis,
-THE committee OF NORFOLK AND PORTSMOUTH TO THE
BALTIMORE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE.
Norfolk, Juue 2, 1774.
Gentlemen : We ackno\vledge the receipt of your
interesting favour, and hope you will still continue to com-
municate your sentiments to us on tlie important subject
,of your letter, in the freest and fullest manner. We are
happy in so general a concurrence in opinion with you,
and are ready to unite in any njeasures that may be gene-
rally tliought for (the advantage of the Colonies^ and the
jelief of our unhappy bi-ethren ol" Boston. We sympa-
thize most sincerely with them in their sufferings ; our
hearts are warjnjed with affection for them ; and we tmst
•they will never be deserted, nor Jeft the solitary strugglers
against arbitrary power. The Act for hlocking up their
harbour and stopping their trade, and the Bill for altering
.and amending the Charter of the Colony of Massachusetts
Bay, which Lord North iias lately brought into, the House
of Connnons, we view as fatal strokes -to the Jiberties of
itliese Colonies, and as a public robbery of our rights :; but
we rest with a fii'm assurance that the paHry policy^ of
attacking a town or a Province singly, will nejver so un-
happily delude, as to disunite us from that joint, 6rm and
.universid opposition of all British America, which, w,e
trust, will ajways render abortive every such piemicians
measure.
As we have had occasion to write to South Carolina,
.previous to this, our earliest opportunity of answering yoiu-
Javour, we Iransmit you a copy of that letter, which you
may please to communicate as you think proper. You
have also enclosed, some other papers, froiy which you
will be fuliy sensible that we are ;:eady jto join in a»y
measures for the public good.
We are with great esteem ^nd regard, gentiemeB, your
jiiost obedient, hiiimble servairts,
Joseph Hutchings, Paul Loyall,
Alexander SkinneHj Wilijam Harvey,
James Taylor,
THE committee OF NORFOLK AND PORTSMOUTH TO THE
iJOSTON COMMITTEE.
Norfolk, June 3, 1774.
Gentlemen : We gladly take this first opportunity of
assuring our brethren of Boston, on this melancholy occa^
sion, that we are not indifferent sijectators of their distres.-
sing situation, under the present cruel .extortion of British
power, to support an edict cakujated to ruiij their trade,
^nd for ever subject a very considerable propjBrty to the
arbitrary pleasure of the Crown ; our bosoms glow with
tender regard for you ; we sympathise with you in youi-
sufferini's ; and thought it our duty devoutly to observe
the appointment of the first of June as a day of fasting
and prayer, solemnly to address the Almighty Ruler to
support you in your afflictions, and to remove from our
Sovereign those pernicious Counsellors tljaf hgiye been the
wicked instruments of your oppression. Be assured, we
consider you as suffering in the conuDon cause, and look
upon oui-selves as bound by the most sacred and solemn
ties to support you in every measure that shall be found
necessary to regain your just rights and privileges.
As we have had occasion to communicate our sentiments
to Charhstown and Baltimore, we refer you to those let-
ters, and the other papers transmitted to you ; and although
we are not one of the larger commercial towns on the
Continent, yet, as the trade is more collected here than in
any other place of this well watered and extensive Domin-
ion, we thought it our duty to communicate what we
apprehended to be the sense of the mercantile part of the
community among us.
That the Almighty arm may support you and sliield
you in the hour of danger, is the fervent prayer of, gentle-
men, your affectionate brethren,
Thomas Newton, Jun., Henry Brown,
Joseph Hutchings, Alexander Skinner,
Matthew Phripp, Thomas Brown,
Samuel Kerr, Robert Tayler.
Robert Shedden,
LIEUT. GOVERNOUR GOLDEN TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Extract.
New. York, 1st Juno, 1774.
The Act of Parliament shutting up the port of Boston,
was brought to this place by a merchant vessel a few days
before I received it from your Lordship's office.
The Act was immediately published in all our newspa-
pers, and was the subject of all conversation. I knew that
people universally in this Colony had received such ideas
of being taxed at the pleasure of Parliament, that I was
particularly anxious upon this occasion to discover the sen-
timents of those who might have most influence over
others, and was assured by the gentlemen of the Council,
and others of weight in the city, that no means would be
omitted to prevent the hot-headed people taking any meas-
ures that might endanger the peace and quiet of the
Colfflij.
The men who at that time called themselves the Com-
mittee., who dictated and acted in the name of the people,
were many of them of the lower rank, and all the warmest
zealots of those called the Sons of Liberty. Tlie more
considerable niereliants and citizens seldom or never appear
among them, but I believe were not displeased with the
clamour and opposition that was shown against internal
taxation by Parliament.
The principal inhabitajits, being now afraid that these
hot-headed men might run the city into dangerous meas-
ures, ap]>eared in a considerable body at tlie first meeting
of the people after the Boston Port Act was published
bere. They dissolved the former Committee, and apjxjinted
a new one of fifty-one persons, in which care was taken
to have a number of the most prudent and considerate
people of the place. Some of them have not before
joined the public proceedings of the Opposition, and were
induced to ajipear in what they are sensible is an illegal
character, from a consideration that if they did not, the
business would be left in the same rash hands as before.
Letters had been received from Boston with an invita-
tion from that town to the sister Colonies, immediately to
come into a resolution to refrain from any commerce with
Great Britain and the West India Islands, till the Act
for shutting up the port of Boston was rejiealed. A
jjj-inted handbill of this ))ro^iosal is enclosed.
I am informed that the new Committee, in their answer
Jo Boston, have given them no reason to expect that the
merchants of this place will adopt so extravagant a meas-
ure., and people with whom 1 converse assine me, that
they think it cannot be brought about by the \myn zealous
advocates of opposition. As yet no resolutions have been
taken by the people of this Cobny, and die cool, pmdent
men will endeavour to keep measures in suspense till tliey
have an opportunity of adopting the best. I am told they
have proposed that the Colonies be invited to send Depu-
ties to meet together, in order to petition the King for
redress of grievances, and deliberate upon some plan
whereby the jealousies between Great Britain and lier
Colonies may be removed. It is allowed by the intelligent
878
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
374
ainono; tliem, that these assemblies of the people, without
authority of Government, are illegal, and may be dangerous,
but they deny that they are unconstitutional when a
national grievance cannot otherwise be removed. What
resolutions \\ ill be taken I cannot yet say. The Go^'ern-
ment of this Province lias no coercive power over these
assemblies of the people, but the authority of the Magis-
trates, in all other cases, is submitted to as usual.
MAJOR GEN. Hj\X,DIMAND TO THE EARL OF DARTMOfTH.
Extract.
New- York, 1st June, 1774.
I think it my duty to acquaint your Lordship with the
apparent effect which the late vigorous measures adopted
by the Parliament of Great Britain have made on the
minds of the people of this country ; the few who enter-
tained more loyal and liberal ideas of Government, are
now induced and encouraged to speak their mhids with
more fieedom, and fear not to disapprove the rash pro-
ceedings of their countrymen, blindly led by a few hot-
headed and designing men. This has operated so far as
to prevent, hitherto, the effect of the resolution wannly
urged by a number of violent enthusiasts, to shut up their
ports themselves, both here and at Philadelphia, and to
decline any importation from Great Britain and Ireland,
or exportation to any of the West India Islands, until the
Act against the town of Boston should be repealed.
The more timid amongst them, actuated by self-interest
and common prudence, have joined the few who dared to
stand forth against such outrageous and illegal combinations.
In consequence of which the measure was rejected ; but it
is to be feared that the fire is only smothered at present,
and might break out anew unless the measures said to be
adopted subsequent to the Boston Port Bill, should prove
sufficient to restore the good order and harmony so essen-
tial to Britain and her Colonies, to assure the dependence
of the latter on the Kingdom of Great Britain, and in time
remove the prejudices now subsisting.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this Committee, as
well as those of other Provinces and Colonies, laid before
them this day, be fairly transcribed by the Clerk in a book
to be kept for that purpose.
Per order of the Committee,
Benjamin Johnston, Town Cleric.
Williamsburg, June 2, 1774.
By advices from Fincastle, we learn that there has
been a smart skirmish, on the branches of New River,
between a party of white people, who were out surveying
lands, and a number of Indians, whom they fell in with,
supposed to be Shawanese. Our people drove the Indians
off, and killed eight of them, with the loss of eight men
and a boy of their own party ; among them the noted
Captain John Ashby, who, in the last war, brought the
first account of General Braddoclis defeat to this city
with amazing expedition.
We likewise hear, that the frontier inhabitants are all in
motion' at the alarming behaviour of the Indians, and
seem determined to drive from among them so cruel and
treacherous an enemy.
FREDERICKSBURG (viRGIXIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Inhabitants of Fredericksburg, in
the County of Spottsylvania, and Colony of Virginia,
at the Town House, on Wednesday, the first day of June,
1774:
Resolved, That it is the unanimous opinion of this
meeting to concur in every proper measure that may be
thought expedient by our sister Colonies, on this important
occasion, respecting the hostile invasions of the rights and
liberties of the town of Boston.
Resolved, That IVIessrs. Fielding Lewis, Charles Dick,
Charles Mortimer, James Mercer, Charles Washington,
William Woodford, James Duncanson, William Porter,
George Thornton, and Charles Yates, be appointed a
Committee for tiiis town to correspond with the neighbour-
ing towns and counties for the piupose of communicating
to each other, in the most speedy manner, their sentiments
on this present interesting and alarming situation of
America.
Resolved, That Benjamin Johnston be appointed Clerk
to this Conunittee.
II. TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE BRITISH COLONIES
IN AMERICA.
Philadelphia, June 1, 1774.
Brethren : It is not my design to travel through all
the Ministerial, manoeuvres respecting us since the com-
mencement of this Reign ; it is not necessary. Sufficient,
I trust, it will prove, to lay before you such a series of cor-
respondent facts as will thoroughly convince you that a
plan has been deliberately framed, and pertinaciously
adhered to, unchanged even by frequent changes of Minis-
ters, unchecked by any intervening gleam of humanity, to
sacrifice to a passion for arbitrary dominion, the universal
property, liberty, safety, honour, happiness and prosperity
of us, unoffending yetdevouted Americans ; and that every
man of us is deeply interested in the fate of our brethren
of Boston.
If such a series is not laid before you, the combined
force of wiiich shall tear up by the roots, and throw out of
your bosoms every lurking doubt, censure me as an enthu-
siast, too violently warmed by a sense of the injustice
practised against my beloved country.
The danger of a father's life once racked words from a
dumb son. Worse tlian death, in my view, threatens our
common mother. Pardon, therefore, a brother's imper-
fections.
Amidst a volume of institutions called regulations, wrong
at first, corrected in other en-ours, again corrected, still
requiring regulation, and remaining, after all their editions,
if not like Draco's codes of blood, yet codes of plunder,
confounding, by the intricacy and multiplicity of their inven-
tions, and confiscating for having confounded,* appears the
Fourth of George the Third, chapter 15th styled, " An
Act for granting certain duties in the British Colonies and
Plantations in America," &ic. This was the first comet of
this kind that glared over these Colonies since their exist-
ence. Here first we find the Commons of Great Britain
" giving and granting" our money for the express purpose
of " raising a revenue in America.'"
We, busy in guiding our ploughs, felling our timber, or
sailing in the circuits of traffic prescribed us, and still
veering like bees to our hive, with millions of our gains to
Great Britain, the centre of our toils by land and sea,
poor harmless husbandmen and traders ! scarce observed
the blow given us. Our hearts filled with confidence by
contemplating the pleasing images of her generous, distin-
guished virtues, from the splendour of which, in our judg-
ment, those of ancient Greece and Rome liid their dimi-
nished heads — suspicion could find no entrance. We saw,
in tlie preamble, something of the usual forms " for extend-
ing and securing navigation and commerce," were lulled
into security, nor could suppose the stroke was aimed at
our vitals. An infant that had tottered along a directed
walk in a garden, and loaded with flowers had presented
them to a mother, would as soon have expected to be
knocked down by her.
Not long were we suffered to enjoy our tranquillity.
The fifth of George the Third, chapter the 12th, the
ever memorable Stamp Act quickly followed. By this,
reciting the former Act, the Commons of Great Britain
" gave and granted" duties, so called, of our money, on
almost every piece of parchment, vellum, or paper, to be
used in these Colonies, and declared every instrument of
writing without a Stamp to be void. Tax gatherere of a
• " Omitting the immense increase of people, by natural population,
in the more Northern Colonics, and tlie migration from every part of
Eurupe, 1 am convinced the whole conuuerciiil system of J«i«icn may
be altered to advantage. You have proliibited where you ought to
have encouraged; and you liavo encouraged where you ought to have
prohibited. Improper restraints have been laid on the Contment m
favour of the Islands. You have but two Nations to trade with m
America. Would you had twenty '■ Let Acts of Parliament m con.
sequence of treaties remain, but let not an English IMinister become a
Custom House officer for Spain, or for any foreign Power. Much in
wrong, much may be amended for the general good of the whole."—
Mr. Pitt's Speech.
S75
CORRESPOXDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
376
new kind were ap))ointed to collect these duties. Tlie
petitions of our Assemblies, previous to its passing, on
notice received of the design, asserting our rigiits, and sup-
j)licating a respect for them, were treated with contempt.
You remember the tiu)e and its distress. You behaved
as you ought.*
Convinced that a people who wish to be free, must
resolve to be free, you abolished tiie " abominable thing,"
and proceeded in your usual business, without any regard
to the illegal edict obtruded upon you.
Permit me to add two observations relating to remark-
able attendants on the taxation comprised in that Act, the
memory of which is perhaps grown faint, from length of
time, in some minds.
By the statutes granting Stamp Duties in England or
Great Britnin, especial caution has been taken that nothing
more should be levied upon the subject under any pretence
whatsoever, than the duties themselves. These words run
through those Acts, " That the officers shall receive the
" several duties, and stamp and mark the vellum, parch-
'•' ment, and paper, &c., without any other fee or rcivard ;
" which stamp or mark shall be a sufiicient discharge for
'• the respective duties," &ic. And " the Commissionei's
" shall take care that the several parts of the Kingdom
" shall, from time to time, be sufficiently furnished witli
" vellum, parchment, and paper, stamped and marked as
" is directed, to the end that the subjects, he, may
" HAVE IT IN THEIR ELECTION, either to buy the same of
" the officers and jiersons to be employed, &.C., at the
" usual and most common rates above the said duties, or
'* to bring their own vellum, parchment, or paper, to
" be stamped or marked as aforesaid. "f
Was the Stamp Act for America like other statutes ?
Judge. By this it is enacted, " That the High Treasurer,
" or any three or more of the Commissioners of the Trea-
" sury, shall once in every year set the prices, at which
-" all sorts of stamped vellum, parchment, and paper, shall
" be sold," Sic.
The Stamps were kept in Ihgland. Ship loads of " all
" sorts of stamped vellum, parchment, and papers" were
sent over to us. We had no choice, either to take these
or to carry other vellum, parcliment, or paper to be stamp-
ed. We must not only have paid the certain duties im-
posed, but the uncertain " prices" which the Commission-
ers should please to " set" for the value of their " vellum,
" parchment, and paper ;" and " penalties and forfeitures"
fell upon us every step we took, without paying these im-
positions. This surely was not only to be taxed by the
Parliament, but over again for the same articles by the
Commissioners.
Here some men, whose minds are strongly impressed
with ideas of equity, may ask, if it is possible that even a
British Parliament should so wantonly degrade us? It is
as true as that the port of Boston is this pay shut up.
The •' forfeitures and |)enalties thereby imposed were to
■'* be sued for and recovered in any Court of Record, or
^' IN any Court ov Admiralty or V ice Admiralty,
"appointed, or to be appointed, and having jurisdiction in
" the respective Colony where the ofTence should be com-
" mitted," Sic.
This was no regulation of trade. The facts, to be tried
in any dispute, must have arisen on land — within the body
of a county — as remote from Admiralty jurisdiction on
every constitutional principle, as a suit on a bond, or an
ejectment for a freehold. Yet thus, by a few lines, was the
inestimable privilege of trial by jury to be torn from you
and your posterity. Thus the decision of the rights of
propertv, not in controversies between man and man, on
the question of " meum vcl tuam," where, though rung
by oppression, the wretched loser might draw a degree of
consolation, by reflecting that he had received some consi-
deration for the substance taken away ; or, at least, that a
countryman gained his spoils — but in litigations founded on
rigid forfeitures and arbitrary penalties — was to be referred
to the corrupt uibuiials of single Judges— appointed from
* " I rejoice that Ameriea has resisted, Throe millions of people,
go dead to all the feelings of liberty aa voluntarily to consent to he
sliivea, would have been fit inntfumeiits to iijake slaves of the rest."-.-
Mr. Pitt's Speech,
t Fifth and sixth William and Mary, chapter 31 ( (Jjirtjotl} Oeorgf
Second, chapter 19, and other statutes,
another country — filled with its prejudices — holding their
commissions during pleasure — totally independent of you —
claiming fees and salaries to be paid out of your money —
condemned by themselves.*
If this be " wisdom," it is not of that kind, the " ways
whereof are jmst finding out."
The Act, thus revoked by you, received soon after a
formal repeal in Parliament. This was done by the sixth
• " When the Jury have delivered in their verdict, and it is recorded
in Court, thoy are then discharged. And so ends a trial by jury. A
trial which, besides the other vast advantages which we have occa.
sionally observed in its progress, is also as e-xpcditious and cheap as it is
convenient, equitable, and certain ; for a commission out of C'lianccry,
or the civil law courts, for exaniinirig witnesses in one cause, will fre-
quently last as long, and of course bo full as expensive, iis tlie trial of
a hundred issues at nisi priiiit ; and yet tlie fact cannot be determined
by such C'ounuissioners at all ; no, not till the depositions are published
and read at the hearing of the cause in Court.
"Ui)on these accounts the trial by jury ever has been, and I trust
ever will be, looked upon as the glory of the English law. And, if it
has so great an advantage over others in regulating civil property, how
much nmst that advantage be heightened when it is a])plicd to criminal
cases ! But this we must refer to the ensuing book of these commen-
taries ; only observing for tlie present, tiiat it is the most transcendent
privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, tliat he cannot be
affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the
unanimous consent of twelve of his neighbours and equals. A Con-
stitution, that I may venture to atiirm has, under Providence, secured the
just liberties of this nation for a long succession of ages. And, therefore,
a CL'lelirated French writer (a) who concludes, that because Kumr,S'iiaita,
and Carthage have lost their libcrti':?8, therefore those of England in
time nmst perish, should have recollected that Rome, Sparta, and Car.
ihage, at tho time when their liberties were lost, were strangers to the
trial by jury.
" Great as this culogium may seem, it is no more than this admirable
Constitution, when traced to its principles, will be found in sober rea.
sou to deserve. Tile iuipartiul adiniuistration of justice, which secures
both our i»erson8 and our properties, is the great end of civil society.
But if that be entirely entrusted to the Magistracy, a select bo<!y of
men, and those generally selected by the Prince, or such as enjoy the
highest offices in the State, their decisions, in spite of their own natu-
ral integrity, will have frequently an involuntary bias towards those
of their own rank and dignity. It is not to be expected from human
nature, that the few should be always attentive to the interests and good
of the many. On the other hand if the power of judictiture were
placed at random in the hands of the multitude, tlieir decisions would
be wild and capricious, and a new rule of action would be every day
established in our Courts. It is wisely, therefore, ordered, that the
principles and axioms of law, whicli are general propositions, flowing
from abstracted reason, and not accommodated to times or to men,
should be deposited in the breasts of the Judges, to be occasionally ap-
plied to such facts as come properly ascertained before them. For hero
partiality can have little scope ; the law is well known, and is tiie same
for all ranks and degrees: it follows as a regular conclusion from the
premises of fact pre-established. But in settling and adjusting a ques-
tion of fact, when intrusted to any single Magistrate, partiality and
injustice have an ample field to range in ; either by boldly asserting
that to be approved which is not so, or, more artfully, by suppressing
some circumstances, stretching and warping others, and distinguishing
away the remainder. Hero, ttierofore, a competent number of sensible
and upright jurymen, chosen by lot, from among those of tlie middle
rank, will be found the best investigators ol' truth, and tlie surest
guardians of public justice. For the most ]>owcrful individual in the
State will be cautious of committing any flagrant invasion of another's
right, when he knows that the f ict of his ojjprfssion must be examined
and decided by twelve indiff'erent men ; and that, when once the fact
is ascertained the law must of course redress it. This, therefore, pre.
serves, in the hands of the people that share whicli they ought to have
in the administration of public justice, and prevents the encroachments
of the more powerful and wealthy citizans. Every new tribunal, erected
for the decision of facts, without the intervention of a jury, (whether
composed of Justices of the Peace, t'ommissioners of the Revenue,
Judges of a court of conscience, or any other standing Magistrates,) is
a step towards establishing aristocracy, the most oppressive of absolute
(xovernmcnts. The feodal system which, for the sake of military sub-
ordination, pursued an aristoeratical plan in all its arr.ingement8 of
property, had been intolerable in times of peace, bud it not been wisely
counterpoised by that privilege so universally diffused through every
]>art of it, the trial by the f.odal Peers. And in ev^ry country on the
Continent, as the trial by the Peers has been gradually disused, so the
nobles have increased in power, till tho State has been torn in j)iecc-s
by rival factions, and oligarchy in effect has been established, though
under the shadow of regal Government, unless where the miserable
commons have taken shelter un<ler an absolute monarchy, the
lighter evil of the two. And particularly it is a circumstance well
worthy an Englishinan's observation, that in Sweden the trial by
jury, that bulwark of Norlliern liborty, which continued in its full
vigour, so lately as the middle of the fast century, (h) is now fallen
into disuse ; (r) and that tlinrj, though the r.'gal power is in no
country so closely limited, yet the lib.^rti:'S of the commons are extin.
guished, and the '(iovernme'iit is degenerated into a mere ariBtocracy.(rf)
It is, therefore, upon tho whole, a duty which every man owes to his coun-
try, his friends, his posterity, and himself, to maintain to the utmost of
his power, tills valuable Constitution of all bis rights, to restore it to its
ancient dignity, if at all impaired by the diff'ereut value of property,
or otherwise deviated from its first institution ; to amend it wherever
it is defective ; and, above all, to guard with the most jealous circum.
spection against the introduction of new and arbitrary methods of trial,
which, under a variety of jilausible pretences, may in time im|)ercepti.
bly undermine this best preservative of English liberty." — Blackstone's
Cum, 3(i ml, p. 378, 3cil.
f»)i#im/«o.Sn.UiU.6. (h)K'*Wr/or*<!ofParl. 4S7. (c) Mod. Un. Hilt, xxxiii, 33.
• • ^ ■ ^' «""•*" (dj siod, uu, Ili.t. xuiii, 17.
377
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JUNE, 1774.
878
of George tlie Third, chapter the 11th. Because it was
uiiconstitulional, as we were not and could not he repre-
sented tliere ? No. Because it deprived " three miUions
" of loyal subjects of their darling piivilege of trial by
"jury, ' tlie best preservative of Emflish liberty ?' " No.
Because "the continuance of the Act would be attended
" with many inconveniences, and might be productive of
" consequences greatly detrimental to the connnercial in-
•' terests of" Great Britain.
Cool, guarded expressions ! breathing the true spirit of
the modern philosophy, so prevailing among the higher
ranks in that polished Kingdom. How much care to avoid
inconveniences and detriment to their own commercial in-
terests ! How sovereign a contempt for all the agonies
that bowed us down to the earth, while indignation, shame,
grief, affection, veneration, and gratitude combatted within
our breasts ! They were advised to speak peace to our
souls, by nobly assigning an " erroneom principle" for the
repeal.* No. The freedom of America is the Carthage
of Great Britain — cletcnda est. " Let us repeal the Act,
" but never resign the principle on which it was founded."
One gciicrous step tiiey did take, becoming Britons.
It demands our acknowledgments ; nor should we withhold
them. Why will they not suffer us to thank them for
other favours?
The repealing Act spoke an indecisive language, subject
to comments, that might differ on different sides of the
Atlantic. VVe migiit have been too much agitated between
hopes and apprehensions. It would have been unkind to
leave us in such a state of anxiety. It would have been
unworthy of a free people, who were determined to subju-
gate another free people. " Parmenio may steal victories,
Alexander scorns it."
Therefore, the same day, I think, on which they repealed
the Stamp Act, in the next chapter, however, they can-
didly explained to us their sentiments and resolutions, be-
yond a possibility of a mistake by the " Act for the better
" securing the dependency of his Majesty's Dominions in
" America upon the Crown and Parliament of Great
« Britain."
'• Lift up thine eyes round about, and behold : all these
" gather themselves together, and come to thee : Thou
" shalt SURELY CLOTHE thee with them all, as with an
" ornament, and bind them on thee as a bride doth."
Philadelphia, Juno 1, 1774.
TO ALL THE ENOLISH COLONIES OF NORTH AMERICA.
Remember the fable of the bundle of sticks given by
the father to his sons ; it could not be broken until it was
di.ided. We must stand or fall together. For the Bos-
ton Port Act carries in its principle and effects the certain,
if not the immediate destruction of all the liberties of Ame-
rica, the ruin of all our property, and greatly endangers
the safet)' of our persons ; its nature is so malignant, and
its operations will be so fatal to our whole tem[)oral happi-
ness, that it cannot fail to awaken the attention of all Ame-
rica. The most deliberate wisdom, the steady counsel,
and firm resolution of America, never was, and it is hardly
conceivable, ever can be more necessary than in this dread-
f,il crisis.
I don't pretend to be able to comprehend all the evils,
or to point out half the consequences of that alarming
statute ; but a few that occur appear to me to deserve great
consideration.
1st. The Legislative power, by which it was enacted, is
founded in a direct violation of the most essential and fun-
damental principle of the English Constitution, viz u that
no Englishman shall be bound by any law to which he has
not consented.
2d. Tiie ordinary object of human laws, is either the
attainment of some benefit, resulting therefrom, or the
remedy of a mischief. But tiiis is a mere statute of ven-
geance, wreaked on the Bostonians, for opposing the Par-
liamentary duty on tea, and is, tlierefore, a practical proof
as well as dreadful sample of the disposition of the British
Parliament to hurl mighty destruction against all who
• " Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the Hou«e what is my
opinion ; it is, that the Stamp Act be repealed, absolutely, totally, and
immediately ; that the reason for the repeal \>e assi(rnod, because it was
founded on an erroneous principle." — Mr. Pitt's Upeech.
oppose their impositions, whenever it is in their power to
cause their resentment to be felt.
3d. The interest ruined by this Act of Parliamentary
vengeance is immense, 'tis the trade and navigation of an
ancient metropolis of one of the richest and oldest Provin-
ces of English America, whose dignity and merit is second
to none on this Continent ; whose inhabitants are almost
wholly of English descent; whose affections for the Eng-
lish nation, and attachment to Hanoverian succession have
been rapturously warm ; whose patience and perseverance,
whose expense of lives and treasure in conniiencin"- anil
extending the conquests and settlements of English Ame-
rica, all far exceed the utmost claim or boast of any other
English Colony. But they oppose the Tea Duty , therelbre
their merits are forgotten, their honour is laid in the dust ;
their interest, obtained by long and painful industry to the
amount of hundreds of thousands, is ruined ; their traitors
are cherished and encouraged, their humble and dutiful
petitions are rejected, their claims of right, founded in
nature, in the English Constitution, and in their Charter,
under die sacred sanction of the pidjlic faith, are spumed
ought of sight with anger and contempt.
4th. The txtent and operation of this baneful Act is
mostly confined to the harbour of Boston, and its appenda-
ges, but its princi|)le extends to every inch of English
America. The Bostonians have as good a rigiit to their
harbour, their shipping, their wharfs and landing places, a"!
they have to their houses, gardens, streets, commons, coun-
try seats, and plantations, and as good a right as the Philn-
delphians have to theirs, and, therefore, nothing can be
more manifest tiian this, viz : That the same principle,
the same power, that can seize on and wrest the one, can,
with equal right and authority, seize on and wrest all the
others out of the hands and use of their present proprietors,
and, therefore, it follows by a consequence, which I dare
say the British Parliament don't mean to deny, that if we
presume to op[)ose any Act they may make, however op-
pressive and tyrannical we may deem it, or even to affront
any peevish officer they may appoint over us, or without
any of these, if they should even conceit we affront them,
or if, without even such conceit, they should take it into
their heads to exercise the absurd plenitude of their power
over us, I say, in any of these cases, the same Parliamen-
tary power which has deprived the Bostonians of their
harbour, wharfs, landing places, &.C., can, with equal
autliority, deprive any and every English Colony on the
Continent of theirs, and accordingly send a sufficient force
of ships and soldiers to stop every port in them, and put
an end to all their navigation and trade ; and not that only,
but drive them all from tlieir houses, streets, cities, and
plantations. I appeal to the public if these are strained
consequences, and if the power that can do the one cannot,
with equal right, do all the rest.
5th. This fatal Act, as far as it relates to personal cove-
nants and contracts, not only makes void all bills of lading,
charter parties, Stc, relating to vessels and cargoes destined
to the port of Boston, and which may arrive there after
the first day of June next ; but the principle of this mani-
festly extends to all written contracts and covenants what-
soever, sealed or unsealed ; to all deeds of lands, mortga-
ges, indentures, covenants, bonds, hills, notes, receipts, fcc,
for there can be no doubt that the same power which is
able to vacate, by sovereign audiority, covenants and con-
tracts relative to navigation made by private j)ersons on
reasonable and lawful considerations, can vacate also all
covenants and contracts relating to inland affairs, so that
if we should happen to disapprove of the Tea Duty, the
Boston Port Act, or any other law the British Parliament
may see fit to make, we may expect soon to he visited
with a law from them, vacating all our deeds of lands, in-
dentures of servants, bonds, &.C., empowering all our ser-
vants to run away, and every rascal that ])leases to enter
on our estates and turn us out of our houses, &,c.
6th. This dreadful extent of power is claimed by the
British Parliament, on whom we have not the least check,
and whose natural prejudices will ever induce them to op-
press us — they are not of our appointment, they do not
hope for our votes, or fear the loss of them at a future
election; they have no natural affection for us ; they don't
feel for us ; tiiey never expect to see us, and therefore do
not court our smiles, or dread meeting our angry countenan-
379
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JUNE, 1774.
380
ces. When they vote away our money, tliey don't, at the
same time, jjive that of llieir own and tlicir best friends
witli it, but, on tlie contrary, tiiey ease tiiemseives and their
friends of liie whole burthen tiiey lay on us, and, therefore,
will alwiij's have strong inducements to make or burdens as
heavy as possible that they may lighten tlieir own. Indeed,
in every view of this Act, it appears replete with horrour,
ruin, and woe, to all America ; it matters not where it be-
gins to operate, no Colony on the Continent is exempt
from its dreadful principle, nor can any one that has a sea-
port avoid its execution. But however ghostly, grinning,
and death-like this awful threatening power lowers over us,
I doubt not there are means left to America to avoid its
effects, and virtue enough to induce every individual to
tiirow aside every little consideration and unite witii im-
moveable firmness in the important business of self-pre-
ervation.
We have reason to think this is tlie last effort of the
]K)wer that would oppress us ; if, it takes place we are
undone, undone with our posterity. If we oppose and
avoid it, we may still continue to enjoy our liberties, and
jiosterity will look back to this alarming period, and will
admire and boast tlie virtue of their ancejtors that saved
them from slavery and ruin.
KENT COUNTY (maRYI^ANd) KESOLUTIONS.
A numerous and very respectable Meeting of the Inha-
bitants of Ke7H County, in Maryland, was held at the
Court House in Chcstertown, on Thursday, the 2d day of
June, 1774, pursuant to public notice given for that purpose.
Thomas Smith, Esq., was unanimously chosen Chairman.
And, after reading the Act of Parliament for blocking
np the harbour of Boston, and sundry letters and papers
received from the Conmiittee of Corres|)ondence at Anna-
polis, the following gentlemen were chosen to coirespond
with the Committees of the other counties of tliis Province,
and of the Colonies in general, viz: William Jiingifohl,
(Eastern Neck,) Robert Buchanan, John Maxwell, Emory
iSudler, Colonel Bichard Lloyd, Colonel Joseph Nicholson,
John Cadwallader, Joseph Nicholson, Jun., Thomas Ring-
gold, Thomas B. Hands, Joseph Earle, Ezekiel Foreman,
James Anderson, James Uynson, James Pearce, and Isaac
Spencer, Esquires, and Messrs. William Carmichael, John
Vorhces, Donaldson Yeates, William Ringgold, ( Chester-
town,) Eleazer McComh, Dr. John Scott, Jeremiah
Nicols, Dr. William Bordky, and Captain James Nich-
olson.
The gentlemen present then desired the Committee to
nominate a select number of their members to meet the
Committees from the different counties in one Grand Pro-
vincial Connnittee, at the city of Annapolis, on a day there-
after to be appointed, to deliberate on proper measures to be
taken in conjunction with the other Colonies, in order to bring
about a repeal of the above Act of Parliament, so destruc-
tive in its consequences to the liberties of America in
general, and of the town of Boston in particular.
Tlie following gentlemen were appointed for that pur-
pose, viz : Mr. Chairman, Jfilliam Ringgold, (Eastern
Neck,) Joseph Nicholson, Jun., Thomas Ringgold, and
Joseph Earle, Escjuires, who were directed to use every
means in their power to promote unanimity of counsels, in
order that a rational and well concerted plan may be laid
down and prosecuted to attain the end proposed.
The gentlemen of the Committee being moved with the
most tender sym]iathy for the distresses of their suffering
brethren of Boston, particularly of the labouring poor, who
are deprived of the means of supporting themselves and
families by the operation of the Act for blocking up their
harbour, opened a subscription for their relief, which in a
little time was filled up to a considerable amount, and is
left in the hands of the Chairman to be collected and ship-
ped to them in such articles of provisions as may be most
wanted, whenever it shall be necessary.
The Committee then adjourned to the house of Mr.
Edward Warrell, in the said town, where their future
meetings are to be held.
Signed by order of the Connnittee,
William Hall, Clerk,
Ettract of a Letter from one of the members of the House
of Assembly o/Nkw-Jeksey, and one of the Committee
of Correspondence, which consists of nine members.
Dated Jine 2, 1774.
" I returned yesterday from New-Bruns^cick, where six
of our Committee met. We answered the Boston letters,
informing them that we look on New-Jersey as eventually
in the same predicament with Boston, and that we will do
every thing which may be generally agreed on. We have
signed a request to the Governour to call the General As-
sembly, to meet at such time as his Excellency may think
proper, belbre the first of August next. Our Committee
is well disposed in the cause of American freedom."
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED IN PHILADELPHIA.
Boston, June 2, J 774.
We have been, for three weeks past, in a general hurry
in business; most of our navigation is gone, and by the i;3th
instant I do not expect to see six vessels in our harbour.
One regiment of the troops arrived yesterday, and they arc
marking out the lines in our Common to fix tents. How
many are to be fixed here we cannot tell, and indeed we
can know nothing certain till the operations take place.
Our Custom House Officers all take their departure to-day,
if they did not set out last night, to Plymouth, (being in
this port,) to carry on business there. Governour Hutch-
inson sailed yesterday morning in Captain Callahan, for
London, with his second son, one of our consignees, and
a daugliter. Governour Gage sets out from Cambridge
this day, for Salem, to meet the General Court there the
7th instant. Five gentlemen, in their private capacity,
waited on him three or four days since, to know what the
amount of the tea was, and to whom they might apply ;
but they could only obtain from him that they would know,
but did not say when. He was much on the reserve : but
from the conversation 1 have had with two of them, we
shall not be able to know any thing, with certainty, till
either this town, as a town, or the General Court, apply to
him. He sent a wTitten order to our Provincial Treasurer,
to move the Province money down to Salem ; but he re-
fused complying, well knowing he could not answer it
without the special orders of the Assembly. I hope the
Southern Governments will view our case in its true light,
which 1 take to be a besieged city, in which is a gi-eat diver-
sity of opinions and interests, and in a very little time will
be the city of a great multitude without business, and
ready to break through stone walls for subsistence.
THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH TO GOVERNOUR GAGE.
Extract.
Whiteliall, 3d June, 1774.
Since you left England the Parliament has made a very
considerable progress in the American business, and I send
you herewith, by the King's connnand, two Acts to which
His Majesty gave the royal assent a tew days ago.
These Acts close the consideration of what relates to tlie
state of your Government, and it is hoped that they will
have the good effect to give vigour and activity to ci\ il
authority ; to prevent those unwarrantable assemblings of
the peoj)le, for factious purposes, which have been the
source of so much mischief; and to secure an impartial
administration of justice in all cases where the authority of
this Kingdom may be in question.
The Act for the better regulation of the Government of
the Province of Massachusetts Bay, provides, that from
the 1st of August next, all elections of the Council under
the authority of the Charter, shall be void, and that, for
the future, the Council shall be ap|)ointed by the King.
In consequence of that provision, his Majesty has, with
the advice of the Privy Council, nominated thirty-six per-
sons, qualified as the Act directs, to be the Council of
Massachusetts Bay, from and after tlie time limited for the
continuance of the present Council ; and enclosed herewith,
I send you his Majesty's additional instruction, under the
sign manual, authorizing and requiring you to assemble the
said Council, and containing such further directions as are
thought necessary and incident to this new establishment,
381
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JUNE, 1774.
382
and as correspond with the provisions of the Act in relation
thereto.
It would, periiajis, iiave heen in some respects desirable
that it might have been left to the King's discretion, to
have directed that, in case of tlie death or absence of both
Governour and Lieutenant Governour, the administration
of Government should have been devolved on the Seniour
Counsellor, as in other Goveniments ; but as tlie Act re-
serves to the new Council all the liberties, privileges, and
immunities enjoyed by the other, except in cases provided
for, it is appreiiended that such direction cannot be given,
and for the same reason it has appeared, at least doubtful
whether the Crown could delegate to you the powers of
suspension and appointment to vacancies pro tempore, ex-
ercised in the other Royal Governments. In this situation
it became the more necessary that a Lieutenant Governour
should be immediately appointed ; and the King having,
ujion Mr. Hutchinson's reconnuendation, nominated Mr.
Oliver, of Cambridge, to that office, enclosed I send you
bis Majesty's sign manual, containing his appointment.
There is little room to hope that every one of the per-
sons whom his Majesty has appointed to be of his Council,
will be induced to accept that honour, for there can be no
doubt that every art will be practised to intimidate and pre-
judice. I trust, however, that the number of those who
decline will not be so considerable as to involve you in any
difficulty on that account, or to create any embarrassment
in the execution of a measure upon which so much de-
pends.
Whatever vacancies may be created by any of the pre-
sent members refusing to act, ought to be filled up as soon
as possible, and, therefore, you will transmit to me, by the
first opportunity, the names of such persons as you think
best qualified for that trust, and the most likely to give
weight and authority to the measures of Government ; tak-
ing care, at the same time, not to propose any from whom
you have not received assurances of their readiness to ac-
cept the office.
It is to be expected that every artifice which has been
hitherto used with so much success to keep alive a spirit
of sedition and opposition in the people, will be exerted
on the present occasion to entangle and embarrass ; but
the King trusts that by temper and prudence on the one
hand, and by firmness and resolution on the other, you will
be able to surmount all the obstacles that can be thrown in
your way.
It is impossible to foresee what those obstacles may be.
If the General Court should happen to be sitting at the
time when the new constitution of the Council is to take
place, every advantage will probably be taken that such a
situation affords, to create difficulties and throw the business
into perplexity ; but however that may be, and whatever
may be urged, there can be no doubt that a prorogation at
least will become absolutely necessary, in order to put an
end to any business that may be depending before the old
Council. Perhaps circumstances may require a dissolution,
but it is much to be wished that, if possible, such a mea-
sure may be avoided.
The lettei-s received from Mr. Hutchinson since you
sailed from Plymouth, contain an account of the public
proceedings down to the 5th of April, at which time it
does not appear that any intelligence had been received in
the Province of the steps that were taking here. It was,
therefore, reasonable to suppose that the conduct and mea-
sures of the faction would be, as they actually were, of the
same colour and complexion with those they had before
pursued.
The impeachment of the Chief Justice seems to have
been the favourite object of bodi Council and Assembly ;
but as Mr. Hutchinson had, with equal firmness and dis-
cretion, defeated that measure by prorogation, it is not ne-
cessary for me to say more on so extravagant a proceeding
than that it was altogether an unwarrantable assumption of
power, to which that Government is not, I conceive,
either in the nature or principles of it, in any degree com-
petent.
To what further extravagance the people may be driven,
it is difficult to say ; whatever violences are committed must
be resisted with firmness ; the constitutional authority of
tliis Kingdom over its Colonies must be vindicated, and its
laws obeyed throughout the whole Empire.
It is not only its dignity and reputation, but its power,
nay, its very existence, depends upon the present moment ;
for should those ideas of independence, which some danger-
ous and ill-designed persons here are artfully endeavouring
to instil into the minds of the King's American subjects,
once take root, that relation between this Kingdom and its
Colonies, which is the bond of peace and power, will soon
cease to exist, and destruction must follow disunion. It is
not the mere claim of cxen)ption from the authority of
Parliament in a particular case that has brought on the
present crisis ; it is actual disobedience and open resistance
that have compelled coercive measures, and I have no lon-
ger any other confidence in the hopes I had entertained
that the public peace and tranquillity would he restored,
but that which I derive from your abilities, and the reliance
I have on your pnidence, for a wise and discreet exercise
of the authorities given to you by the Acts which I now
send you.
The powers contained in the Act for the more impartial
administration of justice do, in particular, deserve your at-
tention, for it is hardly possible to conceive a situation of
greater difficulty and delicacy than that which a Governour
would be in, if reduced to the necessity of exercising his
discretion in the case provided for ; but it is a case I trust
that will never occur, and I will hope that, notwithstanding
all the endeavours, equally flagitious and contemptible, used
by a few desperate men to create in the people ideas of
more general resistance, the thinking part of them will be
awakened to such a sense of their true interests, and of the
miseries that await a further continuance of these unhappy
disputes, as to exert their best endeavours for a preserva-
tion of the public peace, and thereby give such effect and
countenance to the civil authority as to render any other
interposition than that of tlie ordinary Civil Magistrate un-
necessary.
There is another American Bill, for making more effec-
tual provision for quartering of his Majesty's troops, that
has passed both Houses, and waits for the Royal assent,
which, although of general purport, is founded principally
on a case that occurred in the Province of Massachusetts
Bny.
You will remember what happened at Boston in 1770,
respecting the quartering of the two regiments sent thither
from Halifax, and the artifices used by forced constmc-
tions of the Act of Parliament to elude the execution of
it, and to embarrass the King's service. In order, there-
fore, to prevent the like in future, the present Bill is adopted,
and enclosed I send you a printed copy of it, hoping to be
able to send the Act itself by the first ship.
Charlestown, S. C, Juno 4.* 1774.
America has never seen a more critical period than the
present. The Stamp Act, with all its ruinous conse-
quences, portended less evil to this Continent than the
present gathering stomn.
When I consider the determined resolution of Parlia-
ment to enforce their pretended right of internal taxation,
and reflect that the free-born Colonists, who have extended
the British Empire over this once savage land, will sooner
die than sun-ender the privileges of Englishmen, I tremble
for the consequences. My heated imagination anticipates all
the horrours of a civil war, and foresees these flourishing
Provinces deluged with the unnatural bloodshed of our
brethren and fellow-subjects In this alarming situation of
affairs, methinks I see every brow contracted into a serious
gloom, and every thinking man earnestly inquiring " what
is to be done."
Nothing can be entered upon by honest men, with spirit
and resolution, till they are first convinced of the justice
of their cause. Let us then, without prej\idice, inquire
whether the present stmggles of America are defensible on
principles of equity ? If we are wrong, let us with honour
»Charlestown, S. C. June G. Saturday last being the King's birth,
day, when his Majesty entered tlie thirty.seventh year of his age, the
same was observed here in the usual way, i. e. the bells were ning--
colours displayed— guns, at the forts, fired— the militia were reviewed
—and his Itonour, the Lieutenant Governour, had company to dme
with him in the Council Chamber— but there was not a single house
illuminated at night, nor any other demonstration of joy ; the people
lamnilins that so good a Prince should bo beset by a Ministry who_
seem to have studied to alienate, ratlicr than preserve, the affections ot
his most loyiJ subjects.
888
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JUNE, 1774.
384
give up before force exacts a submission ; if we are right,
iet us act like true [latriots, and lioid it out to tiie last, pre-
ferring one liour of virtuous liberty to a whole eternity of
bondage.
The original source of contention, from which every
jiarticular act of op])osition has sprinig, is reducible to tiiis
simple question : Has the Parliament of Great Britain
a right to tax America internally : I presume they have
not. Two perfect rights can never interfere ; if they have
a just right to demand our property, we cannot in justice
withhold it ; and if they have a right to take from us one
])enny without our consent, for the same reason they have
a right to the whole. From which this consequence is
demonstrably evident : that we have no property at all,
but are the vassals of the British House of Connnons,
holding all our possessions by their gracious forbearance,
wl»o have a riglit at pleiisure, to take what, when, how
much, and in any manner, they please. Or, in a word, 1
may say with Mr. Locke, " what property has any man
in that w hich another has a right to take from him ?"
It being proved that the Parliament has no right to tax
America internally, it follows, that their claim is founded
only in tlieir superior strength. What name do we assign
to that man, or body of men, who demands our property
without any riglit, intending to piosecute the claim with
an armed force? I blush to mention it, and shall only say,
that the man who demands my money with a pistol at my
breast is commonly called a robber ; and that no proposi-
tion in Euclid is more capable of demonstration, than that
such a man has as good a right to the money in my pocket
as the House of Commons to tax us without our consent.
In this view of the matter, we are justified by the Con-
stitution, by reason, by nature, yea, by God himself, in
opposing, by every prudent measure, the payment of every
sucii demand. Heaven approves the generous struggle.
We are only contending for our natural rights, and that
liberty wherewith God has made us all free. The cause
we are embarked in is good, and if any of the subordinate
means used have been rash, the blame of them lies at the
door of those who, by oppression, (which will make a w ise
man mad) have hurried the lo) al .(4»i677Va/i.s unadvisedly
inti) them.
We are, therefore, reduced to this dilemma, either to ac-
knowledge ourselves tenants at will to the House of Com-
mons, or resolutely oppose this claim by every prudent mea-
sure. What are the prudent measures? I answer, that all
the Americans should unite, firndy resolved to stand by one
another even to death ; one great soul of harmony should
animate this whole Continent, and dispose each one to
consider an injury offered to any pait as offered to himself.
Hapless Boston ! that firmest bulwark of American liberty,
is doomed to be the first victim at the altar of Ministerial
vengeance. Shall we stand by indifferent spectators be-
cause we were spared ? Surely, no ! The free-born soul
of every genuine patriot resents the guilty thought, and
resolves to stand or fall with these firm defenders of our
connnon rights. To enforce this union more, give me
leave to observe, that Acii'-ForAr and Philadelphia are in
the same predicament with Boston ; and what is Charks-
toicn behind either? Have not all obstructed the opera-
tion of one unconstitutional British Act of Pariiament ?
And where is the miglity difference between destroying
the tea, and resolving to do it, with such firmness as intimi-
dated die Captains to return ? Besides, did not every
Province applaud the Bostonians with high commendations
of their zeal for American liberty ? I humbly hope they
will act so far consistent with themselves, as to resent the
treatment offered to that town as though it were offered
to every other one. The contrary conduct would be un-
generous, cruel, and contrary to the true interest of the
whole.
Why are the Bostonians destined for the first sacrifice ?
Not because they are most guilty ; but because the Minis-
try would fondly divide the Province — divide and destroy
— an attempt to punish all at once might unite all. If they
ever can subjugate the free spirit of iSew England, (which
may God forbid,) that instant the evil genius of tyranny
will begin to stalk over these Provinces witli gigantic strides,
blasting the fruits of our virtuous industry. Where gay-
fields now smile, bedecked in the yellow robe of full eared
harvest, soon would desolation frown over the uncultivated
earth. Suns would in vain arise, and in vain would show-
ers descend ; for who would be industrious when others
would reai) the fruit of his labour ? After the subjugation of
Boston, Aew-York, and Philadelphia, our turn would be
next. Methinks I see our courts of justice removed — our
harbour blockaded — navigation stopped — ourstreets crowd-
ed with soldiers, insulting the jieaceable inhabitants, iind
raising provisions to a starving price — and, after a little
time, the now flourishing Charlestown reduced to a neg-
lected plain.
Rise just indignation ! Rise patriotism ! and every jiub-
lic virtue ! to the aid of our nntch injured country. IjCt
us convince the world that Britons will be Britons still, in
every age and clime. Let us instantly join our sister
Colonies and resent the treatment offered by every possible
means, whilst our united opposition can avail. Let us
heartily unite in some well digested general plan that cannot
fail to operate to the early relief of our brethren in Boston,
now actually suffering in die common cause of Anitrican
liberty. Let us begin by abolishing all parties and distinc-
tions— abandoning luxury and pleasure — and establishing
economy. Let us nobly determine to make a willing sacri-
fice of our private interest to this glorious cause — this cause
of infinite importance. Let us enter into solemn resolu-
tions not to import any British goods, (a very few necessiiry
articles excejjted) and determine firmly and strictly to ad-
here to them till the privileges of Boston are restored —
the Tea Duty repealed — and the right of internal taxation
given uj). Let us, (if we are driven to that extreme ne-
cessity, and nothing less can restore us to our Constitutional
freedom,) even desi-t to export — in which case it will be
expedient that we determine not to distress each other by
suits, and apply to the gendemen of the law to decline
business. Let us endeavour to make the union amongst
ourselves, as well as with our sister Colonies, as perfect as
human means can render it. " By uniting we stand, by
dividing we fall." I foresee many inconveniences that will
arise from every measure we can pursue ; but I maintain it,
they are infinitely short of w hat would follow on our giving
up the point is dispute. If the Parliament's claim of in-
ternal taxation be established, either by our consent or by
a military force, that moment we are transformed into
slaves — all our property at the absolute disposal of the
House of Commons.
Death itself is an event devoutly to be wished in com-
parison of such a state. Let us then act widely ; of two
evils choose the least — join with our sister Colonies in a
determined projier opposition to t}'ranny. Resolve rather
to die the last of American freemen, than live the first of
American slaves.
ANNE ARUNDEL COUNTY (maRYLANd) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a very considerable and respectable
body of the Inhabitants of Anne Arundel County, inclu-
sive of those of the City of Annapolis, on Saturday, the
4Ui day of June, 1774.
Mr. Bkice Thomas Beale Wokthington, Moderator.
1. Resolved, unanimously, That it is the ojiinion of this
meeting, that the town of Boston is now suffering in the
common cause of America, and that it is incumbent on
every Colony in America, to unite is effectual means to
obtain a repeal of the late Act of Parliament for blocking
up the harbour of Boston.
2. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting,
that if the Colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all
importations from, and exportations to Great Britain and
the West Indiis, till the said Act be repealed, the same
will be the most efiectual means to obtain a repeal of the
said Act, and preserve North America and her liberties.
3. Resolved therefore, unanimously. That the inhabi-
tants of this county will join in an Association with the
several counties in this Province, and the princi|)al Colo-
nies in America, to put a stop to exports to Great Britain,
and the West Indies, after the ninth day of October next,
or such other day as may be au'ieed on, and to put a stop
to the imports of goods, not already oidered, and of those
ordered that shall not be sliipped from Great Britain, by
the 20th day of July next, or such other day as may be
885
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JUNE, 1774.
386
agreed on, until the said Act shall be repealed ; and that
such Association be on oath.
4. Resolved, That as remittances can be made only
from exports, after slopping the exports to Great Britain
and the West Indies, it will be impossible for very many of
the people of this Province who are possessed of valuable
property, immediately to pay off their debts, and there-
fore it is the opinion of this meeting the gentlemen of the
law ought to bring no suit for the recovery of any debt
due from any inhabitant of this Province, to any inhabi-
tant of Great Britain, until the said Act be repealed ;
and further, that they ought not to bring suit for the
recovery of any debt due to any inhabitant of this Pro-
vince, except in such cases where the debtor is guilty of
a wilful delay in payment, having ability to pay, or is
about to abscond, or remove his effects, or is wasting his
substance, or shall refuse to settle his account.
0. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting,
tliat a Congress of Deputies from the several counties to
be held at Annapolis, as soon as conveniently may be, will
be the most speedy and effectual means of uniting all the
parts of this Province in such Association as proposed ;
and that if agreeable to the sense of our sister Colonies,
Delegates ought to be appointed from this Province to
attend a general Congress of Deputies from the other
Colonies, at such time and place as may be agreed on, to
effect unity in a wise and prudent plan for the foremen-
tioned purpose.
6. Resolved, unanimously, That the inhabitants of this
County will, and it is the opinion of this meeting, that the
Province ought to break off all trade and dealings with
that Colony, Province, or town, which shall decline, or
refuse to come into similar resolutions with a majority of
the Colonies.*
7. Resolved, That Brice Thomas Benle Worthington,
• Questions tubmitted to the comideration of the Committee far Anne
Arundel County.
1. If the Association takes place on the proposed plan, will not a
multitude of artificers and labourers of every denomination be imme-
diately deprived of all means of subsistence ? If tliat be the case will
they, if no tender regard be paid to their interest and real importance
in society, no refuge be provided for their inevitable distress, have any
other resource than an appeal to heaven and a strong arm in support
of the natural and inextinguishable right of self-preservation ? For I
assume it as a point granted, that in a common and extreme calamity
the barriers erected by positive law to fjnce and distinguish private
property are thrown down, and that every thing relapses into a state of
nature.
2. Shall not the landlord be bound, neither to demand payment
in money or produce of the tenant, nor to make charge of rent whilst
the Association lasts ?
3. Will it not be most improvident to suffer the accumulation of
interest to swallow up our efFjcts, and spread itself like a rapid and
consmning disease to our persons, the moment we have by our efforts
in a contest equally interesting to all baffled the counsels of a Tyrant
Minister? Will it not be strikingly unjust, that the trade of the
money-lender alone shall continue to produce its fruits without inter-
ruption, to be gathered in season, out of the substance of those who
are already stunned and exhausted by the suspension of their respective
trades, occupations, and pursuits ? Shall not all bonds then on interest,
not only lie to all intents and purposes dead during the existence
of the Association, but be controulled by suitable and temporary restric-
tions in the commencement and manner of their operation when it
shall expire ? And the observance of this be enforced by obligations
ss solemn as any other article of the Association ?
4. If every issue of wealth be effectually stopped up, how shall the
annual interest arisiiig on public bonds be discliarged ? And will not
the situation of this Province bo truly deplorable, when the period fixed
by law for calling in the principal shall arrive, unless some expedient
be devised to shield us from the misfortune, without blasting the credit
of our Provincial fund ?
5. Will not the exceptions of the fourth Resolve, pointing out the
conduct which ought to be observed by the gentlemen of the law
towards the debtors and creditors residing in this Province, be con-
strued as a banter unbecoming so awful an occasion, unless some
standard, some precise rule be set up to give them significance and
effect ? If as it would seem, the gentlemen of the law are clothed
with the power to decide in cases of this moment, shall not the debtor,
upon inquisition, bo obliged to reveal under oath every the most deli-
cate circumstance, which may contribute to give a complete view of
his affairs, and furnish a certain ground to judge of his abilitv or dis-
ability to PAY ? What shall amount to a proof that a debtor is al>out
to ABSCOND or REMOVE HIS EFFECTS ? How shall a debtor clearly know
the degree of excess whicli shall subject him to the charge of wasting
HIS SUBSTANCE J sincc, wlicu property is at stake, some men are so
niuch more ready to take the alarm than others, and what one shall
censure as unwarrantable prodigality, another will commend as the
laudable exertion of a social heart, and even the secret dispensations of
melting charity are, when detected, by some transmuted into culpable
profusion ? What is meant by settling an account ?
G. Shall tlio inliabitants of Great Britain be deemed by the gentle,
men of the law, tot illy excluded froui the benefit of the exceptions
referred to in the pri-ce<iing section, and yet their effects here bo liable
to be attached for debts duo to the inliabitants of this Province ?
June 13, 1774. Candour.
Charles Carroll, barrister, John Hall, William Paca,
Samuel Chase, Thovias Johnson, Jun., Matthias Ham-
mond, Thomas Sprigg, Samuel Chew, John Weems,
Thomas Dorset/, Rezin Hammond, and John Hood, Jun.,
be a Committee to attend a general meeting at Annapolis,
and of Correspondence to receive and answer all letters,
and on any emergency to call a general meetins, and that
any six of the number have power to act.
Ordered, That a copy of these Resolves be transmit-
ted to the Committees of the several counties of this Pro-
vince, and be also published in the Maryland Gazette.
By order,
John Duckett, Clerk of Committee.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED AT NEW-YORK.
Philadelphia, June 4, 1774.
I pity our brethren in Boston ; they are very severely
punished ; but some of their friends here, and 1 fear with
you also, are too warm, and to serve them seem willing to
draw us into the same dilemma ; but surely this is not the
way to serve the general cause ; we can be of more use to
our brethren when whole than when broken, and 1 cannot
let go my hopes that we may by a joint petition of our
rights to the Crown, prevent things from going to extremi-
ties, and get Boston restored to the same liberties with the
otlier Colonies ; but some wish to push all things into con-
fusion ; with them I can never join, while any other expe-
dient it left. Our letter to Boston is a moderate one, yet
warm and Jirm enough. You have no doubt seen it, as a
copy was sent to your Committee, who are of our senti-
ments, and I hope will continue cool.
Hartford, Conn., June 4, 1774.
To the Honourable Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., Gover-
nour of the English Colony o/ Connecticut, in New
England, ^c.
May it please your Honour: In your great conde-
scension graciously still please to consider of me ; methinks
1 stand in need of every help and encouragement attain-
able. May it please your Honour to grant unto me my
humble request.
Your Honour doubtless remembers that I made mention
of another recommendation and pass from your Honour,
when I was admitted into your presence, humbly desiring
that it might be more extensive, not confined to one or two
journles, or to one or two years, neither to any particular
place, as I shall be going from one Government unto ano-
ther, sometimes I shall be travelling up and down in this
Government, also in Rhode-Island and York Governments,
and perhaps also in Boston and Hampshire Governments ;
and I know not where else, and in thus travelling it is very
probable that 1 shall see many strangers, and your Honour
knows that the world is full of inquiries. Also I would
inform your Honour that a recommendation and pass from
thee, is a great help to me ; it not only causes the gentle-
men with whom I have to do, to take more notice of me.
but it also recommends me to the respects of my Indian
brethren, and thereby I am rendered more useful, or put
in a capacity of being much more serviceable to my poor
New England brethren, the natives ; and not only this,
but a recommendation from your Honour gives me favour
in the eyes and hearts of the people in general in these
parts, and thereby I am less chargeable in my travels.
But most noble Governour fearing that I have already
wearied your patience, I must draw towards the conclusion.
May it please your Honour graciously to grant unto me
thy favour, with respect of a recommendation and pass at
this time, to save me from further trouble, also to save me
from troubling your Honour any more ; and not only witii
respect to this but also with respect of my petition to your
Honour and to the Honourable Assembly ; if }our Honour
be pleased to grant me thy favour concerning these things,
1 shall think myself happy, and would with all my heart
cheerfully if it was in my jwwer, make your Honour an
amjile satisfaction. But your Honour knows my pitiful
circumstances. So I end still laying at the feet of your
Honour's mercy, and still laying at the feet of the Hon-
FouBTU Series.
25
8S7
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JUNE, 1774.
388
Durable Assembly's mercy ; humbly hopinj; that my ex-
pectations will not altogether perish. 1 am most noble
Governour your Honour's well-wisher and humble Peti-
tioner, Joseph Johnson.
An Indian of the Mohegan Tribe.*
To the Honourable Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., Governour,
and at present at Hartford.
THE EARL OF DUNMORE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Willi.misburg, June 6, 1774.
My Lord : Since the dissolution of the Assembly of
Virginia, but before all the membci-s of the House of
Burgesses had quitted this city, there arrived an express,
despatched from Boston, to the Committee of Correspon-
dence here, as I leani, has likewise been done to all the
other Colonies, to excite and encourage the whole to shut
up the courts of justice against all English creditors, to
join in a general Association against the importing of any
British manufactures, or even exporting any of their own
Droduce to Great Britain, and proposing a Congress of
Deputies from all the Colonies forthwith.
I am really unable to suggest to your Lordship to what
lengths the people of this Colony will be induced to pro-
ceed, further tlian what they have already made manifest
by the order of the House of Burgesses, and subsequent
Association, the copies of which I have already transmitted
to your Lordship; but the part of the late Burgesses re-
maining in town at the arrival of the Boston messenger,
having taken upon themselves to receive despatches, and to
enter into a consideration of their contents, and then to
summon the inhabitants, all above the age of twenty-one,
to appear at an hour they chose to appoint, and to propose
to them to agree to all those violent measures above men-
tioned, which, that they may be more solemnly entered
into, and more generally adopted, they have deferred the
execution of, to a further consideration on the first day of
August next, when all the members that composed the
late House of Burgesses are required to attend ; these cir-
cumstances give too much cause to apprehend that the
prudent views, and the regard to justice and equity, as well
as loyalty and affection, which is publicly declared by many
of the families of distinction here, will avail little against
the turbulence and prejudice which prevails throughout [he
country ; it is, however, at present quiet.
• New-York, December 92. Mr. Johnson, an Indian of the Mohe.
gan tribe, is to preach this evening in the Old Presbyterian Church,
in this city, when a collection is to be raised for him, to defray a con-
siderable expense he has been at, in preparing the way for the romoTal
of this tribe and the remains of six other tribes in that vicinity, who
are chiefly Christians, unto the Oneida country ; an event that pro-
mises the most salutary effects to this Province. His great merit in
this affair, and his deserving character in other respects, are certified in
the most ample manner, by the Governour of a neighbouring Colony,
and he has been encouraged in the prosecution of his design by the
kindness of his Honour, our Lieutenant Governour, several gentlemen
of the Council, the Mayor of this city, and other principal gentlemen.
Mr. Printek : May it please you to give the few following lines a
place in your next Thursday's paper, which may contribute a little to
satisfy the curiosity of your numerous customers, not only in this
renowned city, but elsewhere. And in the doing of which you will
greatly oblige your humble servant, Joseph Johnson,
An Indian of the Mohegan Tribe, in the Colony of Connecticut.
To the Citizens of Nkw-York : With all humility I take this
method, and cheerfully embrace this early opportunity, publicly to
return my grateful thanks to the inliabitants of this city, whoso goner-
OU9 hearts the Lord hath graciously opened and hath moved witli pity
to me-ward, and to my poor Nation, and hath made willing liberally to
contribute out of their abuiulance, for my present r'.dief and future
encouragement. I thank all those generous, fVec hearted, and public
spirited gentlemen and ladies of this city, who have contributed for
my b>neiit, cither in a i>ul>lic or private manner. I thank all those
persons who have treated me with much respect, since my arrival in
this city. Give mo leave to mnko known unto you the resolution of
my heart. My dear friends, if God should see fit to promote me, and
in his providence make mo to bo a man of influence amongst the
Nations that inhabit the Western wildcMiiess, it is the purpose of my
heart, to exert my uttermost, to cultivate and to establish peace,
between his Majesty's loyal subjects and the Indians that border on
your extensive frontiers. And it is the purpose of my heart to instruct
them in the great things of your holy Religion, according to the
knowledge that is graciously allowed to me. And give mo leave to
say, that whatsoever you, my dear friends, have been pleased graciously
to contribute for me, shall by me l)o used with prudence, and with
discretion. But lastly, I shall ever retain in my mind, with a heart
full of love and gratitude, your great kindness to mc-ward. But I
end, I am, my kind benefactors, yours, the public's and the whole
world's well wisher, Joseph Joh.\8on,
An Indian of the Mohegan Tribe, in tlie Colony of Connecticut.
Ukw-Yor?, December 39, 1774,
In the order of the House of Burgesses, which I before
transmitted, your Lordship will observe that the Rev. ilr.
Gwatkin, who was the Professor of Mathematics and Natu-
ral Philosophy in this College, and is now the principal
master of the Grammar School, and who is of a most exem-
plary good character, and great literary abilities, is appointed
to preach the sermon on that occasion ; in justice to whicli
gentleman, I think it necessary to let your lordship know,
that his name was made use of entirely without his know-
ledge, and that he civilly, but with firmness, declined being
employed for sucii a purpose, and which proved no little
mortification to the party who dictated the measure.
I am your Lordship's most obedient humble servant,
DuNMORE.
P. S, The paper which is herewith enclosed is just
come out of the printing office, and contains Resolutions
which the city of Annapolis has entered into, and are the
same which I have already mentioned to your Loidship,
as proposed for this Colony to join in ; but the time that
has been set for the reconsideration of them may possibly
be sufficient to cool the heat of the party, which is now
strenuously endeavouring to establish them. D.
PRINCE WILLIAM (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders, Merchants, and other
Inhabitants of the County of Frince William, and town
of Dumfries, in the Colony of Virginia, at the Court
House of the said County, on Monday, the 6th day of
June, in the year of our Lord 1774.
Resolved, And it is the unanimous opinion of this meet-
ing, that no person ought to be taxed but by his own con-
sent, expressed either by himself or his Representatives ;
and that, therefore, any Act of Pariiament levying a tax
to be collected in America, depriving the people of their
property, or prohibiting them from trading with one another,
is subversive of our natural rights, and contrary to the first
principles of the Constitution.
Resolved, That the city of Boston, in the Massachusetts
Bay, is now suffering in the conmion cause of American
liberty, and on account of its opposition to an Act of the
British Legislature, for imposing a duty upon tea, to be
collected in America.
Resolved, That as our late Representatives have not
fallen upon means sufficiently efficacious to secure to us the
enjoyment of our civil rights and liberties, that it is the
undoubted privilege of each respective county, (as the
fountain of power from whence their delegation arises,) to
take such proper and salutary tneasures as will essentially
conduce to a repeal of those Acts, which the general sense
of mankind, and the greatest characters in the nation, have
pronounced to be unjust.
Resolved, And it is the opinion of this meeting, that
until the said Acts are repealed, all importation to, and
exportation from, this Colony ought to be stopped, except
with such Colonies or Islands in North America as shall
adopt this measure.
Resolved, And it is the opinion of tliis meeting, that the
courts of justice in this Colony ought to decline trying any
civil causes until the said Acts are repealed.
Resolved, That the Clerk of this Committee transmit
copies of these Resolves to both the printers in Annapolis
and Philadelphia, to be published in their Gazettes.
Per order, Evan Williams, Clerk Com'tee.
EXTRACT or A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN BOSTON.
Philadelphia, June 6, 1774.
"Tis urged by some that Boston ought to pay for tlie
tea destroyed tliere. This is to give my reasons why they
should not pay for it.
1st. Dulied tea was prohibited by the general consent
of all North America, for certainly nothing can make
goods more perfectly prohibited than a general protest
against their importation. If this should want fonn of
law, it surely has all the substance of reason that can be
necessary to constitute the most absolute prohibition ; and
if any merchant sends prohibited goods to any port, he
989
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JUNE, 1774.
390
consents to risk the loss of them ; his folly only is to be
pitied.
2d. 1 consider that importation of tea, not as a mercan-
tile concern of the India Company, but as a political me-
dium agreed upon by that Company and the Ministry
together, to force the Tea Duty upon America against
their consent, and therefore the destioiction of it was not,
in the least degree, a malicious design by the Bostonians
to injure the India Company, but a virtuous effort to pre-
serve their own liberties. If a man draws his sword on
me to deprive me of life or liberty, and 1 break his sword,
ought 1 to pay for the sword ? If a man shuts me in his
house to deprive me of my liberty, and I break the door,
ougln 1 to pay for the door ? If I lie an anchor in a
ship, and one sends a fire ship down to bum me, and I sink
the fire ship, ought I to pay for it?
3d. But here is property destroyed which ought to
be paid for ; then, say I, let those sustain the damage who
were the blameable causes of it, and not, by any means,
those who acted from a virtuous necessity, fi-om which they
could not be excused, without breach of that duty they owed
to their country, to themselves, and their posterity.
4th. An action cannot be good or advisable from which
bad consequences and no good ones will necessarily flow
upon a whole country. Paying for the tea will be deemed
repentance, a submission, a retraction of that virtue by
which the liberties of America were asserted and saved,
and the grand scheme to destroy them rendered abortive.
Virtue relinquished, repented of, and given up with shame,
becomes the butt of ridicule for an enemy, and argues a
baseness of soul which even a friend must view with con-
tempt.
I bes; to be free enoun;h to mention another thing which
astonishes me and all your friends, viz : that a number of
reputable jieoplc of Boston, (some say forty, some sixty,)
have humbly addressed Governour Hutchinson, to implore
die mercy of the Ministry on poor Boston. I would deny
this with great bitterness, but I fear I cannot. I should
have thought the late proceedings of Parliament had dumb-
founded every tory in America, but could not have ima-
gined that a single one in Boston could have remained
unconverted. That sort of poor spirited animals must
have wagged their tails, and licked the feet of their des-
pots so long as to have lost the spirit of an ordinary cur, or
they could never do tiiis. To kiss the rod is a submission
that can never be due to any but a righteous chastiser.
Imploring mercy is always a confession of guilt, and to do
this without a conviction of guilt is the most abject conduct
conceivable. And in the case in point, to be really and
sincerely convicted of guilt, is worse ; it is, in principle, to
give up all the liberties of America. Can a Bostonian
compliment a man of Mr. Hutchinson's conduct, whom all
America believes to be the great instrument of your cala-
mities? Can a Bostonian implore his intercession with
your oppressors ; oppressors who have violated the laws of
God to wrong you ; who have deprived you of the wharfs,
landing places, and harbour, which the God of nature, the
obligation of civil contract, and the law of the land, will
conspire to seal to you as your property and right ; who
have vacated the obligations of personal covenants, such as
are contained in bills of lading, charter parties, &.C., and
which the laws of Heaven will oblige the conscience of every
honest man to fulfil ; I say, can the virtue, can the pride
of a Bostonian submit to implore the mercy of such op-
pressors, and that too by soliciting the mediation of their
capital tool of oppression ? I always had an exalted
opinion of the virtue of the Bostonians. I indeed knew
they might suffer, but never once suspected they could
lose their dignity in suffering. Excuse my warm senti-
ments. If they give wounds they are the wounds of a
friend. But 1 lament to tell you this conduct of a few
with you, weakens the hands of your friends, and furnishes
occasion to some to say the Bostonians themselves are
melting away; our support can never save them whilst tliey
want firmness themselves, and whilst they themselves
acknowledge that they suffer for their own faults, and not
for the cause of American liberty. Depend on it, it is
the design of the Southern Colonies to support Boston
with their united strength, to make their cause a common
one; but at the same time they greatly rely on your firmness,
your pi-udence, your virtue, and example in the struggle.
LOWER FREEHOLD (nEW-JERSEy) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
Township of Lower Freehold, in the County of Mon-
mouth, iu New-Jersey, on Monday, the 6th day of June,
1774, after notice given of the time, place, and occasion of
this meeting.
Besolved, That it is the unanimous opinion of this
meeting, that the cause in which the inhabitants of the
town of Boston are now suffering is the common cause of
the whole Continent of North America ; and that unless
some general spirited measures, for the public safety, be
speedily entered into, there is just reason to fear that every
Province may in turn share the same fate with them ; and
that, therefore, it is highly incumbent on them all to unite
in some effectual means to obtain a repeal of the Boston
Port Bill, and any other that may follow it, which shall be
deemed subversive of the rights and privileges of free-born
ATuericans.
And that it is also the opinion of this meeting, that, in
case it shall appear hereafter to be consistent with the
general opinion of the trading towns, and the commercial
part of our countrymen, that an entire stoppage of impor-
tation and exportation from and to Great Britain and the
West Indies, until the said Port Bill and other Acts be
repealed, will be really conducive to the safety and preser-
vation of North America and her liberties, they will yield
a cheerful acquiescence in the measure, and earnestly
recommend the same to all their brethren in this Pro-
vince.
Resolved, moreover. That the inhabitants of this town-
ship will join in an Association with the several towns in the
county, and, in conjunction with them, with the several
counties in the Province, (if, as we doubt not, they see fit
to accede to the proposal,) in any measures that may appear
best adapted to the weal and safety of North America and
all her loyal sons.
Ordered, That John Anderson, Esq., Messrs. Peter
Forman, Ilendriclc Smock, John Forman, and Asher
Holmes, Captain John Covenhoven, and Doctor Nathaniel
Scudder, be a Committee for the township, to join with
those who may be elected for the neighbouring townships
or counties, to constitute a General Committee, for any
purposes similar to those above mentioned ; and that the
gentlemen so appointed do immediately solicit a correspon-
dence with the adjacent towns.
NORWICH (Connecticut) resolutions.
At a very full Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town
of Norwich, in the Colony of Connecticut, legally warned
and convened, in the Town House, on the 6th day of
June, 1774.
The Hon. Jabez Huntingdon, Esq., Moderator.
Voted, That this meeting be adjourned to the Meeting
House, and there immediately opened, that more con-
venient room may be had for the number of people now
assembled.
The meeting was opened at the Meeting House accord-
ingly, when the following Resolves passed, almost unani-
mously.
Voted, That we will, to the utmost of our abilities,
assert and defend the liberties and immunities of British
America ; and that we will co-operate with our brethren in
this and the other Colonies, in such reasonable measures as
shall, in a general Congress, or otherwise, be judged most
proper to relieve us from the burdens we now feel, and
secure us from greater evils we fear will follow from the
principles adopted by the British Parhament respecting
the town of Boston.
Voted, That Captain Jedediah Huntingdon, Christo-
pher Lc^ngivcll, Esq., Dr. Theophilus Rogers, Captain
William Hubbard, and Captain Joseph Trumbull, be a
Standing Committee, for the keeping up a correspondence
with the towns in this and the neighbouring Colonies, and
that they transmit a copy of these votes to the Committee of
Correspondence for the town of Boston.
A true copy of record — attest,
Benj. Huntingdon, Jun., Town Clerk.
391
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JUNE, 1774.
392
£«aex County, N. J^ 7tk June, 1774.
All the Inhabitants of the County of Essex, in New-
Jersey, friends to the Constitution, the liberties and pro-
perties of .(^Hien'ca, are hereby notified and desired to meet
at the Court House, in Ntivnrk, on Saturday, the 11th
of June, instant, at two of the clock in the al'ternoon, to
consult and deliberate, and firmly resolve upon the most
prudent and salutary measures to secure and maintain the
constitutional rights of his Majesty's subjects in America.
It is, therefore, hoped, that from the importance of the sub-
ject, the meeting will be general.
Signed by order, at a meeting of a number of the Free-
holders of the County of Essex, the 7lh day of June, 1774.
John De Hart,
Isaac Ogden.
however different in political sentiment or action, in one
common ruin, gives universal alarm. Deeply impressed
with these sentiments, and at the same time solicitous to
j)reserve peace, order, and tranquillity, we do earnestly en-
treat the Governour to call the Assembly of the Province,
as soon as it can conveniently be done, that they may have
an opportunity, not only to devise measures to compose
and relieve llie anxieties of the people, but to restore that
harmony and peace between the mother country and the
Colonies, wiiich has Ijeen of late so much and so imha|)-
pily interrupted. And your Petitioners shall ever pray, iiic.
Signed by near nine hundred respectable Freeholders,
in and near the City of Philadelphia.
To which his Excellency was pleased to return the An-
swer approved by the Council on yesterday.
Marblehead, June 7, 1774.
We, the subscribers, Merchants and Traders of Marble-
head, do hereby offer to our ojipressed, but much respected
brethren of Boston, and other neighbouring towns thereof,
during the operation of the Act of Parliament, called the
Port Bill, the free use of our stores in this town, reserving
only sufficient room for our own goods and merchandise.
We likewise assure them of our readiness in seeing to the
lading and unlading of their goods in this town, and shall
consider ourselves obliged to them for every opportunity of
thus saving them expense, and showing how much we
sympathize with and respect them. We confidently de-
pend on their patience and resolution, the known charac-
teristics of Bostonians and their neighbours ; and hope
soon to see them relieved from their distress, and the liber-
ties of America founded on a permanent basis by an indis-
soluble Union.
Signed by twenty-eight of the principal Merchants and
Traders.
N. B. Such of us as have wharfs do likewise heartily
and freely give the use of them to our brethren aforesaid,
for landing their goods and merchandise in this place.
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Tuesday, 1th,
oi June, 1774.
Present, the Honourable John Penn, Esq., Governour,
James Hamilton, James Tilghman, Andrcto Allen, Esqrs.
The Governour laid before the Board the copy of a Pe-
tition from sundry Inhabitants of the Province, to call tlie
Assembly, on occasion of the late Act of Parliament, re-
specting the port of Boston, which is to be presented to-
morrow- ; and requested their advice as to a proper answer
to be given \o the same :
Upon which the following Answer was drawn up and
approved :
Gentlemen : Upon all occasions when the peace, order
and tranquillity of the Province require it, 1 shall be ready
to convene the Assembly ; but as that does not appear to
me to be the case at present, 1 cannot think such a step
would be expedient, or consistent with my duty.
Wednesday, June 8. The Petition was presented, and is
in the following words :
To the Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Govemmtr
and Commander-in-chief in and over the Province of
Pennsylvania, &.C., &;c.
The Petition of sundry Inhabitants of the Province of
Pennsylvania, humbly showeth :
That since the recess of the Assembly of tliis Province,
the proceedings of the British Parliament towards Ame-
rica, and particularly an Act lately passed against the town
of Boston, have filled the minds of your petitioners, and
others, tlieir follow-subjects, with deep anxiety and concern ;
that your petitioners appreiiend the design of this Act is
to compel the Americans to acknowledge the right of Par-
liament to impose taxes upon tliem at pleasure ; that the
precedent of condemning a whole town or city unheard,
and involving all its inhabitants, of every age and sex, and
FREDERICK COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitant?
of the County of Frederick, in Virginia, and gentlemen
practising at the bar, held at the town of Winchester, the
8tli day of June, 1774, to consider of the best mode to be
fallen upon to secure their liberties and properties, and
also to prevent the dangerous tendency of an Act of Par-
liament, passed in the fourteenth year of his present Majes-
ty's reign, entitled, " An Act to discontinue in such maii-
" ner, and for such time as are therein mentioned, the huul-
" ing and discharging, lading and shipping of goods, wares,
" and merchandise at the town and within the harbour of
"Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts Bay,\n North
" America, evidently has to invade and deprive us of the
" same."
The Reverend Charles M. Thurston Moderator.
A Committee of the following gentlemen, viz : the Rev-
erend Charles M. Thurston, Isaac Zane, George Bootes,
Angus McDonald, Alexander White, George Johnson,
and Samuel Bealt, 3d, were appointed to draw up Resolves
suitable to the same occasion, who, w ithdrawing for a short
time, returned with the following votes, viz :
Voted, 1st. That we will always cheerfully pay due
submission to sucii Acts of Government as his Majesty has
a right by law to exercise over his subjects, as Sovereign
of the British Dominions, and to such only.
2d. That it is the inlieront riglit of British subjects to
be governed and taxed by Representatives chosen by them-
selves only ; and that every Act of the British Parliament
respecting the internal policy of North America, is a daring
and unconstitutional inviision of our said rights and privi-
leges.
3d. That the Act of Parliament above mentioned is not
only in itself repugnant to die fundamental law of natural
justice, in condemning persons for a supposed crune un-
heard, but also a despotic exertion of unconstitutional power,
calculated to enslave a free and loyal people.
4th. That tlie enforcing the execution of the said Act
of Parliament by a milltaiy power, will have a necessary
tendency to raise a civil war, thereby dissolving that union
which has so long happily subsisted between the mother
country and her Colonics : and that we will most heartily
and unanimously concur with our suffering brethren of
Boston, and every other jiart of North America, tiiat may
be the immediate victims of tyranny, in promoting all pro-
per measures to avert such dreadful calamities, to procure
a redress of our grievances, and to secure our common
liberties.
5th. It is the unanimous opinion of this meeting, tliat a
joint resolution of all the Colonies to slop all importations
from Great Britain, and expoitations to it, till the said
Act shall be repealed, will prove the salvation of North
America and her liberties. On the other jiand, if they
continue their imports and exports, there is the greatest
reason to fear that fraud, {)ower, and the most odious oppres-
sion, will rise triumphant over rigiit, justice, social happi-
ness, and freedom.
6th. That the jE3a«< /«(/«« Company, those servile tools of
arbitrary power, have justly forfeited the esteem and regard
of all honest men ; and that the better to manifest our
abhorrence of such abject compliance with the will of a
venal Ministry, in ministering all in their power an increase
393
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINiGS, he, JUNE, 1774.
394
of the fund of peculation ; we will not purchase tea, or
any other kind of East India commodities either im))orted
now, or hereafier lo be imported, except saltpetre, spices,
and medicinal drugs.
7tli. That it is the opinion of this meeting tliat Com-
mittees ought to be appointed for the purpose of effecting
a general Association, that the same measures may be pur-
sued through the whole Continent. That the Committees
ought to correspond with each other, and to meet at such
places and times as shall be agreed on, in order to form such
General Association, and that when the same shall be
formed and agreed on by the several Committees, we will
strictly adhere thereto ; and till the general sense of the
Continent shall be known, we do pledge ourselves to each
other and our country, that we will inviolably adhere to
the votes of this day.
6th. That Charles M. Thurston, Isaac Zone, Angus
McDonald, Samuel Bcall, 3d, Alexander White, and
George Rootes, be appointed a Committee for the purposes
aforesaid ; and that they, or any three of them, are hereby
fully empowered to act.
Which bemg read, were unanimously assented to and
subscribed.*
COVERNOUR WENTWOKTH TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Extract.
New-Hampsliiro, 8th June, 1774.
In my letter, No. 59, I had the honour to write your
Lordship that the General Assembly of this Province stood
prorogued to the 10th oi May, at which time they met and
proceeded upon business. I took great pains to prevail on
diem not to enter into any extra Provincial measures, yet one
of the members for Portsmouth read in his place the enclos-
ed letter. No. 1 , to the Committee of Correspondence of
Portsmouth, but the House then declined considerincr it.
On Friday, 27th of May, it was moved to appoint Com-
mittees of Correspondence, and, after a warm debate, car-
ried by a majority of two only ; the next morning it was
reconsidered, and carried by a majority of one only, and
passed, as by tlie enclosures, Nos. 2 and 3. Immediately
after this, the Supply Bill was passed and sent up to the
Council ; being withheld, as 1 imagined for time to effect
the other measure. I directly adjourned the Assembly,
and kept them under short adjournments till this day, in
hopes to obtain a suspension of these votes ; but finding
that there were two letters in town for the Speaker, which,
some of those who were most active said, were to a[)point
a Congress of the Colonies, I considered it to be improper
to admit their proceedings, and, therefore, immediately put
an end to the Committees, (who have not as yet wrote or
acted,) and to the Assembly by a dissolution, in a message,
(No. 4, herewith transmitted.) cautiously expressed, in such
general terms, as to prevent any misrepresentations. This
mode of dissolution, after such short adjournments, which
are attended by few members, precluded any meeting of
those persons to contrive undesirable measures, or pursue
those in their private capacity that were attempted as an
Assembly, which was extremely disconcerted, and I hope
will counteract the efforts of those who strive to lead this
Province into combinations with the Massachusetts Bay.
Before the dissolution, all the usual and necessary business
of the Province was completed, so that no detriment can
arise from my delaying to call an Assembly. 1 am in
expectation that a few weeks will convince those who may
be members of the imprudence and errour of measures
that tend to weaken or subvert the subordination of the
Colones.
* On Monday, the Gth instant, tickets were posted up in difFjrent
parts of Frederick ('ounty, Virginia, signed by tlie friends of liberty
requesting the gentlemen, merchants, freeholders, and other inhabitants
of the county to meet at the Court House, on the ensuing Wednesday,
at throe o'clock in the afternoon, to consider of the most proper mea-
sures to prevent the fatal consequences apprehended from the Act of
Parliament mentioned in the votes, and to defend and secure the rights
and liberties oi America. In consequence of which, (though the notice
did not exceed forty-eight hours,) a great concourse assembled at the time
and place appointed. The Court House being too small to contain the
company, they adjourned to the Church, where the above votes were
unanimously argeod to. The general opinion of tlie people there seems
to be, that tlie Boston scheme of non.imjiortation from Great Britain,
and exportation to it, is the only probable means to obtain redress of
our grievances, and show great eagerness that it may bo universally
adopted.
MESSAGE FROM COVERNOUR WENTWOKTH TO THE ASSEM-
BLY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Assembly :
As 1 look upon the measures entered upon by the House
of Assembly to be inconsistent with his Majesty's service,
and the good of tliis Government, it is my duty, as far as
in me lies, to prevent any detriment that might arise from
such proceedings. I do, therefore, hereby dissolve the
General Assembly of this Province, and it is dissolved
accordingly. J, Wentworth.
Portsmouth, June 8, 1774.
Williamsburg, Tunc 9, 1774,
An express arrived in town last night from Pittsburg,
with letters to his Excellency the Governour, from Captain
Conolly, commandant at that place, giving an account that
the Shawanese Indians have openly declared their intention
of going to war with the white people, to revenge the loss
of some of their Nation who have been killed ; that they
had scalped one of the traders, and detained all the rest
who were in tlieir towns ; tliat it was expected the Che-
rokecs would join them, as they had sent a belt last fall to
the Northern Nations to strike the white people, which
had been received by the Shawanese and Wabash Indians;
that the Six Nations postponed their answer till diis spring,
and that there is soon to be a Grand Council in the Lower
Shawanese town, where about seventy Chcroliecs, and a
number of other Indians are to attend, on the subject of
going to war with the English. Sundry parties are now
gone out, by order of Captain Conolly, for the protection
of the inhabitants, and are to assemble at die mouth of
Whaling Creek, in order, if it is judged practicable, to go
against the Upper Shawanese town.
The Delavmres, who profess to be our friends, informed
Captain Conolly that a party of Shateanese were now-
gone against the settlement, and it is imagined they will
fall upon Greenbrier.
All the country about Pittsburg is in a very niinousand
distressed situation, the inhabitants have chiefly fled, and
forted themselves as low as Old Totvn on Potomac
river.
III. TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE BRITISH COLONIES
IN AMERICA.
Philadelphia, Jun3 8, 1774.
Brethren : These are the words of the Declaratory
Act, mentioned in the last letter, " Whereas several of the
" Houses of Representatives in his Majesty's Colonies
" and Plantations in America, have of late, against law,
" claimed to themselves, or to the General Assemblies of
" the same, the sole and exclusive right of imposing duties
" and taxes upon his Majesty's subjects in the said Colo-
" nies and Plantations ; and have, in pursuance of said
" claim, passed certain votes, resolutions, and orders, de-
" rogatory to the Legislative authority of Parliarnent, and
" inconsistent with the dependency of said Colonies and
" Plantations, Sic. ; therefore be it declared, &,e., that the
" said Colonies and Plantations in America, have been,
" are, and of right ought to be, subordinate unto, and
" dependent upon, the imperial Crown and Parliament of
" Great Britain, and diat the King's Majesty, by and
" with the advice and consent of the Lords, spiritual and
" temporal, and Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament
" assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power
" and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force
" and validity to bind the Colonies and people of America,
" subjects of the Crown of Great Briton, in all cases
" whatsoever."
From the crowd of objects, each pressing for attention,
that present themselves to the mind of a British Ameri-
can, on reading this Act, I beg leave to select and particu-
larly mention only two that you, collecting them, and taking
a just view of your present situations, may feel that and
only that resentment, springing from virtue, and guided by
wisdom, which the most worthy and the most peaceable men
must approve.
The resolutions, fee, mentioned in this Act, were those
caused by the Stamp Act. Tliese principal points are
firmly assijrted by them — the exclusive right of taxation,
395
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
396
and tlie right of trial by jury. The Parliament, well
knowing how harsh and jarring it would sound in l^iglish
ears to say the right of trial by jury was '■ derogatory to
" the Legislative authority of Parliament, and inconsistent
" with the dejjendency of the Colonies," planted their most
direct battery against the right of taxation. Common
sense and the experience of all nations, as not a single
instance occure to tiie contrary, convincing them if that
gave way, a general ruin would soon ensue, and all the
rest would follow in the train of the chief, like captive
nobles attending their conquered Prince.
However, not quite satisfied with the slow work of ex-
terminating them in detail, but improving upon an impartial
hint, it was judged fittest, upon the whole, so to consolidate
them, that, as if the British Americans had but " one
neck," a single stroke might despatch millions, by sub-
jecting us at once to the decrees of Parliament in all
cases whatsoever.
NVidely different was the Act of the sixth of George the
First, chapter 5ih, " for the better securing the dependency
" of the Kingdom of Ireland" &c. By that Act, Ireland
was declared " to be subordinate unto, and dejiendent upon
" the Imperial Crown* of Great Britain." Tiiese words,
"and Parliament," are not in it. It is said, indeed, that
" the King, with the advice and consent of the Lords and
" Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled,
" had, and of right out to have, power and authority to
" make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to
" bind the Kingdom and people of Ireland."
Compare the Acts and you will find the Act for Amerita
copied from that of Ireland; but in the last mentioned,
the annihilating words, "in all cases whatsoever," are not
to be found. The people of Irclandhave been for several
centuries bound by English statutes, for regulating their
trade, and for odier purposes, and this statute, therefore,
only asserted the usual authority over them. Tiieir vitals,
the exclusive right of taxation, and the right of trial by
jury, have been preserved. If it was the intention of the
British Parliament to exercise a " power and authority"
over that Kingdom destmctive of these rights, it is not
expressed, it is not implied. Why were the unlimited
words omitted in that Act ? Or why, when the Lords and
Commons were copying a pattern, which their fatliers set
them, did they deform the transcript by such Eastern
flourishes ?
The truth is, the fathers too much revered the English
principles, for which they had been upon the point of shed-
ding their blood in placing their Sovereign upon his throne,
so flagrantly to violate them — or, if their conduct was not
directed by justice, they dared not thus to provoke the
brave, generous inhabitants of that ancient Kingdom.
" Are there yet the treasurers of wickedness in the
" House, and the scant measure that is abominable. The
" rich men thereof are full of violence."
TO p. p. AUTHOR OV THE LETTERS TO THE INHABITANTS
OF THE BRITISH COLONIES IN AMERICA.
Sir : The Declaratory Act, passed by the Parliament
at the time they repealed the Stamp Act, was such a vio-
lation of the Constitution, such an assumption of new
powers, so subversive of liberty, and so destructive of pro-
perly, that it deserves particular observation. That it has
hitherto passed unnoticed is owing to die gratitude and joy
with which America received the repeal of the Stamp
Act. For the same reason the principal on which the
repeal was founded, was suffered to pass without animad-
version ; and the people who claimed the repeal as a
point of equity and right received it with gratitude as a
free gift.
The English Constitution, whose object is liberty, has,
for the preserving of that liberty, and for the security of
property, vested peculiar powers in the different branches
of the Legislature, which are to be exercised for the
* " A tax granted by tlie Parlianmnl of England shaW not bind those
" of Ireland, becauso thoy are not summoned to our Parliani:n>t ;" and
again, " Ireland hath a Parliament of her own, and makotli and
" altcreth laws ; and our statutes do not bind tlieni, because they do
'■ not send Knights to our Parliament. But their persons are the King's
" subjects, like as the inhabitants of Calais, Gascony, and Guienna,
" while they continued under the King's subjection." — Blackstone,
vol. 1, p. 101, /rom the Year Books.
good and safety of the subject. Saliis populi stiprema
est lex. The abuse of these ])owers, or the attempt of one
branch of the Legislature to extend its peculiar powers so
as to abridge those of the others, has been the foundation
of many civil wars and struggles in Britain.
From the earliest period of the English Constitution, it
has ever been deemed the prerogative of the Crown to grant
charters to the subjects, and terms of capitulation to con-
quered countries, who were taken under the Dominion of the
Crown. And the statute of ejuo warrento, eighteenth of
E-lward First, expressly declares that, " illi (pii habent
" chartas regales, seaindum chartas istas et earundem pleni-
" tudinem judicentur." On wliicii statute Lord Coke ob-
serves, " in the first place that as it was enacted, ex spcciafi
" gratia domini regis, 'it binds the King,' and consequent-
" ly in binding the King must also bind his Parliament ; in
" the second ])lace, from the words ' earundem plenitudi-
" nem,' that this statute is to be construed ' as fully and
" beneficially for the charters, as the law was taken at the
" time when charters were granted.' " In the third place
says he, " certainly this ancient statute was a direction to
" the sages of the law for their construction of the King's
" charters, as it appeareth in our books."
On this foundation rests the Declaratory Act respecting
Ireland. When Henry the Second conquered Ireland he
granted the Irish peace, and annexed them to his Crown
on this condition : " That the Kingdom and people of
" Ireland should forever be governed by the same mild
" laws as England was governed." And the statute
passed in the thirty -first of Edward Third, confirms and
renews this charter, by declaring that his Majesty's subjects
in Ireland, being either natives of that Kingdom or English
bom subjects, only resident there, " sint vcri anglici, et
" sub eisdem dcgant domino et rcgimine, et eisdem legi-
" bus ufantur." And hence the Act of the sixth George
First, chapter six, assume no new power, lays no new
restrictions upon his Majesty's good subjects of Ireland,
nor claims any new right, but simply declares, " that the
" King's Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the
" Lords, spiritual and temporal, and Commons of Great
" Britain, in Parliament assembled, hath full power and
" authority to make laws of sufficient force and validity to
" bind the Kingdom and people of Ireland."
Here is no charter violated, no claim of power to deprive
them of property, or levy taxes on them without their con-
sent. Their Parliament, their right and trial by jury, and
of granting supplies to their King in their own way ibr the
support of Government, administration of justice, and
defence of the Kingdom, remain untouched. But the De-
claratory Act passed against America, fiftli of George
Third, in violation of their charters, declares, that the claim
of the Houses of Representatives in his Majesty's Colonies
and Plantations in America, to the sole and exclusive right
of imposing duties and taxes upon his Majesty's subjects
in the said Colonies and Plantations, is against law ; that
the votes, resolutions, and orders, passed in pursuance of
such claim, are derogatory to the Legislative autiiority of
Parliament ; that the said Colonies and Plantations in
America have been, are, and of right ought to be, subordi-
nate unto, and dependent upon, the imperial Crown and
Parliament of Great Britain, and that the King's Majesty,
by and with the advice, Sic, hath, and of right ought to
have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes
of sufficient force and validity to bind the Colonies and
people of America, subjects of the Crown of Great Bri-
tain, in all cases whatsoever. What is this but the high
hand of power to break down the barriers of the Constitu-
tion, and make us tenants at will, of our lives, liberty, and
property.
There was a time when the Crown held lands in Eng-
land, " sacra, jyatrimonia coroner," the annual rent of
which, if now resumed would amount to four millions sterl-
ing. These have been conveyed to subjects, and are nov/
held by virtue of charters from the Crown. If the charia.
regales, or chartered rights of the Colonies can be violated
and annulled by Parliament, what security can the posses-
sors of those lands have for the estates they enjoy ? Let
the Parliament try the experiment on their fellow-subjects
in Great Britain, and judge of the temper and disposi-
tion of the Colonies by the effect such a step will produce
amonjj themselves.
897
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
398
EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS SENT BY THE BOSTON COM-
MITTEE, TO THE PEOPLE OF EVERY TOWN IN THE
PROVINCE, WITH A PAPER WHICH THEY ARE TO SIGN.
Boston, June 8, 1774.
There is but one way tliat we can conceive of to prevent
what is to be deprecated by all good men, and ought by
all possible means to be prevented, viz: the horronrs that
must follow an open rupture between Great Britain and her
Colonies ; or on our part, a subjection to absolute slavery ;
and that is by affecting the trade and interest of Great
Britain so deeply as shall induce her to withdraw her
oppressive hand. There can be no doubt of our succeed-
ing to the utmost of our wishes, if we universally come into
a solenm league not to import goods from Great Britain,
and not to buy any goods that shall hereafter be imported
from thence, until our grievances shall be redressed. To
these, or even to the least of these shameful impositions,
we trust in God our countrymen never will submit.
We have received such assurances from our brethren in
every part of the Province, of their readiness to adopt such
measures as may be likely to save our country, and that
we have not the least doubt of au almost universal agree-
ment for this purpose ; in confidence of this, we have drawn
up a form of a covenant to be subscribed by all adult
persons of both sexes ; which we have sent to every town
in the Province, and that we might not give our enemies
time to counteract us, we have endeavoured that every
town should be furnished with such a copy on or before the
fourteenth day of this month, and v.'e earnestly desire that
you would use your utmost endeavours that the subscrip-
tion paper may be filled up as soon as possible, so that they
who are in expectation of overthrowing our liberties, may
be discouraged from prosecuting their wicked designs ; as
we look upon this, the last and only method of preserving
our land from slavery without drenching it with blood ;
may God prosper every undertaking which tends to the
salvation of this people. We are, &ic.
Signed by order and in behalf of the Committee of Cor-
respondence for Boston. William Cooper, Clerk.
FORM of a covenant SENT TO EVERY TOWN IN
MASSACHUSETTS.
We the subscribers, inhabitants of the town of ***** *
having taken into our serious consideration the precarious
state of the liberties of North America, and more especial-
ly the present distressed condition of this insulted Province,
embarrassed as it is by several Acts of the British Padia-
ment, tending to the entire subversion of our natural and
charter rights ; among which is the Act for blocking up the
harbour of Boston. And being fully sensible of our indis-
pensable duty to lay hold on every means in our power to
preserve and recover the much injured Constitution of our
country ; and conscious at the same time of no alternative
between the horrours of slavery, or the carnage and deso-
lation of a civil war, but a suspension of all commercial
intercourse with the Island of Great Britain, do, in the
presence of God, solemnly and in good faith, covenant and
engage with each other:
1st. That from henceforth we will suspend all com-
mercial intercourse with the said Island of Great Britain,
until the said Act for blocking up the said harbour be
repealed, and a full restoration of our charter rights be
obtained. And
2d. That there may be the less temptation to others to
continue in the said, now dangerous commerce, we do in
like manner solemnly covenant, that we will not buy, pur-
chase, or consume, or suffer any person, by, for, or under
us, to purchase or consume, in any manner whatever, any
goods, wares, or merchandise, which shall arrive in America
from Great Britain aforesaid, from and after the lust day
of August next ensuing. And in order as much as in us
lies, to prevent our being interrupted and defeated in this
only peaceable measure entered into for the preservation
and recovery of our rights, we agree to break off all trade,
commerce, and dealings whatever with all persons, who,
preferring their own private interest to the salvation of their
own perishing country, shall still continue to import goods
from Great Britain, or shall purchase of those who do
import, and never to renew any commerce or trade with
them.
And, whereas the promoting of industry, economy, arts
and manufactures among ourselves is of the last importance
to the civil and religious welfare of a community: we
engage,
3d. That from and after the first day of October next
ensuing, we will not by ourselves, or any for, by or under
us, purchase or use any goods, wares, manufactures, or
merchandise, whensoever or howsoever imported from
Great Britain, until the harbour q{ Boston shall be opened,
and our charter rights restored.
And last. As a refusal to come into any agreement
which promises the deliverance of our country from the
calamities it now feels, and which like a torrent are rushing
upon it with increasing violence, must evidence a disposi-
tion inimical to, or criminally negligent of, the common
safety, we agree, that after this covenant has been offered
to any person, and they refuse to sign it, we will consider
them in the same light as contumacious importers, and
withdraw all commercial connections with them forever,
and publish their names to the world.
Witness our hands, June — , 1774.
ADDRESS OF MERCHANTS AND OTHERS, OF THE TOWN OF
BOSTON, TO GOVERNOUR GAGE, PRESENTED AT SALEM,
JUNE 8, 1774.
May it please your Excellency :
We esteem it not one of the least consolations to this
Province, in this day of its distress, that his Majesty
hath been pleased to appoint to the head of it, a gentle-
man of your Excellency's known ability, steadiness, and
moderation. The long command which you have held in
another department in America, in which you have dis-
played every good quality of the heart and mind, gives
us the most favourable hopes of your future administration ;
and makes us the less regret the parting with our late
worthy Governour, whose wise and faithful administration
hath given us the most entire satisfaction.
We therefore, merchants, traders and others, of the town
of Boston, for ourselves, do now wait on your Excellency
to pay you our hearty congratulations on your arrival at
the metropolis, to acknowledge our gratitude to our
Sovereign for his gracious appointment of you to the head
of this Province at this very important conjuncture ; and
to give you our firm assurances that we will do every thing
in our power, in our respective stations, to promote peace
and good order, and to make your administration easy and
happy.
We cannot well express to your Excellency the distress of
mind we feel at the approaching calamity, which will soon
overwhelm the town o{ Boston, particularly the trading
part of it, by the operation of a late Act of Parliament
for shutting up the harbour.
The real miseries which this will occasion to our fellow-
townsmen cannot well be conceived. A mind like your
Excellency's, fraught with tenderness and humanity will
anticipate our sufferings ; and requires a description of the
evil, to prompt you to a ready exertion of all your interests
to avert or remove it.
We could wish a discretionary power had been lodged
with your Excellency to restore the trade to its usual
course immediately on the Act being fully complied with ;
but as the Act stands, being only to be repealed by his
Majesty in Council, on your Excellency's favourable rep-
resentation of us, it will take so much time before it can
be effected, as will involve us in unspeakable misery, and,
we fear, total ruin. Making restitution to the East hulia
Company for damage done to the persons and property of
individuals among us, by the outrage of rash and inconside-
rate men, we look upon to be quite equitable; and we, -
who have ever disavowed all lawless violences, do bear
our testimony against them, and particulariy against that
action which we suppose to be the immediate cause of our
heavy chastisement, are willing to pay our proportions
whenever the same can be ascertained, and the mode of
laying it determined on. As soon as compensation shall
be made, and all other terms of the Act complied with,
we have no doubt your Excellency will make such favour-
able representations of our case to his Majesty in Council,
as that he may be graciously pleased to restore us to his
Royal favour.
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400
We sincerely wish that all your Excellency's endea-
vours to promote peace and the general tranquillity of the
Province may meet with success ; and we promise to
ourselves that the whole of your administration will be
such as may claim tlie warmest testimonies of gratitude
from the people, and the approbation of your Royal
master.
Signed by one hundred and twenty-seven of the Inhabi-
tants, inclu'ling those who signed the Address to Govcr-
tiour Hutchinson.
Silem, June 8, 1774.
HIS excellency's answer.
Gentlemen : You will accept my thanks for your polite
Address, and kind congratulations on my arrival in this
Province ; and be assured that 1 receive tiie greatest satis-
faction, that so respectable a body liave testified an open
disavowal of the lawless violences that have been com-
mitted in the town o{ Boston.
I sincerely condole you on the distresses that many
must feel on this occasion of siiuttlng up tlie port, and shall
rejoice in being afforded an early opportunity to make such
representation as may tend to their relief; but you will
believe that no discretionary power is lodged with me.
It is greatly to be wished for the good of the coinmunity
in general, tliat those in whose hands power is vested,
should use the most speedy method to fulfil the King's
expectations, and fix the mode to indemnify the East India
Company, and others who iiave suffered ; which could not
fail to extricate the citizens of Boston out of the difficulties
in which they are involved, with as little delay as the
nature of them will admit, and lay a foundation for that
harmony between Great Britain and the Colony, which
every considerate and good man must wish to see esta-
blished ; and nothing shall b& wanting on my part to
accomplish an end so desirable.
Sjlom, June 8, 1774.
MASSACHUSETTS GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The honourable House of Representatives, before they
proceeded to business in Salem, on Wednesday , 8th June,
1774, came into the following Resolutions, and ordered
the same to be entered on their Journals, viz :
Resolved, That by the Royal Charter of this Province,
the power of convening, proroguing, and adjourning the
Great and General Court of Assembly from time to time,
is vested in the Governour, to be exercised as he shall
judge necessary and for the good of the people. Therefore,
Resolved, Tiiat it is clearly the opinion of this House,
that whensoever the Governour of this Province doth con-
vene or hold the General Assembly at any time or place
unnecessarily, or merely in obedience to an instruction,
and without exercising that judgment and discretion of his
own, with which by Charier he is specially vested for the
good of the Province, it is manifestly inconsistent with
the letter as well as the intention and spirit of the
Charter.
Resolved, That the town of Boston haih, from the
earliest times of this Province, been judged, and still is on
various accounts, the most convenient place for holding the
General Assembly ; and accordingly, ample provision is
there made for the accommodation of the said General
Assembly, at a very great expense to the people of this
Province.
Resolved, As tiie clear opinion of this House, that the
General Assembly cannot be removed from its ancient seat,
the Court House in Boston, and held in any other place,
without great aud manifold inconveniences to the members
thereof, and injury and damage of those who have neces-
sary business to transact with the said General Assembly ;
many of which inconveniences have been clearly stated,
and expressed by former Houses of Representatives, as
appear by their Journal.
Resolved, That this House can see no necessity for the
removal of the General Assembly from its ancient and only
convenient place, the Court House in Boston, to the town
of Sakm ; and the removal of the said Assembly from the
Court House in Boston without necessity, is at all times
considered to be a very great grievance.
On Thursday, June 9, 1774, a Committee of the House
of Representatives waited on the Governour with the fol-
lowing Answer to his Speech at the opening of the
Session.
" May it please your Excellency :
" Your Speech to both Houses of the General Assembly,
at the opening of this Session, has been read and con-
sidered w ith ail due attention in the House of Represen-
tatives.
" Your Excellency has therein signified to us, that his
Majesty has been pleased, ' to appoint you Governour
' and Captain General of his Province of Massachusetts
' Bay ; and that your connnission has been read and
' published.' We congratulate your Excellency on your
safe arrival, and honour you in the most exalted station in
this Province ; and confiding in your Excellency tliat you
will make the known Constitution and Charter of the Pro-
vince the rules of your administration, we beg leave to
assure you that nothing on our part shall be wanting that
may contribute to render the same easy and happy to
yourself, and to aid your Excellency in promoting the
prosperity of his Majesty's Government, and the welfare
of our Constitution. And we thank your Excellency for
the assurances you are pleased to give of your concurrence
with us therein.
" It gives us pain to be informed by your Excellency,
that you have the King's particular commands for holding
the General Court at Salem, ' from the first day of this
' instant June, until his Majesty shall have signified his
' Royal will and pleasure for holding it again at Boston.'
We are entirely at a loss for the cause of this command,
as we cannot conceive any public utility arising from it,
and both we and our constituents are now suffering the
inconvenience of it.
" The removal of the Assembly from the Court House in
Boston, its ancient and only convenient seat, has very
lately given great discontent to the good people of this
Province ; and we cannot but think that misrepresentations
from persons residing in this Province, have induced his
Majesty's Ministers to advise his Majesty to lay your Ex-
cellency under an injunction whereby the people are In
this instance deprived of the benefit of that discretionary
power which is vested in the Governour by Charter, and
has been exercised by former Governours, of determining
in such cases for the good of the Province.
" We confide, however, in your Excellency's imparti-
ality and justice, that the true state of this Province, and
the character of his IMajesty's subjects in it ; their loyalty
to their Sovereign ; their affection for the parent country,
as well as their invincible attachments to their just rights
and liberties, will be laid before his jMajesty ; and we hope
by these means your Excellency will be the happy instru-
ment of removing the displeasure of his Majesty, and
restoring harmony, which has too long been interrupted by
the artifices of designing men.
" Your Excellency has laid no particular business before
us, excepting the supply of tlie Treasury for the support
of Government for tiie ensuing year, to which we shall
give our immediate attention, as also to any other matters
} our Excellency may please to lay before us, and give tliat
despatch to public business, which the manifold and great
inconvenience of our present situation will admit."
In Council. June 9, 1774.
Ordered, That Jeremiah Powell, William Sever, and
Jedediah Preble, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on his
Excellency the Governour with the following Address, in
answer to his Speech at the opening of the present Gene-
ral Court. Thomas Flucker, Secretary.
" To his Kicelltncy Thomas Gage, Esq.. Captain-Gen-
eral and Governour-in-chief of the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, fyc. ifc.
" The Address of the Council of the said Province :
" May it please your Excellency:
" Your Speech to the two Houses at the ojiening of
.this Session has been duly considered by this Board.
" His Majesty having been pleased to appoint you to the
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CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
402
Government of this Province, we take this opportunity to
wait on you with our congratulations on that occasion.
" Your Excellency has arrived at a juncture when the
harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies is
greatly interrupted, whereby your station, though elevated,
must needs be rendered less agreeable to you tiian it would
have been ; but if you should be the happy instrument of
restoring in any measure that harmony, and of extricating
the Province from their present embarrassments, you will
doubtless consider these happy effects as more than a
compensation for any inconveniences arising to you from
the peculiar circumstances of the times. His Majesty's
faithful Council on all occasions will cheerfully co-operate
with your Excellency in every attempt for accomplishing
those desirable ends.
" We wish your Excellency every felicity ; the greatest
of a political nature, both to yourself and the Province is,
that your administration in the principles and general
conduct of it may be a happy contrast to those of your
two immediate predecessors. It is irksome to us to censure
any one, but we are constrained to say there is the greatest
reason to apprehend that from their machinations (both in
concert and apart) are derived the origin and progress of
the disunion between Britain and the Colonies, and the
present distressed state of this Province — a Province to
which the latter of them, in an especial manner, owed his
best services, and whose liberties and rights he was under
every obligation of duty and gratitude to support.
" Tlie inhabitants of this Province claim no more tlian
the rights of Englishmen, without diminution or ' abridg-
ment ;' these, as it is our indispensable duty, so it shall be
our constant endeavour to maintain to the utmost of our
power, in perfect consistence, however, with the truest
loyalty to the Crown; the just prerogatives of which your
Excellency will ever find this Board zealous to support.
" Permit us, sir, on this occasion, to express the firmest
confidence that, under their present grievances, the people
of this Province will not in vain look to your Excellency
for your paternal aid and assistance ; and, as the great end
of Government is the good of the people, that your expe-
rience and abilities will be applied to attain that end ; the
steady pursuit of which, at the same time it insures their
confidence and esteem, will be a source of the truest enjoy-
ment, self-approbation.
" We thank your Excellency for the assurance you
have given ' that you shall with pleasure concur with the
' two Houses to the utmost of your power in all mattei-s
' that tend to the welfare and prosperity of the Province ;'
and your Excellency may be assured that we shall contri-
bute every thing on our part to promote measures of so
salutary a tendency."
June \Ath, 1774. The Committee appointed to present
the foregoing Address, waited on his Excellency therewith
yesterday, and read as far as that part which reflects on
tiie administration of his Excellency's two immediate pre-
decessors, when he desired the Chairman not to proceed
any further, and that he would assign his reasons for re-
fusing to receive it, in a Message to the Council ; and on
the same day sent by his Secretary the following Message :
" Gentlemen of the Council :
" I cannot receive an Address which contains indecent
reflections on my predecessors who have been tried and
honourably acquitted by the Lords of the Privy Council,
and their conduct approved by the King.
" I consider this Address as an insult upon his Majesty,
and the Lords of his Privy Council, and an affront to
myself. T. Gage."
with our most respectful congratulations on your arrival in
this place.
We are deeply sensible of his Majesty's paternal care
and affection to this Province, in the appointment of a
person of your Excellency's experience, wisdom, and
moderation, in these troublesome and difficult times.
We rejoice that this town is graciously distinguished for
that spirit, loyalty, and reverence for the laws, which is
equally our glory and happiness.
From that public spirit and warm zeal to promote the
general happiness of men, which marks the great and
good, we are led to hope under your Excellency's admin-
istration for every thing that may promote the peace,
prosperity, and real welfare of this Province.
We beg leave to commend to your Excellency's patron-
age the trade and commerce of this place, which, from a
full protection of the liberties, persons, and properties of
individuals, cannot but flourish.
And we assure your Excellency we will make it our
constant endeavours by peace, good order, and a regard for
the laws, as far as in us lies, to render your station and
residence easy and happy.
Signed by forty-eight persons.
HIS EXCELLENCY S ANSWER.
ADDRESS OF MERCHANTS AND OTHERS, INHABITANTS OF
SALEM, TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOUR GAGE, ON
SATURDAY, JUNE 11, 1774.
To his Excellency Thomas Gage, Esq., Captain-General,
Govemour and Commander-in-chief, of the Province
of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, and Lieu-
tenant-General of his Majesty's Forces :
May it please your Excellency :
We, Merchants and others, Inliabitants of the ancient
town of Salem, beg leave to approach your Excellency
Fourth Series. 26
Gentlemen : I thank you for this very kind Address,
and your obliging congratulations on my arrival at this
place. The favourable sentiments you are pleased to
entertain of me are extremely flattering, and merit my
warmest acknowledgments.
I doubt not that you will continue to cherish that spirit
of loyalty and reverence to the laws that has distinguished
the ancient town of Salem. And no attention or protec-
tion shall be wanting on my part to encourage such
laudable sentiments, which cannot fail to increase your
trade and commerce, and render you a happy and flour-
ishing people.
HARFORD county (maRYLANd) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a very considerable and respectable
body of the Inhabitants of Harford County, Maryland,
on the 11th of June, 1774.
AquiLA Hall, Chairman.
1st. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting
that the town of Boston is now sufiering in the common
cause of America, and that it is the duty of every Colony
to unite in the most effectual constitutional means to obtain
a repeal of the late Act of Parliament for blocking up the
harbour and port of Boston.
2d. Resolved, That therefore we will join in an Asso-
ciation with the other counties of this Province, on oath,
not to export to, or import from. Great Britain, any kind
of produce or merchandise after such a day as the Com-
mittees of the several counties at their general meeting
shall fix, until the repeal of the Boston Port Act.
3d. Resolved, That we will deal with none of the West
India Islands, Colony or Colonies, person or persons
whatsoever residing therein, who shall not enter into simi-
lar resolves with a majority of the Colonies within such
time as the General Committees of this Province shall
agree, but hold him or them as an enemy or enemies to
American liberty.
4th. Resolved, Tliat we will join in an Association with
the other counties, to send relief to the poor and distressed
inhabitants of Boston, to enable them firmly to persevere
in defence of the common cause.
5th. Resolved, That the merchants ought not to advance
the price of their goods, but sell them as they intended
had not these Resolves been entered into.
6th. Resolved, That the gentlemen of the law ought to
bring no suit for the recovery of any debt due from any
inhabitant of this Province, to any inhabitant of Great
Britain, or this, or any other Colony, until the said Act
be repealed, except in such cases where the debtor is
guilty of wilful delay in payment, having ability to pay,
or is about to abscond or remove his effects, or is wasting
his substance, or shall refuse to settle his account by
giving his bond on interest, (or security if required) which
fiict or facts are to be made appear to some neighbouring
Magistrate, and certified under his hand.
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404
7th. Resolved, That tlie following gentlemen, viz: Rev.
JiVliam West, Messrs. Afjuila Hall, likharil Dallum,
Thomas Bond, son of Thomas, John Love, Captain John
Paca, Benedict Edw. Hall, Benjamin Rumietj, Nathan-
iel Giles, and Jacob Bond, be a Connnittee to meet the
Committees of the other counties of this Province, to
consult and agree on the most effectual means to preserve
our constitutional rights and liberties, and to promote the
union and harmony between Great Britain and her Colo-
nies, on which their preservation depends. And that the
same gentlemen, • together with the following. Captain
John Matthews, Captain William Smith, Doctor John
Archer, William Young, Abraham Whitaker, William
Webb, Amos Garret, George Bradford, John Rumsey,
Jeremiah Sheredine, William Smithson, William Bond,
son of Joshua, Isaac Webster, and Alexander Cowan, be
a Committee of Correspondence, and on any emergency
to call a general meeting, and that any six of them have
power to act.
Signed per order, of the Committee.
Joseph Butler, Cleric.
FREDERICK COUNTY (mARYLANd) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a respectable and numerous body of
the Freemen of the lower part of Frederick County, at
Charles Hungerford's tavern, on Saturday, the 11th day
of June, 1774.
Mr. Henry Griffith, Moderator.
1. Resolved, unanimously. That it is the opinion of this
meeting that the town of Boston is now suffering in the
common cause of America.
2. Resolved, unanimously, That every legal and consti-
tutional measure ought to be used by all America for
procuring a repeal of the Act of Parliament for blocking
Lip the harbour of Boston.
3. Resolved, unanimously. That it is the opinion of this
meetin'T that the most effectual means for the securins;
American freedom, will be to break off all commerce with
Gi-eat Britain and the West Indies, until the said Act be
repealed, and the right of taxation given up, on permanent
principles.
4. Resolved, unanimously. That Mr. Henry Grijlth,
Doctor Thomas Sprigg Wooiton, Nathan Magruder,
Euan Thomas, Richard Brooke, Richard Thomas, Zadock
Magruder, Doctor William Baker, Thomas Cramphin,
Jan., and Allen Bowie, be a Committee to attend the
General Committee at Annapolis, and of Correspondence
for the lower part of Frederick County, and that any six
of them shall have power to receive and communicate
intelUgence to, and from, the neigiibouring Committees.
5. Resolved, unanimously. That a copy of these our
sentiments, be immediately transmitted to Annapolis, and
inserted in the Maryland Gazette.
Signed per order,
Archibald Orme, Clerk.
ESSEX COUNTY (nEW-JERSEy) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the County of Essex, in the Province of New-Jersey, at
Newark, in the said County, on Saturday, the 11th day
cf June, 1774.
This meeting taking into serious consideration some late
alarming measures adopted by the British Parliament for
depriving his Majesty's American subjects of their undoubt-
ed and constitutional rights and principles ; and particu-
larly the Act for blockading the port of Boston, which
appears to them pregnant with the most dangerous conse-
quences to all his Majesty's Dominions in America ; do
unanimously resolve and agree :
1. That under the enjoyment of our constitutional pri-
vileges and immunities we will ever cheerfully render all
due obedience to the Crown of Great Britain, as well as
full faith and allegiance to his most gracious Majesty King
George the Third ; and do esteem a firm dependence on
the mother country essential to our political security and
happiness.
2. That the late Act of Parliament relative to Boston,
which so absolutely destroys every idea of safety and
confidence, appears to us big with the most dangerous and
alarming consequences ; especially as subversive of that
very dependence which we should earnestly wish to conti-
nue, as our best safeguard and protection : And that we
conceive every well-wisher to Great Britain and her
Colonies is now loudly called upon to exert his utmost
abilities in promoting every legal and pnidential measure
towards obtaining a repeal of tlie said Act of Parliament ;
and all others subversive of the undoubted rights and
liberties of his Majesty's American subjects.
3. That it is our unanimous opinion, that it would
conduce to the restoration of the liberties of America
should the Colonies enter into a joint agreement, not to
purchase or use any articles of British manufacture ; and
especially any commodities imported from the East Indies,
under such restrictions as may be agreed upon by a
general Congress of the said Colonies liereafter to be
appointed.
4. That this county will most readily and cheerfully
join their brethren of the other counties in this Province,
in promoting such Congress of Deputies, to be sent from
each of the Colonies, in order to form a general plan of
union, so that the measures to be pursued for the impor-
tant ends in view may be uniform and firm ; to which
plan when concluded upon we do agree faithfully to adhere.
And do now declare ourselves ready to send a Committee,
to meet .with those from tlie other counties, at such time
and place, as by them may be agreed npon, in order to
elect proper persons to represent this Province in the said
general Congress.
5. That the freeliolders and inhabitants of the other
counties in this Province be requested speedily to convene
themselves together, to consider the present distressing state
of our public affairs ; and to correspond and consult with
such other Committees, as may be appointed, as well as
with our Committee, who are hereby directed to correspond
and consult with such other Committees, as also with
those of any other Province ; and particularly to meet
with the said County Committees, in order to nominate and
appoint Deputies to represent this Province in general
Congress.
6. We do hereby unanimously request the following
gentlemen to accept of that trust ; and accordingly do
appoint them our Committee for the purposes aforesaid,
viz : Stephen Crane, Henry Garritse, Joseph Riggs,
William Livingston, William P. Smith, John De Hart,
John Chetwood, Isaac Ogden, and Elias Boudinot,
Esquires.
EXTRACT or A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK.
Norwich, (in England,) June 13, 1774.
What a scene of misery and distress are the pernicious
measures of Administration disclosing in this city 1 The
cries of thousands of poor journeymen weavers, and the
clamour of their unemployed mastei-s, with all their
numerous dependants of con)bers, dyers, hot-pressers, Sic,
will ere long reach the ears of the weak, tyrannic Ix)rd
that occasioned them, and make his name and memory as
odious in Europe as in America. Every manufacturer in
the home trade, who, at this time of the year used to re-
ceive prodigious orders for coarse camblets, calliinancoes,
and black and white crapes, from the ware-houses in
London for the Colonies, are now entirely at a stand ; and
when business in the foreign houses decline, our work-
houses will be crowded with paupers, and the poor-rates
become insupportably high, and numberless families become
destitute of bread. It is not many months since a petition
was presented to Parliament, by our worthy members, Sir
Harbord Harbord, and Edward Bacon, Esquire, setting
forth the decay of trade, and the hardships we labour
under. But alas ! how does a Prime Minister regard the
misfortunes he heaps upon others. Instead of protecting
and encouraging our commerce, he has taken the most
direct means to diminish and destroy it; and for what?
To execute his avowed and secret designs, and to gratify
his pride, his folly, and his resentment. Because a licen-
tious rabble in Boston destroyed a dutied article, which
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CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JUNE, 1774.
406
one of the wisest men in this nation has proved ought not to
have been taxed, and which would not have been destroyed,
if the ships that carried it had not obstinately persisted
in landing it ; for that reason, I say, a whole city, a whole
Province, must suffer all the dreadful effects of Ministerial
vengeance. The worthy magistrate, the innocent merchant,
the honest tradesman, the well disposed poor, all, all must
be treated with the most unexampled, the most diabolical
rigour, for the outrage of a few, have, like the city of
London, their humble petitions and just remonstrances
ridiculed and disregarded ; their Charter violated ; their
ports blocked up ; their trade removed ; their inhabitants
dragged three thousand miles for trial ; and to complete the
tragedy and their slavery, a military Governour and troops
sent over to enforce the Ministerial mandate. Excellent
measures these to stir up a civil war at liome ; compel the
exasperated Americans to take up arms, and to ruin the
trade of the mother country. But whatever gratification
sucii measures may afford to a wrong headed, deluded
Minister, they are highly offensive to unemployed and
impoverished manufacturers, whose business is their depen-
dence and support, and who are too sensible of the loss,
not to curse those who would deprive them and their
posterity of it. Happy is it for Lord North that he is not
a tradesman, lamenting for orders, and distressed for re-
mittances. Unhappy for him that the Kingdom at large
condemn his American measures, and are ashamed of his
conduct. In a word, pensioners may flatter, and levees
may applaud ; but it is too clear, that unless he conciliate
the esteem of the Colonies by a repeal of the cruel destruc-
tive laws he has framed, and restore the trade he has taken
away, that he will kindle a flame he will find himself
unable to quench, and load himself with the execrations
not only of innumerable poor diat may be deprived of
employment in the manufactory of this city, Birmingham,
Sheffield, and Yorkshire, but those of every sensible and
spirited person in the Kingdom.
Williameburg, June 16, 1774.
On Monday evening last, the 13th instant, an express
arrived in this city from Hampshire, with letters from
Colonel Abraham Hite, residing there, to his Excellency
our Governour, which give us fresh assurances of the
determined resolution of the Indians to declare war against
us. It would be needless to expatiate with respect to the
distresses of the inhabitants in many of the back parts of
this Colony, as their situation must be sufficiently obvious
to every one who has attended to the many late accounts
of the barbarity of the Indians towards them. Colonel
Hite reports, that he has received intelligence from Cheet
River, upon which he can depend, that on the 4th instant
some people going to or by the house of one William
Speir, they discovered him, his wife, and four children
murdered and scalped, with a broad-axe sticking in the
man's breast, and his wife lying on her back, entirely
naked. At another place they found a man's coat, with a
number of bullet holes in it ; and a child murdered close
by the same. The cattle they have likewise killed ; in
short, the outrages committed by these barbarians are
hardly credible ; and, we are told, that scarce a day
happens but some cruelty or other is committed. Colonel
Hite declares, that altliough he resided there during the
two last wars, he never saw greater consternation and
distress among the people than is at this time.
Philadelpliia, Monday, June 13, 1774.
On Tlmrsday evening last, June 9th, about twelve hun-
dred Mechanics of this city and suburbs, assembled at the
State House, to hear a letter and other papers read from
the Mechanics of the City of New- York, and to form such
resolutions as should be judged proper for their future
conduct at this most alarming and critical time, when
American liberty is so deeply wounded, and her rights so
unjustly invaded by levying taxes on us without our
consent, for the purpose of raising a revenue ; and for
refusing payment of those illegal taxes, blocking up with
divers ships of war the port and town of Boston, thereby
most unjustly depriving that once flourishing town of its
whole trade ; the inhabitants of their private property ; and
the labouring poor of the means of subsisting themselves
and families. These proceedings of the parent State
against her American children, call aloud upon all Ameri-
cans to assemble, consult, and determine firmly to pursue
such measures for their own and neighbours future security,
as shall be judged most likely to avert the present calamity,
and secure to them the perfect enjoyment of their liberties
and properties upon a fixed and lasting foundation; for
which purpose, the Mechanics of this city did propose, and
intend at this meeting to form such resolutions to co-operate
with the Committee of Merchants, and to strengthen their
hands, as will convince the world Americans were bom
and determine to live free, and that they never will be
slaves ; that liberty is their birthright : they cannot, they
will not give it up. But since the sending out the hand-
bills for calling this great assembly, information was
received that the present Committee have sent expresses
to all the Southern Colonies for their advice wi this alarm-
ing occasion, and returns to those expresses are expected
in a very few days ; that the Committee had determined
to call a general meeting of all the inhabitants in the city
and county, to be held here next Wednesday, the 15th
instant, at three o'clock in the afternoon, then to chose
one Grand Joint Committee, to represent the whole inhabi-
tants of this city and county, to correspond with the Com-
mittees of the neighbouring Provinces, and to adopt such
measures to be pursued by all, as their united wisdom shall
direct ; wherefore it is judged best at present to omit going
into particular resolutions, or appointing a particular Com-
mittee to represent the Mechanics, as the grand general
meeting is so near at hand.
As it was judged there would not be sufficient time to
give proper notice to the county, it was agreed on Saturday
last by the Committee and a number of the most respect-
able inhabitants called to advise on the present oc<;asion,
that the general meeting be postponed to Saturday next,
at or near the State House, at three o'clock, P. M., at
which time and place the inhabitants of this city and
county, qualified to vote for Representatives, are desired
to attend, in order to take into their consideration certain
propositions prepared to be laid before them.
GEORGE CI^YMEK TO JOSIAH QUINCY, JK.
Philadelphia, June 13, 1774.
Dear Sir: The business I have been engaged in,
almost ever since I had the pleasure of seeing you, has in
a great measure prevented me from improving a friendship
and correspondence in which I expected the greatest satis-
faction.
Knowing how much you have at heart the welfare of
your country — the character you sustain, and your circle
of connexions — any information from you respecting the
true springs and motives of action in your people on many
late occasions, would have been extremely agreeable to
me, feeling myself much interested in every thing that
can affect them.
I have ever been the advocate for the political conduct
of the people of Boston, wherever it has been made the
subject of conversation; but manners dissimilar to those of
many of the more Southern Colonies, and perhaps, some
other causes, have most undoubtedly contributed to fix
prejudices, which nothing but a clear knowledge of circum-
stances can possibly remove.
I sincerely believe that fair representations of things
would always have freed them from any suspicions of an
impatience of good order, and of just authority. Those
among us of the most enlarged sentiments, and who have
elevated ideas of liberty, are unwilling to censure any
irregularities, or even extravagances, which a zeal for her
cause may have produced ; but narrow minds can scarcely
in any case, be brought to approve, where domestic econ-
omy and good order seemed to be disturbed. I would
willingly hope that the number of such shortsighted cen-
surers are diminished, and that the distress now so unjust-
ly inflicted upon the town of Boston, has fixed their
attention more upon the danger which so fatal a precedent
407
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, JUNE, 1774.
4QS
has made common to all the Amtricans. At present, I
believe this to be the case, and that almost every one
amongst us sees the necessity of ciiecking the progress that
arbitrary power is making.
Would to God your rehef could be speedily effected by
the means pointed out by the vote of your town ; but tlie
minds of men, at least in two of the principal Colonies,
cannot yet be brought to combat with the most powerful
principle in human nature : I mean self-intercut, which
must be so generally renounced during a susjjension of
trade. Many indeed who are not swayed by selfishness,
are for offering the olive branch to the mother country,
unaccompanied by the threats and menaces implied in that
measure ; and proposing through a general Congress such
terms of accommodation as will leave us the essential
rights of Englishmen, and suffering her at the same time
to reap those advantages in trade which some suppose she
had in contemplation, in first settling these Colonies, not-
withstanding the opinion which old charters in many early
transactions justify, that the absolute independence of the
Colonies was intended. If these two ideas are not to be
fairly reconciled in theory, they think, perhaps, a tempora-
ry compromise, which should leave any determinate prin-
ciples out of the question, may be effected. Our people
seem bent upon first trying this experiment ; the necessity
of harmony and perfect unanimity, which all seem sensible
of, has reconciled very different interests among us, and by
yielding to each other, the Quakers and Presbyterians,
and other contending sects, have met on this point.
A measure of this kind seems calculated rather as a
general barrier against the encroaching power of Parlia-
ment, than to give immediate relief to people in your
situation. We all wish, however, that your firmness should
remain unshaken, until the remedy to be applied shall
have had its operation ; but this seems hardly possible.
Patriotism, assailed by poverty and want, has seldom stood
its ground. The general subscription to be opened here,
which I hope will be followed in other places, will show
that your neighbours have not absolutely forsaken you in
the day of distress ; it will in some measure alleviate the
wretchedness of the poor, and stifle then- clamours for
bread. Would to Heaven this proposed charity may be
in the least adequate to the occasion, that the hard neces-
sity of complying w ith dangerous and disgraceful terms
might be utterly taken away.
It is said there is a crisis in political, as well as in natu-
ral disorders; this may be, when the apprehensions of any
great evils shall have made such progress as to incline men
to make the strongest and most decisive efforts to avoid
them. I believe we are not ripe yet for these efforts ;
the two bills before Pariiament for taking away the peculiar
privileges of your Province, and making the soldiery
masters of your lives, will probably quicken and mature
our resentments, and give us a greater certamty of ap-
proaching tyranny.
But I have to ask your pardon for this tedious letter. I
expect in a few weeks to see you at Boston, with a brother
of Mr. Dickinson's.
I am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant,
George Clymer.
Josiah ^uinci/, Jun,
SOUTH-HAVEN (nEW-YORk) RESOLUTIONS,
At a Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Parish of South-
Haven, in the County of Suffolk, and Colony of JN'ew-
York, the 13th of June, 1774.
Mr, William Smith, Moderator.
It is voted and agreed, that the Act of Parliament; for
blocking up the harbour oi Boston, is unconstitutional, and
has a direct tendency to enslave the inhabitants of America,
and put an end to all property.
And it is also the opinion of this meeting, that if the
Colonies all unite, and strictly adhere to a non-importation
agreement from Great Britain and the fVest Indies, and
have no trade with them, we should have great reason to
expect in a short time a repeal of that oppressive Act ;
and for that purpose we do heartily desire that such an
agreement may be entered into.
And it is further voted and agreed by this meeting,
that the following gentlemen, viz : William Smith, Esquire,
Colonel Nathaniel Woodhull, Colonel William Floyd,
Mr. Thomas Fanning, Captain Josiah Smith, Capl;iin
David Miilford, and Captain Jonathan Baker, be a
Standing Committee for this place, to correspond with the
Committee of Correspondence in tiie City of New- York
and others ; and that they do immediately communicate
the above sentiments to them.
Signed by order of the meeting, W. Smith.
Charlestown, S. C, June 13, 1774.
At a Meeting of the General Committee this day, it was
Unanimously agreed. That a General Meeting of tiie
inhabitants of this Colony be called, on Wednesday the 6th
of July next, at eight o'clock in the morning, at the Ex-
change, in Charlestown, to consider of the papers, letters,
and resolutions, transmitted to the Committee from the
Northern Colonies ; and also of such steps as are neces-
sary to be pursued, in union with the inhabitants of all
our sister Colonies on this Continent, in order to avert
the dangers impending over American liberties in general,
by the late hostile Act of Parliament against Boston, and
other arbitrary measures of the British Ministry : And
that public notice thereof be immediately given in the
Gazettes."
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK.
Charlestown, S. C, 13th June, 1774.
Circular letters are despatched by express to all the most
leading men throughout this Colony, in order to remove
some jealousies which have been industriously excited, to
acquaint them with the present dangerous situation of every
American and his posterity, and to engage their union,
assistance, and influence, in their several districts, to attend,
either personally or by deputies authorized to declare their
sentiments, at a general meeting of Delegates from every
part of the Colony, to be held at Charlestown, the 6th of
July next.
Tiie Virginia packet, which was particularly addressed
to our merchants, is to be immediately returned to them with
our thanks for their polite communication, and an intima-
tion that we shall be glad to have, in a private way, their
sentiments before the 28th instant, when our Conmiittee
are to meet again, agree upon and prepare what should be
proper to lay before and recommend to the general meeting
on the 6th of July, where we should also be glad to see
them.
Even the merchants now seem generally inclined to a
non-importation. How much farther we shall go will de-
pend upon the expected advices from the other Colonies,
and the spirit and vigour with which they act.
I could wish your Committee had extended its corres-
pondence to Georgia, and beg leave to recommend the
doing it still, without delay.
I am particularly desired to request from every Colony
the most speedy information of their respective annual
exports of unwrought iron, to Great Britain. How many
tons each could supply to tliis Colony — also what quantity
of hoes, axes, tools, cutlery, and other articles usually
imported from Great Britain, each Colony can sup-
ply, &iC.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED IN PHILADELPHIA.
Charlestown, S. C, June 14, 1774.
The inhabitants are much alarmed at the arbitrary
proceedings of the British Ministry, and our Committee
have met, in consequence of the letters received from the
Northern Colonies, and are resolved to co-operate with
them in any prudent measure which may be thought likely
to remedy the grievance. I believe whatever New-York
and your city may conclude on, (we place so much confi-
dence in your moderation and firmness,) our town will
readily join in with. Our tea remains here entirely unmo-
lested ; if the duty is not taken off the present session of
Pariiament, we shall probably have orders to send it home,
40»
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JUNE, 1774.
410
which must be a mortifying circumstance, as well to my
Lord hlorth as to the India Company. We value our-
selves mucii on having given our sister Colonies so striking
an instance of our virtue and o])[)osition to Ministerial
schemes ; if it is not sent ior soon it will be good for
nothing. I could wish the town of Boston had taken this
legal way of destroying theirs, as it is equally effectual ;
besides giving a proof to all the world that we are so much
attached to the cause of liberty, that there are not even
individuals among us who would purchase the baneful
herb.
CHARLES COUNTY (mARYLANd) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Inhabitants of Charles County, on
the 14th of June, 1774, at the Court House, in Port-To-
bacco town, to deliberate on the effect and tendency of the
Act of Parliament, for blocking up the port and harbour of
Boston.
Mr. Walter Hanson unanimously chosen Chairman.
1st. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting
that the Act of the British Parliament passed to block up
the harbour and port of Boston, and suspend the trade
and commerce of that town, is a violent attack upon the
liberty and property of the inhabitants thereof, and in its
consequences tends to render insecure and destroy the
rights and privileges of all British America.
2d. That the town of Boston, now suffering under the
execution of the said Act, justly demands the most speedy
and effectual assistance of every Colony in America to
obtain a repeal of the same.
3d. That the inhabitants of this county will join in an
Association with the several counties of this Province to
put a stop to all imports from Great Britain after the first
day of August next, except the articles of medicine, until
the said Act be repealed.
4th. That if the said Act of Parliament is not repealed
by tiie 31st day of October, in the year 1775, that then
the inhabitants of this county will join with the several
counties of this Province, and the principal Colonies in
America, to break off all commercial connection with
Great Britain and the West Indies.
5th. It is the opinion of this meeting, that a Congress
of Deputies from the several Colonies will be the most
probable means of uniting America in one general mea-
sure to effectuate a repeal of the said Act of Parliament.
6th. That Deputies shall be sent from this county to
meet at the City of Annapolis, on the 22d instant, and
join with the Deputies appointed by the several counties in
a general, rational, and practicable Association for this
Province, and to appoint Deputies to attend a Congress of
those nominated by the several Colonies, and to adopt any
other measures for the relief of the people of Boston,
which to tliem seems fit and reasonable.
7th. That the inhabitants of this county will break off
all trade, commerce, and dealings, with that Colony, town,
or county, which shall decline or refuse to associate in some
rational and effectual means to procure a repeal of the said
Act of Parliament.
8th. That the inhabitants of this county will adopt
and steadily pursue such measures, as tend to jirotect and
secure the liberties of this county, according to the true
principles of the English Constitution, and thereby show
themselves loyal and faithful subjects to his Majesty King
George the Third.
9th. That Messrs. Walter Hanson, William Smallwood,
Josias Hawkins, Francis Ware, Joseph Hanson Harrison,
Thomas Stone, George Dent, Gustavus Richard Brown,
John Dent, Thomas ^lanson Marshall, Daniel Jenifer,
Samuel Love, James Forbes, Robert T. Hooe, Philip
Richard Fendall, Zephaniah Turner, James Key, and
James Crailc, or any seven of them, be a Committee of
Correspondence, to receive and answer all letters, and, on
any emergency, to call a general meeting of tlie county ;
and that Messrs. Walter Hanson, Willinm Smallwood,
Josias Hawkins, Francis Ware, Joseph Hanson Harrison,
Thomas Stone, John Dent, Daniel Jenifer, and Robert
T. Hooe, are appointed Deputies for this county to attend
the general meeting at Annapolis, the 22d instant.
Signed per order, John Gwin, Clerk.
IV. TO THE INHABITANTS OP THE BRITISH COLONIES
IN AMERICA.
Philadelphia, June 15, 1771.
Brethren : The intelligence received since the pre-
ceding letter was written, seems to render needless every
attempt to prove {rom former transactions, my first intention,
if health had penuitted, that a regular plan has been invari-
ably pui-sued to enslave these Colonies, and that the Act o(
Pariiament for the blocking up the port of Boston is a ])art
of the plan. However unprecedented and cruel that mea-
sure is, yet some persons among us might have flattered
themselves that the resentment of the Parliament is directed
solely against the town. The last advices mention two
Bills to be passing in Parliament, one changing the char-
tered Constitution of the Province of Massachusetts Bay
into a Military Government ; and another empowering
Administration to send for and try persons in England
for actions committed in that Colony.*
By these instances we perceive that Administration has
not only renounced all respect, and all appearance of
respect for the rights of these Colonies, but even the
plainest principles of justice and humanity. Were the
Representatives of the people of Massachusetts Bay called
upon to make satisfaction for the damage done to private
property in any late tumult there? No. Yet it was
known that those Representatives had made ample repar-
ation for the injuries committed on occasion of the Stamp
Act. It was known that the like reparation had been
made by the Assemblies of New- York and Rhode-Island.
In short, it was known, that notwithstanding the incessant
pains taken by many Ministers to tease the Colonies by
oppressions and insults into madness, yet they have, with
difficulty, excited only a few tumults, for which the popular
branch of the Legislature in the several Colonies has ever
been ready to atone, upon requisitions from the Crown.
Great clamour has been raised at home against Massa-
chusetts Bay, on account of resolutions at some of their
own town meetings, and other writings published in that
Colony ; and better it were that many of them had been
suppressed. The truth is, that people, animated by an
ardent and generous love of liberty, saw, and peculiarly
felt, the projects against the freedom and happiness of
America. I know them well ; and if ever a State deserv-
ed the character, they are a moral, religious, quiet, and
loyal people, affectionately attached to the welfare and
honour of Great Britain, and dearly valuing their depen-
dence on her. Observant and sensible as they were of the
present and approaching evils, some of them adopted a
very imprudent, but what appeared to them a very peaceable
and justifiable method, of discouraging Administration from
proceeding in such alarming and dangerous measures — that
of speaking in a high tone. Words were opposed to inju-
ries ; and menaces, never designed for execution, to insults
intolerable. Whatcould they do? The'w humble petitions
were haughtily and contemptuously rejected. The more
they supplicated the more they were abused. By their
tears, and Heaven knows many they have shed, their per-
secutions flourished as trees by water poured on their roots.
Their very virtue and passionate fondness for concord
for their mother country, occasioned this objected errour.
" Surely," says Solomon, " oppression maketh a wise man
mad." A silly man may disregard it. In playing the
fool they showed their wisdom. This is the true history of
those futile pieces that produced so much solid eloquence
in Great Britain.
* By the first of these Bills the Govornour is to be invested witli the
power of a Justice of the Peace, to call out the military to effect, though
the Minister says in his speech ; " I shall always consider that a mili-
*' tary power, acting under the authority and controul of a Civil Magis-
" trate, is a part of the Constitution." By the second, Amfricana are
to be seized, confined, and carried to England, to be tried, that is,
hanged on cliarges for an act done in a Colony. This is not all. Sol.
diers and others, who shall commit any offence, such as murdering the
Colonists, under the pretence of supporting the authority of Parliament,
shall be carried to England to bo tried— that is— acquitted. Of the
Aa4ffl» corjjus and trial by peers, "*<«< nomwit* uwi^o"
" That the absolute power, claimed and exercised in a neighbouring
" Nation, is more tolerable than that of the Eastern Ernpires, is in a
" great measure owing to their having united the judicial power in
" their Parliaments, a body separate and distinct from both the Legisla.
" tive and Executive, and if ever that Nation recovers its former liberty,
" it will owe it to the efforts of those Assemblies. In Turkey, where
" every thing is centered in the Sultan, or his Minister, despotic power
" is in its meridiaJi, and wears a most dreadful aspect." — 5 Blackstons,
1369, 270.
411
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JUNE, 1774.
412
Riots and weak publications, by a small number of indi-
viduals, are sufficient reasons with Parliament to ruin many
thousand inhabitants of a truly respectable town, to dissolve
charters, to abolish the benefits of the writ of habeas cor-
pus,* and extirpate American liberty — for the principle
reaches all. But in England the Press groans with pub-
lications, seditious, treasonable, and even blasphemous.
The discontented swarm over the Kingdom proclaiming
their resentments. Many enormous riots have disturbed the
public peace. The Sovereii;n has been insulted in passing
from his Palace to the Parliament House, on the business
of tlie Nation. Is it to be concluded fron) the facts, that
the body of the people is seditious and traitorous? Can
his Majesty believe that he is thought by his Englhh sub-
jects in general to be such a Prince as some of them have
represented him ? Will the two Houses of Parliament
acknowledge what has been spoken and written and acted
against tliem in England, exjjresses the sentiments of the
Kingdom ? Or will they say the j)eople of England have
forfeited their liberty, because some of them have run into
licentiousness ? Let a judgment be formed in both cases
by the same rule. Let tliem condemn those or acquit us.
Pretences and reasons aie totally different. The provo-
cation said to be given by our sister Colony, are but the
pretences for the exorbitant severity exercised against
her. The reasons are these — the policy, des))icable and
detestable as it is, of suppressing the freedom of America,
by a military force, to be supported by money taken out
of our own pockets, and the supposed conveniency of
opportunity for attaining this end. These reasons are
evident from the Minister's speech. The system is formed
with art, but the art is discoverable. Indeed, I do not
believe it was ex]iected we should have such early and
exact intelligence of the schemes agitated against us as we
have received. Any person who examines the multitude
of invectives published in pamphlets and newspapers in
Great Britain, or the speeches made in either House of
Parliament, will find them directed against the Colonies in
general. The people in that Kingdom have been, with
great cunning and labour,! inflamed against the Colonies
in general. They are deluded into a belief that we are in
a state of rebellion, and aiming directly at a state of inde-
pendency ; though the first is a noxious weed that never
grew in our climates, and the latter is universally regarded
with the deepest execrations by us — a poison we never can
be compelled to touch, but as an antidote to a worse, if a
worse can be — a curse that if any Colony on this Conti-
nent should be so mad as to aim at reaching, the rest of
the body would have virtue and wisdom enough to draw
their swords, and hew the traitors into submission, if not
into loyalty. It would be our interest and our duty thus
to guarantee the public peace. The Minister, addressing
the House of Commons, uses several expressions relating
to all the Colonies, and calls the stoppage of the port of
Boston " a punishment inflicted on those who have dis-
obeyed your authority."
Is it not extremely remarkable, after such a variety of
charges affecting all tlie Colonies, that the statute of ven-
geance should be levelled against a single Colony ? New-
• Both Houses of Parliament resolved two or three years ago, that
persons might be sent for from any of the Colonies for acts done there
and tried in England, under the old statute of He/try the Eightli, made
before the Colonies existed. The latL' Court at Rhode. Island was esta-
blished on that principle. The intention of Parliament in passing the
Bill above mentioned is chiefly to screen persons acting in support of
their unconstitutional claims. They have declared they have no doubt
but that the thirty-fifth of Henry has established a just and legal mode
of cutting American throiits.
" I can live, although another, who has no right, be put to live with
" mc ; nay, I c.in live, although t pay excises and impositions more tlian
" I d» ; but to have my liberty, which is the soul of my life, taken from
" me by power, and to have my body pent up in a jail," (then tlirown
into a ship of war, transported three thousand miles across the Ocean,
to a land of bitter, selfish, furious, and revengeful enemies, there
thrust into the jaws of dungeons,) " without remedy by law, and to be
" adjudged : O improvident anc -stors ! O unwise forefathers I to be
" so curious in providing for the quiet possession of our laws, and the
" liberties of Parliament, and to neglect our persons and bodies, and
" lot them lie in prison, and that durante bene placiio, remediless I
" If this be law why do we talk of liberties? Why do we trouble
** ourselves with a dispute about law, francliiscs, property of goods,
" and the like ? What mny any man call his own if not the liberty of
" his person ? I am weary of treading these ways." — Speech of
Robert Philips, a member of the trise and moderate Parliament that
met in the year 1627.
t Private letters give a further proof of this fact.
York, Philadelphia, and Charlestown have denied free-
dom of trade to ships sailing under the protection of Acts
of Parliament. Will not the House of Connnons tiiink
the inhabitants of these places " have disobeyed their
authority," and that a punishment should be inflicted on
them ?" Why do we not hear of some measure pursued
against those cities? Are they immaculate in the eyes of
Administration and Parliament ? Has not each of these
places done real damage to the East India Company ?
Has there been even a requisition of compensation for that
damage from any of them ? Why is there such a. profound
silence observed with respect to them ? Because they are
judged by Administration and Parliament more innocent
than the Colony of Massachusetts Bay '/ No. Because
Administration and Parlian)ent do us Americans the honour
to think we are such idiots that we shall not believe our-
selves interested in the fate of Boston, but that one Colony
may be attacked and humbled after another, without show-
ing the sense or spirit of beasts themselves, many of which
unite against common danger.
Why were the states of Greece broken down into the
tamest submission, by Philip of Macedon, and afterwards
by the Romans! Because tliey contended for freedom
separately. Why were the States of Spain subdued by
the Carthageniam, and afterwards by the Romans? Be-
cause they contended for freedom separately. Wliy were
the ancient inhabitants of the Kingdom, that now harasses
us. conquered by their invaders ? Tacitus will inform us.
" Nee aliud adversus validissimas gentes pro nobis utilius,
" quatn quod in commune non consultunt. Rarus ad pro-
" pulsandum commune pcriculum conventus. Ita dmn sin-
" guli pugnant omnes vincuntur."*
Why did the little Swiss Cantons and seven small Pro-
vinces of the Low Countries so successfully oppose the
tyrants, that, not contented with an Empire, founded in
humanity and mutual advantages, unnecessarily and arro-
gantly strove to " lay" the faithful and affectionate wretches
"at their feet ?" Because they wisely regarded the interest
of each as the interest of «//.
Our own experience furnishes a mournful additional
proof of an observation made by a great and good man,
Lord President Forbes. " It is a certain truth," says he,
" that all States and Kingdoms, in proportion as they grow
" great, wealthy, and powerful, grow wanton, wicked, and
" oppressive ; and the history of all ages give evidence of
" the fatal catastrophe of all such States and Kingdoms,
" when the cup of their iniquity is full." Another "truth,"
as " certain," is, that such " States and Kingdoms" never
have been, and never will be, checked in the career of
their " wantonness, wickedness, and oppression," by a
people in any way dependent upon them, but by the pru-
dent, virtuous, and steady unanimity of that people. To
employ more words to elucidate a point so manifest, would
be the idle attempt of gilding gold.
Surely you cannot doubt at this time, my countrymen,
but that the people of Massachusetts Bay are suffering in
a causef common to us all ; and, therefore, that we ought
immediately to concert the most prudent measures for their
relief and our own safety.
Our interest depending on the present controversy is
unspeakably valuable. We have not the least prospect
of human assistance. The passion of despotism, raging
like a plague for about seven years past, has spread with
unusual malignity through Europe ; Corsica, Poland,
and Sweden, have sunk beneath it. The remaining spirit
of fieedom that lingered and languished in the Parliament
of France, has lately expired.^ What Kingdom or State
interposed for the relief of their distressed fellow-crea-
tures ? The contagion has at length reached Great Bri-
tain. Her statesmen emulate the Nimrods of the Earth,
•Nor was any thing moro advantageous to us against very powerful
nalion-s, than their imprudcnc ! in not consulting together for the inter-
erst of the whol •. Conventions for riiwlling a common danger werK
rare. Thus, while each State resisted singly, all were subdued. —
TacitL'S, in vit. Agrie.
+The Act for shutting up the port of Boston ord rs, " that it shall
" not be opened until psace and obedience to the laws shall be so far
" restored in the said town of Boston, that the trade of Great Britain,
" may saf(ly be carried on there, and his Majesty's duties duly col-
" lected," &.C. Thus, it ajipears, if the inhabitants renounce the com-
mon cause of the Colonies, the port may be opened — if they adhere to
that cause it will remain shut.
t By the new modeling their Parliaments.
413
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JUNE, 1774.
414
and wish to become " nii(:;lity hunters" in the woods of
America. What Kingdom or State will interpose for our
rehef ? Tlic preservation of our freedom, and of every
attendant blessing, must be wrought out, under Providence,
by ourselves. Let not this consideration discourage us.
We cannot be false to each other, without being false to
ourselves. We have the firmest foundation of union and
fidelity — that we wish to attain the same things — to avoid
the same things. Tiie friendship of others might be pre-
carious, suspected, deceitful.
The infinitely great, wise, and good Being, who gave us
our existence, certainly formed us for a state of society.
He certainly designed us for sucii a state of society as
would be productive of happiness. Liberty is essential to
the happiness of a society, and therefore is our right.
The Father of Mercies never intended men to hold
unlimited authority over men.* Craft and cruelty have
indeed triumphed over simplicity and innocence, in disobe-
dience to his holy laws. The Father of Mercies never
intended us for the slaves of Britons. Craft and cruelty,
indeed, are striving to brand us with marks infamously
denoting us to be their property as absolutely as their cattle.
Their pretensions to a right of such power, not only
oppose constitutional principles, but even partake of hn-
piety. The sentence of bondage against us is only issued
by the frail omnipotence! of Parliament.
" Non sic inflnctere sonsus
'* HutuanOB edicta, valenl."t
We cannot question the justice of our cause. This
consideration will afford comfort and encouragement to our
minds. Let us, therefore, in the first place, humbling
ourselves before our gracious Creator, devoutly beseech his
• " To live by one nnn's will became tlip cause of all men's
" misery." — Hookkr's Eccles. Pol.
" Is not universal misery and ruin the same, whether it comes from
" the hands of many or of one ?" — Bishop Hoadly's Disc, on Oov.
" Of so contrary an opinion was this good man {Hooker) to that of
" some others, who can never oppose one extreme, without running into
** another, as bad, if not worse, and think they cannot enough con-
" domn rebellion without giving the divine sanction to tyranny and
" oppression. This judgment ought likewise to bo of the more weiglit
" with such as profuss the most profound veneration for the memory of
" Charles the First, and the honour of the old Church of England ;
*' because this treatise in which it was to be found was chosen out of
" many others, by that Prince, to be recommended to his children as
" the best instructer they could converse with, and was had in such
** estimation by all churchmen, from tlio time of its appearance, that it
" may well pass, not only for his own judgment in particular, but for
" the judgment of the whole Church of England at that time." —
Bishop HoADLY, ibid.
" Would not the unhappiness of this Nation in particular have been
" the same, whether a late King, alone, or by a former law, has sub-
" jectod it to the religion of Rome and tlie maxims of France ? And,
" upon supposition of such an attempt, would not our lato deliverance
** have been as glorious, as great, and justifiable, as mucli wanted, and
" as truly beneficial, as it was upon tlie attempt of the King alone ?
" Would not the invitation of the Prince of Orange, the election and
*' meeting of the persons who made the Convention, and tlie conse-
*' queut establishment in tlie Protestant line, have been as requisite and
" as useful ? Nay, would not the ends of Government have been more
" cffjctually answered this way, than by submission to a total dissolu-
" tion of ail happiness at present, and of all liopes for the future ?
" How then can it be said that the ends of Government require that
** degree of submission upon the one supposition, which they are
" allowed not to do upon tlie other, when tlie same misery and destruc-
" tion must follow a submission in both cases, and the s Line universal
" happiness must in both be tlio consequence of a just and well
'* managed defjnce ? Or would the ends of Government be destroyed,
" should the miserable condition of the whole people of France, which
" hath proceeded from the King's being absolute, awaken the thoughts
" of the wisest heads amongst them, and move them all to exert
** themselves, so as that those ends sliould be better answered for the
" time to come ?" — Bishop Hoadlv, ibid.
It was resolved by tlie House of Commons, that this Bishop, then
Mr. Hoadly, and Rector of St. Peter's Poor, London, " for having
" often strenuously justified tlie principles on whicii her Majesty and
" the Niition proceeded in tlie lato happy revolution, had justly merited
" the f.ivour and rocommeiidation of the Housi; ;" and accordingly
addressed Queen Anne, "that she would be graciously pleasjd to
" bestow some dignity in the (Church on the said Mr. Hoadly, for his
" eminent services both to the Church and Stat3."
" WhatoVvir dishonours liuman nature, dishonours the policy of a
" Government whicli permits it ; and a free .State which dojs not com.
" municate the natural right of liberty to all its subjects, who have not
" deserved by their crimes to lose it, hardly seems to bo worthy of that
" honourable name." — Lord Litti.kton's History of Hi:xrv //.
" Without goodness power would be tyranny and oppression, and
" wisiiom would degen rate into craft and mischievous contrivance." —
Arrhbishrp Th.i.otson's Sermons.
" Eliamsi non sil moleslus dominus, tamen est miserrimum, posse, si
velit." CiCKRO. Even if a Sovereign docs not oppress, yet it is a most
miserable condition for the subjects that he has the power, if he has
the will.
t 1 Blackstont, 161.
t Edicts cannot so bend the common acnse of human nature.
divine protection of us his afflicted servants, most unrea-
sonably and cruelly oppressed. Let us seriously reflect on
our manifold transgressions, and by a since.e repentance,
and an entire amendment of our lives, strive to recommend
ourselves to divine favour.
In the next place, let us cherish and cultivate senti-
ments of brotherly love and tenderness among us. To
whom, under the cope of Heaven, can we look for help
in these days of " darkness and trouble," but one to
another. O my countrymen ! Have pity one on another.
Have pity on yourselves and your children. Let us, by
every tender tie, implore you ; let us mutually excuse
and forgive each other our weakness and prejudices, (lor
who is free from weakness and prejudices r) and utterly
abolishing all former dissensions and distinctions, wisely
and kindly unite in one firm band, in one common cause.
If there are any men, or any bodies of men, on this
Continent, who think that an accommodation between us
and Great Britain, or that their own particular interest may
be advanced by withdrawing themselves from the coun-
sels of their countrymen, I would wish them most deliber-
ately to consider the consequences that may attend such a
conduct. What step can possibly be taken more directly
tending to prevent an accommodation between us and
Great Britain than supjjlying Administration with proofs
of our intestine divisions ? What do our enemies so
ardently wish for as for these divisions? Has not the
expectation of these events encouraged the Ministry to
treat us with such unexampled contempt and barbarity ?
Will not the certainty of these events excite resolution in
them to press us, to take every advantage of a people so
industriously studying and labouring to weaken and destroy
themselves? Then a Minister may with reason call upon
the House of Commons, " Now is our time to stand out —
" to defy them — to proceed with finnness and without fear —
" to produce a conviction to all America that we are now
" in earnest, and that we will proceed with firmness and
" vigour until she shall be laid at our feet."*
1 appeal to every man of common sense, whether any
measure will be so likely to induce Administration to think
of an accommodation with us, as our unanimity. Must
not, therefore, every measure impeaching the credit and
weight of this unanimity, in the same degree obstruct all
accommodation ? Will not every such measure naturally
produce haughtiness, perseverance and fresh rigour in our
oppressors ? Will not these still more enrage us, and place
us farther from an accommodation ? If the protection and
peace we wish to derive from our unanimity be taken from
us by the imprudence of our brethren who break that
unanimity, or destroy all respect for it in Great Britain,
and thereby encourage her to seize what she will certainly
think the lucky opportunity for pursuing her blows, what
must be the consequence. We held up a shield fbr our
defence. If our brethren have pierced it through, and
rendered it useless, their imprudence will, according to the
usual course of human affairs, compel us to change the
mode of defence, and drive us into all the evils of civil
discords.
What advantages can they gain that can compensate to
men of any understanding or virtue, for the miseries occa-
sioned by their bad policy. Their numbers will be too
small in any manner whatever to controul the sentiments
or measures of America. Their conduct never can pre-
vent the exertions of these Colonies in vindication of their
liberty. It may by provocations render diose exertions
more rash and imprudent ; but their numbers will be so
extravagantly exaggerated, as all facts have been against
us, on the other side of die Atlantic, that Great Britain
may be deceived, and emboldened into measures destnic-
tive to herself and to us. We are now strenuously
endeavouring, in a peaceable manner, by this single power,
the force of our unanimity, to preserve our freedom.
Those who lessen that unanimity detract from its force,
will prevent its effect, and must be, therefore, justly
cliargeable witli all the dreadful consequences to these
Colonies.
The third important consideration I beg leave to recom-
mend to my countrymen is, to draw such reHections from
their situation as will confirm their minds in that manly
noble fortitude so absolutely necessary for the maintenance
« Lord North's Speech.
415
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JUNE, 1774.
416
of those inestimable privileges for which they are now con-
tendinsc. The man who fears difficulties arising from the
defence of freedom, is unworthy of freedom. God has
given the right and the means of asserting it. We may
reasonably expect his gracious assistance in the reasonable
employment of those means. To look for miracles while
we abusively neglect the powers afforded us by divine
goodness, is not only stupid, but cruninal. We are yet
free — let us think like freemen.
In the last place, I beg to offer some observations con-
cerning the measures that may be most expedient in the
present emergency. Other Nations have contended in
blood for their liberty, and have judged the jewel worth
the price that was paid for it. These Colonies are not
reduced to the dreadful necessity. So dependent is Great
Britain on us for supplies that Heaven seems to have
placed in our hands means of an effectual, yet peaceable
resistance, if we have sense and integrity to make a proper
use of them. A general agreement between these Colo-
nies of non-importation and non-exportation, faithfully
observed, would certainly be attended with success. But
is it now proper to enter into such an agreement ? Let us
consider that we are contending with our ancient, venerable
and beloved parent country. Let us treat her with all
possible respect and reverence.* Though the rulers tliere
have had no compassion upon us, let us have compassion
on the people of that Kingdom. And if, to give weight
to our supplications, and to obtain relief for our suffering
brethren, it shall be judged necessary to lay ourselves
under some restrictions with regard to our imports and
exports, let it be done with tenderness, so as to convince
our brethren in Great Britain of the importance of a
connection and hannony between them and us, and the
danger of driving us into despair. Their true interests,
and our own, are the same ; nor would we admit any
notion of a distinction till we know their resolution to be
unalterably hostile.
In the mean time, let us pursue the most proper
methods for collecting the sentiments of all the British
Colonies in North America on the present situation of
affairs, the first point, it is apprehended, to which atten-
tion should be paid. This may be effected various ways.
The Assemblies that may have opportunity of meeting,
may appoint Deputies to attend a general Congress, at
such time and place as shall be agreed on. Where
Assemblies cannot meet, such of the people as are quah-
fied by law to vote in election of Representatives, may
meet and appoint, or may request their Representatives to
meet and appoint.
When the inhabitants of this extended Continent
observe that regular measures are prosecuted for re-eslab-
lishing harmony between Great Britain and these Colo-
nies, their minds will grow more calm. Prospects of
accommodation, it is hoped, will engage them patiently
and peaceably to attend tiie result of the public Councils,
and such applications as, by the joint sense of America,
may be judged proper to be made to his Majesty and both
Houses of Parliament.
" Better is a little with righteousness, than great reve-
" nues without right."
LAKCASTER (PENNSYLVANIA) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Borough of
Lancaster, at the Court House in said Borough, on JVed-
nesday, the 15th day oi June, MIA.
Agreed, That to preserve the constitutional rights of
the inhabitants of America, it is incumbent on every Colony
to unite, and use the most effectual means to procure a
repeal of the late Acts of Parliament against the town of
Boston.
* " ' By justice (saith tho Scriiiture) the Tlirono is established,' and
' by justice a Nation shall be exalted.' I roseinl>le justice to Ifebu-
rhadnezzar's tree, shading not only tho palace of the King, and tho
house of nobles, but sheltering also the cottage of the poorest beggar.
Wherefo-e, if now the blast of indignation hath so bruised any of the
branches of this tree, that either our persons, or goods, or possessions,
have not the same shelter as before, let us not, therefore, neglect the
root of this great tree ; but rather, with all our possible means, endeav.
ours, and unfeigned duties, both apply fresh and fertile mould unto it,
and also water it even with tears, that so those bruised branches may
hf recovered, and the whole tree prosper again and flourish." — Mr.
Ckeskeld's Speech in the Parliament that met in 1727.
That the Act of Parliament for blocking up the port
and harbour of Boston, is an invasion of the rights of the
inhabitants of the said town, as subjects of the Crown of
Great Britain.
That it is the opinion of the inhabitants of this meeting,
that the most proper and effectual means to be used to
obtain a rej>eal of the said Act, will be to put an immediate
stop to all imports and exports to and from Great Britain,
imtil the same Act be repealed.
That the traders and inhabitants of this town will join
and concur with the patriotic merchants, manufacturers,
tradesmen, and freeholders of the City and County of
Philadelphia, and other parts of the Province, in an Asso-
ciation of solemn agreement to this purpose, if the same
shall be by them thought necessary.
That Edward Shippen, Esquire, George Ross, Esquire,
Jasper Yeates, Esquire, Matthias Slough, Esquire, James
Webh, Esquire, William Atlee, Esquire, William Henry,
Esquire, Mr. Ludwick Lauman, Mr. William Bailsman,
and Mr. Charles Hall, be a Committee to correspond
with the General Committee at Philadelphia.
That these sentiments be immediately forwarded to the
Committee of Correspondence at Philadelphia.
Signed by order of the said Committee, ^
Eberhart Michael, Clerk.
RHODE-ISLAND RESOLUTIONS.
At the General Assembly of the Governour and Com-
pany of the English Colony of Rhode-Island and Provi-
dence Plantations, in New-England, in America, begun and
holden by adjournment at Newport, within and for the
said Colony, on the second Monday in June, in the year
of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-four,
and in the fourteenth year of the reign of his most sacred
Majesty, George the Third, by the grace of God, King of
Great Britain, and so forth.*
Tliis Assembly taking into their most serious considera-
tion several Acts of the British Parliament for levying
taxes upon his Majesty's subjects in America, witliout
their consent ; and particularly an Act lately passed for
blocking up the port of Boston ; which Act, even upon the
supposition, that the people ol' Boston had justly deserved
punishment, is scarcely to be paralleled in history for the
severity of the vengeance executed upon them ; and also
considering to what a deplorable state this and all the other
Colonies are reduced, when, by an Act of Parliament, in
which the subjects of America have not a single voice,
and without being heard, they may be divested of property,
and deprived of liberty ; do, upon mature deliberation,
Resolve 1st. That it is the opinion of this Assembly
that a firm and inviolable union of all the Colonies, in
counsels and measures, is absolutely necessary for the pre-
servation of their rights and liberties ; and that, for that
purpose, a Convention of Representatives from all the
Colonies ought to be holden in some suitable place, as
soon as may be, in order to consult upon proper measures
to obtain a repeal of the said Acts, and to establish the
rights and liberties of the Colonies upon a just and solid
foundation.
2d. That the Honourable Stephen Hopkins, and the
Honourable Samuel Ward, Esqrs., be, and they are hereby
appointed by this Assembly to represent the people of this
Colony, in a general Congress of Representatives from the
other Colonies, at such time and place as shall be agreed
upon by the major part of the Committees appointed, or
to be appointed by the Colonies in general.
3d. That they consult and advise with the Representa-
tives of the other Colonies who shall meet in such Con-
gress, upon a loyal and dutiful petition and remonstrance
to be presented to his Majesty, as the united voice of his
faithful subjects in America, setting foitli the grievances
they labour under, and praying his gracious interposition
for their relief. And that in case a major part of the Re-
presentatives of all the Colonies shall agree upon such
petition and remonstrance, they be empowered to sign the
same in behalf of this Colony.
* The Assembly met at the Court House in Newport, on Monday,
JuH(! 13, 1774 ; and on Wednesday ;i(]opled these Resolutions, which
passed unanimously, except one, to which there were only two or three
dissentients.
417
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &cc., JUNE, 1774.
418
4tli. That they also consult upon all such reasonable
and lawful measures as may be expedient for the Colonies,
in an united manner, to pursue in order to procure a redress
of their grievances, and to ascertain and establish their
rights and liberties.
5tii. That they also endeavour to procure a regular an-
nual Convention of Representatives from all the Colonies,
to consider of proper means for the preservation of the
rights and liberties of all the Colonies.
6th. That the Speaker of the lower House transmit as
soon as may be, copies of these Resolutions to the present
or late Speakers of the respective Houses of Represent-
atives of all the British Colonies upon the Continent.
Henkv Wakd, Secretary.
WOODSTOCK (Virginia) resolutions.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the County of Dunmore, held at the town of Woodstock,
the 16th day of June, 1774, to consider the best mode to
be fallen upon to secure their liberties and properties ; and
also to prevent the dangerous tendency of an Act of Parlia-
ment, passed in the fourteenth year of his present Majesty's
reign, entitled, " An Act to discontinue in such manner and
" for such time as is therein mentioned the landing and dis-
" charging, lading or shipping of goods, wares, and merchan-
" dise, at the town and within the harbour of Boston, in the
" Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in North America,"
evidently has to invade and deprive us of the same.
The Reverend Peter Mecklenberc, Moderator.
A Committee, of the following gentlemen, viz : the
Reverend Peter MecJclenberg, Francis Slaughter, Abra-
ham Bird, Taverner Beale, John Tipton, and Abraham
Bowman, were appointed to draw up Resolves suitable to
the same occasion, who, withdrawing for a short time,
returned with the following votes, which had been
previously agreed to and voted by the freeholders and
inhabitants of the County of Frederick.
1st. That we will always cheerfully pay due submission
to such Acts of Government, as his Majesty has a right,
by law, to exercise over his subjects, as Sovereign to the
British Dominions, and to such only.
2d. That it is the inherent right of British subjects to
be governed and taxed by Representatives chosen by
themselves only; and that every Act of the British
Parliament respecting the internal policy of North Ameri-
ca, is a dangerous and unconstitutional invasion of our
rights and privileges.
.3d. That the Act of Parliament above mentioned, is not
only itself repugnant to the fundamental laws of natural
justice, in condemning persons for supposed crime, unheard;
but, also, a despotic exertion of unconstitutional power,
calculated to enslave a free and loyal people.
4th. That the enforcing the execution of the said Act
of Parliament by a military power, will have a necessary
tendency to raise a civil war, thereby dissolving that union
which has so long happily subsisted between the mother
country and her Colonies ; and that we will most heartily
and unanimously concur with our suffering brethren of
Boston, and every other part of North America, that may
be the immediate victims of tyranny, in promoting all
proper measures to avert such dreadful calamities ; to
procure a redress of our grievances, and to secure our
common liberties.
5th. It is the unanimous opinion of this meeting, that
a joint resolution of all the Colonies, to stop all importa-
tions from Great Britain, and exportations to it, till the
said Act be repealed, will prove the salvation of North
America and her liberties ; on the other hand, if they
continue their imports and exports, there is the greatest
reason to fear that power and the most odious oppression
will rise triumphant over right, justice, social happiness,
and freedom.
6th. That the East India Comi)any, those servile tools
of arbitrary ]iower, have justly forfeited the esteem and
regard of all honest men ; and that the better to manifest
our abhorrence of such abject compliances with the will of
a venal Ministry, in ministering ail in their power an
increase of the fund of peculation, we will not purchase
tea, or any other kind of East India connnodities, either
imported now, or hereafter to be imported, except salt-
petre, sjjices, and medicinical drugs.
7th. That it is the opinion of this meeting, that Com-
mittees ought to be appointed for the purpose of effecting
a general Association, that the same measures may be
pursued through the whole Continent ; that the Commit-
tees ought to correspond with each other, and to meet at
such places and times as shall be agreed, in order to form
such general Association ; and that when the same shall be
formed and agreed on by the several Committees, we will
strictly adhere to, and till the general sense of the Conti-
nent shall be known, we do pledge ourselves to each other,
and to our country, that we will inviolably adhere to the
vote of this day.
Voted, That the Reverend Peter Mecklenbcrg, Francis
Slaughter, Abraham Bird, Taverner Beale, John Tipton,
and Abraham Bowman, be appointed a Committee for the
purpose aforesaid ; and that they or any three of them are
hereby fully empowered to act.
the BRITISH AMERICAN, NO. IV.
Williiunsburg, Va., June 16, 1774.
Friends, Fellow-citizens, and Countrymen:
Having, under the above signature, formerly addressed
three letters to you, upon the long litigated right of the
British Parliament to tax the American Colonies, which
were not ill received by the public, I intend through tlie
channel of this paper, to give my sentiments of what ought
to be the conduct of the inhabitants of British America
in the present alarming state of affairs ; and I think it more
peculiarly my duty to do so at this time, because, (though
one of the Representatives of the Colony of Virginia,) I
did not attend the last session of the Assembly ; indeed,
as I live a very retired life, a great distance from ffilliams-
burg, I did not hear of the Act of Parliament relative to
Boston, till after the Assembly was dissolved ; but I urge
not this in justification, nor even in palliation of my offence,
since nothing can excuse a Representative of the people
from constantly attending in Assembly ; and, as I neither
expect, or shall attempt, to be chosen again, I take this,
as the only method left me, of atoning to my country for
having neglected my duty.
In the course of these letters, after explaining what the
real excellence of the Constitution, (so far as relates to the
real excellence of the legislation) formerly was ; after
pointing out how far, and by what means, that Constitu-
tion hath been altered, and that excellence almost annihil-
ated ; and after considering the connections between the
Colonies and the mother country, I shall endeavour to
prove that it would be really injurious for Great Britain
to enforce, or for the Colonies to submit to, the authority
of British Acts of Parliament in America.
That the first aim of America ought to be to prevent, if
possible. Great Britain from sinking, which by an unani-
mously, loyal, cool, steady, and intrepid conduct, which I
shall endeavour to point out, it is possible for her to effect.
But if the utmost exertion of her virtue should not enable
her to accomplish this ever to be wished for end; and
Great Britain is in so corrupt a state that she must fall,
that America must take care not to fall with her ; but by
preserving her own liberty, prepare an asylum for such of
the inhabitants of the mother country as still retain a love
of liberty, or possess a desire of being free.
Having thus given a general idea of the subject intended
to be pursued in my future letters to my countrymen in
general, I shall conclude this, with some advice to my
fellow-citizens, of Virginia in particular. Do not enter
into any hasty resolves, that you yourselves upon deliber-
ation condemn ; remember that coolness is the true charac-
teristic of an intrepid spirit. However you may be dis-
pleased with the conduct of your late Representatives,
keep your resentment to yourselves. Remember that the
best of men may be sometimes mistaken ; that this is not
a time to entertain jealousies, or create dissensions amongst
ourselves ; and that to irritate by reproachful language will
never reform. Reflect that the merchants and manufac-
turers of Great Britain are our fellow-subjects ; that they
probably disapprove the conduct of the British Parliament
as much as we do ; that they are possibly warm in our
interests at this moment, and if not, that they are at least
Foi'RTH Series.
27
419
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JUNE, 1774.
420
entitled to justice at our hands ; and that, however, discre-
tion ought to prevent us from increasing, common honesty
ought to induce us to discliarge, as soon as possible, the
debts we have already contracted ; that to stop the export-
ation of our commodities would be so injurious to your-
selves, that you ought not to risk it till every other
measure has been tried without success ; and reserve this
as your dernier resort ; but above all things, be careful that
your honest indignation against the two Houses of the
British Parliament does not hurry you into any indiscreet
expressions against, or corrupt your loyalty to, your
Sovereign, tliough you owe no obedience to the British
Parliament, two branches of it being only your fellow-sub-
jects, and not your masters ; yet to your King you have
sworn allegiance ; his amiable private character entitles
him to ) our highest reverence and esteem; his political
character as a Sovereign of the Empire in general, and as
supreme head of this Colony in particular, ought to induce
you to give him every mark of your warmest loyalty, and
most zealous affection to his person. Wait therefore with
patience my fellow-citizens a few weeks longer.
The expiration of the Fee Bill, by the sudden dissolu-
tion of the Assembly, must shut up the Courts of Justice.
No Sheriff is obliged to serve any process, since under a
positive Act of Assembly, he can no longer receive any
reward ; and neglect of duty can no longer be punished,
when the equivalent for that duty is taken away ; the inva-
sion of the Indian enemy ; the immense debt due from the
public ; and the scarcity of a circulating currency amongst
you, are ciicumstances which will probably induce the
Governour to call an Assembly immediately. If he should
be careful in the choice of your Representatives, instruct
them fully how they are to conduct themselves ; rely seri-
ously on their virtue, and expect a constitutional redress
of your grievances ; nothing but necessity can justify any
other. But if the Governour should be restrained by the
instructions of a wicked Minister from relieving the dis-
tresses of the Colony by calling an Assembly immediately,
and writs should not be issued for that purpose before the
first day of Jidij, I would then advise the freeholders of
each county in the Colony to convene themselves, and
choose two of the most able and discreet of their inhabit-
ants to accompany and assist tlieir late Representatives at
the meeting in Williamsburg, on the first day of August ;
and let the whole Colony unanimously support whatever
may be then resolved upon.
I do not advise this election of two additional Represent-
atives of each county, because 1 entertain the smallest
doubt of the integrity, zeal, or abilities of the late Repre-
sentatives to serve their country ; on the other hand, I
am certain, that a very great majority of the late Assembly
may be firmly relied on ; but the increase of their numbers
will add weight to their counsels, and convince both our
friends and enemies that tiie Colony of Virginia is so
unanimously firm in the common cause of America, that
no dissolution of your Assembly or change of Represent-
atives, can furnish in future, the smallest hopes of your
giving up your liberty, or of your submitting to the arbi-
trary mandates of a British Parliament.
Williamsburg, Virginia, June 17, 1774.
His Excellency the Governour, with the advice of his
Majesty's Council, was this day pleased to order writs to
issue for the election of a new Assembly, which is to meet
on the 11 til of August.
To the Gentlemen, Freeholders, and others, in the County
q/" New-Castle, upon Dei^aware, who have a vote in
the election of Representatives in General Assembly.
The several Acts of Parliament made for these ten
years last past, relating to the British Colonies in North
America, and their operations upon the property, liberty
and lives of the good people of this country, are two well
known, and too severely felt, to require any enumer-
ation or explanation — suffice it to mention, that they have
taken away the property of the Colonists without their
participation or consent ; that they have introduced the
odious and arbitrary power of excise into the customs ;
that they have rnade all revenue causes triable without
jury, and under the decision of a dependent party Judge;
that they have taken from the Assemblies all freedom of
debate and determination, in the instance of suspending
the Legislative power of New- York ; that they have
extended the obsolete and arbitrary Act of thirty-five Henry
the Eighth, for trial of treason and misprison of treason, to
the depriving the subjects of a lair trial in the proper country,
and exposing him to the most grievous exertions of tyranny
and injustice ; that they have maintained a standing army
in time of peace, above tiie controul of civil authority ; and
that they have not only declared \\:.i they can make laws
to bind us in all cases whatsoever, but, to Crown all, have
actually dejnived the great and lately flourishing town of
Boston, of all trade whatsoever, by shutting up their port
and harbour with a formidable fleet and army ; and, it is
not doubted, have new-moulded the Charter of the Pro-
vince of the Massachusetts Bay ; and virtually indemni-
fied all officers of the customs, the navy and army, and
others acting by their command, from all inurders and
other crimes which they may commit upon the loyal, brave
and free people of that Province. These are no phantoms
arising fiom a heated brain, but real facts, not exagger-
ated.
It is impossible that any people, impressed with the
least sense of constitutional liberty, should ever patiently
submit, to these enormous grievances, and accordingly we
find our brethren and fellow-subjects in most of the Colo-
nies are deliberating and resolving upon such measures as
are thought to be most likely to recover our lost rights and
privileges.
Shall the people of this large and wealthy county,
heretofore the foremost on many occasions, particularly in
the time of the detestable Stamp Act, to oppose all
attempts to deprive them of their personal security and
private property, be now inactive and silent ? Forbid it
liberty, let humanity forbid it.
You are therefore most earnestly requested to meet
together at the Court House, in the town o{ New-Castle, on
Wednesday, the 29th inst., at two o'clock in the afternoon,
to consider of the most proper mode of procuring relief for
our dear countrymen, and brethren of Boston, the redress-
ing the befbrementioned grievance, the restoring and secur-
ing our invaded property and expiring liberties — and estab-
lishing, on a constitutional bottom, the wonted, and by us
so much desired, peace, friendship, and love between Great
Britain and these Colonies. It is expected that none
who have a due regard to their country, posterity, or them-
selves, will be absent. A Fbeeman.
June 17, 1774.
EASTHAMPTON (sUFFOLK CO. NEW-YORk) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Inhabitants of the town of Easi-
hamjjton, in the County of Suffolk, legally warned by
the Trustees of said town, the 17th of June, 1774.
Eleazer Miller, Esq., Moderator.
1st. Voted, That we will, to the utmost of our abilities,
assert, and in a lawful manner defend, the liberties and
immunities of British America ; that we will co-operate
with our brethren in this Colony in such measures as shall,
from time to time, appear to us the most proper, and the
iaest adajned to save us from the burthens we fear, and in
a measure already feel, from die principles adopted by the
British Parliament respcciint; the town of Boston in par-
ticular, and the British Colonies in North America in
general.
2d. Voted, That a non-importation agreement through
the Colonies is the most likely means to save us from the
j)resent and further troubles.
3d. Voted, That John Chatfeld, Esq., Colonel Abra-
ham Gardiner, Burnet Miller, Stephen Hedges, Thomas
fi'irkham, E^q.. John Gardiner, Esq., and Captain David
Mulford, be a Standing Committee Icir keeping up a Cor-
respondence with the City oi New- York, and the towns of
tills Colony ; and, if there is occasion, with other Colonies ;
and that they transmit a copy of these votes to the Com-
mittee of Correspondence for the ('ity of New-York.
Voted unanimously, not one contrary vote.
Burnet Miller, Toivn Clerk.
421
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JUNE, 1774.
422
MASSACHUSETTS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
The late Honourable House of Representatives of this
Province, having finished all the ordinary public business
of importance that had been before them, on Friday, June
17, 1774, came into the following Resolutions ; present,
one hundred and twenty-nine members, and only twelve
dissentients,* viz :
In the House of Representatives, June 17, 1774.
This House having duly considered, and being deeply
affected with the unhappy differences wiiich have long
subsisted, and are increasing, between Great Britain and
the American Colonies, do resolve, that a meeting of
Committees, from the several Colonies on this Continent is
highly expedient and necessary, to consult upon the present
state of the Colonies, and the miseries, to which they
are, and must be reduced, by the operation of certain
Acts of Parliament respecting America ; and to deliberate
and determine upon wise and proper measures to be by
them recommended to all the Colonies, for the recovery
and establishment of their just rights and liberties, civil and
religious, and the restoration of union and harmony be-
tween Great Britain and the Colonies, most ardently
desired by all good men.
Therefore, resolved. That the Honourable James Bow-
doin, Esq., the Honourable Thomas dishing, Esq., Mr.
Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Robert Treat Paine,
Esquires, be and they are hereby appointed a Committee
on the part of this Province, for the purposes aforesaid,
any three of whom to be a quorum, to meet such Commit-
tees or Delegates from the other Colonies, as have been
or may be appointed, either by their respective Houses of
Burgesses or Representatives, or by Convention, or by the
Committees of Correspondence appointed by the respective
Houses of Assembly, to meet in the City of Philadelphia,
or any other place that shall be judged most suitable by
the Committee on the first day of September next ; and
that the Speaker of the House be directed, in a letter to
the Speakers of the Houses of Burgesses or Representa-
tives in the several Colonies, to inform them of the sub-
stance of these resolves.
Whereas, this House, taking into consideration the many
distresses and difficulties to which the American Colonies,
and this Province in particular, are and njust be reduced
by the operation of certain late Acts of Parliament, have
determined that it is highly expedient that a Committee
should be appointed to meet, as soon as may be, the Com-
mittees that are or shall be appointed by the several Colo-
nies on this Continent, to consult together upon the present
state of the Colonies, and to deliberate and determine
upon wise and proper measures to be by them recom-
mended to all the Colonies for the recovery and establish-
ment of their just rights and liberties, civil and religious,
and the restoration of that union and harmony between
Great Britain and the Colonies, most ardently desired by
all good men. And the Honourable James Bowdoin,
Rsquire, the Honourable Thomas Cushing, Esquire, Mr.
Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Robert Treat Paine,
Esquires, are appointed a Committee on the part of this
Province, for the purposes aforesaid ; any three of whom
to be a quorum, to meet such Committees or Delegates
from tiie other Colonies as have been or may be appointed,
either by their respective Houses of Burgesses or Repre-
sentatives, or by Convention, or by Committees of Cor-
respondence appointed by the respective Houses of
Assembly, to meet in the City of Philadelphia, or any
other place that shall be judged most suitable by the joint
Committees, on the first day of September next. And
whereas this House did resolve, that there be paid to said
Committee, out of the public Treasury, the sum of five
hundred pounds, to enable them to discharge the import-
ant trust to which they are appointed ; they, upon their
return, to be accountable for the same. And said Resolve
was sent up to the Honourable Board for their concurrence,
who accordingly concurred in the Resolve of the House ;
» The following is said to be a true list of the names of eleven of
the gentlemen who voted AfiAiNST a Congress ; tlie remaining one is at
present uncertain— Colonel Worlhington, Colonel Murray, Colonel
Jo7>es, Major Ingersol, David Thatcher, Esq., Aliijah White, Esq.,
Colonel Bacon, Colonel Day, Captain Hayward, of Easton, Mr. Sam-
vtl Field, and Barnabaa Freeman.
but his Excellency the Governour declined his consent to
the same. Wherefore this House would recommend, and
they do accordingly hereby recommend to the several
towns and districts within this Province, that each town
and district raise, collect and pay, to the Honourable
Thomas Cushing, Esquire, of Boston, the sum of five
hundred pounds, by the fifteenth day of August next,
agreeable to a list herewith exhibited, being each town
and district's proportion of said sum, according to the last
Province tax, to enable them to discharge the important
trust to which they are appointed ; they, upon their return,
to be accountable for the same.
Whereas the towns of Boston and Charlestown are at
this time suffering under the hand of power, by the shut-
ting the harbour by an armed force, which, in the opinion
of this House, is an invasion of the said towns, evidently
designed to compel the inhabitants thereof to a submission
to taxes imposed upon them without their consent. And
whereas it appears to this House, that this attack upon the
said towns, for the purpose aforesaid, is an attack made
upon this whole Province and Continent, which threatens
the total destruction of the liberties of British America.
It is, therefore. Resolved, As the clear opinion of this
House, that the inhabitants of the said towns ought to be
relieved ; and this House do recommend to all, and more
especially to the inhabitants of this Province, to afford
them speedy and constant relief, in such way and manner
as shall be most suitable to their circumstances, till the
sense and advice of our sister Colonies shall be known.
In full confidence that they will exhibit examples of
patience, fortitude and perseverance, while they are thus
called to endure this oppression for the preservation of the
liberties of their country.
Whereas this, and his Majesty's other Colonies in North
America, have long been struggling under the heavy hand
of power, and our dutiful petitions for the redress of our
intolerable grievances, have not only been disregarded and
frowned upon, but the design totally to alter the free Con-
stitution of civil Government in British America, and
establish arbitrary Governments, and reduce the inhab-
itants to slavery, appears more and more to be fixed and
determined. It is, therefore, strongly recommended by
this House, to the inhabitants of the Province, that they
renounce altogether the consumption of India teas, and,
as far as in them lies, discontinue the use of all goods and
manufactures whatever, that shall be imported from the
East Indies and Great Britain, until the public grievances
of Ameiica shall be radically and totally redressed. And
it is also further recommended to all, that they give all
possible encouragement to the manufacturers of America.
And it is moreover strongly recommended to the inhabit-
ants aforesaid, that they use their utmost endeavours to
suppress pedlars and petty chapmen, (who are of late
become a very great nuisance,) by putting in execution
the good and wholesome laws of this Province for that
jmrpose.
June 17, 1774. His Excellency the Governour, having
directed the Secretary to acquaint the two Houses that it
was his pleasure the General Assembly should be dis-
solved, and to declare the same dissolved accordingly, the
Secretary went to the Court House, and finding the door
of the Representatives Chamber locked, directed the
Messenger to go in and acquaint the Speaker that the
Secretary had a Message from his Excellency to the
Honourable House, and desire he might be admitted to
deliver it. The Messenger returned, and said he had
acquainted the Speaker therewith, who mentioned it to the
House, and their orders were to keep the door fast.
Whereupon the following Proclamation was published
on the stairs leading to the Representatives Chamber, in
presence of several members of the House, and a great
number of other persons, and immediately after in Council :
PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
By the Governour. — A Proclamation for Dissolving
the General Court.
Whereas the proceedings of the House of Representa-
tives, in the present session of the General Court, make it
423
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
424
necessary for his Majesty's service that the said General
Court should be dissolved :
I have, therefore, thought fit to dissolve the said General
Court, and the same is herehy dissolved accordingly, and
the members thereof are discharged from any further
attendance.
Given under my hand, at Sale/n, the 17th day of June,
1774, in the fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign.
T. Gage.
By his Majesty's command, T. Fldcker, Secretari/.
God save the King.
BOSTON (Massachusetts) resolutions.
At a legal and very full Meeting of the Freeholders and
other Inhabitants of die town of Boston, by adjournment,
at Faneuil Hall, June 17, 1774.
The Honourable John Adams, Esquire, Moderator.
Upon a motion made, the town again entered into the
consideration of that article in the warrant, viz : " To
" consider and detennine what measures are to be taken
" on the present exigency of our public affairs, more
" especially relative to the late edict of a British Parlia-
" ment for blocking up the harbour of Boston, and anni-
" hilating the trade of this town ;" and after very serious
debates thereon,
Voted, (with only one dissentient,*) That the Com-
mittee of Correspondence be enjoined forthwith to write
to all the other Colonies, acquainting diem that we are not
idle ; that we are deliberating upon the steps to be taken
on the present exigencies of our public affairs ; that our
brethren, the landed interest of this Province, with an
unexampled spirit and unanimity, are entering into a non-
consumption agreement, and that we are waiting with
anxious expectation for the result of a Continental Con-
gress, whose meeting we impatiently desire, in whose wis-
dom and firmness we can confide, and in whose determina-
tion we shall cheerfully acquiesce.
Agreeably to order, the Committee of Correspondence
laid before the town such letters as they had received in
answer to the circular letters wrote by them to the several
Colonies, and also the seaport towns in'this Province, since
the reception of the Boston Port Bill ; and the same
being publicly read,f
• The town meeting waa as full and respectable as ever was known ;
their unanimity and firmnesg was never exceeded ; not one, thouirh
often called ujron, had any thing to offer in favour of paying for the tea,
in compliance with the Boston Port Bill ; all appeared disposed to stand
the utmost efforts of tyranny, rather thaji make a free surrender of the
rights of America. The speeches made on the state of American affairs
would do honour to any assembly.
The Solemn League and Covenant for a non-consumption of British
merchandise, is an axe at the root of the tree ; by coming into it we
establish our own manufactures, save our money, and finally our
country from the destruction that threatens it.
t Boston, June 20, 1774. The present aspect of public affairs is
highly favourable to the liberties of America ; the whole Continent
seems inspired by one soul, and that soul a vigorous and determined
one. Virginia is all in motion ; and Maryland lias made amazing pro-
gress for the short space since they have taken this fresh alarm from
the Boston Port Bill. Meetings of towns, counties, and by Delegates
of the whole Province, either nave been held, or are going rapidly on.
Besides the doings of Annapolis and Baltimore, those of Chester are
deserving of our warmest acknowledgments. Subscription papers
have been set on foot in that county, and considerable sums already
subscribed for the relief of our poor in this devoted town. Philadel-
phia is following the generous example, as well as the Jersies, New-
York and Connecticut. New-Jersey is very forward, and are on the
point of choosing their Deputies for the Congress by a very regular
method, viz : Of meeting in towns and neighbourhoods, sending Dopu.
ties from those meetings to county meetings, and others from those to
a Provincial one. Committees of Correspondence are not now confined
to the Province of Massachusetts Bay. Ix>rd North's Administration
is become so important that nearly every subject of the Empire feels
himself deeply interested in it, and insists upon being acquainted with
the very minutia of all liis plans.
The zeal, firmness and unanimity of our late House of Ropresonta.
tivos, and the steady support they received from the Honourable his
Majesty's Council, does honour to the good sense and patriotism of the
parties, who at this trying season committed the conservation of their
inestimable, and now mucii endangered riglits, into such worthy hands.
Some exceptions wo must allow there have been ; but ignorance, ambi.
tion for the fancied honours of commissions, civil and military, and
rank cowardice respecting the event of contending to blood for our
rights, daily giving way to the better information abounding through
all ranks of people, afford us the comfortable hope, that in a little timj
our House of Ropresentatives shall emulate that of Virginia, in which
a gentleman lately from thence says, there was not so much as a luke.
warm member, much less a dissentient from the cause of his country.
We hear that the patriotic inhabitants of Philadelphia have gener-
ously voted to give the poor of this town fifteen hundred barrels of
flour, five hundred of which, it is laid, may be soon expected.
Voted, unanimously, That our wannest thanks be trans-
mitted to our brethren on the Continent, for that humanity,
sympathy and affection with which they have been inspired,
and which they have expressed towards this distressed
town at this important season.
Voted, unanimously, That the thanks of this town be,
and hereby are, given to the Committee of Correspon-
dence, for their faithfulness in the discharge of their trust,
and that they be desired to continue their vigilance and
activity in that service.
Whereas the Overseers of the Poor in the town of
Boston are a body politic, by law constituted for the
reception and distribution of charitable donations for the
use of the poor of the said town.
Voted, That all grants and donations to this town, and
the poor thereof, at this distressing season, be paid and
delivered into the hands of said Overseers, and by them
appropriated and distributed, in concert with the Com-
mittee lately appointed by this town for the consideration
of ways and means of employing the jtoor.
Voted, Tliat the Town Clerk be directed to publish
the proceedings of this meeting in the several newspapers.
The meeting was then adjourned to Monday, the 27th
June, instant. Attest,
William Cooper, Town Clerk.
ADDRESS FROM THE MERCHANTS AND FREEHOLDERS OF
THE TOWN OF SALEM, PRESENTED TO HIS EXCELLENCY
GOVERNOUR GAGE, ON SATUHD.tY, JUNE 18, 1774.
May it please your Excellency :
We, who are Merchants and Freeholders in the town
of Salem, beg leave to present you our dutiful respects on
your appointment to the Government of this Province.
The universal tribute of thanks and applause paid you for
the wisdom, mildness, and exact regularity of your conduct
in another command, cannot fail to excite the most just
expectations tliat this Province will enjoy the happy fruits
of your benignity.
We are deeply affected with a sense of our public
calamities ; but the miseries that are now rapidly hastening
on our brethren in the capital of the Province greatly excite
our commiseration ; and we hope your Excellency will use
your endeavours to prevent a further accumulation of evils
on that already sorely distressed people.
By shutting up the port of Boston some imagine that die
course of trade might be turned hither, and to our benefit ;
but nature, in the formation of our harbour, forbids our be-
coming rivals in commerce to that convenient mart. And
were it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice,
lost to all the feelings of humanity, could we indulge one
thought to seize on wealth and raise our fortunes on the
ruin of our suffering neighbours. But so far from receiv-
ing a benefit, we are greatly injured by the shutting up the
harbour of Boston, as it deprives us of a market for much
the largest part of our We.-t India imports; and there is
not a town in the Province but will feel the ill effects of it.
Permit us then, sir, to apply to your clemency and justice
to afford us every alleviation in your power, and to pro-
cure for us every possible relief from this extensive mis-
chief.
W^e account it the greatest unhappiness that this Pro-
vince, which has ever been foremost in loyalty to the
Kings of Britain — in its efforts to defend their Territories
and enlarge their Dominions — should be the first to feel
our Sovereign's severest displeasure. Our fathers fled from
oppression, braved every danger, and here began a settle-
ment on bare creation. Almost incredible are the fatigues
and difficulties they encountered to subdue a dreary wilder-
ness filled with savage beasts, and yet more savage men ;
but by their invincible resolution they rose superior to them
all ; and by their astonishing efforts greatly fiicilitated the
settlement of the other British Colonies in America. Yet,
sir, we speak it with grief, the sons arc ciiecked and dis-
honoured for exhibiting proofs of their inheriting some
portion of that spirit which, in their fathers, produced such
astonishing effects.
A happy union with Great Britain is the wish of all
the Colonies. It is their unspeakable grief that it has in
any degree been interrupted. We earnestly desire to
repair the breach. We ardently pray that harmony may
425
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, JUNE, 1774.
426
be restored. And for these ends, every measure compat-
ible with the dignity and safety of British subjects we shall
gladly adopt.
We assure your Excellency we shall make it our con-
stant endeavour to preserve the peace and promote the
welfare of the Province ; and hereby we shall best advance
the interest of our Sovereign.
In these times the Administration of Government nmst
be peculiarly arduous and difficult ; but youre we wish may
be as easy as the nature of things will possibly admit, and
the event happy ; and that your public labours may be
crowned with the noblest reward, the voluntary, disinter-
ested applause of a whole free people.
Signed by one hundred and twenty-five persons.
HIS excellency's answer.
Gentlemen : I thank you for the obliging expressions
towards me, contained in your Address, and be assured it
will always afford me sincere pleasure to be of use to
the inhabitants of this town, or any individuals in the Pro-
vince.
I feel, as well as you, the inconveniences that the inhab-
itants must suffer from shutting up the port of Boston ;
and should be glad they would co-operate with my endea-
vours to extricate themselves from them ; but, without their
assistance, I can take no step towards their relief; I am
sorry that the people of that capital should have given such
repeated provocations to the King and the British Nation,
as to force them to take the present measures in support
of their autiiority. Great Britain is equally desirous as
yourselves of a happy union with this, as well as every
other Colony, and inheriting the spirit of her ancestors,
finds it necessary to support her rights, as the supreme
head of her extended Empire. She strives not to check
that spirit which you say you inherit from your fathers,
but to inculcate that due obedience to the King, in his
Parliament, which your fathers acknowledged.
Salem, June 18, 1774.
CAROLINE COUNTY (maRYLANd) RESOLUTIONS.
At a very full Meeting of respectable Inhabitants of
Caroline County, at MelvilVs Warehouse, on Saturday,
the 18th day of June, 111 A, by adjournment from Wed-
netday, the 8th of the same month.
Charles Dickinson, Esq., in the Chair.
1st. Resolved, That the inhabitants of this county are
by duty and inclination firmly attached to his most sacred
Majesty King George the Third, to whom they owe all due
obedience and allegiance.
2d. That it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting,
that the Boston Port Act is principally grounded on the
opposition made by the inhabitants of that town to the
Tea Duty ; that the said town of Boston is now suffering
in the common cause of British America, and that it is
the duty of every Colony thereof, to unite in the most
effectual means to obtain a repeal of the late Act of Parlia-
ment for shutting up the port of Boston.
3d. That it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting,
that if the Colonies come into a joint resolution to forbear
all importations whatsoever from Great Britain, (except
such articles as are absolutely necessary,) until the Acts of
Parliament for shutting up the port of Boston, and for levy-
ing a duty on America, for the express purpose of raising a
revenue, shall be repealed, it will be the means of preserv-
ing the liberties of North America.
Resolved, therefore. That the inhabitants of this county
are disposed firmly to unite with tlie inhabitants of this Pro-
vince and the other Colonies in North America, in an
Association and agreement to forbear the importation of all
manner of goods and merchandise from Great Britain,
during the continuance of the said Acts of Parliament,
(except such as may be judged proper to be excepted by
a general Association,) and that all orders for importation
(except for articles before excepted) ought to cease.
4th. That it is against the opinion of this meeting that
the Colonies go into a general non-importation from, or
non-exportation to Great Brtiain, but should both or
either of these measures be adopted, they will acquiesce
therein.
5th. That it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting,
that the Courts of Justice be kept open ; but should a non-
exportation agreement be generally come into, in that case
it is the opinion of this meeting that the Courts of Justice
be shut up.
6th. That it is the opinion of the inhabitants of this
county, that this Province ought to break off all trade and
dealings with that Colony, Province, or town, which shall
refuse or decline to come into similar resolutions with a
majority of the Colonies.
7th. That it is the unanimous opinion of this meeting,
that delegates be appointed from this Province to attend \
General Congress of Delegates from the other Colonies,
at such time and place as shall be agreed on, in order to
settle and establish a general plan of conduct for the im-
portant purpose aforementioned.
8th. That Thomas White, William Richardson, Isaac
Bradly, Nathaniel Potter, Benson Stainton, and Thomas
Goldsborough, be a Committee to attend a general meeting
at Annapolis. And that the same gentlemen, togetlier
with Charles Dickinson, Richard Mason, Joshua Clark,
Henry Dickinson, Dr. William Molleson, Charles Blair,
William Haskins, Philip Fidernan, William Hopper, the
Reverend Mr. Samuel Keene, the Reverend Mr. Philip
Walker, Henry Casson, and Benedict Brice, be a Com-
mittee of Correspondence to receive and answer all letters,
and, on any emergency, to call a general meeting, and
that any seven of the number have power to act.
9th. That this paper be considered as an instruction to
the Deputies nominated for this county to meet at the City
of Annapolis for the purpose of forming a general Asso-
ciation, in which they are not to come into any engage-
ment whatever, but upon condition that the Colonies in
general shall come into a similar measure.
10th. That a copy of these proceedings be published in
the Maryland Gazette, to evince to the world the sense
they entertain of the invasion of their constitutional rights
and liberties. Signed per order,
Henry Downs, Jun., Cleric.
CITY AND county OF PHILADELPHIA (PA.) RESOLUTIONS.
At a very large and respectable Meeting of the Free-
holders and Freemen of the City and County of Philadel-
phia, in the Province of Pennsylvania, held on Saturday,
June 18, 1774.
T. Willing, and John Dickinson, Esqs., Chairmen.
Resolved, 1st. That the Act of Parliament for shutting
up the port of Boston, is unconstitutional, oppressive to
the inhabitants of that town, dangerous to the liberties of
the British Colonies, and that, therefore, we consider our
brethren at Boston as suffering in the common cause of
America.
2d. That a Congress of Deputies from the several
Colonies in North America, is the most probable and pro-
per mode of procuring relief for our suffering brethren,
obtaining redress of American grievances, securing our
rights and liberties, and re-establishing peace and harmony
between Great Britain and these Colonies, on a constitu-
tional foundation.
3d. That a large and respectable Committee be imme-
diately appointed for the City and County of Philadelphia,
to correspond with the sister Colonies, and with the several
counties in this Province, in order that all may unite in pro-
moting and endeavouring to attain the great and valuable
ends mentioned in the foregoing resolution.
4th. That the Committee nominated by this meeting
shall consult together, and, on mature deliberation, deter-
mine, what is the most proper mode of collecting the sense
of this Province, and appointing Deputies for the same to
attend a general Congress ; and having determined there-
upon, shall take such measures, as by them shall be judged
most expedient for procuring this Province to be repre-
sented at the said Congress, in the best manner that can
be devised for promoting the public welfare.
5th. That tlie Committee be instructed immediately to
set on foot a subscription for the relief of such poor inhab-
itants of the town of Boston, as may be deprived of the
means of subsistence by the operation of the Act of Par-
liament, commonly styled the Boston Port Bill, the money
427
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, tc, JUNE, 1774.
428
arising from sucli subscription to be laid out as the Com-
mitieee sb.'ill think will best answer the ends proposed.
6th. That the Committee consist of forty-four persons,
viz: John Dickinson, James Femberton, Edivard Pen-
nington, John Nixon, Thomas IVilling, George Clymer,
Samuel Howell, Joseph Bead, John Roberts, (miller,)
Thomas IVhartoii, Jtm., Charles Thomson, Jacob Barge,
Thomas Barclai/, William Bush, Robert Smith, (carpen-
ter,) Thomas Fitzimons, George Boherts, Samuel Krvin,
Thomas Mifflin, John Cox, George Gray, Bobcrt Morris,
Samuel Miles, John M. Ncsbit, Feter Chevalier, IVilliam
Moulder, Joseph Moulder, Anthony Morris, Jun., John
Allen, Jeremiah Warder, Jun., Reverend Dr. William
Smith, Faul Engle, Thomas Fenrose, James Mease,
Benjamin Marshall, Beuben Haines, John Bayard, Jona-
than B. Smith, Thomas Wharton, Isaac Howell, Michael
Hillcgas, Adam Hubley, George Schloffer, and Christo-
pher Ludwick, to whose approved integrity, abilities, and
sincere affection for the interest of this immense Empire,
their constituents look up for the most propitious events.
The Speech of the Beverend William Smith, D. D.,
Provost of (he College at Philadelphia, at the very
numerous Meeting of the Freeholders and Freemen of
that City and County, on the I8th of June, previous to
the election of the Committee of forty-four very respect-
able and truly patriotic citizens.
Gentlemen: The occasion of this meeting lias been
fully explained to you, and sundry propositions read, which
are now to be offered separately for your approbation or
disapprobation. But before you proceed to business, it
has been thought proper to submit a few things to your
good judgment with respect to the order and decorum
necessary to be observed in the discussion of every question.
It need not be repeated to you, that matters of the
highest consequence to the happiness of this Province,
nay, of all British America, depends upon your deliber-
ations this day — perhaps nothing less than whether the
breach with the country from which we descended shall be
irreparably widened, or whether ways and means, upon
constitutional ground, may not yet be devised, for closing
that breach, and restoring that harmony from which, in our
better days. Great Britain and her Colonies derived
mutual strength and glory, and were exalted into an import-
ance that, both in peace and war, made them the envy
and terror of the neighbouring nations.
While subjects such as these are agitated before us,
every thing that may inflame and mislead the passions
should be cast far behind us.
A cause of such importance and magnitude, as that now
under our deliberation, is not to be conducted to its true
issue by any heated or hasty resolves, nor by any bitterness
nor animosities among ourselves, nor even perhaps by too
severe a recapitulation of past grievances ; but requires
the temperate and enlightened zeal of the patriot, the pru-
dence and experience of the aged ; tiie strength of mind
and vigour of those who are in their prime of life ; and, in
short, the united wisdom and efforts of all, both high and
low, joining hand in hand, and setting foot to foot upon the
fiiTn ground of reason and the Constitution.
Whenever party distinctions begin to operate we shall
give cause of triimiph to those who may be watchful as
well as powerful to abridge us of our native rights. There
ought to be no party, no contention here, but who shall be
firmest and foremost in the common cause of America.
Every man's sentiments should be freely heard and without
prejudice. While we contend for liberty with others, let us
not refuse liberty to each other.
Whatever vote is known to be now passed upon full
deliberation, and by the unanimous voice of this great city
and county, will not only be respected througii all America,
but will have such a weight as the proudest Minister in
England may have reason to respect ; but if it is known
to be a divided vote, or adopted hastily on some angrj' day,
it will only be injurious to our own cause.
What I have in charge to request of you is this — that if,
on any point, we should have a difference of sentiments,
every person may be allowed to speak his mind freely, and
to conclude what he has to offer, witiiout any such out-
ward marks of approbation or disapprobation, as clapping
or hissing : and that if any division should be necessary,
(which it is hoped may not be case this day,) such division
may be made in a manner desired by the Chairmen, and
with all possible order and decorum.
CHESTER COUNTY (PENNSYLVANIA) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a respectable body of the Freeholders,
inhabitants of the County of Chester, on Saturday, the 18th
of June, 1774, the following Resolutions were deliberately
and unanimously agreed on, viz :
1. That it is an absolute right, inherent in every English
subject, to have the free use, enjoyment, and disposal of
all Ids property either by himself or Representatives ; and
that no other power on earth can legally divest him of it.
2. That we apprehend the Act of Parliament for
shutting up the port of Boston, (until his Majesty's duties
be duly collected, &c.,) is highly arbitrary and oppressive
to the inhabitants of that town, and in its consequences
may endanger the liberties of all the British Colonies in
America.
3. That the two Bills mentioned in the last advices
from London to be passing in Parliament, one changing
the chartered Constitution of the Province of Massachu
setts Bay into a military Government, and the other em-
powering the Governour, or Lieutenant Governour to send
any person or persons to England to be tried for actions
committed in that Colony, are subversive of every idea of
liberty, and serve as a prelude to the fate of each chartered
British Colony on this Continent.
4. That a Congress of Deputies from the said Colonies
is the most probable and proper mode of procuring relief
for our suffering brethren ; obtaining redress, and preserving
our natural rights and liberties, and the establishing peace
and mutual confidence between the mother country and
her Colonies on a constitutional foundation.
5. That we will concur and join with our brethren of
the City and County of Philadelphia in desiring the
Speaker of the honourable House of Representatives of
this Province, to write to the several members of Assembly,
requesting them to meet in the City of Philadelphia on
any day not later than the first of August next, to take
into their serious consideration our very alarming situation ;
to appoint Deputies to attend at a general Congress for
the Colonies, at such time and place as shall be agreed on.
As the notice of this meeting was but short, it is agreed
that a general meeting be fixed on Saturday, the 25th
instant, at the dwelling house of Jacob James, at the sign
of the Turk's Head, in Goshen, at one o'clock, P. M., in
order to choose a Committee of Correspondence, and to
resolve on such other modes or propositions as may be
most likely to attain redress of those grievances that the
Colonies now groan under ; at which time and place all
those who are entitled to vote for members of Assembly,
and wish well to their posterity and American liberty, are
requested to attend, and give their advice on this alarming
crisis.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GOVERNOUR FRANKLIN TO
THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Burlington, June 18, 1774.
My Lord : I have just received a copy of some resolves
entered into at a meeting of a number of freeholders and
inhabitants of the county of Essex, in this Province, on
Saturday Inst, which I think it my duty to transmit to
your Lordship. The meeting was occasioned it seems by
an advertisement, requesting the attendance of the inhab-
itants on that day, and published in one of the Netc-York
papers, and signed by two gentlemen of the law. who
reside in that county. I have likewise had an application
made to me by some of the meinbers of the House of Rep-
resentatives, to call a meeting of the General Assembly in
August next, with which I have not, nor shall not comply,
as there is no public business of the Province which can
make such a meeting necessary. It seems now determined
by several of the leading men, in most, if not all the counties
in this Province, to endeavour to follow the example of
the freeholders in Essex. Meetings of this nature, there
are no means of preventing, where the chief part of the
inhabitants incline to attend them. I as yet doubt, how-
429
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JUNE, 1774.
430
ever, whetlier they will agree to the general non-importation
from Great Britain, which has been recommended. —
Tiieir principal aim seems to be to bring about a Congress
of Deputies from all the Colonies, as proposed by Virginia;
and that that Congress should not only ap]ily to his Ma-
jesty for the repeal of the Boston Port Act, but endeavour
to fall upon measures for accommodating the present dif-
ferences between the two countries, wid preventing the
like in future.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED AT PHILADELPHIA.
Fort Pitt, June 19, 1774.
The 16th instant, a friendly Indian, who had been
reconnoitering the woods with Captain AVKee, was fired
upon by one of Conolly's militia, but luckily made his
escape. Tlie same day, Mr. Richard Bulkr, and Mr.
Alexander Blain, two of the principal traders, arrived here
from the Shawane.se towns, with ten canoes loaded with
peltry. They were escorted to this place by three of the
Shawancse. All the rest of the traders are coming by
land with near two hundred horses loaded with peltry, and
are expected here in a few days.
Mr. Butler brought a speech from the Shawanese, of
which Captain M'Kee desired him to acquaint Conolly,
and likewise to apply to him for a protection for the
Shawanese, who escorted our traders, which Conolly abso-
lutely refused, saying, he could not speak to thein, as he
looked upon them as enemies.
Yesterday two Delaware Indians arri\'ed at Colonel
Croghan's, from Newcomers town, with an account that the
traders had got as far as that town four days ago, with their
horses and peltry on their way hoine. This morning
Conolly sent out a party of forty armed men to Colonel
Croghan's to cut off tiie three Shawanese who had so faith-
fully escorted our traders and their property to this place.
Tlie traders, with the assistance of Colonel Croghan, got
the Indians put over Alleghany river ; paid them a quan-
tity of goods ; delivered to them a speech, and parted in
the greatest friendship. Conolly's party returned this
evening, and both he and they are much enraged at being
disappointed in the execution of their nmrderous purpose.
He immediately put up advertisements threatening every
person who shall either harbour, trade, or correspond with
any of the Shawanese or Mingoes at this place, with the
severest punishment.
1 forgot to mention that Colonel Croghan, after being
two days on his journey to Virginia, was turned back by
the country people, who gathered about him, expressing
their dissatisfaction at his leaving this place, and alleging
that he was flying for fear of a war.
We have an account of Logan's being returned to the
Shawanese towns ; and that he took with him thirteen
scalps. There has been no mischief done by the Indians
in this fork of the river yet, which gives us the greatest
reason to believe that the stroke is aimed at the Virginians
only.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED AT NEW-YORK.
Boston, June 19, 1774.
On our return from Salem, our rejoicing was full on the
interesting advices we received from all quarters. Those
worthy members of society, the Tradesmen, we depend on
under God, to form the resolutions of the other ranks of
citizens in Philadelphia and New-York. They certainly
carry all before them here. The yeomanry in our country
towns are another effectual support.
A covenant is handing about among them, and signed
by thousands, not to purchase any British manufactures
imported after the 31st of August next. This will insure
a non-ini])ortation in this Province, whether the merchants
are pleased to come into it or not. However, there seems
to be no disposition at all in the body of the trade here
to counteract the minds of their countrymen.
The last has been an important week with us. The
tools of power suspecting things were not going to their
minds in the General Court, endeavoured to influence the
city to come into some measures for the payment of the
tea. They had cabal after cabal, and conceited they had
extended their influence so far, that one of tlie most plaus-
ible of them in a meeting of the Tradesmen, held last
WednesUay, ventured to recommend the measure to their
consideration. Some smart altercations ensued, and it
clearly appeared, that it was almost an unanimous senti-
ment to suffer the last extremities of oppression, rather
than the least shadow of concession should be extorted
from them. Still more averse were they to making any
proposals to their oppressors.
On Friday came on the adjourned town meeting, which
was attended by such numbers, that tlie Hall could not
hold them, when to anticipate every pretence of awilHng-
ness in the people to pay for the tea, it was observed, that
as that scheme had been much recommended both by
speaking and writing, it was therefore requested, that if
any gentleman had any thing to offer on the subject, he
would speak freely, that a matter of such importance might
be fairly discussed in the presence of the general body
of the people. But not a man ventured to appear in
defence of propositions fit only to be whispered in a con-
clave of addressers, composed of despicable or interested
persons — though there were among tliem, a few persons
deserving of better company, who had been unhappily
drawn in to side with them.
Thus Administration, notwitstanding the terror of their
fleets and armies already investing us, and hourly expected,
have the mortification to find, that in neither the General
Assembly of the Province, nor this general meeting of the
capital, not so much as a single symptom of inchnation
appeared of complying with their demand, though enforced
with a distressing blockade.
1 was yesterday informed that our Attorney General,
who is also Judge of the Admiralty for Nova Scotia, and
a notable instrument of the British Administration, was a
few days past at Salem, flattering the members on whom
he could hope to make any impression with the advantages
of making a concession, even the least, respecting the
payment for the tea ; and, it is said, that the Ministerial
party are now talking of a private subscription for that
purpose. If they choose to do so silly a thing, we cannot
help it ; but it certainly will be but a poor triumph to the
Minister, if he may even be enabled to pretend that a few
of his own tools have lent their names to cover his defeat.
I am credibly informed the soldiers desert in consider-
able numbers. Eighty have left the regiment at the Castle;
and a schooner sent up into one of our rivers, has lost all
her hands. Two soldiers of the new-comers, having gone
off", the officers are in great perplexity how to proceed
with them. They say, should they send privates after
them, it would be sending the hatchet after the helve ; and
should they go themselves, and even come up with them,
tliey might certainly expect a rescue.
TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE PROVINCE OF SOUTH
CAROLINA.
Charlestown, June 20, 1774.
My DEAR Countrymen : I cannot but hope that the
late Act for intimidating America, by the punishment
of Boston, will open your eyes, and arouse you from your
lethargy. It seems then that we are now to submit to
every imposition of our fellow-subjects, however arbitrary
and cruel, or we are to be dragooned into it. You find
the Parliament, not contented with a claim to the right of
taxing us without our consent, now rise higher in their
demands, and assume the power of breaking all our Char-
ters, uivinir and jrrantina; our wharfs and shore-lands, and,
in short, they plainly claim the power of making the King
absolute in America. I shall make a few strictures on the
Act of Parliament, and leave you to judge whether there
ever was an Act of so base and poisonous a nature, stolen
by the vilest Ministry from the most abject Senate.
It begins by setting forth the cause of this strange and
arbitrary measure, and what is it? Why, forsooth, because
divers ill-affected persons had fomented and raised danger-
ous commotions and insurrections in the town of Boston,
in which cominotions and insurrections ct-rtain valuable
cargoes • of tea had been destroyed, &.C., &ic. It is not
pretended — it could not be pretended, that the town of
Boston, as such, was concerned in these riots — but some
ill-minded persons ; and what is the consequence ? That
grave and onuiipotent body, instead of enabling his Majesty
481
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JUNE, 1774.
432
to prosecute and bring to justice those ill-minded persons,
proceed to pass an Act to ruin, if possible, a whole town, and
with them, a whole Province ; in the most cruel and unjust
manner to distress and destroy not less than forty thousand
people more than can be supposed to have had a hand in
tlie riot. And not only them, but virtually to confiscate,
not merely the wharfs and quays of Boston, but all the
shore-lands round that great bay comprehended between
Nahant and AUhrton Points, so that the navigation, upon
which multitudes out of the town of Boston, as well as
in it, must subsist, is violently taken from them. It is the
happiness of all God's creatures, that in him omnipotence
and justice are joined ; it is like to be the curse of America
if the Parliament is allowed to be almighty ; that it has
neither justice nor mercy. If the Parliament is to have the
absolute government of us, we have here a specimen of
what we are to expect. If a kw ill-minded persons were
to take upon them to make water against the door of a
custom house officer, or of a cellar where the tea is lodged,
upon the same principle all in Charlcstown might he laid
in ashes.
But let us advert to the principle of the Act. By the
first and second clauses of it, all the wharfs, quays, land-
ings, and water lots of that great bay between Nahant and
AUhrton Points, which are the subsistence of many thous-
and people, are condemned, and little better than confiscat-
ed, as no goods are either to be landed upon them or
shipped from them by any vessel down to the size of a
common wherry ; and thus under the penalty not merely
of the forefeiture of the vessels and cargoes, with the
horses, carriages, cattle, and every utensil concerned in
carrying goods so landed, but of a fine, three times the
value of such goods at the highest price of them, upon
any person that shall so much as aid or abet; these fines
not to be recovered in a common court of law, where you
might have a chance for justice upon a trial by jury, but in
a Court of Admiralty, that monster of oppression 1 where
the King, who is to receive the fine, is both judge and
jury. Upon whicii clauses I would only ask, when was
the Parliament of Great Britain vested by the Ameri-
cans with a right to their wharfs and landings ? If the
money in our pockets is really represented in Parliament,
as the framers of the Stamp Act seemed to imagine, when
did ever the Americans give one inch of their lands into
the power of their fellow-subjects in England! Are our
lands then — all our estates, nay, our peace, and life itself,
to lie at the pleasure of any Minister who is knave enough
to bribe an English Parliament.
As though this was not enough, and our Ocean itself
must not be free to our ships, by the next clauses no ship
or vessel of any size is to be permitted, upon any pretence,
or any exigency, to come into the bay ; no, not so much
as to hover off and lie in the Ocean. A league of the sea
is abridged, not suffered to be sailed upon by mariners ;
nay, vessels of any Nation coming there, though by acci-
dent or ignorance, (as no sufficient time is given to spread
the intelligence,) are subjected to the caprice of any
wretch who commands those worse than Spanish guarda
costas, to be assigned to whatever port he thinks fit, and if
not obeyed in six hours, to be forfeited, cargo and all.
Dip farther into this production of Hell and you find
that not so much as a wood-boat can enter — not a market-
boat can enter — not a market boat bring a few cabbages or
bushels of corn to support sixty thousand peo))le, but it
nmst first enter at Salem (twenty miles the straiglitest way
by land, but by sea a much greater distance) to obtain a
permit, and even not then without an insolent officer and
armed men on board. This seems designed to starve
the town, or at least to raise the price of provisions, so as
to force that capital of America to yield, and by that
means to discourage all future stnjggles for liberty.
To force the officers on the station to be faithful and to
deter any one of them who might othenvise listen to
the native suggestions of an English heart, five hundred
pounds sterling fine is imposed upon the one who shall so
much as connive at the smallest breach of the Act.
It is impossible that by the first of June intelligence of
this measure should have spread even through America,
and yet, on that day, all charter parties are rendered void
that have been made for that port, by which the freighters
on many vessels must be ruined.
But to crown the whole, my countrjTnen, and to show
you what treatment you are to expect by tame submission
to that many-headed tyrant, this oppression is to be contin-
ued until all the demands of the East India Company
are satisfied, and all the imaginary injuries received by the
Commissioners in certain times past from the mob, are
redressed. By w hom ? by the town of Boston ; by the
innocent as well as the riotous, and how ? As a town they
can do nothing, unless they tax every individual inhab-
itant. But when is it to be supposed that satisfaction is
made ? Why, when the Govemour, who, by office, if not
by inclination, is supposed to be a mere tool of arbitrar}'
power, shall be brought to certify that it is done. But
suppose this satisfaction is made, is all then over? No.
They have been so kind, after this, as to subject the im-
mense property of so many thousand people, not to the
future adjudications of another Pariiament : they suppos-
ed it possible that another Pariiament might be shocked
with horror with the crime ; they supposed that the ancient
English soul, but now fled to America, might have forti-
tude to stand it out for a time ; they, therefore, put it out
of the power of a future Parliament, by leaving it to the
King. The Minister did not choose to put the delightful
carnage out of his own hands ; that Minister, who con-
temptuously refused satisfaction from the merchants at
home, determined to keep the matter in his own power,
thereby violating the first rights of Englishmen, by which
our property should be sacred as well as our lives.
But have the Parliament been content, then, to throw
the town of Boston wholly into the King's hands until
satisfaction is made ? No. To complete the massacre of
American liberty, they have, in defiance of all law and
justice, put it into the King's power to judge and deter-
mine, for ever hereafter, what use shall be made, or not be
made, of those immense estates in water lots, which sur-
round one of the most extensive bays in America. They
have, in effect, given and granted to his Majesty all the
wharfs and landings in Boston, and around the harbour,
through all generations ; for, if it must be wholly at the
King's pleasure whether I shall make a wharf or landing
on my land or not ; or, if I do, whether I shall make any
use of it, the nature of the property is wholly altered. Is
that my land which I cannot improve as I please, or on
which I am not allowed to land goods even that have paid
the duty ? Shall we be thus given, by our brethren, into
the hands of the King, to do with our estates as he sees
proper ?
Compared to this Act, what are all the clauses of Par-
liamentary power heretofore made ? The design of this
is threefold. First, to establish a precedent of Parliamen-
tary right even to dispose of our lands. Secondly, to pro-
mote a new wharf office for the support of a thousand more
bloodsuckers in America; and, thirdly, to give the King
power to punish, by these wretches, any wharf holder who
shall hereafter prove patriotic, or have the honesty to
espouse the cause of his oppressed country. Thus you
find the property of thousands of Americans, not merely
taxed by aliens, but effectually taken out of their hands,
and every one of their grants by which tlie possessors now
hold them, the waters, water courses, landings, and every
other appurtenance, rendered null and void. No right is
too sacred to be violated by a Minister who has a Parlia-
ment at his nod. What an aspect has this upon the land-
holders in America 1 What are you to expect from such
a precedent as this ? Have not the Parliament as good a
right to pass an Act that rice and indigo shall be made
only in such parts of this country as the King shall direct ?
For my part, I should not be surprised even to see an
edict restricting the making of these articles to the Colony
of Georgia, and imposing heavy fines upon those who
should presume to make them here. And all this is done
against the sanctity' of a most solemn Charter, granted
expressly to secure certain rights and privileges to a people
not only beyond the power of Parliament, but beyond the
power of the King himself, the Crown having pledged
its faith, not to be recalled, never to violate those privileges.
And now, when, upon the faith of such solemn agreement,
a country is subdued, and cities built, an insolent Minister,
taking affront at the opposition of a favourite scheme of
oppression, shall, by a word, overset the whole, we are
now threatened with the loss of all the Charters in Ame-
433
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, JUNE, 1774.
434
rica, if we do not submit. At this rate, what security have
we of our lives, liberties, and all we hold dear ? Was it
ever known that the Parliament did give and grant the
landed property of any country or town in England into
tiie King's power for ever ? No, this is what no Parlia-
ment ever thought it had a right to do, even in the country
which it represents. But what they cannot do in England,
they undertake to do here. Indeed, if we are to be
governed by English Parliaments, we must expect that
they will lay upon us what they would not venture to lay
upon their own constituents. They have actually now
voted away certain property of Americans, which they
dare not do of the English themselves. No Minister
could have the boldness to propose such a thing with the
City of London.
This, ye base advocates for Parliamentary power in
America, this is the blessed fruit of your doctrines. The
matter now speaks for itself, and it is out of your power to
disguise it. And now, whether supported by place or pen-
sion, or only formed to slavish principles by connection
and interest, I call upon you to vindicate these proceedings.
It has often been to me a wonder, that any set of men who
breathe American air can find it in their hearts to wish
America enslaved, and their children to grow up under
chains; that any set of men, nourished by its bread, and
drawn from the kennel of obscurity by American bounty,
should advocate the cause of American thraldom. ' I
have often been astonished that, in the midst of a free and
spirited people, there should be found a wretch so insolent
as to hold up his head in company and speak against the
rights of an injured and oppressed country. These intes-
tine enemies are more to be feared than the arms of Bri-
tain herself. Mark every man, my dear countrymen, who
on this occasion slyly attempts to divide you, or weaken
your zeal ; withdraw your countenance and support from
him ; give it to those who merit it, and set him down as a
traitor. A Carolinian.
Charlestown, S. C, June 20, 1774.
Letters from the Southern parts of North Carolina
assure us, that the inhabitants there will go as far in
defence of American liberty as can be expected ; and
recommend, if a Congress should be deemed the first step
necessary to be taken, that subscriptions, or rather collec-
tions, be set on foot throughout the Continent, to raise and
remit a sum of money to the community in Boston, for
the relief of the most distressed of our sufl:ering brethren
there, who must stand in equal need of such assistance as
if their town had been destroyed by fire. And we have
the pleasure to learn, that the inhabitants of this Province
generally, seem ready to contribute their mite as soon as
proper persons are named to receive what their benevolent
hearts shall induce them to offer.
FREDEBICK COUNTY (maRYLANd) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Inhabitants of Frederick County,
Maryland, held at the Court House in said County, on
Monday, the 20th of June, 1774.
Mr. John Hanson, Chairman.
1st. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting
that the town of Boston is now suftljring in the common
cause of America, and that it is the duty of every Colony
in America to unite in the most effectual means to obtain
a repeal of the late Act of Parliament for blocking up the
harbour of Boston.
2d. That it is the opinion of a great majority of this
meeting, that if the Colonies come into a joint resolution to
sto|) all imports from, and exports to. Great Britain and
the West Indies, till the Act of Parliament for blocking up
the harbour of Boston, as well as .every other Act oppres-
sive to American liberty, be repealed, the same may be
the means of preserving to America her rights, liberties,
and privileges.
3d. That therefore this meeting will join in an Associa-
tion with the several counties in this Province, and the
principal Colonies in America, to put a stop to all exports
to, and imports from, Great Britain and the West Indies,
shipped after the 25tli day of July next, or sucli other
day as may be agreed on, until the said Act shall be
repealed ; and that such Association shall be upon oath.
4th. That we, the inhabitants of Frederick County, will
not deal, or have any connections with that Colony, Pro-
vince or town, which shall decline or refuse to come into
similar resolutions with a majority of the Colonies.
5tli. That no suit shall be commenced, after the stop
shall be put to imports and exports, for the recovery of
any debt due to any person whatsoever, unless the debtor
be about to abscond, or, being applied to, shall refuse to
give bond and security.
6th. That Messrs. John Hanson, Thomas Price, George
Scott, Benjamin Dulany, George Murdock, Philip Tho-
mas, Alexander C. Hanson, Baker Johnson, and Andrew
Scott, be a Committee to attend the general Congress at
Annapolis, and that those gentlemen, together with Messrs.
John Cary, Christopher Edelen, Conrad Grosh, Thomas
Schley, Peter Hoffman, and Archibald Boyd, be a Com-
mittee of Correspondence to receive and answer letters,
and on any emergency to call a general meeting, and that
any six shall have power to act.
Ordered, That these Resolves be immediately sent to
Annapolis, that they may be printed in the Maryland
Gazette. Signed by order,
Archibald Boyd, Clerk of the Committee.
JOHN DICKINSON TO JOSIAH ^UINCY, JUN.
Fairhill, June 20, 1774.
Dear Sir : I sincerely thank you for your kind letter,
and the present attending it. This, without flattery, I
think highly valuable, and it gives me inexpressible plea-
sure to find myself addressed in so friendly a manner by a
gentleman I so heartily wish to call a friend.
As far as I have been able to collect the sense of the
Colonies, they are very unanimous in the measure you
mention of a Congress. You, and your worthy fellow-suf-
ferers, would receive a glimpse of joy, amidst your dis-
tresses, to know with what sympathy the inhabitants of
this Province consider your case. What never happened
before, has happened now. The country people have so
exact a knowledge of facts, and of the consequences
attending the surrender of the points in question, that they
are, if possible, more zealous than the citizens who lie in
a direct line of information. Doubt not that every thing
bears a most favourable aspect. Nothing can throw us into a
pernicious confusion, but one Colony's breaking the line of
opposition, by advancing too hastily before the rest. The
one which dares to betray the common cause, by rushing
forward, contrary to the maxims of discipline established
by common sense, and the experience of ages, will inevi-
tably and utterly perish.
May God Almighty bless you, and my beloved brethren
of Boston and Massachusetts Bay. My heart is full.
The time will come, I hope, when I may congratulate
them on a more stable security of their liberty than they
ever yet have enjoyed. I am, sir, with truth, your very
affectionate and very humble servant,
John Dickinson.
J. Quincy, Jun.
P. S. Our country people appear to me to be very firm.
They look to the last extremity with spirit. It is right
they should, if they will submit their resentment to the
guidance of reason.
Boston, June 20, 1774.
I have read with attention several pieces in the public
papers, the authors of which seem to acknowledge the
injustice and cruelty of the Act of Parliament, which
immediately distresses Boston, and is evidently intended
to enslave America ; and they propose a submission to
tyranny in order to be relieved from it, since, " On the
side of the oppressor is power." This is certainly an im-
portant question, and deserves our most serious attention ;
and, after mature deliberation, many important reasons
appear against paying for the tea, or any submission to
the present tyranny.
1. The tea was sent here for the wicked purpose of
enslaving the Colonies, and the people W'ere under the
necessity of destroying it to prevent the evils which were
Fourth Series.
28
435
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JUNE, 1774.
486
intended by our enemies ; therefore it was a just act of
self-defence.
2. The India Company were criminal in sending their
dulied tea to America, as they knew it tended to fix an
unrighteous revenue, and enslave their American brethren ;
therefore, in reason and justice, they ought never to receive
a farthing for their noxious tea, but are bound by the ties
of justice and honour to make a compensation to the peo-
ple here for the injury they liave received from tlie Com-
pany by means of sending tlie tea. It is probable that
America will suffer (unless a kind Providence should
defeat the Ministerial design) millions by this injurious
plan which the India Company have adopted, and accord-
ing to the rules of equity they ought to make good the
damage ; and will any one say that this people ought to
pay for the tea ?
3. All the Colonies are now considered as one body
politic, whose general liberty and interest is inseparable,
and therefore no concessions to arbitrary power must be
made, nor any important steps taken by one Colony with-
out consulting the whole in Congress ; and for this reason
we ought to wait for the meeting of the Congress that we
may be assisted by the joint wisdom of the Colonies.
4. As to the probability of obtaining relief, without a
mean submission to tyranny, I apprehend it is very great,
for the Act is such a flagrant violation of all the principles
of justice and humanity, that every good man in the Nation
wiil exert his influence to have this reproach wiped away
as soon as possible. The Nation will be alarmed with the
various calamities which this Act will bring upon them, by
stopping their trade with America, and the measures that
our States General may adopt. They will be alarmed
with the apprehension of a French and Spanish war.
And in this great shifting scene of political affairs, it can-
not be supposed that France, who for many important rea-
sons wants a free trade with America, will remain a silent
spectator ; she will doubtless think it a good opportunity
to open her ports to the Americans, and endeavour by all
means to gain their trade and friendship, and these con-
siderations will induce Britain to do us justice.
An Amekican.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM CAVE CUMBERLAND,
DATED JUNE 21, 1774.
I have had no accounts of my brother since he left
Fort Pitt, nor is there any news or word of any of the
traders of the Shawanese towns. What is come of them
God only knows, but all accounts from that quarter is
very bad. We have received accounts this day by express,
that one Captain McClure, a Virginian, is killed, and
another man deadly wounded by a party of Indians, which
was out near Redstone. All the poor people who was
settled over Alleghany Mountain, are either moved off, or
gathered in large numbers, and making places of defence
to secure themselves. All those misfortunes, and the lives
and property of the unhappy people who are among them,
are owing to the barbarous murder, no other name can I
give it, committed by Cresap and one Grcathouse, with
their men, on a few Iiulians. who resided on, or lived near,
tlie mouth of Yellow Creek.
NORTHAMPTON COUNTY (pENN.) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Justices, the Gentlemen of the
Bar, Grand Jury, and principal Inhabitants of the County
of Northampton, held at Easton, on the 21st day of June,
1774.
George Taylor, Esquire, in the Chair.
It being considered that it was necessary for all the
counties of this Province to join with their brethren of
Philadelphia in expressing their sentiments upon the pre-
sent interesting occasion, relative to the oppressive Acts of
Parliament lately passed in Great Britain, tending to
destroy the liberties of North America, it was unanimously
resolved as follows :
1st. That the Act of Parliament for shutting up the
port and harbour of Boston, is an Act of the highest
oppression, and a violation of the liberties of America.
2d. That as we consider the inhabitants of the said town
as suffering in the common cause of American freedom,
we will assist them to obtain redress by every legal act in
our power.
3d. That it is our opinion the most constitutional and
effectual method for obtaining such redress is, by having a
general Congress of Committees, to be composed and
chosen out of the members of the different Assemblies of
each Colony.
4th. That a Committee be formed in this county, con-
sisting of six persons, namely, fVilliam Edmunds, George
Taylor, Lewis Gordon, John Okeley, Peter Kachlein,
and Jacob Orndt, Esquires, to correspond with our breth-
ren in Philadelphia, and the other counties of this Pro-
vince, and to co-operate with them in such measures as
shall be judged most proper for the general good.
5th. That the Committee be desired to receive the
subscriptions of such charitable persons in this county who
shall incline to support the distressed and suffering inhab-
itants of the town of Boston. And, Resolved, That it is
the duty of every inhabitant of this county to contribute,
according to his circumstances, to relieve their suffering
brethren. The moneys raised by such subscription to be
disposed of for the use of the inliabitants of the said town
of Boston, in such way as the Committee shall think fit.
6th. That William Edmunds, Esquire, the Representa-
tive in Assembly for this county, be required by his breth-
ren of the Committee of Correspondence now appointed,
to attend and meet the other Representatives of Assembly
of this Province, in case the Speaker of the House shall
think proper to call them together upon this deeply inter-
esting and alarming occasion : and that it is the opinion of
his constituents here, that he do give his attendance
accordingly.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER KROM A GENTLEMAN IN ENGLAND
TO ONE IN NEW-YORK, DATED JUNE 22, 1774.
The Colonies must be in some confusion on account of
the measures taken by the Ministry and Parliament in
England, with the town of Boston, to bring it to obe-
dience; and if they succeed in their scheme there, the
other principal places of trade must not think to escape
the snare laid for them ; for most certainly the one is but
a prelude to the other. Therefore, I hope the prudent
conduct of the Colonies, in conjunction with each other,
will be able to defeat the machinations of their enemies,
both here and among themselves. Bad as things are or
may be with you, I seem to foresee worse times here.
You are at a great distance from the source of mischief,
but we are near it, and circumscribed within narrow
bounds, an Island of small extent in comparison with the
large Continent of North America. If you are persecuted
in the city, you can flee to the country ; but we, on this
side, have no country to screen us from the oppressions of
the great. Our only object for an asylum, is to flee to you
on the other side of the Atlantic for shelter. Therefore
make room for us ; for the time is at no great distance
when such a refuge will be wanting for as many as can find
the means of transporting themselves. Another war, in
my opinion, (not of mine only, but of many others,) will
shake the foundation of this Kingdom ; and the enormous
debt hanging over it, must crush it whenever the public
credit sinks, and will ruin many thousands of families,
whose whole fortunes are vested in the funds, whence their
subsistence flows ; and when this source fails, what can
such families do, but, in despair, seek one where it may
be found, which for Protestants and Englishmen can only
be with you ? This Nation is already taxed to the utmost
stretch of invention. Nor even now, in time of peace,
has any one been eased, that was in time of the last war,
except the land tax, which was then four, and is now
only three shillings in the pound. The poor tax, in many
places, is near double the land tax, and will be still heavier,
if you, on your side, should come to an agreement for non-
importation ; thence the numbers of the poor must multiply
greatly, and many families, now in ea-y circumstances by
means of their industry, will be reduced to poverty. The
landed interest, in most parts of England, have lately
advanced their estates to near a third more than they were
but a few years past ; by means of which the occupiers
437
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JUNE, 1774.
438
of those estates have, in more tlian a just proportion,
advanced the produce thereof, which renders every article
o< provisions now a third dearer than it was no longer than
since the late war, yet the price of labour has not been
advanced. Therefore, judge how the poor here are able
to subsist, if persons in better circumstances are not able to
support tliemselves as formerly.
In England we have the show of liberty without the
reality ; the shadow witiiout the substance. Our Parlia-
ment, for the most part, are creatures of the Ministry, who
enable them to carry every thing before them, right or
wrong, and are, by insensible degrees, leading the Nation
into a state of slavery, which is not discerned by the bulk
of the people, who seldom look further than the present
time ; but the more judicious look further, and can see
that chains are forging for them, to be made use of at a
proper period. When they have obliged you Americans
to submit to the yoke prepared for you, a much heavier
will soon after gall the necks of the people here. By the
Q^uebec Bill, now passed, it is easy to be seen what Gov-
ernment is aiming at; nothing less than despotism. Upon
the whole, there is reason to believe, that if any liberty for
Englishmen is to remain, it must be in the North Ameri-
can Colonies, where, I hope, the inhabitants will have
virtue enough to exert their utmost strength to secure it to
themselves and their posterity. Let their reliance for the
securing this blessing be on the Lord, in whom there is
strength and wisdom, and by no means to place their
dependance on an arm of flesh.
WESTMORELAND COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a respectable Meeting of the Freeholders and other
Inhabitants of the County of Westmoreland, assembled,
on due notice, at the Court House of the said County, on
Wednesday, the 22d of June, 1774.
The Reverend Mr. Thomas Smith, Moderator.
Several papers, containing the Proceedings of the late
House of Burgesses of this Colony, and the subsequent
determinations of the late Representatives after the House
was dissolved, together with extracts of several Resolves of
the Provinces of Massachusetts Bay, Maryland, he,
being read, the meeting proceeded seriously to consider the
present dangerous and truly alarming crisis, when ruin is
threatened to the ancient constitutional rights of North
America, and came to the following Resolves :
1st. That to be taxed solely in our Provincial Assem-
blies, by Representatives freely chosen by the people, is a
right that British subjects in America are entitled to, from
natural justice, from the English Constitution, from Char-
ters, and from a confirmation of these by usage, since the
first establishment of these Colonies.
2d. That an endeavour to force submission from one
Colony to the payment of taxes not so imposed, is a dan-
gerous attack on the liberty and property of British
America, and renders it indispensably necessary that all
should firmly unite to resist the common danger.
3d. It is the opinion of this meeting, that tlie town of
Boston, in our sister Colony of Massachusetts Bay, is now
suffering in the common cause of North America, by
having its harbour blocked up, its commerce destroyed,
and the property of many of its inhabitants violently taken
from them, until they submit to taxes not imposed by their
consent ; and therefore this meeting resolve :
4th. That the inhabitants of this county will most cor-
dially and firmly join with the other counties in this Colony,
and the other Colonies on this Continent, or the majority
of them, after a short day, hereafter to be agreed on, to
stop all exports to Great Britain and the West Indies, and
all imports from thence, until, as well the Act of Parlia-
ment, entitled -'An Act to discontinue, in such manner and
" for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and
" discharging, lading, and shipping of goods, wares, and mer-
" chandise, at the town and within llie harbour of Boston, in
" the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America,"
as the several Acts laying duties on America for the purpose
of raising a revenue, and all the Acts of the British Legisla-
ture made against our brothers of Massachusetts Bay, in
consequence of their just opposition to the said Revenue
Acts, are repealed ; and it is the opinion of this meeting, that
such a non-importing and non-exporting plan should be
quickly entered upon, as well on the evident principle of
self-preservation, as to relieve our suffering countrymen and
fellow-subjects in Boston, and to restore between Great
Britain and America that harmony so beneficial to the
whole Empire, and so ardently desired by all America.
5th. It is the opinion of this meeting that the gentlemen
of the law should not (as long as the non-exportation agree-
ment subsists) bring any writ for the recovery of debt, or
to push to a conclusion any such suit already brought, it
being utterly inconsistent with a non-exportation plan that
judgment should be given against those who are deprived
of the means of paying.
6th. That so soon as the non-exportation agreement
begins, we will, every man of us, keep our produce,
whether tobacco, corn, wheat, or any thing else, unsold,
on our own respective plantations, and not carry, or suffer
them to be carried, to any public warehouse or landing
place, except of grain ; where the same be so done, an
oath being first made that such grain is for the use of, or
consumption of, this or any other Colony in North Ame-
rica, and not for exportation from the Continent whilst the
said agreement subsists. And this is the more necessary
to prevent a few designing persons from engrossing and
buying up our tobacco, grain, &.C., when they are low in
value, in order to avail themselves of the very high price
that those articles must bear when the ports are open, and
foreign markets empty.
7th. This meeting do heartily concur with the late Rep-
resentative body of this country, to disuse tea, and not
purchase any other commodity of the East Indies, except
saltpetre, until the grievences o{ America are redressed.
8th. We do most heartily concur in these preceding
Resolves, and will, to the utmost of our power, take care
that they are carried into execution ; and that we will
regard every man as infamous who now agree to, and shall
hereafter make a breach of, all or any of them, subject
however to such future alterations as shall be judged expe-
dient, at a general meeting of Deputies from the several
parts of this Colony, or a general Congress of all the
Colonies.
9th. We do appoint Richard Henry Lee, and Richard
Lee, Esquires, the late Representatives of this county, to
attend the general meeting of Deputies from all the coun-
ties ; and we desire that they do exert their best abilities
to get these our earnest desires, for the security of public
liberty, assented to.
10th. And as it may happen that the Assembly now
called to meet on the 11th of August, may be prorogued
to a future day, and many of the Deputies appointed to
meet on the 1st of August, trusting to the certainty of
meeting in Assembly on the 11th, may fail to attend on
the first, by which means decisive injury may arise to the
common cause of liberty, by the general sense of the
country not being early known at this dangerous crisis of
American freedom, we do, therefore, direct that our Depu-
ties now chosen fail not to attend at Williamsburg, on the
said 1st of August; and it is our earnest wish that the
Deputies from other counties be directed to do the same,
for the reasons above assigned.
1 1th. That the Clerk do forthwith transmit the proceed-
ings of this day to the press, and request the Printers to
publish them without delay.
By order of the meeting,
James Davenport, Clerk.
MARYLAND CONVENTION.
At a Meeting of the Committees appointed by the several
Counties of the Province of Maryland, at the City of
Annapolis, the 22d day of June, 1774, and continued by
adjournment from day to day, till the 25th day of the same
month ; were present :
For St. Mary's County. — Colonel Abraham Barnes,
Messrs. Henry Greenfield Sothoron, Jeremiah Jordon.
For Kent County. — Messrs. William Ringgold,
Thomas Ringgold, Joseph Nicholson, Jun., Thomas
Smyth, Joseph Earle.
For Queen Anne's Coun/y.— Messrs. Turbut Wright,
Richard Tilghman Earle, Solomon Wright, John Brown,
Thomas Wright.
489
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JUNE, 1774.
440
i^'or Prince George's County. — Messrs. iloJert Tyhr,
Joseph Sim, Joshua Beall, John Rogers, Addison Mur-
doch, Ifilliam Bowie, B. Hall, son of Francis, Osborn
Spngg.
For Anne Arundel County, and the City of Anna-
poms. — C/wr/es C'arro//, Esquire, (barrister,) Messrs. B.
T.B. Worthington, Thomas Johnson, iun., Samuel Chase,
John Hall, fVilliam Paca, Matthias Hammond, Samuel
Chew, John Weems, Thomas Dorscy, Rezin Hammond.
For Baltimore County and Baltimore Town. —
Captain Charles Ridgely, Messrs. Thomas Cockey Deye,
tValter Tolley, Jun., Robert Alexander, MWiam Lux,
Samuel Purviance, Jim., George Ristcau.
For Talbot County. — Messrs. Matthew Tilghman,
Edward Lloyd, Nicholas Thomas, R. Goldsborough, 4lh.
For Dorchester County. — Messrs. Robert Goldsbo-
rough, William Eniialls, Henry Steel, John Ennalk, Rob'i
Harrison, Col. Henry Hooper, Mr. Matthew Brown.
For Somerset County. — Messrs. Peter Waters, John
Waters, George Dashiell.
For Charles County. — Messrs. William Smallwood,
Francis Ware, Josiah Hawkins, Joseph Hanson Harrison,
JJaniel Jenifer , John Dent, Thomas Stone.
For Calvert County. — Messrs. John Wcems, Edward
Reynolds, Benjamin Mackall, (attorney.)
For Cecil County. — Messre. John Veazy, Jun., Wil-
liam Ward, Stephen Hyland.
For Worcester County. — Messrs. Peter Chaille, John
Done, William Morris.
For Frederick County. — Messrs. Thomas Price,
Alexander C'ontee Hanson, Baker Johnson, Andrew Scott,
Philip Thomas, Thomas Sprigg Wootton, Henry Grijffith,
Evan Thomas, Richard Thomas, Richard Brooke, Thomas
Cramphin, Jun., Allen Bowie, Jun.
for Harford County. — Messrs. Richard Dallum, John
Love, Thomas Bond, John Paca, Benedict Edward Hall,
Jacob Bond.
For Caroline County. — Messrs. Thomas White, Wil-
liam Richardson, Isaac Bradley, Nathaniel Potter,
Thomas Goldsborough.
Matthew Tilohman, Esq., in the Chair,
John Duckett, chose Clerk.
It being moved from the Chair to ascertain the manner
of dividing upon questions, it was agreed that on any di-
vision eacli county have one vote, and that ail questions
be determined by a majority of counties.
The Letter and Vote of the town of Boston, several
Letters and Papers from Philadelphia and Virginia, the
Act of Parliament for blocking up the port and harbour
of Boston, the Bill depending in Parliament subversive of
the Charter of Massachusetts Bay, and that enabling the
Governour to send supposed offenders from thence to
another Colony, or England, for trial, were read, and after
mature deliberation thereon :
1st. Resolved, That the said Act of Parliament, and
Bills, if passed into Acts, are cruel and oppressive invas-
ions of the natural rights of the people of the Massachusetts
Bay, as men, and of their constitutional rights as English
subjects ; and tiiat the said Act, if not repealed, and the
.said Bills, if passed into Acts, will lay a foundation for the
utter destruction of British America, and, therefore, that
the town of Bosto7i and Province of Massachusetts Bay,
are now suffering in the common cause of America.
'2(\. Resolved, That it is the duty of every Colony in
America to unite in the most speedy and effectual means
to obtain a repeal of the said Act, and also of the said
Bills, if passed into Acts.
3d. Resolved, That it is tlie opinion of this Committee,
that if the Colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all
importations from, and exportations to, Great Britain,
until the said Act, or Bills if passed into Acts, be repealed,
the same will be tiie most speedy and effectual means to
obtain a repeal of the said Act or Acts, and preserve
North America and her liberties.
4th. Resolved, Notwitlistanding the people of this Pro-
vince will have many inconveniences and difficulties to
encounter bv breaking off their commercial intercourse
with their mother couotry, and are dee()ly affected at the
distress which will be thereby necessarily brought on many
of their fellow-subjects in Great Britain, yet their affec-
tions and regard to an injured and oppressed sister Colony,
tlieirduty to themselves, their posterity, and their country,
demand the sacrifice — and, therefore, that this Province
will join in an Association with the other principal and
neighbouring Colonies, to stop all exportations to, and
importations from. Great Britain, until the said Act and
Bills, if passed into Acts, be repealed ; the non-importa-
tion and non-exportation to take place on such future day
as may be agreed on by a general Congress of Deputies
from the Colonies — the non-export of tobacco to depend
and take place only on a similar agreement by Virginia
and North Carolina, and to commence at such time as
may be agreed on by the Deputies for this Province and
the said Colonies of Virginia and North Carolina.
5th. Resolved, That the Deputies of this Province are
authorized to agree to any restrictions upon exports to the
West Indies which may be deemed necessary by a majority
of the Colonies at the general Congress.
6th. Resolved, That the Deputies from this Province
are authorized, in case the majority of the Colonies should
think the importation of particular articles from Great
Britain to be indispensably necessary for their respective
Colonies, to admit and provide for the Province such arti-
cles as our circumstances shall necessarily require.
7th. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Committee,
that the merchants and others, venders of goods and mer-
chandise within this Province, ought not to take advantage
of the above Resolve for non-importation, but that they
ought to sell their goods and merchandise that they have
now, or may hereafter import, at the same rates they have
been accustomed to do within one year last past ; and
that if any persons shall sell any goods which he now has,
or hereafter may have, or may import, on any other terms
than above expressed, no inhabitant of this Province ought,
at any time thereafter, to deal with any such person, his
agent, manager, factor, or storekeeper, for any commodity
whatever.
8th. Resolved, unanimously. That a subscription be
opened in the several counties of this Province, for an im-
mediate collection for the relief of the distressed inhabit-
ants of Boston, now cruelly deprived of the means of
procuring subsistence for themselves and families, by the
operation of the said Act for blocking up their harbour,
and that the same be collected by the Committees of the
respective counties, and shipped by them in such provisions
as may be thought most useful.
9th. Resolved, unanimously. That this Committee em-
brace this public opportunity to testify their gratitude and
most cordial thanks to the patrons and friends of liberty in
Great Britain for their patriotic efforts to prevent the pre-
sent calamity of America.
10th. Resolved, That Matthew Tilghman, Thomas
Johnson, Jun., Robert Goldsborough, William Paca, and
Samuel Chase, Esquires, or any two or more of them, be
Deputies for this Province, to attend a general Congress
of Deputies from the Colonies, at such time and place as
may be agreed on, to effect one general plan of conduct,
operating on the conunercial connection of the Colonies
with the mother country, for the relief of Boston and pre-
servation of American liberty ; and that the Deputies of this
Province immediately corres])ond with Virginia and Penn-
sylvania, and through them with the other Colonies, to ob-
tain a meeting of the general Congress, and to communi-
cate, as the opinion of tliis Committee, that the 20th day
of September next, will be the niost convenient time, and
the City of Philadelphia tiie most convenient place, for
a meeting, which time and place, to prevent delay, they
are directed to propose.
11th. Resolved, unanimously. That this Province will
break off all trade and dealings with that Colony, Province,
or town, which shall decline or refuse to come into the
general plan which may be adopted by the Colonies.
12tb. Resolved, That the Deputies for this Province
upon their return, call together the Conmiittees of the
several counties, and lay before them the measures adopted
by the general Congress.
Orilered, Tliat copies of these Re=;olutions be transmit-
ted to the Committee of Correspondence for the several
Colonies, and be also published in the Maryland Gazette.
Per order, John Duckett,
Clerk of the Committee.
441
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Lc, JUNE, 1774.
442
Philadelphia, June 22, 1774.
Of the several modes of appointing Deputies for a gen-
eral Congress, their nomination by Representatives met in
a Legislative capacity would, perhaps, be most generally
approved.
If that mode cannot be pursued, the next most advisable,
it appears to me, would be, for the freemen, qualified to
vote for members of Assembly in the several Colonies, to
choose a certain number of Delegates, who should compose
a Provincial Convention in each Colony, and therein nomi-
nate some of their body, as Deputies to represent that
Colony at a general Congress.
We are now entering upon a contest that may be con-
tinued for a long time ; and we cannot be too early in
giving all regularity and stability to our proceedings. The
whole people are oppressed — they must relieve them-
selves : and therefore they must act. Nothing should be
taken for granted, in a cause of such magnitude. — It is
building on a sandy foundation. It is not to be presumed
that the body of the people in any Colony will give their full
and free assent to a single measure of their Representatives
assembled as private men. Met in legislation, they form
a constitutional body, and thence their proceedings derive
their force. Ceasing to be that, their authority reverts to
the people of which they are only a part. In emergencies
demanding public exertions, a supposed or implied assent
of the people is not an assent to be regarded or depended
on. They must be represented actually — not " virtually."
When they have chosen Representatives for the usual
business of the Province ; the law says, the acts of those
Representatives are the acts of their constituents. When
the law will not say this, is it to be inferred ? And is the
inference to be so extensive as to justify a conclusion of
such vast consequence, that the constituents who appointed
men for common affairs to be transacted in one way, freely
and fully assent to their conduct in new affairs of the
utmost importance, and transacted in another way ? Why
should such an influence be made ? Where is the neces-
sity for it ? Cannot an appeal be made to the people ?
Their sentiments taken — be from themselves, and not
guessed at ? If they have not wisdom and virtue enough
to become agents in promoting their own temporal salva-
tion, it is in vain for others to attempt it.
The welfare of America depends on each Colony
knowing what portions of this wisdom and virtue there are
among us. Let us put the cause on its true bottom. If
those freemen of counties, cities, boroughs, and townships,
qualified to vote at usual elections, and residing in Colonies
where the Assemblies met in Legislative capacities, cannot
in time appoint Deputies, meet, and proceed respectively
in the same mode that is practised in choosing Represent-
atives for their Assemblies, to elect persons for the express
purpose of forming Provincial Conventions, to consider on
the present alarming situation of public affairs, and to
concert the most effectual means for redressing grievances
and re-establishing peace and harmony between Great
Britain and these Colonies, on a constitutional foundation,
the sentiments and resolutions of this Continent, from one
end of it to the other will be perfectly known. Then a
broad and strong foundation will be laid for future measures.
Until these sentiments and resolutions are thus known,
those who consult together have nothing firm under them.
Does any man suspect the prudence of the public spirit of
any counties, or other districts ? That is one good reason
for adopting this mode. Let the tnith be known. Let
the real friends of freemen and their country understand
tlieir countrymen. Let them not be deceived in an opinion
that the unanimity of sentiments and force of resolutions
are greater than they are. Let us not collect the sense of
this country, and of that district by " virtual representa-
tions," and rely on their zeal by unproved supposition. If
there are counties or districts, who choose to lessen the
weii^ht of our common country, by taking themselves out
of llie scale in which " the universal property, liberty,
safety, happiness, and prosperity of America" are now
wei!;!iing against the opposite scale of tyranny, let them
instantly declare tlieuiselves. Such discoveries never can
do less harm than at this lime.
Upon the whole, the success of measures calculated for
the relief of these Colonic;, wholly depends upon the
unanimity of the people. The people, therefore, should
be consulted in the most particular manner that can be
imagined. The result of that consultation will be the evi-
dence to be relied on ; and that evidence should be direct
in point.
Besides other advantages arising from the plan proposed,
this will be one very considerable : the Representatives
for each county will naturally form a Standing Commit-
tee for that county, to correspond with the Standing Pro-
vincial Committee, appointed by the Provincial Conven-
tion, to act in their behalfs, as the Convention cannot be
kept continually assembled. The business of the Pro-
vincial Committee, then, will be to correspond with the
other Colonies, and with the County Committees. The
County Committees may request every small district within
the county, whether called township, hundred, &ic., to
choose one person to represent that township, hundred, Jkc,
and may convey intelligence to each of these persons by
letters, or by stated meetings. Thus a most regular plan
might be solidly established throughout this Continent, for
communicating needful information to the individuals of the
smallest districts in every county, (a point absolutely ne-
cessary,) and of receiving their sentiments ; and both
these offices would be performed by persons the most
acceptable to them. Unless some such plan as this, is
framed, it requires not the spirit of prophecy to foresee
that the affairs of this Continent will inevitably be con-
fusedly conducted, to an unfortunate issue.
LETTER FROM THE GENERAL ASSOCIATION OF CONGRE-
GATIONAL MINISTERS IN CONNECTICUT, TO THE CLER-
GYMEN IN BOSTON.
Mansfield, June 22, 1774.
Reverend and dear Sirs : We, your brethren of the
Colony of Connecticut, met by delegation from the several
counties, in general Association at our annual meeting,
cannot but feel deeply impressed with the present melan-
choly threatened situation of America in general, and the
distressed state of the town of Boston in particular, suffer-
ing the severe resentment of the British Parliament, by
which the subsistence of thousands is taken away. We
readily embrace this opportunity to manifest our hearty
sympathy with you in your present distresses. We con-
sider you as suffering in the common cause of America — in
the cause of civil liberty ; which, if taken away, we fear
would involve the ruin of religious liberty also. Gladly
would we contribute every thing in our power for your
encouragement and relief; however, our situation enables
us to do little more than to express our sincere and
affectionate concern ; and with fervent addresses, to
commend your cause, and the cause of America — the
cause of liberty, and above all, the cause of religion, to the
Father of Mercies, who can easily afford effectual relief —
who has the hearts of all at his disposal, and can turn them
as he pleases. We feel deeply sensible what a heavy load
must lie upon the minds of the Ministers of Boston;
enough to sink their spirits, unless armed with vigorous
Christian fortitude and resolution. In hopes it may afford
you some consolation, we assure you of our sincere condol-
ence and unremitting prayers in your behalf; and that we
shall, in every way suitable to our character and station,
use our influence with the good people of this Colony to
concur in every proper measure calculated to afford relief
to America in general, and to the distressed town o( Boston
in particular.
We pray that the Ministers of Boston may be inspired
by the great Head of the Church with wisdom sufficient
for their direction in such a critical day as the present ;
and that God would give them and their people, firm-
ness, unanimity, patience, pnidence, and every virtue,
which they need to support them under their heavy trials,
and enable them to stand firm in the glorious cause of
liberty, and express such a temper, and exhibit such an
example, as shall be well pleasing to God, and recommend
them to the favour and compassion of their fellow-men.
We earnestly pray that God would humble us all under a
deep sense of our numerous transgressions and criminal
declensions ; show us the absolute necessity of repentance
and reformation ; humble us under his mighty hand ; and
pour out a spirit of fervent supplication on you, on us, and
all his people in this land ; and we cannot but liope the
448
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JUNE, 1774.
444
united prayers of America may obtain that audience in
Heaven, whicii will ensure salvation to us.
Signed by order of the General Association,
Benjamin Throop, Moderator.
To the Reverend Charles Chauncy, D. D., and the other
Ministers of the town of Boston.
COPY OF AN ANSWER TO A LETTER FROM THE GENERAL
ASSOCIATION IN CONNECTICUT, TO THE ASSOCIATED
PASTORS IN BOSTON ; PREPARED, BUT NOT SENT,
THROUGH THE CONFUSION OF THE TIMES.
Boston, 1774.
Reverend and dear Brethren : Your very affec-
tionate and obliging letter of June 24th, 1774, was com-
municated to us at a time when we greatly needed the
encouragement and support of our Christian friends.
You justly suppose that when Boston is treated with
such unprecedented cruelty, and involved in the deepest
distress, a heavy load must lie upon the Ministers of Reli-
gion in that unhappy town. We have consoled ourselves
witii the thought, that we are suffering in the common
cause of America — in the cause of civil liberty, with which
religious liberty hath a very close connection. All circum-
stances seemed to make it evident that we were not mis-
taken in this view of things. It gives us the highest
satisfaction to find that the sentiments of others are con-
formable to our own ; especially to know that this is the
opinion of so wise and venerable a body as the General
Association of Connecticut.
We sincerely thank you for your tender sympathy with
us under our sufferings, and tlie very kind and obliging
manner in which you express it.
We present our particular acknowledgments for the
great consolation you afford in the assurance you give us of
your sincere condolence and unremitting prayers in our
behalf; and that you will, in every way suitable to your
character and station, use your influence with the good
people of your Colony to concur in every proper measure
calculated to afford relief to America in general, and to the
distressed town of Boston in particular. We trust God
hath heard your prayers, and tlie prayers of other friends
to religion, and to America, and by his all-powerful influ-
ence, hath supported our brethren in this town, under their
heavy trials, enabled them to stand firm in the glorious
cause of liberty ; and hath given some degree of that firm-
ness, unanimity, patience, and prudence, which you so
fervently implore for them in this critical day.
We owe much to our brethren in the other Colonies for
the very generous assistance we have received. Such
were the difiiculties to which great numbers were reduced,
by the almost total stagnation of our trade, that it must
have been impossible for this town to have subsisted to this
day, if the inhabitants had not been favoured with such
kind and generous relief from abroad.
Tiie Colony of Connecticut distinguisiied themselves not
only by the largeness of their donations, but by the season-
ableness of their supplies, which were received and applied
for the purpose of supporting those who were suffering by
means of the cruel Bill that shut up our port, while the
other Colonies, by reason of their distance, were not able
to afford such immediate help.
We think ourselves obliged on this occasion to testify,
that your charities have been most faithfully applied to tlie
purpose for which they were sent. The gentlemen who
have undertaken this trust, are of the first character for
probity and universal goodness. They generously employ
a very great part of tiieir time in this benevolent work,
without the prospect of any reward but what ariseth from
the pleasure of doing good, and of the approbation of their
great Master and Lord.
While we think we have a right to complain to Heaven
and Earth of the cruel oppression we are under, we ascribe
righteousness to God. We deserve every thing from him,
and he punishes us less than our iniquities deserve. We
earnestly entreat the continuance of your addresses to Him
who heareth prayer, that He would humble, pardon, and
bless us.
Our own distresses by no means employ all our attention.
We are more deeply affected with the general danger of
our countiy, than with our own difficulties. We encourage
ourselves in that glorious Being, who hath ever been the
hope of his Israel, and the Saviour thereof in time of
trouble, and who hath so often and so wonderfully appeared
for this people. We are sinful and degenerate, but we
trust there are many who have not forsaken God, and for
whose sake he will not forsake us. If there had been ten
righteous found in Sodom, the city had not been destroyed.
And will not God have regard to the many thousands in
this land, and who walk uprightly before him, and who
continually implore his favour to their distressed country ?
The surprising union of the Colonies at this day affords
the strongest ground of encouragement ; and their spirited
measures cannot, according to a human view of things, fail
of success sooner or later. We are sensible at the same
time, that all depends on him who is the great Governour
of the world. It is an inexhaustible source of comfort,
that the Lord God omnipotent reigneth. To him we
refer all, in full confidence that he will do all things well.
We devoutly wish you the presence of the great Head
of the Church in all your labours for the honour of God,
and the good of men, and are.
With the sincerest gratitude and respect, your breth-
ren, &c.
Dear Sir: According to your desire, I send you a
copy of the Letter which was prepared in answer to that
which was so kindly sent from the Association in Connect-
icut. It was owing to the forgetfulness of our dear brother
Howe, that it was not finished and forwarded. It was
read by most of the brethren ; but as it was not formally
voted, it may be not best to take notice of it as an
answer to yours. You may use it as you think proper.
I send it in compliance with your desire, and it will, at
least, show that we are not wholly unmindful of the affec-
tionate regard expressed to us, though we have not made
the return we ought to have done. I am sir, your brother
and servant, Andrew Elliot.
ADDRESS of THE .TUSTICES OF THE COUNTT OF WOR-
CESTER, IN MASSACHUSETTS, TO GOVERNOUR GAGE,
PRESENTED JUNE 22, 1774.
To his Excellency Thomas Gage, Captain- General and
Govemour-in-chief in and over the Province of Mas-
sachusetts Bay, in New England.
May it please your Excellency:
The Justices of the Court of General Sessions of the
Peace, and Justices of the Inferior Court of Common
Pleas, held at Worcester, within and for the County of
Worcester, on the second Tuesday of Ju7ie, 1'74, beg
leave, at our first session, after your safe arrival, to con-
gratulate your Excellency thereon, and also on your ap-
pointment to the most important office of First Magistrate
in this Province, in full confidence from the amiable cha-
racter your Excellency has obtained in your other import-
ant departments in America, you will ever delight in pro-
moting the good of this Government.
We find a peculiar difficulty in expressing the distress
of our minds relating to the unhappy circumstances of this
Province at this time, and can with sincerity say, that we
have no doubt, from your well known character, you will
do all that is within your power to extricate us out of our
distresses, in every way consistent with the true interests
of Great Britain and her Colonies, which we hold insep-
arable. And we do bear our testimony against ail riots,
combinations, and unwarrantable resolves, which we appre-
hend have been the unhappy occasion of many of our
troubles ; and as there are now circulating through this
Province certain inffammatory pieces, signed by order of
the Committee of Correspondence of the town of Boston ;
and in this county, by order of certain persons calling them-
selves a Committee of Correspondence of the town of
Worcester, directed to the several towns in the county,
stinuilating the people to break off all connections with
Gnat Britain, whicli havestill a tendency to alienate tlie
affections of the people of this Province and couniy from
the mother country, and creiite discord and confusion, we
do assure your Excellency that we will do every thing in
our power to discountenance such proceedings, and sup-
445
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, izc, JUNE, 1774.
446
port the execution of the laws, and render your Excel-
lency's administration successful and prosperous.
HIS excellency's answer.
Gentlemen : I return you my most sincere and hearty
thanks for your very affectionate and truly patriotic Address.
Your disavowal of the malevolent labour of a desperate
faction, who, by raising groundless fears and jealousies, and
using every sort of artifice and fraud, endeavour to delude
and intimidate the people, and create in them an aversion
and enmity towards their brethren in Great Britain, is a
proof that you hold sentiments the most friendly to your
country.
May your designs to discountenance such proceedings
meet with all the success that every real patriot must hope
and wish for ; and I will, at all times, be ready to advance
so laudable a work. Which alone can give peace and happi-
ness to the Province, and restore the union so necessary to
be cemented with the Kingdom of Great Britain.
Williamsburg, June 23, 1774.
By letters from Fort Pitt, (since rebuilt, called Fort
Dunmore,) of the 7th instant, there is advice that two
days before a family on the west side of the Monongahela,
consisting of a man, woman, and six children, were killed
and scalped by a party of Indians, with many circum-
stances of cruelty ; and that a man has been killed near
Grave Creek, on the Ohio. The day following another
man was killed on the Monongahela by the Indians.
our
EXTRACT FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE TOWN OF
WINDHAM, IN CONNECTICUT.
June 23, 1774.
We cannot close this meeting without expressing our
utmost abhorrence and detestation of those few in a devoted
Province, styling themselves Ministers, Merchants, Barris-
ters and Attorneys, who have, against the sense and opinion
of this vast Continent, distinguished themselves in their
late fawning, adulating Address to Governour Hutchinson,
the scourge of the Province which gave him birth, and the
pest of America. His principles and conduct, evidenced
by his letters, and those under his approbation, are so
replete with treason against his country, and with the
meanest of self-exaltation, as cannot be palliated by art,
nor disguised by subtlety.
We esteem those Addresses a high-handed insult on the
town of Boston, and the Province of Massachusetts Bay
in particular, and all the American Colonies in general.
Those styled Merchants may plead their profound igno-
rance of the constitutional rights of Englishmen, as an
excuse, in some degree. But for those who style them-
selves Barristers and Attorneys, they have either assumed
a false character, or they must, in some measure, be
acquainted with the constitutional rights of Englishmen,
and those of their own Province. For them to present
such an Address is a daring affront to common sense, a
high insult on all others of the profession, and treason
against law. And from that learned profession, who are
supposed to be well acquainted with the English Constitu-
tion, and have the best means, and are under the greatest
advantages to defend the rights of society, and who have
been famed as the greatest supporters of English liberties,
for any of them to make a sacrifice of their all to this
Paged of vanity and fulsome adulation, is mean, vile, and
unpardonable, and cannot be accounted for upon any other
principles but those of their master, who would sacrifice his
country to be the independent head of a respectable Pro-
vince, and the few leaders of this infamous law band, would,
it seems, give their aid and support therein to obtain the
first places in this new Kingdom. The addressing Clergy
we leave to the reproaches of their own consciences, but
lament to find they are the first in their ignominious
homage to their idol.
last, and again, from Williamsburg, immediately after „„.
dissolution, enclosing the order for a fast, which produced
that event ; and an account of the subsequent conduct of
the members after the political death inflicted on them,
ihe day before we were dissolved I had prepared a set of
resolutions, the two last of which were thus expressed •
" Resolved, That the blocking up, or the attempting to
block the harbour of Boston, until the people there shall
" submit to the payment of the taxes imposed upon them
" without the consent of their Representatives, is a most
" violent and dangerous attempt to destroy the constitu-
" tional liberty and rights of all British America.
" Resolved, That »»•»«»«, be appointed Depu-
" tjes from this House, to meet at ••*•»«•»» such
RICHARD HENRY LEE TO SAMUEL ADAMS.
Chantilly, Va., June 23, 1774.
Sir: I did myself the pleasure of writing to you, from
this place, before my departure for our Assembly, in May
" Deputies from the other Colonies as they shall appoint,
" there to consider and determine on ways the most effect-
" ual to stop the exports from North America, and for the
" adoption of such other measures as may be most decisive
" for securing the rights of America against the systematic
" plan formed for their destruction."
I have not a remaining doubt that these resolutions
would have been agreed to had they been proposed. 1
was prevented from offering them by many worthy mem-
bers, who wished to have the public business first finished,
and who were induced to believe, from many conversations
they had heard, that there was no danger of a dissolution
before it had happened. It seems Government were
alarmed at the spirit which the order for a fast denoted,
and, fearing the consequences, interposed a dissolution.
The consequent conduct of the members was surely much
too feeble, in opposition to that very dangerous and alaim-
ing degree to which despotism had advanced. So thinking,
I did propose to the dissolved members the plan of a
general Congress ; but they made a distinction between
their then state, and that when they were members of the
House of Burgesses.
Most of the members, and myself among the rest, had
left Williamsburg before your message from Boston had
arrived. Twenty-five of them, however, were assembled
to consider of that Message, and they determined to invite
a general meeting of the whole body on the 1st of August,
to consider the measure of stopping the exports and im-
ports. Since that an Indian invasion of our frontier has
compelled the calling a new Assembly, for which purpose,
writs, returnable to the 11 th August, are now out, at which
time it is thought the House will meet ; when, I think,
there is no manner of doubt they will directly adopt the
most effectual means in their power for obtaining a redress
of grievances. In the mean time, the sense of some coun-
ties is taking, and two have already declared their desire
to stop the commercial intercourse between Great Britain
and the West Indies, and this Colony. It seems very
clear to me that there will be a general agreement. Do
you not think, that the first most essential step for our
Assembly to take, will be an invitation to a general Con-
gress, as speedily as the nature of things will admit, in
order that our plan, whatever it may be, may be unani-
mous, and therefore effectual ? I shall be in Williamsburg
the 1st of August, and shall continue there until the meet-
ing of Assembly on the 1 1th. It will be exceedingly
agreeable to me to know your sentiments fully on this most
important subject. I am sure it will be of real conse-
quence to the cause of liberty that your Committee of
Correspondence write fully your sentiments to ours at the
same time. It will be well so to time the matter, as that
your letters may be in Williamsburg before the 1st of
August, at which time a meeting of the late Representa-
tives will take place, notwithstanding the return of the
writs to the 11th instant.
I hope the good people of Boston will not lose their
spirits under their present heavy oppression, for they will
certainly be supported by the other Colonies ; and the
cause for which they suffer is so glorious, and so deeply
interesting to the present and future generations, that all
America will owe, in a great measure, their ])olitical salva-
tion to the present virtue of Massachusetts Bay.
I am, sir, with very singular regard, your most obedient
and humble servant,
Richard Henry Lee.
To Samuel Adams, Esquire, Boston.
447
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
448
SAMUEL ADAMS TO RICHARD HEXRY LEE.
Boston, 1774.
Sir: I have lately been favoured with three letters
from you, and must beg you to attribute my omitting to
make due acknowledgments till this lime, to a multiplicity
of affairs to which I am obliged to give my constant atten-
tion. The unrighteous and oppressive Act of the British
Parliament for shutting up this harbour, though executed
with a rigour beyond the intent even of its framers, has
hitherto fliiled, and will, I believe, continue to fail of the
effect wiiich the enemies of America flattered themselves
it would have. The inhabitants still wear cheerful counte-
nances; far from being in the least intimidated, they are
resolved to undergo the greatest hardships, rather than
submit in any instance to the tyrannical Act. They are
daily encouraged to persevere by the intelligence they
receive from their brethren, not of this Province only, but
every other Colony, that they are considered as suffering
in the common cause, and the resolution of all to support
them in the conflict. Lord North had no expectation
that we should be thus sustained ; on the contrary, he
trusted that Boston would be left to fall alone. He has
therefore made no preparation for tiie effects of an union.
From the information I have had from intelligent persons
in England, 1 verily believe the design was to seize some
persons and send them home ; but the steadiness and pru-
dence of the people, and the unexpected union of the
Colonies, evidenced by hberal contributions for our support,
lias disconcerted them, and they are at a loss to know how
to proceed further. Four regiments are encamped on our
Common, and more are expected ; but I hope the people
will by circumspect behaviour, prevent their taking occa-
sion to act. The Port Bill is followed by two other Acts,
one for regulating the Government of this Province, or
rather totally to destroy our free Constitution, and substitut-
ing an absolute despotic one in its stead ; the other for the
more impartial administration of justice; or, as some term it,
screening from punishment any soldier who shall murder
an American for asserting his riglits. A submission to
these Acts will doubtless be required and expected ; but
whether General Gage will find it an easy thing to force
the people to submit to so great and fundamental a change
of Government, is a question I think worth his considera-
tion. Will the people of America consider these measures
as an attack on the Constitution of an individual Province,
in which the rest are not interested, or will they view the
jnodel of Government prepared for us as a system for the
whole Continent ? Will they as unconcerned spectators,
look on it to be designed only to lop off the exuberant
branches of democracy in the Constitution of this Province,
or as part of a plan to reduce them all to slavery. These
are questions, in my opinion, of great importance, wliich 1
trust will be thoroughly weighed in a general Congress.
May God inspire that intended body with wisdom and
fortitude, and unite and prosper their counsels.
The people of this Province are thoroughly sensible of
the necessity of breaking off all commercial connection
w^ith a country whose poUtical Councils tend only to en-
slave them. They, however, consider the body of the
Nation as kept in profound ignorance of the nature of the
dispute between Britain and the Colonies, and are taught
10 believe that we ai-e a perfidious and rebellious jieople.
It is with reluctance they come into any resolutions, which
must distress those who are not the objects of their resent-
ments ; but they are urged to it by motives of self-preser-
vation ; and are, therefore, signing an agreement in the
several towns, not to consume any British manufactures,
which shall be imported after the last day of August next,
and that they may not be imposed upon ; they are to require
an oath of those of whom they purchase goods. It is the
virtue of the yeomanry we are chiefly to depend upon.
Our friends in Maryland talk of withholding tlie exporta-
tion of tobacco ; this was hinted to us by the gentlemen of
tlie late House of Burgesses of Virginia, who had been
called together after the dissolution of the Assembly.
This would be a measure greatly interesting to the mother
country.
Should America hold up her own importance to the
bodv of the Nation, and at the same time agree to one
general Bill of Rights, the dispute might be settled on prin-
ciples of freedom, and harmony be restored between Great
Britain and the Colonies.
I am, with great regard, your friend and servant,
Samuel Adams.
Richard Henry Lee, Virginia.
Charlestown, S. C, June 24, 1774.
Many generous and charitable persons in this Colony,
being desirous to send, and we the subscribers having been
requested to receive, donations for the relief of our distressed
brethren in Boston, now suffering for the common cause of
America, under the late most cruel, arbitrary, and oppres-
sive Act of the British Parliament, for the shutting up of
that port — in order that so laudable, and at the same
time necessary a mark of our real sympathy and union
with our sister Colonies, may not appear to have the least
slight shown to it : Give this public notice, that whatever
shall be sent to us, or either of us, for that purpose, shall
be faithfully, and as expeditiously as possible forwarded to
the direction of gentlemen of known probity, public spirit,
and honour in Boston, for tiie benefit of such poor persons
whose unfortunate circumstances, occasioned by the opera-
tion of that unconstitutional Act, may be thought to stand
in most need- of immediate assistance.
Daniel Horry, Paul Trafier,
James Parsons, William Elliott, of
William Williamson, Beaufort,
Miles Brewton, John Neufville,
Levinus Clarkson, Charles Elliott,
Thomas Lynch, Charles Pinckney,
Thomas Ferguson, Christ. Gadsden.
N. B. Any rice that shall be sent to Mr. Gadsdeit's
wharf, for the above purpose, shall be there landed, shipped,
and (if occasion) stored without a farthing charge.
spottsylvania county (Virginia) resolutions.
We, the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the County of
Spottsylvania, being assembled on this 24th day of June,
to advise and consult with our late Representatives (agree-
able to their invitation) on the present state of British
America, and having taken under our most serious consid-
eration several Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain
made during the present reign, respecting America, particu-
larly one Act wherein a duty on tea is made payable in
America, for the purpose of raising a revenue, and three
other Acts of the last session of the present Parliament,
respecting the Province of Massachusetts Bay, are of
opinion :
That the said several Acts of Parliament are unconsti-
tutional, arbitrary, and unjust, manifestly calculated for the
destruction of the rights of America, and the British
Constitution in general, and ought to be opposed by all
well-wishers, as well of the mother country as of the Colo-
nies, whose interests are mutual, and ought ever to be con-
sidered as inseparable.
That the levies of Parliament are the free gift of the
people, granted by their Representatives, who, as they
must necessarily contribute thereto, and oftentimes in a
manifold projiortion, the Constitution presumes will not be
over-lavish of the people's money.
That the Legislation of Great Britain, and all free
Governments, is founded on the essential principle, that
the Representatives must be affected by the laws of their
making equally with their constituents.
That the Colonies, since their separation from Great
Britain having no representation in the British Parliament,
and having Pariiaments of their own, under the authority
of the same King, adequate to all purposes of legislation,
the British Parliament can have no power of making laws
for the government of the Colonies, but in such cases
wherein tiie authority of the Colony Assembly does not
extend.
Resohed, therefore. That we owe all due obedience to
our most gracious Sovereign George the Third, lawful and
rightful Sovereign of Great Britain, France, Ireland, and
of this Colony of Virginia ; that we will, with our lives
and fortunes, support and maintain the honour of his
449
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
450
Crown, the happiness of his illustrious House, and prospe-
rity of his Dominions in general ; and thai we will in our
Assembly (whereof we boast our most gracious Sovereign
as the head) recommend and advise all such laws as shall
be necessary for the internal Government of this Colony,
and for the advancement of his Majesty's glory in general,
as the ability of his loyal subjects here will admit of.
Resolved, further, That we owe no obedience to any
Act of the British Parliament that is, or shall be made,
respecting the internal police of this Colony, and that we
will oppose any such Acts witii our lives and fortunes.
Resolved, That the said Acts of the British Parliament
respecting tlie Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and the
town of Boston, tending to enforce obedience to the afore-
said unconstitutional Act, imposing a duty upon tea, for
raising a revenue in America, ought to be considered as an
attempt against the rights and liberties of America in gen-
eral, and that the same ought to be opposed by the people
of this Colony.
Resolved, That the most effectual method of opposing
the said several Acts of Parliament will be to break off all
commercial connection with Great Britain till the said
Acts shall be repealed. We, therefore, cordially approve
the proposed meeting of the late House of Burgesses, on the
1st o( August next, and authorize and request you, George
Stuhblejield and Mann Page, Esquires, our late Burgesses,
to represent us, the freeholders and other inhabitants of
this county, at such meeting, there to consult with the other
Deputies of the several counties in this Colony, and adopt
such measures as shall seem best to answer the general
tendency of the foregoing Resolutions, hereby engaging, on
our parts, to conform thereto, and support the same to the
utmost of our power.
EXTRACtS OF LETTERS RECEIVED AT PHILADELPHIA,
DATED PITTSBURGH, JUNE 24, 1774.
Since our last, of the 19th, Conolhj sent out an armed
party to waylay the road about six miles from town, who
fell upon a party of carriers, abused them and searched
their lading, among which they found one load of powder,
sent up by Mr. Joseph Spear, for the use of the distressed
inhabitants of this county, of which (Jonolly's party robbed
tliem, and carried it to the fort. When the master car-
rier applied to Conolly for a receipt, he would give him
none, but was beat and abused in a most cruel manner for
asking it, by one Aston, who is a Captain of his appoint-
ment.
We have certain accounts that the three friendly Indians,
who so faithfully escorted the traders and their party to this
place, were waylaid on their return home, near the mouth
of Beaver Creek, by one of the two parties which Conolly
sent out in the night after them, and who fired upon them
and shot one of the Indians through the body, and then
run off, it is said, like brave fellows! The other two
Indians assisted their wounded companion, and got off with
him, without any further damage than the loss of part of
the presents they had received from our traders for their
fidelity. The party of Cono//y'« consisted of twelve men,
and an officer. Yesterday Captain McKee's servant, one
JVilliam Herbert, was shot dead by one of Conolly's cen-
tinels, as he went into the fort, through the sally-port ; but
we believe this to be an accident.
The principal inhabitants are harassed in a manner that
cannot be borne. They are under the very worst kind of
military Government. For surely there can be no law in
Virginia, (supposing their laws to extend here,) which
can empower any person whomsoever to seize upon the
properly of another and apply it to his own use without, or
even against, the owner's consent. Yet this is done every
day about Pittsburgh. Do they want provisions — it is
only ordering out a party to shoot down the first they met
with of any kind. It is true, if any owner appears, they
are appraised, and he gets a certificate — but what is he
better ? He must take a journey of two hundred and fifty
miles to Staunton, to get it allowed by Court, and he must
take another of the same distance to get his money ; and
all this to a poor man for perhaps the only cow he lias in
the world, and on the milk of which an infant family is
depending. Is not this sporting with people's property in
Fourth Series. 29
a more wanton and cruel manner than is done in the most
despotic Governments on earth? It would indeed be
greater kindness not to mock them with the hopes of satis-
faction.
BERGEN COUNTY (nEW-JERSEy) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
the County of Bergen, in the Province of New-Jersey,
convened agreeable to advertisement, at the Court House
of said County, on Saturday, the 25th of June, 1774.
Peter Zabriskie, Esquire, Chairman.
This meeting being deeply affected with the calamitous
condition of the inhabitants of Boston, in the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, in consequence of the late Act of
Parliament for blocking up the port of Boston ; and con-
sidering the alarming tendency of the Act of the British
Parliament for the purpose of raising a revenue in America,
Do Resolve, 1st. That they think it their greatest hap-
piness to live under the Government of the illustrious
House of Hanover, and that they will stedfastly and uni-
fonnJy bear true and faithful allegiance to his Majesty
King George the Third, under the enjoyment of their
constitutional rights and privileges.
2d. That we conceive it to be our indubitable privilege
to be taxed only by our own consent, given by ourselves,
or by our Representatives ; and that we consider the late
Acts of Parliament, declarative of their right to impose
internal taxes on the subjects of America, as manifest
encroachments on our national rights and privileges as
British subjects, and as inconsistent with the idea of an
American Assembly, or House of Representatives.
3d. That we will heartily unite with this Colony in
choosing Delegates to attend at a general Congress from
the several Provinces of America, in order to consult on
and determine some effectual method to be pursued for
obtaining a repeal of the said Acts of Parliament, which
appears to us evidently calculated to destroy that mutual
harmony and dependence between Great Britain and her
Colonies, which are the basis and support of both.
And we do appoint Theunis Hey, John Demarest,
Peter ZabrisTcie, Cornelius Van Voarst, and John Zabris-
Tcie, Junior, Esquires, to be a Committee for corresponding
with the Committees of the other counties in this Province,
and particularly to meet with the other County Committees
at New-Brunswick, or such other place as shall be agreed
on, in order to elect Delegates to attend the general Con-
gress of Delegates of the American Colonies for the pur-
poses aforesaid.
extract of a letter from governour gage to the
earl of DARTMOUTH.
Saism, 26th June, 1774.
My Lord : The General Court met here on the 7th
instant, and, after the enclosed Protest, proceeded to busi-
ness, and sent me the enclosed Address. During the short
sessions several private Bills, and a Tax Bill, were passed.
A Committee of the House sat for some days, keeping
their business very secret ; but, giving out, they were upon
moderate and conciliating measures. They made their
Report, I am informed, on the 17th instant, when the door
was ordered to be locked ; but their proceedings getting
abroad, I sent the Secretary to dissolve them. They
would not admit him, and he was obliged to do it by Proc-
lamation on the outside of the door. I transmit your
Lordship the Resolves they have passed.
The Council sent me the enclosed libel on my prede-
cessors in this Government, in an Address ; on which
account I refused to receive it, sending them the reasons
for my refusal, which I also send your Lordship. If the
dissolution will be productive of good, or not, remains to
be known ; but the contrivers of all the mischief in the
town of Boston, 1 am informed, are now spiriting up the
peo))le throughout the Province to resistance, as well to
the Port Bill, as to three other Acts daily expected, rough
draughts of which were printed here about the 4th instant ;
and die Speeches made upon them in the House of Com-
mons, published in the newspaj)ers. Sensible and well
affected people have told me, they have no doubt that
their intention is to try to raise the Province to arms ; but
451
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
<«»
I hope they respect and fear too much ; and, however
prone their inclinations may be to so wicked a project, I
trust they want power to effect it.
In Boston the greatest pains have been, and are taking,
to oppose all measures tending to open the port, by flattering
the people with assistance from the other Provinces, promises
of collections, and presents to enable them to subsist, and
the happy effects of a general Congress, which, they make
no doubt, will force Great Britain into their own terms.
On the other hand, several gentlemen, who, through fear
of the tyranny under which they have lived, dared not to
act or speak, encouraged now by the late resolutions of
Government, have ventured to step forth, and are endea-
vouring to persuade the people to comply with the Act of
Parliament, as the only means to save their town from ruin.
Till they are pinched, and find they are deceived in their
hopes of support, by presents and collections, the affair
will probably rest in this situation ; but the Act must cer-
tainly, sooner or later, work its own way.
They will not agree to non-importation either at New-
York or Philadelphia, or even in this Province, though I
believe a Congress, of some sort, may be obtained ; but
when or how it will be composed is yet at a distance, and,
after all, Boston may get little more than fair words. I
got the consent of Council to my nomination of Mr. Jus-
tice Broicn, of the Inferiour Court of Essex County, to
succeed the late Judge Ropes, as Judge of the Superiour
Court, and he is appointed and sworn in accordingly.
The fourth and forty-third regiments encamped on Bos-
ton Common the 14th and 15tli instant. The latter came
into the harbour the 1st instant, but their tents having, by
mistake, been put in the transports of the fourth regiment,
they were obliged to wait for them. Their arrival has
given spirits to the friends of Government, and we are
looking out for the troops from Ireland ; three companies,
from thence, of the fifth regiment, are arrived, and the
remainder may be daily expected.
Charlestown, S. C, June 27th, 1774.
They write from Georgia that the Mortar, a principal
Head-man or Chief of the Creeic Indians, had sent down
ihree Indians to Augusta with a peace talk, which was
delivered at Colonel Barnard's, requesting that the trade
might again be opened. Mr. Graham, a trader, was
attacked by some of the friends or relations of the Mad
Turkey, lately murdered at Augusta, but by the assistance
of some Chickasaw Indians which Mr. Graham had with
him for his protection, they were prevented from doing
any mischief. The last Indian trader that arrived from
Augusta fiom the Creek Country says that Emistisiquo,
and the other Indians who were lately at Savannah, had
delivered their talk at the Coweta Town, and that there-
upon the leader of the murdering gang, with one or two
more, had left the place, whether through fear, or to do
more mischief, is uncertain. Scouts are ordered out from
every company of militia in and about Augusta, &.C., to
scour the woods, make discoveries, and give timely notice
to the inhabitants to provide for their safety in case of
danger.
The last accounts from the Indian country infoiTOS us
that the Creeks had appointed a general meeting of all
the chief men and warriors of their Nation, to be holden
on the 24th of last month. They were greatly distressed
by the trade with them being stopped ; and it is expected
that the result of their deliberations at the said meeting,
will be to give such satisfaction for the late murders as has
been demanded. At the same time, it is confidently assert-
ed, that the Chcrokees have engaged to join the Creeks in
case of war.
At a Meeting of the Committee of Correspondence for
Norfolk and Portsmouth, in Virginia, held at the Court
House, on Monday, the 27th day of June, 1774.
Present, Matthew Phripp, Samuel Kerr, James Taylor,
William Harvey, Paul Loyal, Alexander Skinner.
Voted, That the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
County and Borough of Norfolk be earnestly requested
to attend at the Court House of the said county, on Wed-
nesday, the 6th day of July next, at ten o'clock in the
forenoon, that the late Burgesses may collect their sen-
timents previous to the meeting appointed to be held at
Williamsburg, on the 1st day of August next.
William Davis, Clerk.
As late Burgesses {qt Norfolk County and Borough, we
heartily concur in sentiments with the Committee of Cor-
respondence, and propose to attend at the time appointed.
Thomas Newton, Jun.,
James Holt,
Joseph Hutchings.
MORRIS COUNTY (nEW-JERSEy) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a respectable body of the Freeholdei-s
and Inhabitants of the County of Morris, in the Province
of East New-Jersey, at the Court House in Morristown,
in the said County, on Monday, the 27th June, 1774.
Jacob Ford, Esquire, Chairman.
1st. Resolved, That George the Third is lawful and
rightful King of Great Britain and all other his Domin-
ions and countries, and that as part of his Dominions it is
our duty not only to render unto him true faith and obedi-
ence, but also with our lives and fortunes to support and
maintain the just dependence of these his Colonies upon
the Crown of Great Britain.
2d. That it is our wish and desire, and we esteem it our
greatest happiness and security to be governed by the
laws of Great Britain, and that we will always cheerfully
submit to them as far as can be done, consistently with
the constitutional liberties and privileges of freeborn £n-
glishmen.
3d. That the late Acts of Parliament for imposing taxes
for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, are
oppressive and arbitrary, calculated to disturb the minds
and alienate the affections of the Colonists from the mother
country ; are replete with ruin to both, and consequently
that the authors and promoters of said Acts, or of such
doctrines of the right of taxing America being in the Par-
liament of Great Britain, are, and should be deemed
enemies to our King and happy Constitution.
4th. That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the Act
of Parliament, for shutting up the port of Boston, is
unconstitutional, injurious in its principles to the general
cause of American freedom, particularly oppressive to the
inhabitants of that town, and that, therefore, the people of
Boston are considered by us as suffering in the general
cause of America.
5th. That unanimity and firmness in the Colonies are
the most effectual means to relieve our suffering brethren
at Boston, to avert the dangers justly to be apprehended
from that alarming Act, commonly styled the Boston Port
Bill, and to secure the invaded rights and privileges of
America.
6th. That it is our opinion, that an agreement between
the Colonies not to purchase or use any articles imported
from Great Britain or from the East Indies, under such
restrictions as may be agreed upon by the general Congress
hereafter to be appointed by the Colonies, would be of
service in procuring a repeal of those Acts.
7th. Tliat we will most cheerfully join our brethren of
the other counties in this Province, in promoting an union
of the Colonies, by forming a general Congress of Depu-
ties to be sent from each of the Colonies ; and do now
declare ourselves ready to send a Committee to meet with
those from the other counties at such time and place as by
them may be agreed upon, in order to elect proper persons
to represent this Province in the said Congress.
8th. That it is the request of this meeting that the
County Committees when met for the purposes aforesaid,
do take into their serious consideration the propriety of
setting on foot a subscription for the benefit of the sufferers
at Boston, under the Boston Port Bill, above mentioned,
and the money arising from such subscription to be laid out
as the Committees so met shall think will best answer the
ends proposed.
9th, That we will faithfully adhere to such regulations
and restrictions as shall by the members of said Congress
be agreed upon, and judged most expedient for avoiding
the calamities, and procuring the benefits, intended in the
foregoing resolves.
4»3
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
454
lOth. It is our request that the Ccmmittee hereafter
named, do correspond and consult witli such other Com-
mittees as shall be appointed by the other counties in this
Province, and particularly that they meet with the said
County Committee, in order to elect and appoint Deputies
to represent this Province in a general Congress.
11th. We do hereby desire the following gentlemen to
accept of that important trust, and accordingly do appoint
them our Committee for the purposes aforesaid : Jacob
Ford, William Windes, Abraham Ogden, William De
Hart, Samuel Tuthill, Jonathan Stiles, John Carle,
Philip V. Cortland, and Samuel Ogden, Esquires.
EXTRACT or A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK.
Huntin^on, (on Long Island,) June 27, 1774.
As the opinion of every part of this Colony is requisite
to form a general idea of the dispositions of the people, I
think it of some advantage to the cause, that the earliest
intelligence should be communicated, have therefore en-
closed the Resolves of this town, copied verbatim from the
original now in my hands, signed by Mr. Israel Wood,
President, chosen Moderator.
The profound attention of the people, on the business
of the day being opened, and the unanimity that prevailed
in the passing of these Resolves, indicate a serious attach-
ment to the cause, and a firmness of resolution to sup-
port it ; for I am credibly informed that there never was
so numerous a meeting, and not a dissenting voice or hand
to every single Resolve. Tuesday next is the day ap-
pointed for holding a General Committee of the county,
at the County Hall, to open a correspondence with the
New-York Committee, &.c.
HUNTINGTON, (sUFFOLK CO., NEW-YORk) RESOLUTIONS.
At a General Town Meeting, on the 21st day of June,
1774, the Inhabitants of Huntington came into the follow-
ing Resolutions :
1st. That every freeman's property is absolutely his own,
and that no man has a right to take it from him without
his consent, expressed either by himself or his Representa-
tive.
2d. That, therefore, all taxes and duties imposed on
liis Majesty's subjects in the American Colonies by the
authority of Parliament, are wholly unconstitutional, and
a plain violation of the most essential rights of British
subjects.
3d. That the Act of Parliament lately passed for shut-
ting up the port of Boston, or any other means or device,
under colour or pretext of law, to compel them, or any
other of his Majesty's American subjects, to submit to
Parliamentary taxations, are subversive of their just and
constitutional liberty.
4th. That we are of opinion that our brethren of Boston
I are now suffering in the common cause of British
America.
5th. That, therefore, it is the indispensable duty of all
the Colonies upon this Continent to unite in some effectual
measures for the repeal of the said Act for shutting up the
port of Boston, and every other Act of Parliament whereby
they are taxed for raising a revenue.
6th. That it is the opinion of this meeting, the most
effectual means for obtaining a speedy repeal of the said
Acts will be to bieak off all commercial intercourse with
Great Britain, Ireland, and the English West India
Colonies.
7th. And we hereby declare ourselves ready to enter
into tliese or such other measures as shall be agreed
upon by a general Congress of all the Colonies; and we do
recommend to the general Congress to take such measures
as shall be most effectual to prevent such goods as are at
present in America, from being raised to an extravagant
price.
And, lastly, We do choose and appoint Colonel Piatt
(Jonkling, John Sloss Hobart, P>sq., and Mr. Thomas
Wiclces,^{or a Committee for this town, to act in conjunc-
tion with the Committees of the other towns in the county
a.s a General Committee for the county, to correspond with
he Committee of New-York. Signed,
Israel Wood, President.
EXTRACT of A LETTER FROM CAPTAIN JOHN CONOLLY TO
A GENTLEMAN IN PHILADELPHIA.
Fort Pitt, June 27. 1774. ''
The inhabitants in general are fled from this place, and
the country is in great confusion. I understand a party of
Shatvanese warriors were about to set out to annoy our
settlements towards Red Stone, and I have detached one
hundred active militia, under the command of good officers,
to fall in with them if possible, and expect to hear of a
skirmish between them every hour. 1 have sent down
the appraisment of the King's boats, which I was obliged
to tear up in the hurry to lash the pickets. You will
observe the necessity of keeping some of the Royal Irish
here, in order to protect so valuable a part of his Majesty's
property.
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Monday, 27th
of June, 1774,
Present : The Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Govern-
our, William Logan, James Tilghman, Richard Peters,
Andrew Allen, Benjamin Chew, Edward Shippen, Jun.,
Thomas Cadwallader, Esquires.
The Govemour laid before the Board several Letters he
received by different expresses from Westmoreland, all in-
forming him of sundry murders committed on the frontiers
of this Province by the Indians, and representing the great
distress and confusion of the inhabitants of that country
from the apprehensions of an Indian war ; which being read
and duly considered, it was the opinion and advice of the
Board, that writs be issued for convening the Assembly on
the 18th July next, which was done accordingly.
That a letter be wrote by the Govemour to Sir William
Johnson, acquainting him with the intelligence received of
these hostile transactions and troubles, and to request his in-
terposition with the Six Nations to use their influence and
endeavours with the Shawanese and Delawares to prevent
fi^rther hostilities on their part, and to assure them of the
sincere intentions of this Government to continue their
pacific dispositions towards all our Indian brethren. That
a Letter be wrote to Lord Dunmore, on this subject, to com-
])lain of Dr. Conolly's oppressive and tyrannical conduct at
Pittsburgh, and the dangerous tendency his military opera-
tions, &c., have to involve the Colonies in a general Indian
war. That a letter be wrote to Captain St. Clair, advising
him of the above measures ; that the Govemour approves
of what has been done by him, and the inhabitants, for
preventing the desertion of the people, and requesting him
to use his endeavours to encourage the people to stand their
ground ; and Mr. Tilghman, Mr. Allen, and Mr. Shippen,
are appointed a Committee to prepare draughts of the said
letter.
It appearing, by the letters received, that the people in
Westmoreland were in great necessity of ammunition, the
Board advised the Govemour to order a further supply im-
mediately to be sent to them.
Mr. Tilghman and Mr. Allen laid before the Board a
Report of their proceedings in Virginia, pursuant to the
commission and instructions of the 7th of May last, given
to them to treat with the Earl of Dunmore, Govemour of
that Province, concerning the several matters therein con-
tained, together with copies of their several letters to his
Lordship, and his original letters to them, which passed in
the course of their negotiation at Williamsburg ; all which
were ordered to be entered on the minutes of Council, and
follow in these words, viz :
The Report of James Tilghman and Andrew Allen,
Commissioners appointed by the Honourable John Penn,
Esquire, Govemour of Pennsylvania, to treat with the
Rioht Honourable the Earl of Dunmore, Govemour of
Virginia, on sundry public matters mentioned ni the
couimision, and the Governour's instmctions, bearmg
equal date therewith.
May it please your Honour : In pursuance of your
Honour's commission, and your instructions attendmg it,
we sat out on our journey on Thursday the 12th o( i«ay,
1774, and on Thursday, the 19th, we arrived ar Williams-
455
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
456
burg and went to Lord liunmore's. He was not then at
home. We waited on him next morning to pay our res-
pects, and to know when it would be agreeable to him to
have our business laid before him. Saturday morning at
ten o'clock was appointed to wait upon him on the occasion.
We met him at his house, and infonned him our business
was to apply to him to pm the Proprietaries of Fcnnsyl-
vania in a petition to the Crown to appoint Commissioners
io settle and run the lines of Pennsyhania to the westward,
and in the mean time to agree with his Lordship upon
some line of jurisdiction to remedy the inconveniences of
the present clasliing jurisdictions between Virginia and
Peunsyhania, and to prevent them for the future. To the
first he readily agreed, and said he had already written to
Lord Dartmouth on the subject, pointing out the necessity
<of setthng the boundaries, but he informed us that the
Colony o( Virginia would not bear any part of the ex-
fiense. As to the other point., his Lordsiiip answered that
le should be glad if our propositions, relating to a line of
jurisdiction, were stated in writing, that he might be the
better able to consider them and give us an answer, and
desired to have a sight of any draughts or papers we had
which might illustrate the matter. This request we prom-
ised to comply with as soon as possible, and on Monday
the 23d, at ten o'clock, we sent our written proposals,
ropies of wliieh, and of the several other lettei"s which
passed from us to Lord Difnmore in the course of the ne-
gotiation, as also his original letters to us, are hereunto
annexed, nnmbered in proper order, and to which we beg
leave to refer, afld request that they may be taken as part
of our Report.
We have the honour to he, with great regard, your
Honour's most obedient humble servants,
James Tilghman,
Andrew Allen.
To the Honourable John Fenn, Esq,
Philadelphia, June 17, 1774.
JAMES TILGHMAN AND ANDREW ALLEN TO LORD DUNMORE,
No. I.
Williamsburg, May 23, 1774. "
My Lord : In compliance with your I^ordship's request
we are now to state in writing our proposal of a line or
lines, to ascertain, for the present, the jurisdictions of the
Colonies of Virginia and Pennsylvania. And we would
beg leave first to observe, that by the terms of the Royal
grant, the Province of Pennsylvania is to extend five de-
grees of longitude from its eastern boundaries, which are
the river Delaware and the twelve mile circle of New-
castle. And we do presume, that all the settlements to
the westward, under grants from Pennsylvania, are witliin
that extent. But in order to ascertain that matter, and to
prevent for the future such disagreeable ditferences and
disquiets as have of late unhappily subsisted between those
Colonies by the clashing of their jurisdictions, we would
propose that as accurate a survey as may serve the present
purpose, be, with all convenient speed, taken by Surveyors
to be ajjpointed by the Governments of Virginia and
Pennsylvania, of the courses of the river Delaware, from
the mouth of Christina Creek, or near it, where the line
run between Maryland and Pennsylvania, by Messi-s.
Mason and Divon, intersects the said river, to that part of
the said river which lies in the latitude of Fort Pitt, and
as much further as may be needful for the present purpose.
That the line of Dixon and Mason be continued to the end
of five degrees of longitude from the river Delaware, and
from the end of the said five degrees, a line or lines cor-
responding to the courses of the Delaware, be run to the
river Ohio, as nearly as may be, at the distance of five
degrees from the said river Deloivarc in every part. And
that the said line of Dixon and Mason, continued from
the western extent of Maryland to the end of five degrees
of longitude from the Delaware and the said line or lines,
similar to the courses of the Delaware, he taken, deemed
and reputed to be lines of jurisdiction between the Colo-
nies of Virginia and Pennsylvania, until the boundaries of
Pennsylvania can be settled, and nm, and marked by Koyal
authority ; for which purpose your Ijordship has been
pleased to consent to a joint application with the Proprie-
taries of Pennsylvania to the Crown. That these lines of
jurisdiction shall be established for the good purpose only
of quieting the disturbances which at present subsist be-
tween the two Colonies, without any prejudice to the
Crown, or the Proprietors of Pennsylvania, to the south-
ward of the said line of Dixon and Mason, continued as
far as the fortieth degree of north latitude, (all which land
the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania claim,) until the limits
of Pennsylvania can be finally settled as aforesaid.
And we would further propose to your Lordship, that
until the said lines of jurisdiction can be run, the juris-
diction of Virginia be suspended at Fort Pitt and the
country thereabouts, as the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania was
unquestionably first extended and executed in that part of
the country, as we think we can clearly satisfy your
Lordship.
If these proposals, or the maps we send with them,
should not be sufficiently clear and explicit, we shall be
ready at any time to attend your Lordship in order to
explain.
We have the honour to be your Lordship's most obedient
and most humble servants, James Tilghman,
Andrew Allen.
To his Excellency the Right Honourable the Earl of Dun-
more, Governour and Commander-in-chief of the Colony
and Dominion of Virginia.
LORD DUNMORE TO JAMES TILGHMAN AND ANDREW ALLEN.
No. 2.
Williamsburg, 24th May, 1774.
Gentlemen : Having considered your proposals of a
boundary line or lines, to ascertain, lor the present, the
jurisdiction of the Colonies of Virginia and Pennsylvania,
and the terms of the Royal grant, 1 am of opinion that the
latter cannot admit of the construction which you give to
tliem, or that it could possibly be the intent of the Crown
that the western bounds of your Province should have the
very inconvenient, and so difficult to be ascertained shape,
as it would have, if, as you say, it were to correspond with
the course of the river Delaware ; but I think, from the
words of the grant, rather that your western boundary
should be determined by a meridian line at five degrees of
longitude from the river Delaware, to be computed from
that point upon it which is at the extent of the forty-second
degree of latitude and the line drawn from that point to the
aforesaid meridian, is your north bounds ; and your south
bounds should be a straight line westward from the circle
drawn at twelve miles distance from New- Castle, northward
and westward unto the beginning of the fortieth degree
of latitude, until that straight line westward intersect the
meridian above mentioned, which is the limits of longitude
mentioned in the Royal grant, and no other, as it appears
to me.
Conformably to this, I am willing to agree to a tempo-
rary line, that may serve to ascertain the jurisdiction of
both Colonies, and quiet the disturbances which subsist,
and prevent them in future ; but if you are already deter-
mined not to depart from the proposals now given in to me,
I must inform you that it will be in vain to treat any fur-
ther upon the subject, as it would be utterly impossible for
me, in compliance with my duty, to suspend the jurisdic-
tion of Virginia at Fort Pitt, and the country tiiereabouts,
which you make yourselves, following your own construc-
tion of the Royai grant, to be only five or six miles within
your limits ; and if that should not, but the other which I
have given, be the true construction, then Fort Pitt, by
the river Delaware running very much eastwardly towards
your northern bounds, will probably be at least fifty miles
without your limits, wliich would be a concession, 1 really
tliink, too great for me to make, whether it be or not for
you to ask.
I must also inform you, that I am clearly of opinion,
that were it possible I could admit your own construction
of the Royal grant, and your own surveys and observa-
tions, your ascertaining your claim under the former has
been done too late, and your asceitaining your boundary
by the latter has consequently been to no purpose ; for if
the lands described by the Royal grant, at the time of the
grant being passed, were clearly within the undoubted limits
of his Majesty's Dominions, which is also a question, yet
still Fort Pitt, and the country thereabouts, for want of tiie
457
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
458
Proprietors of Pennsylvania supporting tlieir claim, and
ascertaining their boundary in due time, was suffered to be
claimed and possessed by an enemy, from whom it was
conquered by his Majesty's arms, and by whom it was
confirmed to his Majesty in a treaty ; consequently, there-
fore, no legal title, as it appears to me, can be set up to
any of that territory, but under a grant of the Crown, sub-
sequent to such possession, conquest, &,c.
As to your idea of tlie jurisdiction of Pennsylvania
having been fii-st extended and exercised in that part of
the country : it was indeed the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania
having been extended and exercised, not only there where
you have extended your claims, but even to a hundred miles
beyond any that you have yet pretended to, that has given
occasion to the inhabitants over whom your jurisdiction
was exercised, and who think themselves, according to the
general sense of Virginia, subject to the jurisdiction only
of the latter, to apply to this Government for protection
and redress, which this Government, in duty, could not
refuse them, as far as its legal powers extend. But I am
so far from thinking, as you suggest, that the jurisdiction
of Pennsylvania having been first extended and exercised
in that country, is a reason that should induce the Govern-
ment of Virginia to suspend its jurisdiction there, that in
my opinion the latter is entitled to some apology from the
former for attempting a measure without the participation
that ought to have the sanction of both, as his Majesty had
not given his to it.
I mention not these circumstances for the purpose of
engaging in a dispute with the Proprietors of Pennsylvania,
or of throwing obstacles in the way of an accommodation
which I am sensible it is the interest of both Colonies, and
the duty of the Governours of them, to facilitate ; but with
the design of making it appear that I have not, upon very
slight grounds, rejected proposals for settling the disputes
and differences subsisting between the two Colonies, and
which require no less than that every thing which is con-
tended for (depending on such a variety of contingencies)
on the part of Pennsylvania, should be given up on the
part of Virginia immediately.
I cannot but think that you entertain an erroneous opinion
of the boundaries of your Province, as described in the
Royal grants, but even if not, that your proposals are un-
reasonable, and that the sincerity of your desire to settle
all disputes between Pennsylvania and Virginia would
appear less doubtful, if you had observed in your proposals
an equitable regard to the pretensions of this Government,
especially as nothing thereby can prejudice the legal title of
your Government : therefore, unless you are authorized to
agree to a plan that favours as much the sentiments of this,
as of your own Government, I see no accommodation that
can be entered into previous to his Majesty's decision, which
I shall not fail to join my application for the obtaining as
soon as possible.
I am, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant,
DuNMORE.
Jamet Tilghman and Andrew Allen, Esquires.
JAMES TILGHMAN AND ANDREW ALLEN TO LORD DUNMORE.
No. 3.
Williamsburg, May 25, 1774.
Mv Lord : We are honoured with your Lordship's an-
swer of yesterday, to our proposals of a boundary line or
lines, to ascertain, for the present, tlie jurisdiction between
the Colonies of Virginia and Pennsylvania, to which your
Lordsl)ip will be ])lcased to indulge us in a reply which we
are induced to make, from a persuasion that if we can be
so happy as to support the principles upon which we
founded our proposals, or to point out just objections to
your [jordsliip's reasoning, we may still come to such an
understanding as may answer the good purposes for which
we waited on your Lordship. We tliought the western
boundary of Pennsylvania, when clearly understood, ought
to be one of the lines of jurisdiction. Your Lordship is
of ihe same sentiment, by offering to make what you con-
ceive to be our western bounds, tlic lino of jurisdiction, but
you are pleased to differ with us in the construction of the
grant. If we have a just apprehension of your Lordship's
meaning, you suppose that a meridian line drawn from the
end of five degrees of longitude from Delaware, at the be-
ginning of the forty-third degree of latitude, ought to deter-
mine the western boundary of Pennsylvania. We are at
a loss to conceive from what expression of the Charter your
Lordship can collect that the western boundary of Penn-
sylvania should be a meridian line, or why that meridian
should be drawn rather from the north than the south boun-
dary of the Province. The Charter expresses that the
Province shall extend five degrees of longitude from its
eastern boundary. The eastern boundary- is the Delaware
in general ; but if the western bounds are to be determined
by a meridian line, the Province will extend in some parts
more, and in others less than five degrees of longitude from
its eastern boundary. This we conceive to be against the
tenns of the grant, which we are of opinion cannot be
satisfied by any other than a line or lines corresponding
with the courses of the Delaivare, and this is the only con-
stniction we have ever heard made of that part of the
Charter.
Your Lordship, after expressing a doubt, whether that
part of tiie country now in dispute was within the King of
England's Dominions, at the time of making the Pennsyl-
vania grant, is pleased to contend " That, though it were
" possible for you to admit our construction of the Royal
" grant we contend for, should be within the limits of
" Pennsylvania, according to such construction, yet Fort
" Pitt, and the country thereabouts, for want of the Pro-
" prietors of Pennsylvania supporting their claim, and as-
" certaining their boundaries in due time, was suffered to be
" claimed and possessed by an enemy, from whom it was
" conquered by his Majesty's amis, and by whom it was
" confirmed to his Majesty, in a treaty, and consequently,
" that no legal title can be set up to any of that territory,
" but under the grant of the Crown, subsequent to such
" possession, conquest, &c."
Not to enter in a discussion of the facts of claim and pos-
session by an enemy, and conquest by his Majesty's arms,
and the enemy's confirmation, or the effect of them upon
the right of his Majesty's subjects, which we think needless,
we shall only observe, that your Lordship's argument mili-
tates equally against Virginia, as against Pennsylvania,
since there has been no new grant that we know of subse-
quent to such possession, conquest, &.C. ; and that therefore,
in our opinion, your Lordship ought not upon your own
principles, to have extended the jurisdiction of Virginia
to Fort Pitt, and the country thereabouts. Your Lord-
ship seems to allow that there was a prior exercise of juris-
diction on the side of Pennsylvania, and you urge this as
a reason of your interposition, and are pleased to think that
Virginia is entitled to an apology from the Government
oi Pennsylvania, for thus exercising a jurisdiction, without
the sanction of the Crown's participation. Were it un-
deniably true, that the Government of Pennsylvania had
knowingly extended their jurisdiction beyond the limits of
the Charter, we should be far from vindicating such a con-
duct. And we are certain, that if any of our officers have
acted officially, beyond the known limits of the Province,
they will be censured, rather than supported, by the Gov-
ernment. But, assured as we arc, that Fort Pitt must
be within our Charter limits, we cannot be induced to think
that our Government were improper in exercising their ju-
risdiction there ; and we are inclined to be of opinion, that
if your Lordship, when an application was first made to
you, to take that place under the Government of Virginia,
had thought fit to have given the least intimation of your
designs to the Governour of Pennsylvania, much of the
disagreeable consequence which has followed, would prob-
ably have been prevented.
We are really concerned, to find that our conceptions of
the extent of Pennsylvania are so very different, but we
are not without hope, that your Lordship will, upon recon-
sidering tiie subject, be of opinion that your construction is
liable to the objections we have made. And, although we
are satisfied that we shall be supported in ours, yet we are
not so tenacious of our first proposals, as to adhere strictly
to them, while we have any hopes that a reasonable
departure from them will produce so desirable an effect as
the settlement of harmony and peace between the two
Colonies. And for that valuable purpose, we shall be
willintr to recede so far from our Charter bounds, as to make
the river Mononcrahela , from the line of Dixon and Mason
do.\nward, the "western boundary of jurisdiction, which
would at once settle our present disputes, without the great
trouble and expense of ronning lines, or the inconvenience
459
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
460
of keepinj^ the jurisdictions in suspense. This we assure
your Lordship, is tlie farthest we can go in point of conces-
sion, and if your Lordship is determined to adhere to your
proposal of a meridian line, or indeed to insist upon retain-
ing the jurisdiction of Fort Pitt, or the lands to the east-
ward of the Monongahela, we can treat no farther. But,
we cannot quit the subject, without expressing our concern
that your Lordship should entertain a doubt of the sincerity
of our desire to settle all disputes between Virginia and
Pennsylvania, as we are not conscious of having done any
thing that could give your Lordship so unfavourable an im-
pression. And we beg leave to assure your Ijordship,
that nothing less than a most sincere wish and desire to
restore peace and harmony, and to settle our disputes, with
a due regard to the just pretensions of both Colonies, could
have actuated our Government to send us hither, or could
have induced us to undertake a journey of such length,
and so very inconvenient to us. We think the proposals
we have made, contain the most reasonable concessions,
and it will give us real concern, should your Lordship's
ideas be so different from ours, that the desired accommo-
dation cannot be effected. We thank your Lordship for
your ready consent to join our Proprietors in an application
to the Crown to settle our bounds, and have the honour to
be, with great regard, your Lordship's most obedient, and
most humble servants, James Tilghman,
Andrew Allen.
His Excellency Lord Dunmore.
LORD DCNMORE TO JAMES TILGHMAN AND ANDREW ALLEN.
No. 4.
Williamsburg, May 26, 1774.
Gentlemen : I perceive you have fallen Into the errour,
that from my having alleged the reasons which induced
me to think your first proposal improper for me to comply
with, I would enter into a discussion at length, of all the
points of the claim of the Proprietors of Pennsylvania,
which I must assure you, was in no wise my design, nor
can I by any means consent to. I must, nevertheless, re-
peat here, that I think, from the words of your grant, that
a meridian line, (which is sufficiently described in my
answer to your first proposal,) is the line tiiat should deter-
mine your western boundary ; and the reason very plain,
that this meridian should be drawn rather from the north,
than the south, because the grant directs that the survey
shall begin at a point on the south part of the boundary,
and proceed northward, as far as three and forty degrees of
latitude, and it being usual, in like cases, always to proceed,
consequently from thence, extend five degrees of longitude ;
and not return to the south point to draw it from thence,
which cannot any way be inferred, no more than it can be
supposed that it was inconsiderately intended the grant
sliould extend five degrees of longitude from every part of
the river Delaware, which would make a line so difficult
if not impossible to trace upon the land.
That you should think the circumstances, which 1 cannot
but be of opinion, must render the parchment boundary of
Pcnnsyloania, whatever it were, insufficient now to deter-
mine the limits of the Province, needless to be considered,
is a point which must be perfectly indifferent to me, for
the reason I have given in the first part of tiiis letter ; but
your idea is a mistaken one, but leads you to conclude that
the same circumstances militate equally against Virginia,
as against Pennsylvania ; there being no less important a
difference than that the one acts for the King, and the
other against him. The jurisdiction of Virginia cannot be
exercised over any country, but for the immediate benefit,
as well as interest of his )\Iajesty, to whom that jurisdiction
secures the quitrents, and every advantage whicli his
Majesty had proposed to draw from the granting of his un-
appropriated lands, but which, 1 presume, is not meant to be
uri'cd in vindication of the encroachments of Pennsylvania.
But in the present instance, however, Virginia has inter-
fered only, as you know before, in compliance with the
request and formal petition of a numerous body of inhabit-
ants, who, thinking themselves, from the general opinion,
setded within the Hmils of this Government, applied to the
authority thereof, to be protected againn the usurped juris-
diction of Pennsylvania, which Virginia did not think
itself at liberty to refuse but which it granted, nevertheless
without the least design of refusing obedience to whatever
decision his Majesty may be pleased to make thereupon,
the tenor of which attempt, proceeding and determination,
make another essential consideration, and which renders, I
am inclined to believe, the case of Virginia in this dispute,
impossible to be assimilated, as you would endeavour, to
that oi Pennsylvania.
Your interpretation of my first letter, to infer I have
allowed there was a prior exercise of jurisdiction on the
side of Pennsylvania, obliges me to recall to your view, the
transaction in Governour Dinwiddie's time, and to inform
you, if you are ignorant of it, of a requisition from General
Gage to this Colony, as that to which, by the public
opinion, the territory belonged, to appoint a Magistrate at
Fort Pitt, where there then was none, and which Magis-
trate was accordingly appointed, which, while it proves
the prior exercise of jurisdiction to have been, not on the
side of Pennsylvania, but on that of Virginia, as these
were acts of public notoriety, and undertaken under the
authority of public exigence ; they prove also, still more
the impropriety of Pemisylvania's having exercised their
jurisdiction at all, in tliat district, without other authority
than their own opinion, and motive than their private ad-
vantage, and the title still stronger of this Government to
an apology for it.
You proceed to intimate that you are certain if any of
your officers have acted officially beyond the known limits
of the Province, they will be censured, rather than sup-
ported ; I really think I shall be justified in questioning
this assertion ; for, although much pains, as is pretended,
have been taken to ascertain your boundary, it would seem
very strange, I think impossible, that even this very bound-
ary is immediately unknowingly exceeded, I am warranted
to say, by near a hundred miles, and yet, I have not heard
of the dispensation, even of that gentle punishment you
mention, though we know of one of your officers being sup-
ported and justified, in terms not very decent, in a violent
act, that has been the cause of whatever disturbances or
disputes subsist between the two Colonies. Nor can I
think, that if I had, upon application first made to me to
take the country in dispute, under the Government of Vir-
ginia, intimated my design to the Governour of Pennsyl-
vania, (which I ratlier believe you mention by way of ror
crimination) it would have had the effect you say, for there
is surely as great a necessity for preventing all disagreeable
consequences now, as there was then, and the pretensions
of both parties were, I suppose, the same then, as now.
And what were your proposals to reconcile them ? Why
in your first you propose that every thing in dispute shall
be given up to Pennsylvania. And in your second, that
Virginia shall be content, without having any thing given
up to it — at least, 1 can find nothing given up by your
proposal of the Monongahela, &ic. What else therefore,
can I conclude from both the proposals, but that no real
intention is meant to avoid the great and reciprocal incon-
veniences of a doubtful boundary, which otherwise would,
I conceive, as it was not intended to be final, have been in
a manner that could justify this Government, hi general
with the people, for any departure from the conceived
opinion of the limits of the Colony ; and myself, in particu-
lar with his Majesty, for entering into any agreement that
mav eventually affect his right.
I join with you in concern that we should differ so
widely in conception of the extent of Pennsylvania, as it
affects Virginia, but must confess that your objections
have not altered my opinion of the construction of your
grant, notwithstanding you are so confident of being sup-
ported in yours. However, I am less anxious about the
issue of these different opinions, than I am about the effects
of them, in the mean time. Your proposals amounting in
reality to nothing, could not possibly be complied with,
and your resolution, with respect to Fort Pitt, (the juris-
diction over which place, I must tell you, at all events,
will not be relinquished by this Government, without his
Majesty's orders) puts an entire stop to further treaty, and
makes me sincerely lament that you have put i: out of my
power to contribute to re-e«tablish the peace and harmony
of botii Colonies, and to evince my good intentions as well
towards the one, as the other.
I am, gentlemen, your most obedient and humble
servant, Dunmore.
James Tilghman and Andrew Allen, Esquires.
461
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
462
JAMES TILGHMAN AND ANDREW ALLEN TO LOKD DUNMORE.
No. 5.
Williamsburg, May 27, 1774.
Mr Lord : Since your Lordsliip is determined, as you
are pleased to say, at all events, not to relinquisii your
jurisdiction over Fort Pitt, a period is put to our treaty ;
and we can only, with your Lordship, lament the contin-
uance of those reciprocal inconveniences of clashing and dis-
puted jurisdictions, which we are conscious of liaving done
every thing that could be reasonably expected of us to
prevent. And we have only to add our thanks for the
polite attention your Lordship has been pleased to show
us, and the despatch you have given to our business. We
intend to leave town to-morrow, but before our departure,
we shall do ourselves the honour to wait on your Lordship,
for your commands to the northward, where we shall be
ready to render your Lordship any service in our power.
We have the honour to be, with great regard, your
Lordship's most obedient and most humble servants,
James Tilghman,
Andrew Allen.
His Excellency the Earl oi Dunmore.
Memorandum, Tuesday, June 28, 1774.
The Committee appointed to draw up the Letters, agreed
on yesterday, laid their draughts before the Gevernour,
which being approved by him, were fairly transcribed, and
ordered to be despatched without delay. The said Letters
follow in these words, viz :
Philadelphia, June 28, 1774.
Sir: By the repeated accounts which I am daily re-
ceiving from Pittsburgh, and other parts of our western
frontier, there seems little room to doubt but the mutual
hostilities which have unhappily taken place between some
of the inhabitants of Virginia, and the Western Indians,
particularly the Shawanese, will end in a general war,
unless some prudent measures are speedily taken to pre-
vent it.
The occasion of this unfortunate breach, as well as the
particulars of the murders which have been committed on
both sides, have no doubt been communicated to you by
the deputy agent for Indian affairs at Pitishurgh. It will,
tlicrefore, be only necessary for me to inform you in gen-
eral, that a great part of the settlers in our back country
have fled from their habitations, and that the panic is daily
increasing to such a degree that there is just reason to
apprehend a total desertion of that country.
I have been induced, from a representation of the dis-
tresses of these people, to issue writs to call our Assembly,
to meet at Philadelphia, on the 18th of next month, to
enable me to afford them the necessary relief.
As it is of the utmost consequence that tliis affair should
be properly represented to the Six Nations, and that they
should, if possible, be induced to become mediators between
us and the Shawanese and the Dclaivarts, I must re-
quest you will take such measures as you shall think most
proper to satisfy them that any injuries which the Shawa-
nese may have received, and may consider as a provoca-
tion for the hostilities committed on their part, were by
no means done by the orders or consent of this Govern-
ment, but that on the contrary, we have been ever sincerely
disposed to preserve peace and friendship with them, and
are now very willing, notwithstanding what has happened,
to listen to terms of accommodation, and to renew our
friendship, and forget every thing that is past. Your in-
terposition and influence in this matter may very possibly
have tiie most salutary effects.
If a rupture can be prevented it appears to me it must
be through the Six Nations ; however, I submit the
n)atter entirely to your consideration. And am, sir, with
great regard, your most obedient and humble servant,
John Penn.
Sir WilUam Johnson, Baronet.
GOVERNOUR penn to lord DUNMORE.
Philadelphia, Juno 28, 1774.
My Lord : I am very unhappy to find myself under the
necessity of writing to your Lordsliip on so disagreeable a
subject as an Indian war, which is now like to become
general, unless the Goveniments of Virginia and Penn-
sylvania, by some prudent and timely interposition, may
happily prevent the further progress of hostilities, which
have unhai)pily taken place. I have taken the best
measures in my power to keep the settlements from break-
ing up, and have called the Assembly uiwn the occasion,
in order that every proper step may be taken, either to
compose the differences between his Majesty's subjects
and the Indians, or to defend the frontiers, if pacific
measures should fail.
I have so many complaints of the behaviour of Doctor
Conolly, that I am obliged to wish your Lordship to make
some inquiry into his conduct, which, if my information
be true, is extremely oppressive and tyrannical, with
respect to our people ; and what is still worse, there is great
reason to fear his military operations may have a dangerous
tendency to involve the Colonies !h general in an Indian
war. He seizes upon the property of the people, without
reserve, and treats the persons of our Magistrates with the
utmost insolence and disrespect, and with menaces not
only of imprisoning them, but even of pulling down their
houses, and it is said, he has sent out, or is to send out,
parties against the Indians, with orders to destroy all they
meet with, whether friend or foe. These matters may be
exaggerated, but I cannot doubt but that Mr. Conolly has
afforded some grounds for these complaints ; and although
your Lordship has been pleased to claim the jurisdiction
of Pittsburgh, and the country thereabouts, I would fain
hope that you would not encourage Mr. Conolly in such
exorbitances and outrages as are laid to his charge.
I have the honour to be your Lordship's most obedient
humble servant, John Penn.
To the Right Honourable the Earl of Dunmorc, Govern-
our and Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's Province
of Virginia.
GOVERNOUR PENN TO ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.
Philadelphia, June 28, 1774.
Sir : The accounts which you have transmitted of the
temper of the Indians, and the murders they have already
perpetrated, are truly alarming, and give every reason to
apprehend that we shall not long be exempt from the
calamities of a savage war. The desertion of that country
in consequence of the panic which has seized the inhabit-
ants, on this occasion, must be attended with the most
mischievous effects, and prove ruinous to the immediate
sufferers, and distressing to the Province in general. Every
measure, therefore, should be attempted to stoji the pro-
gress of this evil, and to induce those who have already
gone oft', to return to their habitations ; and, I must rely on
you to exert all your prudence and activity for this pur-
pose. The steps which have been already taken appear
to me very proper, and I have no doubt, but that you will
continue your endeavours to restore the drooping spirits of
the people, and inspire them with a resolution to stand
their ground, at least till they are satisfied of the intentions
of the Indians towards this Province. You may assure
them tliat Government sensibly feels the distresses of their
situation — that it will be attentive to their interests, and
afford them every assistance and protection in its power
to give. With this disposition, I have issued writs for
convening the Assembly, on the 18th of next month ;
and shall immediately on their meeting, lay this matter
before them, and have reason to expect that such measures
will be adopted as may effectually enable the Government
to extend to them a relief, adequate to its wishes, and their
wants. In the mean time I shall give orders for sucli fur-
ther supply of ammunition to be sent up as will be sufficient
for the present occasion.
I have wrote to Sir JVilliam Johnson, informing him of
the intelligence we had received of these transactions,
and requesting his interposition with the Six Nations, to
use their influence with the Shaivanese and Delawares, to
prevent further hostilities on their part, and to assure them
of the sincere intentions of this Government to continue
their pacific disposition towards all our Indian brethren.
1 iiave also wrote to Lord Dunmore. complaining of Conol-
ly's outrageous and tyrannical behaviour ai Pittsburgh, iind
represcntfng tlie dangerous tendency his military operations
463
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
464
may have to involve the Colonies in a general Indian
war. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
John Penn.
To Arthur St. Clair, Esquire, at Ligonier, in Westmore-
land County.
P. S. My Commissioners who attended Lord Dun-
more, could not induce him to come into any reasonable
temporary line of jurisdiction, and therefore things must
remain in the disagreeable situation of interfering juris-
dictions. In this unhappy situation I am satisfied, you
and the otlier Magistrates will act a prudent part. It
is impossible in such a case to give particular directions.
With respect to the keeping up the rangers you have
raised for the security of the inliabitants, I shall recom-
mend it to the Assembly to defray the expense that shall
accrue in tiiat necessary measure ; and I cannot have the
least doubt, that they will approve of what has been done
on this occasion, as also the continuance of the same forces,
until their sentiments can be known.
CORRESPONDENCE LAID BEFORE THE COUNCIL.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, May 29, 1774.
Sir : The panic that has struck this country, threatening
an entire depopulation thereof, induced me a few days ago
to make an execursion to Pittsburgh to see if it can be
removed, and the desertion prevented.
Tlie only probable remedy that offered was to afford the
people the appearance of some protection. Accordingly
Mr. Smith, Mr. Mackay, Mr. Butler, and some others of the
inhabitants of Pittsburgh, with Colonel Croghan and my-
self, entered into an association for the immediate raising an
hundred men, to be employed as a ranging company, to
cover the inhabitants in case of danger, to which association
several of the Magistrates and other inhabitants have ac-
ceded and in a very few days they will be on foot.
We have undertaken to maintain them for one month, at
the rate of one shilling and six pence a man per diem ;
this we will cheerfully discharge, at the same time we flat-
ter ourselves that your Honour will approve the measure,
and that the Government will not only relieve private
persons from the burthen, but take effectual measures for
the safety of this frontier, and this I am desired by the
people in general to request of your Honour.
I am, sir, your most obedient, most humble servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
miles this side of Pittsburgh. There is nothing to be seen
but desolation and distress; hundreds of families are flying
to the interior parts of the Province; those who would
willingly make a stand are discouraged for want of ammu-
nition and arms ; which articles they cannot be supplied in
only from Philadelphia, and I beg you would use your
endeavours with tliose gentlemen who have the disposing
of the public money, if there be any to send a supply of
arms and anmiunition.
It is a pity to lose that fine country ; I believe there
will be an Indian war, and tlierefore we ought to be pre-
pared for it in time ; I make no doubt but the Governour
will call tlie Assembly in order to take proper measures for
the protection of our back country. It is certain that a
party of Shawanese are out on tiie frontiers, and it is the
general opinion that they will strike some part of Tlrginia,
There is one Campbell killed near Newcomer's Town, and it
is feared that the traders in the Shawanese country are cut
off". fVhite Eyes is returned to Fort Pitt, and says that the
Delaware Indians are well disposed, but the Shawanese
are determined on war. Mr. Croghan, I find, has deserted
the Virginia cause, although I have little dependance on
him, yet he is capable of doing mischief; a number of the
principal people over the mountains have agreed to raise
one hundred men to range from Fort Pitt to Ligonier.
The inhabitants of what is called the town of Fort Pitt is
about to stockade it in, and to have no connection with Mr.
Conolly. A fort is to be built at Hanna's, thirty miles this
side Pittsburgh, one at Captain Proctor's, seven miles from
Hanna's, and one at Ligonier, but the want of ammunition
is a very great discouragement. There is a great number
of men in that country, and I think were they properly
encouraged would be able to make a stand. I flatter myself
that you will exert yourself on this occasion.
I am, honourable sir, your very humble servant,
John Montgomery.
P. S. This and a letter for liis Honour goes by express
from this place. I hope his expenses will be paid by Gov-
ernment.
JOHN MONTGOMERY TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Carlisle, June 3, 1774.
Honourable Sir: I am just returned from the back
country. I was up at the place where Courts are held for
Westmoreland County ; I found the people there in great
confusion and distress ; many families returning to this side
the mountains, others are about building of forts in order to
make a stand, but they are in great want of ammunition
and arms, and cannot get a sufficient supply in these parts.
I wish some method would be taken to send a supply from
Philadelphia; and unless they are speedily furnished
with arms and ammunition they will be obliged to desert
the country. There is a fine appearance of crops over
the mountains, and could the people be protected in
saving them, it would be of considerable advantage, in
case we should be involved in an Indian war, and oblig-
ed to raise troops, to be able to support them with provi-
sions in that country. Captain St. Clair has wrote your
Honour a full state of affairs in the back country, whose
letter I send by express from this place.
I am, honourable sir, your Honour's most obedient
humble servant, John MoNTfioMERV.
To the Hon. John Penn, Esq., Governour and Commander-
in-chief of the Province of Pennsylvania.
JOHN MONTGOMERY TO WILLIAM ALLEN, ESQ.
Carlisle, June 3, 1774.
Honourable Sir : I have been lately over the moun-
tains as far as Westmoreland Court House, about thirty
INDIAN INTELLIGENCE.
June 5, 1774.
Two messengers from the Newcomer's Town, arrived
with an account that, five days ago, one Conner, a white
man, who lives at the Snake's Town, upon Muskingum,
had returned home from the place the traders were making
their canoes, and informed that the traders were all safe
to the number of twenty-five or thirty, and that the Shaw-
anese had taken great pains in protecting them, and had
sent them off with their peltry, with some of their young
men, and some Delawares, to protect them upon their way
up the river to Pittsburgh.
These messengers further say, that all their towns, as
well as the Shawanese. are now quiet, and that their Chiefs
have been strong enough to prevail over their rash and
foolish men who wanted to take revenge upon the white
people for their loss, except two small parties, consisting
of thirteen men in the whole, who were friends to the In-
dians that suffered, and could not be restrained, though
their Chiefs did every thing in their power to prevent them
from the bad undertaking ; that they hope that their bretli-
ren, the English, would not blame, or think that they
countenance any evil that might be committed by those
rash men, who have stole away from them to do mischief
contrary to their Chiefs' desire, and were all cliiefly Min-
goes who have had the most friends killed ; (hat one party
has been out eleven days, and was to return in fifteen, and
intended against that part of the river where their friends
were put to death, or somewhere else upon Virginia he\ow
it. The above party have declared, as soon as tliey have
taken revenge for their people, and returned, that they
would then set down and listen to their Chiefs.
The above messengers say, that the day they left home
a runner came from five Cherokees that were to be in the
day following, upon business, and that the Delawares
would inform us of it as soon as it was known. And that,
also, they heard that one of the before mentioned parties
who had gone to take revenge upon the white people, was
returned, and had killed one man.
465
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
466
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVEHNOUR PENN.
Laurel Hill, Juno 7, 1774.
Sir : When I had last the honour to write to you, I ac-
quainted you with a plan that had been fallen upon to raise
some men for the defence of this country. The day before
yesterday about forty marched fiom Haima's Town to
TurtleCreek, where they would be joined by another party.
The number I do not exactly know, but it is intended that
that post should be sixty men strong ; and a number were,
at the same time, engaged for the other necessary posts,
so as that the whole will form a chain of rangers on our
frontier. The subscribers requested irie to take them under
my direction, and in consequence I did give them orders
which I will send to your Honour by the first opportuni-
ty— now I have not time to copy them ; and, as I know the
gentleman who carries this, I came here on purpose to see
him, for should this matter go farther, he has connections
in town that have weight with the House. Mr. Croghan's
views I do not pretend to see, but this you may be assured
of, he is at present a friend to this country, and if it depends
on him we shall yet have no war ; hitherto it has been my
opinion we would have no war; I now begin to think other-
wise ; but my reasons for thinking so depend on such cir-
cumstances as can scarce be communicated. The most
alarming one, however, is the retreat of the Moravian
Minister. A great town of the Delawares has been, in
Some measure, civilized by these people, and spiritual
guides in all countries have ways of knowing the intentions
of their flocks ; another is, that on Sunday last a Council
was intended with the Delawares and Six Nations at Mr.
Croghan's, but the day before they went off to prevent a
party of Shawanese, as they say, from falling on the white
people. A little time will show whether that was their
design or not. Mr. Jennings, the late Sheriff of North-
ampton, who is now here, will, I believe, be in town. It
is not improbable he knows more than he discovers to me.
He is engaged in the Indian trade, and his partner is beloved
by all the Indians. Your Honour will judge if you should
see him.
I will not give your Honour any more trouble at present ;
and in truth I am so fatigued with riding that I doubt much
if what I write is legible ; but it is necessary your Honour
should be acquainted with what is passing here, and I am
not fond of sending expresses.
I am, sir, your Honour's most obedient and most humble
servant, Ar. St. Clair.
P. S. In a very particular manner our soldiers are di-
rected to avoid every occasion of dispute with the people
in the service of Virginia.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, June 8, 1774.
Sir : Since I wrote to you yesterday I have received
two letters from Mr. Croghan, which I now enclose.
Though he seems to say that peace may be continued, I
believe it is not his sentiments ; and the circumstance of
his going to Williamshurg, whatever design he may avow,
is to be out of the way of danger ; for he dare neither trust
the white people nor the Indians.
We have a certain account of some mischief having
been done up Cheat river. Eight or nine people are
killed ; but whether it is only designed as revenge, or is
really the beginning of a war, we cannot yet judge ; I
shall, however, take the earliest opportunity to inform you
of what passes, and am, sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant, Ar. St. Clair.
Hon. John Venn, Esq.
GEORGE CROGHAN TO ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.
Juuc 4, 1774.
Sir : The frequent reports brought from Manna's
Town, of two hundred men being raising there, has alarm-
ed Captain ConoUy very much, and though I told Mr. Jo
Campbell the whole reason and intention was no more than
to have a number of men to scout between the river Ohio
and of inhabitants down to Ligonier, in order to prevent
the flight of that part of said country ; and in case of great
necessity that those men would be offered to act with the
Virginians for the general defence of the country.
Fourth Series. 30
Now, as both Conolly and Campbell know this measure
is the only one to stay the people from flying, and see that
the country will condemn Conolly and his officers for not
pursuing the same measure, they want to make it appear
in another light, and that the intention is to invade the
rights of Virginia,
Now, the greatest caution and prudence is necessary, and
I request that you will station those parties to scout back of
the settlements between Turtle Creek and Ligonier,
which was our intention of having them, and take care
that no threats against Virginia be made use of by any
person concerned, as, since Mr. Jo Campbell came up, I
see the design is to create a fresh difference between Gov-
ernour Penn and Lord Dunmore, which ought to be avoided
with the greatest care. Since Campbell came up affidavits
are taken of every information that is brought up, and spies
employed ; though when he was informed of the murders
committed on the Indians, he never took any measures to
apprehend them. He has made two attacks on me, by let-
ters sent by a Sergeant and twelve men, which letters I
answered, but would not gratify him to send them by his
party.
The ti-uth is, they found this difference likely to be made
up by the Indians, and find that nothing but misrepresent-
ing our measures, and drawing on a fresh dispute between
the Government of Pennsylvania and Virginia, can keep
this man in command ; wherefore I have determined to go
to Williamsburg myself, and represent the state of the
country, as soon as 1 hear the event of our last messages to
the Indians, by the Deputies, which I believe will be in five
or six days, and I flatter myself entirely satisfactory to every
well-wisher of the peace and tranquillity of his country.
Before I go you and I must have a meeting, that you
may be able to inform the Governour what I am going about ;
but I would have you settle the scouting party so as to act
with prudence, and give no cause for suspicion of any
design against Virginia, before you come up.
I am, sir, your most humble servant,
George Croghan.
To Arthur St. Clair, Esq.
EXTRACT or A LETTER FROM ALEXANDER M'kEE, ES^.,
AGENT FOR INDIAN AFFAIRS AT FORT PITT, DATED
JUNE 10, 1774.
You must, ere this, be acquainted with the critical situ-
ation of this country ; the unhappy disturbances which have
lately arose between the Virginians and the Natives, the
event of which still continues doubtful whether matters
will be brought to a general rupture or accommodation.
Hostilities, however, have been committed on both sides,
but at present there seems to be a cessation. Some wise
interposition of Government is truly necessary, and would
undoubtedly restore peace ; without it it is impossible, and
thousands of the inhabitants must be involved in misery and
distress. But to do the Indians justice, they have given
great proofs of their pacific disposition, and have acted with
more moderation than those who ought to have been more
rational, a few Mingoes and Shawanese excepted, who
have been long refractory. There are more effectual
means of chastising them for their insolence and perfidy,
than by involving the defenceless country in a war, which
there is too much reason to fear, at this time, will become
general, and which must inevitably be the destruction of
this country.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, June 12, 1774.
Sir : In my last letter I had the honour to inform you,
that in consequence of the ranging company which had
been raised here, there was reason to hope the people would
return to their plantations and pursue their labours ; and for
some time, that is, a few days, it had that effect ; but an
idle report of Indians having been seen within the party,
has drove them every one into some little fort or other, and
many hundreds out of the country altogether. This has
obliged me to call in the parties from where they were
posted, and have stationed tiiem, twenty men at the Bul-
lock Pens, twenty men at Ilirtlc Creek, thirty at Manna's
Town, twenty at Proctor's, and twenty at Ligonier: as
these places are now the frontier towards the Alleghany,
467
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
468
all that great country betwixt the road and that river being
totally abandoned, except by a few who are associated with
the people who murdered the Indians, and are shut up in a
small fort on Connymach, equally afraid of the liidiaTis and
officers of justice.
Nothing can be more surprising than the dread the people
are under, and it is truly shameful tliat so great a body of
people should have been driven from their possessions
without even the appearance of an enemy ; for certain it
is, as yet, no attempt has been made on what is understood
to be Pennsylvania, nor any other mischief done than the
killing the family on Whitclick Creek, which I informed
you of before, and which, from every circumstance, appears
rather to have been private revenge than a national stroke.
A fresh report of Indiana being seen near Hanna's Town,
and another party on Braddock's Road, set the people
agoing again yesterday. 1 immediately took horse and
rode up to inquire, and found it, if not totally groundless,
at least very improbable ; but it was impossible to persuade
the people so, and I am certain I did not meet less than a
hundred families, and I think two thousand head of cattle,
in twenty miles riding.
The people in this valley still make a stand ; but yester-
day they all moved into this place, and I perceive are much
in doubt what to do. Nothing in my power to prevent
their leaving the country shall be omitted, but if they will
go I suppose I must go with the stream. It is the strangest
infatuation ever seized upon men ; and if they go off now,
as harvest will soon be on, they must undoubtedly perish
by famine, for Spring crop there will be little or none.
By a letter from Mr. Mackay, of yeeterday, I had a very
extraordinary peace of intelligence, " that Ixird Dunmore
" had empowered Mr. Conolly to settle a line of jurisdic-
" tion with the Pennsylvania Magistrates." This, it seems,
he gives out himself, but it is too absurd to be believed. It
would give much pleasure to the friends of Government in
this part of the country, to hear that your Commissioners
had succeeded in that business, as it seems to be the only
thing that can restore us peace and good order.
A very little time will discover the intentions of the In-
dians, and if they should proceed to further hostilities, I
will give you notice by express, if it appears to be neces-
sary. I am, sir, your moat obedient and most humble servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
P. S. I have just heard that Mr. Conolly has sent a party
of militia down to Wheeling, with orders to fall on every
Indian they meet, without respecting friend or foe.
DEVEREUX SMITH TO GOVERNO0R PENN.
Pittsburgh, June 12, 1774.
Sir : I acknowledge your Honour's favour of the 22d of
April, which was forwarded to this place a few days ago
from Staunton. Mr. Mackay waited on my Lord Dun^
more at fVilUamsburg, and laid before him some facts rela-
tive to Dr. Conolly' s conduct at this place, upon which his
Lordship thought proper to enlarge us. Mr. Mackay wrote
from Staunton, in order to acquaint your Honour thereof, but
liis letter was returned to this place at the same time I had
the pleasure of receiving yours.
It gives me great satisfaction to find that you approve of
our conduct, and should be happy to hear that those gen-
tlemen that are gone to Williamsburg might settle with my
Lord Dunmore to your satisfaction. I am much obliged
by your Honour's kindness in directing Colonel Wilson to
procure bail or credit for us. I have been extremely well
treated by the gentlemen of Virginia during my confiue-
ment.
We are in a miserable situation here at present, wving
to the appearance of an Indian war (which we think una-
voidable) and the tyrannical treatment we met with from
Dr. Conolly. I have wrote to Dr. Smith, and gave him
as exact an account of the present state of this country as
I am capable of, and shall always strive to render to this
Province any services in my power.
I am, with respect, sir, your Honour's most obedient and
humble servant, Devereux Smith.
DEVEREUX SMITH TO DR, SMIT^.
Pittsburgh, June 10, 1774.
Sib: 1 letumed to ihis place the 1 1th of May, and found
my family in the greatest confusion, owing to the appear-
ance of an Indian war, and the tyrannical treatment they
received from Doctor Conolly in my absence. Before I
was illegally taken from my family the 10th of April, I
understood from some of the Shatvanese Chiefs, at a Coun-
cil with Mr. McKce, the Indian Agent, under Sir William
Johnson, that they were much dissatisfied at the rapid pro-
gress the Virginians had made down the Ohio in settling
the lands below the purchase, viz : below Sciota river,
which they looked upon as a great encroachment on their
liberties and properties ; they also expressed their surprise
to see a number of armed men assembled at this place
with their colours at different times, making a warlike ap-
pearance, and said, that after the first muster of the 25th
of January, some of the militia fired on them at their camps
near the mouth of the Saivmill Run.
These Shawanese Chiefs were sent for by Mr. Croghan
last summer, and came here about the 25th of December,
and remained here till the 1st of April ; during which
time they often complained to the inhabitants of this place,
that Mr. Croghan had sent for them to do business, and
kept them in great distress for want of provisions and clotii-
ing ; upon which the inhabitants were at some expense
supplying them during their stay, and when they were going
home made a collection of goods for them, in order to send
them off satisfied.
On the 15th of April, Mr. William Butler sent off a
canoe loaded with goods for the Shawanese Towns, and on
the 16th it was attacked about forty miles from here by
three Cherokee Indians, who had waylaid them on the river
bank. They killed one white man, and wounded another,
and a third made his escape. They plundered the canoe
of the most valuable part of the cargo and made off; but
as they were Cherokees, we were sure they did this for
sake of plunder alone, therefore thought no more of it than
the loss. As Mr. Butler was under the necessity of send-
ing people to assist in bringing his peltry from the Shawanese
Towns, he sent off another canoe on the 24th of April, in
care of two Indians, who were well known to be good men,
and two white men. On the 27th, about ninety miles from
here, they were fired upon from shore, and both the Indians
were killed, by Michael Cresap, and a party he had with
him; they also scalped the Indians. Mr. Cresap then
immediately followed the above mentioned Shawanese
Chiefs some small distance lower down, where they were
encamped, and fired upon them, killed one and wounded
two more. The Indians fled to the Delaware Towns,
which were the nearest, and are greatly exasperated at this
treatment, as they did not expect any such thing from the
English. About that same time, a party, headed by one
Greathouse, barbarously nmrdered and scalped nine In-
dians at the house of one Baker, near Yellow Creek, about
fifty-five miles down the river. Owing to these cruelties
committed by Cresap and Greathouse, the inhabitants of
Ruckoon and Wheeling fled from that settlement, and are
chiefly gone to Virginia. After Cresap had been guilty
of these cruelties, he returned to Maryland, but has since
came back with a party of men. Cresap wrote to Conolly,
and Mr. McKee, threatening that if they did not give them
security that the Indians would not do any mischief for six
months, that he, Cresap, would immediately proceed to
commit further hostilities against the Indians. On the2Ist
of April, Conolly wrote a letter to the inhabitants of WTieel-
ing, telling them that he had been informed, by good au-
thority, that the Shatvanese were ill disposed towards white
men, and that he, therefore, required and commanded tiiem
to hold themselves in readiness to repel any insults that
might be offered by them. This letter fell into the hands
of Cresap, and he says that it was in consequence of this
letter, and the murder committed by the Cherokees on Mr.
Butler's people, that he committed the hostilities above
mentioned.
I am informed, that on the 6th day of May, Mr. Croghan
sent Captain White Eyes, (one of the Indian Chiefs,)
in company with some of our traders, to acquaint the
Shawanese and Delawares that the outrages which had
been committed by some of our ill disposed white people,
were without the least countenance from Government.
This Indian promised to use his best endeavours to accom-
modate matters, and returned the 24th of May, and brought
with him ten white men, who had been protected by the
469
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1*774.
470
DeJawares eight days, in their towns, and guarded safe to
this place. He also brought a speech from the Delawares,
from which we have great reason to beheve they are not
incHned for war. We also beheve that they will endeavour
to preserve the lives of the traders that are now amongst
the Shawanese. He also brought from the Shawanese
Chief (called the Hardman) an answer to a speech sent to
them by Mr. Croghan upon this occasion, in which he
signifies that the Shawanese are all warriors, and will not
listen to us until they have satisfaction of us for what inju-
ries they have received from the Virginians, &.c.
White Eyes informs us that a Mingo man called Logan,
(whose family had been murdered in the number,) had
raised a party to cut down the Shawanese Town traders at
the Canoe Bottom, on Hockhocking Creek, where they
were pressing their peltry ; but we have heard since that
the Shawanese have taken them under their care until
matters are further settled, but God knows what fate they
have met with ; we hope they are still alive, and if it be so
they have a chance to come in, if the outrageous behaviour
of the Virginians do not prevent them. The sixth of
this month we had an account from Muddy Creek, (empties
into the river Monongahela, near Cheat river,) that the In-
dians had killed and scalped one white man, his wife, and
three children, and that three more of the same man's
children were missing, and has since been confirmed. We
suppose this to be Logan's party, and that they will do
more mischief before they return. About the 20th of May,
one Campbell, lately from Lancaster, was killed and scalped
near Neivcomer's Town, and one Proctor, at Wheeling, by
a party of Shawanese and Mingoes.
The Virginians in this part of the country seem deter-
mined to make war with the Indians at any rate. The
one half of this country is ruined to all intents and purposes,
which, a few months ago, was in a flourishing way. Conolly
lias embodied upwards of one hundred men, and will have
this fort in good order in a short time. He is gathering in
all the provisions he can possibly get from the country,
which, he says, will be paid for by the Government of Vir-
ginia. The militia here, by Conolly's orders, shoot down
the cattle, sheep and hogs, loelonging to the inhabitants, as
they please ; they also press horses, and take by force any
part of our property they think proper, and tell us that
they have authority so to do; therefore you may Judge of
our situation at present. Before I returned from Virginia,
about the 5th day of May, Mr. Conolly sent an armed
guard of men to my house, who attempted to take away
a quantity of blankets and bags by force. Mr. William
Butler, who lived at my house at that time, had a great
dispute in defence of my property, and put them out with
great difficulty, on which they complained to Conolly, who
immediately despatched a party of twelve men to the
house in order to put their villainous scheme in execution,
on which my wife locked her doors. Conolly came at the
.same time, and began to abuse Mr. Butler and my wife.
He also threatened to sendMr. Butler to Virginia in irons,
and to take every farthing's worth of his property from
him ; damned my wife, telling her the same, and that he
would let her know that he commanded here. Sec, &.c.
On the 27th day of May, Mr. Mackay and I rode out
about seven miles from town, and on our return was met
on the road by a man from Mrs. Mackay, who came to tell
us that Conolly had sent a party of men to pull down Mr.
Mackay's house. When we came home we found a guard
of six armed men pulling down two outhouses in Mr.
Mackay's back yard. He ordered them to desist, saying
that he would defend his property at the risk of his life ;
upon which the men agreed to wait until we would talk to
Mr. Conolly about the matter. We walked toward the
fort with that intention, but was met by one Aston, (a
Captain of Conolly's,) at the head of about thirty armed
men, followed by Conolly. Aston approached, and in a
blasphemous manner accosted Mr. Mackay, ordering the
Virginia Sheriff to seize him ; upon which the Sheriff,
Aston, and several others, seized him in a valiant manner ;
Aston, presenting a rifle at Mr. Mackay, threatened to
shoot him down, which some of the bystanders prevented.
Conolly came up at the same time in a great rage, telling
Mr. Mackay that he would send him to Virginia in irons.
We endeavoured to expostulate with him, but all to no pur-
pose, but told him that he would tear down his dwelling
bouse, if he thought proper. He also accused Mr. Mackay
with being refractory on many occasions, and a fomenter of
sedition, fee, in opposition to the Colony of Virginia, and
that he had encouraged his servants to abuse one of his men,
who was then present, calling the man to prove what he
asserted, but the man cleared Mr. Mackay and his servant,
saying that it was a man of Mr. Spear's who had struck him.
Conolly being there confuted before upwards of sixty per-
sons, said it was all one, as it was one of the Magistrates'
servants.
Aston attempted to run the muzzle of his gun at Mr.
Mackay's face, but was prevented ; in the mean time Con-
olly suffered a forsworn rascal (one Reily) to shake a stick
at Mr. Mackay, and abuse him in an outrageous manner,
without bringing him to an account for so doing. In this
manner Conolly enforces all his laws.
The 7th of this inst., one Christy returned to this place
from Williamsburg, and brought Conolly a packet from
my Lord Dunmore ; he also brought some late newspapers,
in which we had an account of the House of Burgesses
being dissolved by Lord Dunmore. It happened that Mr.
Mackay told this news to a neighbour man, and that same
evening Conolly came to his house, accompanied by one of
his officers, and began to abuse him in a most blasphemous
and outrageous manner, accusing him of being the cause of
a meeting amongst his men, and alleged that he had asserted
there was no provision made by the House of Burgesses
for the payment of the men under his command. Conolly
continued to threaten Mr. Mackay with confinement. He
read a paragraph of a letter to us, in which Lord Dunmore
acquaints him of the Commissioners of Philadelphia being
at Williamsburg, and the proposals they made in regard of
a temporary line were so extravagant that nothing could be
done in it, but that he, Conolly, might settle a line at pre-
sent with the Magistrates of this county, allowing it to be
twelve, or at least ten miles east of this place. We told
him that no Magistrate in this county could pretend
to do any thing of the kind without instructions from
the Government of Pennsylvania. At this time the
Magistrates had raised a number of men in behalf of
the Government for the protection of the frontiers, and to
prevent the country from being entirely depopulated. About
thirty of them were stationed at the Bullock Pens, seven
miles east of this town. Conolly told us that he was de-
termined to go, or send out the next day, with a party, to
dispossess our men of that post, and if they did not behave
themselves he would not suffer one Pennsylvanian to live
on this side the Laurel Hill.
June 12. Mr. Conolly purposes to march from this
place to-morrow with two hundred men to build a stockade
fort at Wheeling Creek, and another near Hockhocking
Creek ; and says he will send parties, at the same time,
against the Shawanese Towns ; and I am of opinion that
they will make no distinction betwixt Shawanese and Dela-
wares, as they are determined to have a general war. Mr.
Croghan has set off this morning to Williamsburg, as he
says, to represent the state of this country to Lord Dun-
more and Council, as also to acquaint them of Mr. Conolly's
rash conduct at this place, which he seems to disapprove of.
We are this day informed, that the three children before
mentioned, that were missing near Muddy Creek, were
found dead, and scalped, and two other men, in sight of a
fort that is lately built on Dunkard Creek, up the river
Monongahela, all supposed to be done by Logan's party.
The inhabitants of the town are busily employed in stock-
ading it round about, yet have no reason to expect any thing
better than ruin and destruction.
Mr. Mackay wrote to Govemour Penn from Staunton,
the 5th of Mny, informing him of our enlargement. I also
wrote to you, and Doctor Smith, at the same time, but
these letters were since returned to us here by Colonel
Wilson, as also the Governour's letter, which we have an-
swered. I would be glad to hear the candid opinion of the
Govemour and Council concerning those extraordinary dis-
turbances.
I am, sir, your most obliged humble servant,
Devereux Smith.
P. S. Please to present without delay the Governour's
letter, which you have enclosed.
June 13. We have this morning received certain
471
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
472
accounts from Ten Mile Creek, (which empties into the
Monongakela ten miles above Red Stone Fort,) tliat on
the 11th inst. Francis McClure was killed, and one Samuel
Kincade badly wounded. These men were heading a
party of men in pursuit of Logan, McClure as Captain,
and Kincade as Lieutenant ; and owing to their bad conduct
they advanced some considerable distance ahead of their
men, and were discovered by Logan. When the party
came up they found llieir Captain killed and Lieutenant
wounded. Part of them staid to take care of the wounded
man, and tlie rest pursued the Indiam. it is said that one
of Logan's men was wounded.
Devereux Smith.
The inhabitants of this country are about petitioning
Govemour Penn by this opportunity.
JENEAS MACKAY TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Pittsburgh. Juno 14, 1774.
May it please your Honour : The deplorable state of
affairs in this part of your Government, at this time, is
truly distressing ; we are robbed, insulted, and dragooned
by Conolly and his militia in this place and its environs.
All ranks share of his oppression and tyranny, but the
weight of his resentment falls heaviest on me, because he
imagines I oppose his unwarrantable measures most. On
the 27tli of last May he ordered a party of his militia to
pull down and destroy a sheep house and stable of mine, in
a violent and outrageous manner, and told me at the time,
he would take the house I lived in, if he wanted it, and
countenanced a perjured villain, a constable of ours, that
deserted to him, before he was three months sworn in, of
the name of Reily, to shake a stick at my nose, before
his face, without reproof. This circumstance, together
with some more of the Doctor's conduct, I have communi-
cated to my Lord Dunmore by letter, but what effect that
may have time only will show.
Mr. Croghan, who has been grossly abused by our
Bashaw, lately is gone to Williamsburg to represent every
part of his conduct to the Govemour and Council, in its
true light ; although others doubt, I am very certain Mr.
Croghan is earnest and sincere respecting that intention,
for he joins the rest of the inhabitants in charging all our
present calamity to the Doctor's account.
On the other hand, we do not know what day or hour
we will be attacked by our savage and provoked enemy,
the Indians, who hare already massacred sixteen persons to
our certain knowledge about and in the neighbourhood of
Ten Mile Creek. Last Saturday, a party of the militia,
consisting of one Captain, one Lieutenant, and forty
Privates, were on their march to join Conolly at. the mouth
of Wheeling, where he intended to erect a stockade fort ;
when, on a sudden, they were attacked only by four In-
dians, who killed the Captain on the spot, and wounded
the Lieutenant, and made their escape without being hurt,
and the party after burying their Captain, returned with
their wounded Lieutenant ; so that Conolly's intended ex-
pedition is knocked in the head at this time.
1 am your Honour's most humble and most obedient
servant, JEneas Mackay,
To Govemour Penn.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonior, Juno 16, 1774.
Sir : There is very little alteration in the affairs of this
country since my last, which was a few day ago, only we
have a certain account of two or more people being killed
by the Indians, one Mr. McClure and Kincade, the person
for whom you lately issued a special commission of the
peace. They it seems, were leading a party of forty men
to join Captain Conolly at Wheeling, and were attacked
by four Indians, who made llieir escape without so much
as being fired at.
Before this accident, Mr. Conolly had detemiined to
march from Fort Pitt, (which he now calls Fort Dun-
more) with three or four hundred men he had embodied
for the purpose of chastising the Shawanese, and to erect
forts at Wheeling and Ilockhocking to overawe the In-
dians, and from thence to carry the war into their own
country ; of this, he "was pleased to inform me by letter,
and to desire I would act in concert with him. You may
be assured sir, 1 shall be cautious of taking any step that
may have the most distant tendency to draw this Province
into an active share in the war they have had no hand in
kindling ; but I have since received accounts that the above
murders instantly changed the plan, and Mr. Conolly re-
mains in garrison. It is said some of his party discovered
a very large body of Indians crossing the Ohio, below
Wheeling; if that be true, as it is not improbable, we may
expect soon to hear of much mischief being done, as there
is not the least doubt of several small parties being out at
this time. It is some satisfaction the Indians seem to dis-
criminate between us and those who attacked them, and
their revenge has fallen hitherto, on that side of the Mo-
nongahela, which they consider as Virginia ; but least that
should not continue, we are taking all possible care to pre-
vent a heavy stroke falling upon the lew people who are
left in this country. Forts at different places, so as to be
most convenient, ai'e now nearly completed, which gives
an appearance of security for the women and children, and
with the ranging parties which have been drawn in to pre-
serve the connnunicalion, has in a great degree, put a stop
to the unreasonable panic that had seized them, but in all of
them there is a great scarcity of ammunition, and severed
messengers have returned from below, without being able
to purchase.
1 am very anxious to know whether the ranging compa-
nies are agreeable to your Honour or not, both because the
expense of continuing them, will be too heavy for the sub-
scribers, and that I am every day pressed to increase them.
This I have positively refused to do, until I receive your
Honour's instructions, and I well know how averse our
Assemblies have formerly been to engage in the defence of
the frontiers, and if they are still of the same disposition,
the circumstance of the white people being the aggressors,
will afford them a topic to ring the changes on, and conceal
their real sentiments.
Last night I received several petitions from several dif-
ferent parts of the country, which I have now the honour to
transmit to you by Doctor McKcnzie, from Pittsburgh.
The disturbances of this country has ruined his business,
but should the Province think of raising troops, he would be
glad, I believe, to be employed. I can, sir, recommend
him to your Honour as an expert surgeon, and gentlemanly
man. He has served as a surgeon in the navy.
I was mistaken in saying that two people were killed on
Ten Mile Creek. Mr. McClure was killed, and Kincade
wounded ; however, it would have been no great matter if
he had been killed, as he had accepted a commission in
the service of Virginia, so soon after the notice you had
been pleased to take of him, at the request of his father-
in-law, Colonel Wilson. I am afraid there are some more
of our Virginia friends tiiat do not play us fair, but it is
not a time at present for purgation.
Unless you shall forbid me, I shall continue to write to
you in this manner, whatever occurs, as it is the only way
I have at present, to show your Honour, that I am, with
the greatest respect, your Honour's most obedient, and
most humble servant, Ar. St. Clair.
P. S. For any thing that has escaped me, I take the
liberty to refer you to Doctor McKenzte.
The day before yesterday, I had a visit from Mr. Ward.
He informed me Mr. Croghan set out for Williamsburg,
the day before, to represent the distresses, he says, of the
people of this country. At the same time, he informed
me, that the Delawares had got notice of the murder of
Wipey, and that Mr. Croghan had desired him to come to
me on that occasion, that he advised that they should be
spoke to, and some small present made to them as condo-
lence, and to cover his bones, as they express it. I do
not well know wiiat to do. Such a present as some few of
us would be willing to contribute for, might be thought
unworthy of the Province, and such an one as might come
up to my idea would be great presumption to offer. This
however, is certain, the Delawares are still friendly, and it
may perhaps, prevent a general war if they can be kept in
temper.
1 believe I shall go to Fort Pitt to-morrow, and will
consider well of it.
473
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
474
WILLIAM THOMPSON TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Cumberland County, June 19, 1774.
Mat it please your Hondur : By James Caveat,
Esquire, who is just come down from Westmoreland, there
is a certain account of a number of people being itilled by
the Indians, on the west side of tlie Monongahela river.
Mr. Caveat was on his way to Philadelphia, (believing
the Assembly was setting,) to lay the indifferent situation
of the people of Westmoreland before your Honour, and
the Assembly, and to pray the aid of Government in said
country, otherwise, it must be entirely evacuated.
They have at their own risk raised two hundred men,
which are stationed in the best manner that number will
admit of, to guard their frontier ; but they are only raised
for one month ; and indeed these poor people are not able
to pay that expense, much less are they in a condition to
support troops for any length of time.
I took the earliest opportunity of acquainting the people
over the hills of your friendship towards them, in procuring
without loss of time, a quantity of arms and ammunition,
which was now on the way up for their use, and also
assured them that you would do every thing on your part
for their preservation, and hoped the like disposition would
be found in the Assembly if called on for assistance.
As that part of the country was entirely witliout ammu-
nition, Mr. Montgomery and myself purchased and sent
ofl', about ten days since, all the powder and lead we could
get in Carlisle, which I expect is safe up before this.
It is said the Indians have fixed a boundary betwixt the
Virginians and us, and say, that they will not kill or
touch a Pennsylvanian. But it will be best not to trust
them, and I am doubtful, a short time will show to the
contrary.
I am, your Honour's most obedient, and very humble
servant, William Thompson.
To the Honourable John Penn, Esquire.
LORD DUNMORE TO CAPTAIN JOHN CONOLLY.
Williamsburg, June 20, 1774.
Sir : I have received your letter of the 8th instant,
by express. I am sorry to hear of the murdeirs commit-
ted by the Indians, but hope the prudent steps you have
taken, will put a stop to further cruelties of that kind. I
entirely approve of the measure you have taken of building
a fort at Wheeling, and also of marching into the Shawa-
nese Towns, if you think you have a sufficient force ; and I
desire you will keep a constant correspondence with Colonel
Andreto Lewis, that you may co-operate in such measures
as may be thought effectual. I hope you will prevail on
the Delatoares, and the well affected part of the Mingoes,
to move off from the Shatvanese.
It is highly necessary tliat you continue at Fort Dun-
more, and I think therefore, that you could not do better
than send Captain William Crawford with what men you
can spare to join him, and to co-operate with Colonel
Lewis, or to strike a stroke himself, if he thinks he can do
it with safety. I know him to be prudent, active, and
resolute, and therefore very fit to go on such an expedition,
and if any thing of that kind can be effected, the sooner it
is done the better. I refer you to my letter by Captain
Penticost, by whom I sent you some blank commissions.
I would recommend it to all officers going out on parties
to make as many prisoners as they can of women and
children ; and should you be so fortunate as to reduce
those savages to sue for peace, I would not grant it to them
on any terms, till they were effectually chastised for their
insolence, and then on no terms, without bringing in six
of their heads as hostages for their future good behaviour,
and these to be relieved annually, and that they trade with
us only for what they may want. I am, fee,
DuNMORE.
To Captain LonoUy.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonior, June 22, 1774.
Sir : In my last I informed you of Mr. Croghan setting
out for Williamsburg, since which I had a letter from him
from his own house. He therein informed me that he
found the country so much alarmed at his going down, that
he chose to return, and trust his business to letters, and
desired to see me as soon as possible. Accordingly I set
out for Pittsburgh, the I'tli instant, and had the happiness
to find two of the principal traders arrived there with a
great quantity of peltry, and that they had been conducted
there by some of the Shawanese Chiefs, and that the rest
of the traders, with their horses and skins, were got as far
as the Newcomer's Town, under the protection of another
tihawanese party.
The traders inform us that they have met with no ill
treatment from the Shawanese ; but on the contrary, they
were at the greatest pains to protect them from the
Mingoes, who had suffered most from the white people,
and who came to their towns several times with the inten-
tion to murder them. It seems they did not think it pru-
dent to bring the Shawanese to Pittsburgh, but conducted
them from some distance below that place, through the
woods to Colonel Croghan' s. Mr. Conolly ordered out a
party of forty men to make them prisoners, as he says.
The people of the town were alarmed at seeing a party
march out the rout they took, and suspected they were in-
tended to attack a party of our people stationed at the Bul-
lock Pens, about seven miles from thence, which it seems
has some time been threatened, and acquainted me with
what they feared. I immediately waited on Mr. Conolly,
and insisted in direct terms, he should tell me if he had any
such design. He assured me he had not, but that as the
Shawanese had committed depredations on his Majesty's
subjects, he had ordered out that party to make those
prisoners who had escorted the traders ; and that might
have been his real intention ; but I am convinced those
who were to put it in execution would not have made pri-
soners. We put it out of their power to do either, by
sending them over the river.
lour Honour will judge from this circumstance that the
crew about Fort Pitt, (now Fort Dunmore,) are intent on
a war, for were not that the case, honour, generosity, grati-
tude, every manly principle, must have prompted them to
be kind, and afford protection to those poor savages, who
had risked tlieir own lives to preserve the lives and pro-
perty of their fellow-subjects; but why need I mention
this circumstance, one at least as strong is that John Drin-
ning, who publicly acknowledged, or rather boasted, of
having killed the Indians, with Mr. Cresap, is one of
Mr. Conolly's Lieutenants, and is at the present time out
some where with the command of a party to take scalps,
from friends I suppose ; a murderer, I am sure, will never
meet an enemy on fair terms.
I mentioned something of a condolence in my last, and
as the Shawanese were up, I suffered myself to be per-
suaded by Mr. Croghan to collect a small present of goods
for that purpose, which was on Sunday morning to have
been divided and sent to the three nations, the Six Nations,
Shawanese, and Delawares ; but Mr. Conolly's frolic pre-
vented it that day. Next morning, the Indians, being
some Six Nations, and some Delawares, were brought
down to Mr. Croghan's and were shown the condolence,
and acquainted that it was ordered for them by you, and that
when their Chiefs arrived they would be spoke to, and
the present delivered, and a messenger was sent after tlie
Shawanese to acquaint them likewise. As the Indians
themselves make a distinction betwixt us and our neigh-
bours, it may perhaps be a means of keeping peace in our
quarter at least. I hope your Honour will not be offended
at my taking this upon myself. The value of the goods is
but trifling, not exceeding thirty or forty pounds. I have
inclosed a list of them, but the person from whom I got
them neglected to affix the prices.
Whatever may be Mr. Croghan's real views, I am cer-
tain he is hearty in promising the general tranquillity of the
country, indeed, he is indefatigable in endeavouring to
make up the breaches, and does, I believe, see his mistake
in opposing the interests of your Government ; and I doubt
not but a very little attention would render him as service-
able as ever. Real friendship you must not expect, for,
by his interest alone he is regulated, yet he may be useful,
as by and by yo\i will probably want to make aiioiher pur-
chase. I purposely gave him an opportunity of opening a
correspondence with me, which he embraced, and from
what I can see, he would be glad to be on better terms
475
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
478
with your officers than he has been ; but this is only conjec-
ture.
With this, your Honour will receive an extract from
Mr. McKee's journal of all the transactions with the In-
dians, from the beginning of the troubles, as also another
of Mr. ConoUy's advertisements. I know not well what
he means by it, but I believe his design is to distress the
Indian trade.
It is true what I mentioned about the boundary. Mr.
Conolly read me part of a letter from Lord Dunmore on
the subject. He says the demands of the Pennsylvanians
were so extravagant, that he could do nothing with them,
but that he, (^Conolly) may settle a line of jurisdiction
with the Magistrates of Westmoreland, ten or twelve miles
eastwaid of Pittsburgh, or a more convenient distance, and
cautions him at the same time to give no just cause of
offence to the Magistrates acting under tlie authority of this
Province. 1 know not how the Magistrates were to settle
lines.
I received your Honour's favour of the 7th instant,
and am happy to inform you the panic is in some measure
over. The ammunition not yet come to hand ; but a
quantity arrived from Carlisle, which eased the people's
mind a little ; but the damage done to the country by the
desertion of tiie people, and the loss of the Spring crop, is
very great, and if any thing should happen to interrupt the
harvest, we must have an absolute famine — this I hope will
not be the case.
I am most respectfully, your Honour's most obedient,
and most humble servant, Ar. St. Clair.
P. S. Logan is returned with thirteen scalps and one
prisoner, and says he will now listen to the Chiefs.
To Govemour Penn.
JOHN CONOLLT S ADVERTISEMENT.
Whereas, the Shawanese have perpetrated several
murders upon the inhabitants of this county, which has in-
volved this promising settlement in the most calamitous
distress. And whereas, I have very good reason to be-
lieve that certain imprudent people continue to carry on a
correspondence with, and supply the said enemies with
dangerous commodities to the infinite prejudice of all his
Majesty's subjects, and expressly contrary to an act of the
Assembly, prohibiting such unwarrantable intercourse:
These are therefore, in his Majesty's name, strictly to re-
quire and command all his Majesty's subjects to take
notice hereof, and to deport themselves as the law directs,
as they may be assured that a contrary conduct will draw
on them the utmost severity thereof.
Given under my hand at Fort Dunmore, this 18th day
of June, 1774. John Conolly.
EXTRACT TAKEN FROM A JOURNAL OF INDIAN TRANSAC-
TIONS.
May 1 , 1774. Information having been given that sundry
depredations had been committed upon several Indian
parties going down the river from this place, by the white
inhabitants settled upon the Ohio, near Wheeling and Yel-
low Creek, the following Message was despatched to King
Custologa, Captains White Eyes, Pipe, and such other
Chiefs as were most contiguous to this place.
" Brethren : We are under the necessity, from some
disagreeable intelligence which we have just received, of
calling upon your immediate attendance at this place,
where we shall have some things of importance to com-
municate to you, which intimately concerns the welfare of
us both ; this will be sufficient we expect, to induce your
speedy appearance here, as delays upon this occasion may
be attended with the most dangerous consequences." (A
string of while wampum.')
May 3. A meeting held at Colonel Croghan's house,
at which was present. Captain Conolly, the Commandant
of the militia, and several inhabitants of Pittsburgh, with
Goyasutha, the White Mingo, and a deputation of the Six
Nation Indians, who were here ujjon their way with
Speeches from Sir fil,llia7n Johnson to the Hurons and
Wabash Confederacy.
" Brethren : We are sorry to inform you that we have
lately received accounts of some outrages being committed
upon several of your people going down the Ohio, by some
ill disposed white persons settled upon it ; and we take the
earliest opportunity of making you acquainted with what
we have heard, in order to convince you that we discoun-
tenance so barbarous a breach of friendsiiip with you, and
we can assure you that it has not been done with the in-
tent or knowledge of Government, and we make no doubt
your brother, the Govemour of Virginia, when he becomes
fully acquainted with the circumstances of the unhappy
loss you have sustained in so many of your people, that
he and his wise men will fall upon the most salutary
measures of doing you every justice that can be expected.
In the mean time we have to recommend to you, in the
most earnest maimer, your affording every assistance in
your power to accommodate this unfortunate breach which
has happened, as you must be sensible that a general war
between us must be attended with the greatest calamity
on both sides." {A belt of wampum.)
After some time they returned for Answer :
" Brethren: (the English.) We have considered what
you have said to us, and as the Chiefs of the Delaivares
are expected in this night, or to-morrow, we will consult
with them, and then know what reply to make. But you
may depend upon it, that we shall do every thing in our
power to keep things quiet, which we make no doubt can
be done, from the general peaceable disposition of our own
people, provided you will be strong upon your parts, in
preventing your rash people from commencing any further
hostilities upon the Indians." (^A string of vjampum.)
May 4. Arrived Captains White Eyes, Pipe, and
Samuel Compass, brother to one of the Delaware Indians
lately murdered in the traders' canoe, with several other
Chiefs and principal men of the Delawares. The same
evening they proceeded to the Six Nation Village, at Pine
Creek, in order to consult with the Chiefs there, and be
informed of what had passed already between them and us.
May 5. At a Condolence held with the Six Nations,
Delawares, Shawanese, Munsies, Mohegans, and Twigh-
twees, who are the several Nations that have been sufferers
in the late unfortunate disturbances.
Present:
Captain Conolly, Commandant, and a number of other
gentlemen.
Six Nation Indians. — Guyasutha, IVhite Mingo, and
the Six Nation Deputies as before mentioned, with a
number of other Chiefs, and principal men.
Delawares. — Captains White Eyes, Pipe, Keykewe-
num, and Samuel Compass, with a number of other In-
dians of that Nation.
Brethren : It was with the deepest concern that we
informed you two days ago of the late unhappy death of
some of your friends, and it adds much to our grief upon
this occasion, when we consider that some of our rash in-
considerate people have been accessory thereto. We con-
dole with you, and bewail the misfortunes you have
suffered, and as a testimony of our sincerity, we deliver
you these strings of wampum. (^A string to each Nation.)
Brethren : We wipe the tears from your eyes, and
remove the grief which this melancholy circumstance may
have impressed upon your hearts, that you may be enabled
to look upon your brethren the (English) with the same
friendship as usual, aud listen to them with the like good-
ness of heart, as formeriy, when no evil disturbed your
minds. (A string to each Nation.)
Brethren : We now collect the bones of your deceased
people, and wrap them up in those goods which we have
prepared for that purpose, and we likewise inter them,
that every remembrance of uneasiness upon this head,
may be extinguished, and also buried in oblivion. (Deliv-
ered a condolence ■present.)
Brethren : We have now conformably to you custom,
condoled with you in the usual manner upon such occasions;
and we are to request some of your Chiefs present, who
have the most influence with the distant tribes to proceed
to tiiem with the greatest expedition with what you have
now heard, as it is highly necessary tliat we should be
made acquainted without delay, with the result of their
Councils upon the present circumstances of affairs, as well
47T
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
478
as it may be useful for them to be informed of our senti-
ments thereupon ; and tliat the stroke they have received,
is not only contrary to the judgment of every wise man
amongst us, but all authority, which consequently will be
exerted to do them justice ; therefore, these facts ought to
have great weight in their determination at this time ; and
as a further proof of our uprightness towards them, two of
the gentlemen here present will accompany you in the
execution of this good work. (A string of wampum.')
Captain ConoUy then addressed the Indians as follows :
" Brethren : I am very sorry to find that a dispute has
happened between our people and yours, which has been
attended with bad consequences to both parties. You
ought to be certain, brothers, that our wise men had no
act or part in what has happened, and that it was entirely
owing to the folly and indiscretion of our young people,
which you know, like your own young men, are unwilling
to listen to good advice. As to the particulars of what has
happened, we yet do not know ; we are sure, however,
that people are killed on both sides, but we hope as the
dispute happened only between the young and foolish
people, that it will not engage our wise men in a quarrel
in which none of us had a part. It is, however, brothers,
very unlucky that any difference should have happened
between us at this time, as the great Headman of Virginia
and all his wise people are just going to meet together to
counsel about the settling in this country, bought from you
the Six Nations ; and to give orders to their young men,
which may come to be your neighbours, to be kind and
friendly towards you. And, likewise, I expect they will
buy goods to clothe your old people and children, to
brighten the chain of friendship between us, and to con-
vince you that we will be as friendly towards you as your
late neighbours from Pennsylvania were. And, therefore,
I desire you, brothers, not to listen to what some lying
people may tell you to the contrary, for although we are
always ready to fight our enemies, yet we will show our
true and steady friendship upon every occasion, when
necessary. (^A string of wampum.')
Captain White Eyes, on behalf of the Indians present,
made the following Answer :
" Brethren : (the English,) We have heard with
satisfaction the several Speeches you have now delivered
to us, and we return you our sincere thanks for the friend-
ship and concern you have been pleased to express for us
upon this occasion ; we cannot doubt of your uprightness
towards us, and that the mischief done to us, has been
done contrary to your intent and desire, which we believe
has arose entirely from the evil-minded persons who have
been the perpetrators of it ; therefore it is incumbent upon
us to aid you with our best assistance. As the great and
good work of peace has been established between us, by
the labour and pains of our greatest and wisest men, it
ought not to be disturbed by the folly or imprudence of any
rash people whatever, who, hereafter, refusing to pay due
obedience to good advice, or offering to slip their hands
from the chain of friendship, it will be our duty to chastise,
should not those examples of violence before their eyes
have this effect. Brethren, I will carry your Messages
to the other Nations : they are intended for myself, as it is
a business too serious to be trifled with, or boys to be em-
ployed on ; it is the happiness of ourselves, our women
and children, and every thing dear to us, that we are en-
deavouring to preserve. Therefore there can be no doubt
that 1 shall speak my sentiments fully and truly to all
Nations upon it." {A large string of white wampum.)
Guyasutha then returned Captain White Eyes thanks on
behalf of the Six Nations present, and told him as he had
delivered their sentiments fully in the foregoing Speech, it
was needless for them to say any thing more upon the
subject, but desire him to be strong in restoring the tran-
quillity of the country, and that one of his people should
accompany him in this good undertaking.
May 9. A Speech delivered by several Chiefs, Six
Nations and Delawares.
" Brother : (the Govemour of Virginia,) No doubt
you have been informed by the officer commanding at this
place of the misfortunes which have lately happened in
this country. And we now declare to you, as well as to
all our brethren, (the English,) that we had no suspicion of
so much mischief being done, as we have always on our
parts made it our constant study to promote the peace
subsisting between our bretliren (the English) and us, and
we also assure you that we still continue to preserve that
chain of friendship ; and we hope that such of you, our
brethren, the white people, who are in authority, will do
every thing in your powers to prevent your rash people
from committing further hostilities upon us.
" Brother : We have to request you in a particular
manner to be strong, and consider what may be best to be
done with those flagrant offenders of our peace.
" As to us, we have the satisfaction to inform you, that
we have received a message from the Lower Towns, in-
forming us that all the Indians there remained quiet, and
that they have submitted the loss they have sustained to
the candour and justice of your wise people." (^A belt.)
May 16. A Message delivered by five principal men
of the Delawares from Custaloga.
" Brethren : (the English,) I have received your
several messages since the outrages committed upon the
Indians, and with respect to my people, I assure you, that
we are perfectly well pleased with them. Our young men
are following their employments as usual, relying entirely
upon your sincerity and the hopes of your great men doing
every thing in their power to redress the breach in our
friendship ; therefore, we have also to hope that what you
have said to us upon this head comes from your hearts, and
not with a design to amuse or deceive us, as we are upon
our parts heartily disposed to preserve the strictest friend-
ship with you." (A string.)
May 17. " Urotheu : [Custaloga.) We are glad to
find by your Message, that you and your tribe are so well
satified with our endeavours to reconcile the bad conduct
of some rash, unthinking people, so injurious to the peace
subsisting between you and us. The measures however,
as well as concern, we have shown you upon this occasion,
must be sufficient to convince you of the desire we have to
live in amity with all our Indian brethren, and although
the folly of a few individuals have given you some cause of
complaint, yet the general conduct of your brethren, (the
English) towards you must evince to you their sincerity
as well as justice." (^A string.)
May 21. Arrived, two messengers from Newcomer s
Town, and delivered the following Speech in writing :
" Newcomer's Town, May 13, 1774.
" This day assembled in Council, King Newcomer,
Captain Kill Buck, and Thomas McKee, together with
several other chief men of the Delawares. They have
received a Speech from John Thompson they did not
approve of; and they now thought proper to acquaint
their brothers at Fort Pitt of him, and would be very
glad that our brothers would not take any notice of what
he has to say to them, as he only speaks of himself, and
there was none of us present ; so we would be glad that
our brothers of Pennsylvania and Virginia would not
hear his speech. He tells us that he will speak to our
brothers of Pennsylvania, that they should speak to the
people of Virginia, and give them some physic to
drink that will bring them to their senses again ; this is
what he has to say, but we hope that our brothers will
not take any notice, or think any thing of it, as he cannot
speak for us all."
" To our brothers Colonel Croghan, Captain McKee,
and Captain Conolly."
Returned the following Answer :
" May 21. Brethren : (Chiefs of the Delawares,) We
received your Speech of the 13th instant, by the two mes-
sengers you sent us, and we return you thanks for putting
us on our guard against the bad man you have mentioned
in it, (though he was known to us before,) and you may
be assured that we shall not pay any regard to what he
says to us, or to any other man that does not come with
sufficient authority from you. Brethren, we desire you to
be strong, and speak to your grand children, the Shawa-
nese, and let them know, that any unruly conduct of theirs
at this time will only produce more fatal consequences
than has already happened, and that the number of people
who yet desire to live and preserve the peace of this.
479
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
480
country are far superior to those bad people who desire
the contrary, so that il' they study their real interest they
will not delay to inform us of their sentiments, as they
must be convinced that our whole country are now collected
in bodies and waiting to hear from them. Brethren, we
desire your young men may be informed, that we shall be
glad to see them come here and trade as usual." (^A string.)
May 25. White Eyes, after delivering the Condolence
Speeches to the Delawares at the Newcomer's Town, re-
ceived the following Answer, directed to their brethren,
tlie English :
"Brethren: Wc are glad to receive your messages now
delivered to us by Captain JVhite Eyes upon the late dis-
turbances which have happened between our young men,
and we return you thanks for the speedy measures you
have taken to speak to us upon it. We are entirely satis-
fied upon this account, and banish everything which could
give us uneasiness from our hearts, as you desire us, and
we likewise request that you will do the same, that nothing
may remain upon either side to discontent us." {A string.)
" Brethren : We have too great a regard for the ancient
friendship established between you and us. and which has
so long subsisted between our forefathers, to suffer the
conduct of foolish men to have any bad effect upon it, or to
weaken our good intentions in the least, so as to loosen our
hands from the hold we have of it ; therefore we do not
look towards the evil that has been done, with any resent-
ment in our minds, but with a desire to have it buried in
oblivion, as well as every thing else which has an appear-
ance of disturbing our future tranquillity. Be strong
brethren, and think favourably of our peace as we do, and
we shall be too powerful for any bad people, who are not
inclined to listen to or preserve it as we do. Brethren,
when our wise people concluded the peace which subsists
between us, it was mutually agreed between them, that
though probably we might lose people on both sides by
the rashness or folly of bad men, that it ought not, nor
should not, have any evil effect upon the amity settled by
them, and this is still what we adhere to. Brethren, last
of all we spoke to our grandchildren, the Shawanese, upon
this head, and desired them to keep their young imprudent
men from doing mischief, and this advice we have again
given them at this time. (^A belt.)
" Brethren : The road which you have cleared between
you and us, we now, by this string of wampum, upon our
parts, remove every obstacle that may impede our travel-
ling it with satisfaction, and we desire that our young men
may be permitted to continue their trade as usual. Those
white people who are in our towns to the number of eleven,
you will see in a few days, who are going to Pittsburgh
under the protection of your brethren the Delazvares, and
as soon as matters wear a more favourable aspect we shall
expect them to return to our towns." (^A string.)
The Shawanese then delivered the following Answer to
the Condolence Speeches and Message sent them :
" Brothers : (Captain ConoUy, Mr. McKee, and Mr.
Croghan,) We have received your Speeches by White
Eyes, and as to what Mr. Croghan and Mr. McKee says,
we look upon it all to be lies, and perhaps what you say
may be lies also ; but as it is the first time you have spoke
to us, we listen to you and expect that what we may hear
from you will be more confined to truth than what we
usually hear from the white people. It is you who are
firequenlly passing down and up the Ohio, and making
settlements upon it, and as you have informed us that your
wise people were met together to consult upon this matter,
we desire you to be strong and consider it well.
" Brethren : We see you speak to us at the head of
your warriors, who you have collected together at sundry
places upon this river, where we understand they are
building forts, and as you have requested us to listen to
you, we will do it, but in the same manner that you appear
to speak to us. Our people at the Lower Towns have no
Chiefs amongst them, but are all warriors, and are also
preparing themselves to be in readiness, that they may be
better able to hear what you have to say.
" You tell us not to take any notice of what your people
have done to us ; we desire you likewise not to take any
notice of what our young men may now be doing, and as
no doubt you can command your warriors when you desire
them to listen to you, we have reason to expect that ours
will take the same advice when we require it, that is, when
we have heard from the Governour of Virginia.
"Brethren: (of Pennsylvania,) It is some years ago
since we had the satisfaction to see you at Pittsburgh, when
you came there to renew the ancient friendship that sub-
sisted between our forefathers; and it gave us great pleasure
to assist you in the great work, when the path was opened
between you and us, and we now tell you that your traders
who have travelled it, shall return the same road in peace,
and we desire our grandfathers, the Delawares, to be strong
in conducting them safe to you." {^A strins;.)
May 26. The Indians expressing a desire of hearing
their brethren of Pennsylvania speak to them. Captain
St. Clair, on behalf of that Province, addressed them as
follows :
" Brothers : (Six Nations and Delaivares,) We have
heard your good Speeches, and 1 am come from your
brother of Pennsylvania to thank you for the care and
pains you have taken to preserve the general peace. We
are determined to do all in our power to maintain the
friendship that subsists between us and our brethren the
Six Nations and Delawares entire ; but as our people are
alarmed at what has happened with the Shaicanese, we
recommend it to you to prevent your people from hunting
amongst us for some time, as our people will not be able to
distinguish betwixt them and others. We wish, and will
endeavour to keep the path open to our brethren, and keep
bright that chain of friendship betwixt us which was so
long held fast by their and our forefathers.
" Signed, Ar. St. Clair."
The Delawares then returned tlianks for the good
opinion their brethren of Pennsylvania had expressed of
them, and that their sentiments corresponded so nearly
with their own, with respect to keeping whole their ancient
friendship, and they called upon their uncles, the Si-x Na-
tions, to be witness to their now declaring that they were
determined to preserve it unshaken and unhurt from the
attacks of bad peo()le.
Guyasutha then told his nephews, the Delawares, that
he was rejoiced to find them so determined upon supporting
the good order and peace of the country. That they
might always depend upon being backed by the Sit
Nations in so laudable a resolution, who were so strongly
linked in friendship with the English, that it was not to be
broken ; therefore, what they had now heard from them
was very agreeable.
May 26. A Speech delivered the Delawares upon re-
ceiving their answer to the Condolence Messages tiiat had
been sent them, and which was delivered by Captain
White Eyes :
" Brothers: We are glad to find that our former friend-
ship is not to be hurt by what has happened between our
young people and yours, and as we have been very sorry
for it, we now at your request, remove the trouble from
our hearts, and desire that you may do the same, so that
nothing but friendship may he thought of between us.
" Brothers: We arc glad to find that you are so friendly
and considerate as not to allow the rash actions of young
foolish people to break in upon our former friendship, and
as you desire it may be forget, we hope it will, and that
we never have cause of future disturbance. You may be
assured that we are strong on our parts to maintain the
strictest friendship with our brethren the Delawares, and
are sure that wo will be able for any bad people that may
want to interrupt it ; what you observe as to the good un-
derstanding between us and you, we have an eye to, and
think as you do, that the rashness of foolish young men
should not interrupt. We thank you for tlie pains you
have taken to speak to your grandchildren, the Shawanese,
and for the advice you have given them. (A string.)
" Brothers : We have heard the Shavjanese Answer to
our Message by you, and we understand it ; we are sorry
that they should be so foolish as not to listen to reason ;
but since we think they will not, we must desire our
brethren, the Delawares, to withdraw themselves from
amongst them, that no evil may happen them by accident,
which would give us great concern. We, likewise, once
481
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
4Bi
more desire such of our brethren, the Six Nations, as may
be amongst them to come away also, and listen to their
own Chiefs as they have been often desired. We are sorry
to think that the Shaioantse want to destroy themselves,
and be no longer a people ; for if tliey attempt to kill any
of us, for what has happened owing to bad young men, our
warriors will fall upon them, and they must expect nothing
but chastisement ; therefore, I must desire you my brothers
to remove yourselves from those bad people, that we may
know our friends. They say that the traders among them
shall return safe. I hope they speak true, as that may be
a great means to prevent mischief. (A belt.)
" Brethren : We clearly see that the road between you
and us is open if it were not for bad people, but we hope
that will not prevent our intercourse with you as usual.
We thank you for the mark of your friendship in bringing
in our people, the traders, safe to us ; and we promise when
matters are better settled, they shall trade with you as
formerly." {A string.)
Captain White Eyes then Replied:
" Brethren : We are very glad to hear what you have
now said, and we find that you would willingly preserve the
peace. We shall inform all the Nations in friendship with
us of what has passed between us at this time, and in one
month will be able to complete this design, and then we
shall be able to distingnish those who are inclined to listen
to our wise people and preserve the peace from those that
choose to speak by their warriors ; this will afford time
for those who are inclined to remove themselves to their
Chiefs, and give an opportunity to the warriors to speak to
one another."
June 1. A party of Moravian Indians came in, with
one of the missionaries residing amongst them and his
family, with a quantity of peltry belonging to our traders.
Those Indians say that they were informed on their
way hither, that a principal man of the Delatvares, who
had gone to the lower Shaioanese Town after White Eyes'
messages were delivered to the Shawanese, in order to
hear news, has returned, and brought an account that the
traders there were still alive, and that the Shawanese
Chiefs there had spoke boldly in defence of them to the
3Engoes, who were the only people constantly attempting
to put them to death ; but that the Shawanese had told
the Mingoes that they had brought the traders amongst
them, and were determined to protect them in their bosoms
until they could return them safe home ; and that if the
Mingoes could not be satisfied without taking revenge
upon the white people for the loss they had sustained, that
they must look for it a greater distance than in their towns
upon the people wiiom they had pledged their faith to
preserve. Those Indians further say, that the chief dis-
turbances amongst them appears to be only at a small
village upon Muskingum, called Waketummakie, composed
mostly of the friends of the people who have been killed.
And that the Mngoes, as the greatest sufferers, are most
enraged ; however, that the party collected to strike the
Virginians were not gone a few days ago, and that if they
could not be prevented from their rash undertaking, that
the Newcomer, Chief of the Delawares, was determined
to send runners to apprise us of them, as they attempted
to proceed to war.
June 5. Two messengers, from the Newcomer, arrived
with an account that five days ago, one Conner, a white
man, who lives at the Snake's Town upon Muskingum,
had returned home from the place the traders were
making their canoes, and informed them that the traders
were all safe, to the number of twenty-seven or thirty,
and that the Shaivanesc had taken great pains in protect-
ing them, and was about sending them off with their
peltry, with some of their young men, and some Dela-
wares, to protect them upon their way up to Pittsburgh.
These messengers furdier say, that all the towns as well
as the Shananese are now quiet, and that their Chiefs
have been able to prevail over their rash and foolish young
men who wanted to take revenge on the white people for
their loss, except two small parties consisting of thirteen
men in the whole, who were friends of the Indians that
suffered and could not be restrained, though their Chiefs
did every thing in their power to prevent them from the
Fourth Series.
bad undertaking ; that they hoped their brethreiv the
English would not blame them, or think that they counte-
nanced any evil that might be committed by these rash
men, who have stole away from them to do mischief con-
trary to their Chiefs' advice, and are chiefly all Mingoes
who have had the most relations killed ; that one party has
been out eleven days, and was to return in fifteen, and
intended against that part of the river where their friends
were put to death, or somewhere else below that, upon
Virginia. The above party having declared that as soon
as they have taken revenge for their people, and returned
home, that they would then sit down and listen to their
Chiefs.
The above messengers also say that the day they left
home a runner came in there from five Cherokees that
were to be in the day following upon business, and that the
Delawares would inform us of it as soon as it was knowTi.
And they also say that they heard that one of the before
mentioned parties who had gone to take revenge upon
the white people were returned, and had killed one man.
They then produced some belts of wampum, which had
been delivered to them by Sir William Johnson, several
years ago, desiring them to collect themselves together,
and sit in the centre between their brethren the white
people. Six Nations, and Western Indians, where they
were required to hold fast by the middle of the chain of
friendship, and that they were thereby empowered to speak
strongly to any Nation who might attempt to disturb it.
Answer :
" Brethren : We return you thanks for the trouble you
have taken to bring us the news we have now heard from
you, and we esteem it as a proof of your sincerity and good
inclination to preserve the peace of the country, as well as
those belts you have laid before us, convinces us that you
still bear in remembrance the former friendship that has
been contracted with you. Be strong brethren in doing
what you have been desired upon them ; you have now
an opportunity of exerting your good intentions that way,
by speaking to those foolish people, who have not listened
to the accommodation our wise people were endeavouring
to make of the late unhappy disturbances, for you must be
convinced that every mischief that may be committed at
this time, is widening the breach, and of consequence
involving us on both sides in greater difficulties. There-
fore we have nothing more to say to you at present, than
to recommend to you to follow the advice that has been
sent to you by Captain fVhite Eyes, which was to abstract
yourselves from bad people who may be obstinate in
pursuing their own destruction."
Answer to the Speech of the Indians of the Six Nations
and Delawares, dated Pittsburgh, May 7, 1774.
"Brothers: I have been informed of the misfortunes
that have lately happened in the neighbourhood of Pitts-
burgh, and have received your speech on the occasion ; and
I lament no less those that have befallen my brothers, the
Indians, than those that have happened to my fellow-
subjects, the English.
From the accounts I have received however, the Indians
have been the aggressors, and thereby the occasion of the
fatal consequences which have ensued. But as you my
brethren say, that you always on your parts have made it
your constant study to promote the peace subsisting
between you and us, and still continue to preserve that
chain of friendship, so I take this opportunity of assuring
you that your brethren, the Virginians, do cordially love
you, and hope always to live in peace, amity, and good
correspondence with you. And to that end, if you can
point out the offenders against our peace, we will on our
parts omit nothing in our power to overtake the transgres-
sors on our side with the punishment due to such crimes.
I rejoice at the information you give me of the good dis-
position of the Indians of the Lower Towns, and you may
assure them that their complaints when they reach us shall
be attended to with that candour and justice to w Inch they
submit them, and which is due to them. Dunmore."
Williamsburg, May 29, 1774.
June 9. A Message sent with Lord Dunmore's Speech
to the Six Nations and Delawares.
31
483
COUNCIL OF PENNSYLVANIA, JUNE, 1774.
4M
^^ " Brethrev : We herewith send you the head-man of
Virginia's answer to your message of the 7th Mai/, 1774,
who is, you see, much concerned for the unKicky disputes
which liappened between us and you, and you must ob-
serve his speech is very friendly and good towards the
Six Nations and Delawares.
" But, bretiiren, as tlie Mingocs and Shawanese have
since struck us, notwitiistanding our endeavours to restore
friendsliip, we have now upon this account, again to
desire your jieople to withdraw from amongst tliem that
no injury may happen to you. Brothers, you will send
the head-man of Virginia's speech to Captain White
Eyes, and our brothers of the Sir. Nations, in order to
show them that he is determined to hold fast by the
ancient chaui of friendship."
a:
WILLIAM THOMPSON TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
f Cumborland County, 22d June, 1774.
May it please your Honour : I have, by the bearer,
Dr. McKcnzie, received many letters from the people of
fVestmoreJand County, informing me of one McClure being
killed, and one Kincade being wounded, at Ten Mile
Creek, the particulars of which the Doctor will acquaint
you with. Tlie people have requested I should lay their
distresses before your Honour, and in their names pray your
assistance in granting such support as may enable tliem to
keep possession of the country, and say that if immediate
relief is not sent them, all the country west of the Alle-
ghany Mountains will be evacuated.
As the Doctor takes down a number of petitions, and I
have wrote you a few days since concerning the difficulties
of the back inhabitants, 1 shall trouble you no more at this
lime, and hope their alarming situation, and the expectation
they have that I will assist them, as well with your Honour
as in the Assembly, will excuse the liberties taken by your
Honour's most obedient humble servant,
William Tho.mpsok.
To the Honourable John Penn, Esq.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, June 26th, 1774.
Sib : I have the honour to transmit a memorial from the
inhabitants of Pittsburgh to your Honour, with some re-
marks upon Mr. ConoUy's conduct in support of it, which
came to my hands a few minutes ago. It is most certain, sir,
they are most injuriously treated. The only piece of news
from above, since my last, is, that Mr. Conolly sent two
parties down the river in pursuit of the Shawanese who
escorted tlie traders, who intercepted them at Beaver Creek,
fired on tliem, and wounded one, and then ran off in the
most dastardly manner. What may be the consequence
God knows, but it is well if the traders do not suffer yet ;
their horses and peltry are not yet arrived.
Mr. McFarlane has just arrived from Virginia, and re-
ports that four companies are on their march to Pittsburgh.
I think he must be mistaken, both as their militia law is
expired, and that it is not an easy matter to conduct so
large a body through an uninhabited country, where no
magazines are established. Any occurrences worthy of
your notice shall be intimated by every opportunity.
I am, sir, your Honour's most obedient and most hum-
ble servant, Ar. St. Clair.
memorial to GOVERNOUR PENN EROM THE INH.\BITANTS
OP PITTSBURGH.
Pittsburgh, June 25, 1774.
To the Honourable John Penn, Esq., Governour and joint
Proprietor of the Province of Pennsylvania, &.c.
The memorial of the subscribers, in behalf of themselves
and the remaining few inhabitants of Pittsburgh who have
adhered to the Government of Pennsylvania, humbly
sheweth. That your memorialists Iiave suffered in an unpre-
cedented manner by the arbitrary proceedings of Doctor
Conolly, since the commencement of his tyrannical Govern-
ment at Pittsburgh. Tlie principal facts we shall beg leave
to lay before your Honour, as foUoweth : Soon after the
return of the Magistrates of this place from Staunton jail
in Virginia, Mr. Conolly being extremely enraged that
Mr. Mackay should acquaint Lord Dunmore with his tyran-
nical behaviour, took all opportunities to affront and use Mr.
Mackay ill, so that in a few days after he ordered Mr.
Mackay's outhouses to be pulled down, and the materials
to be carried to his garrison ; and when Mr. Mackay com-
plained of such oppressive measures, he was threatened by
Doctor Conolly to be sent in irons to Williamsburg.
Mr. William Butler, (one of the subscribers,) and an
eminent trader at this place, has been cruelly treated by Mr.
Conolly,' way, was threatened to be shot down, for dating
to refuse carrying arms at Mr. ConoUy's militia array, &,c.
That your memorialists are of opinion that Mr. Conolly
has taken all the pains in his power to foment the dis-
turbance between us and the Indians, for several rea-
sons, particularly when a number of the traders arrived
here lately from the Shawanese Towns, escorted by three
Shawanese Chiefs, who were sent to the care of Colonel
Croghan, till a handsome present was made for thcin, by
the traders for their fidelity. Doctor Conolly ordered out
forty-one of his militia to take them at all events, and to
send them to his guard house, which hellish plot being dis-
covered, Mr. Butler, unii some other friends, conveyed the
Indians and their presents o\'er the river, just as the guard
surrounded Mr. Croghan's house, for which Mr. Butler
has been severely threatened.
That a number of the subscribers, fee, have been very
severely treated by Mr. Conolly for our adherence to the
Pennsylvania Government, which, for brevity sake, must
be omitted.
The premises considered, your memorialists most eam-
estl; request your Honour will fall uj)on some speedy methoil
to relieve our distresses, and to send us directions, as soon
as possible, how to act on this very critical occasion.
For a further explanation of our distresses we beg leave
to refer your Honour to the enclosed remarks, which are
absolute facts.
^neas Mackay,
Pcvereux Smith,
John Ornisby,
Richard liritter,
William Butler,
James O'Hara,
James Fowler,
Joseph Spear,
Andrew Robinson,
Frederick Farry,
Robert McCully,
Gaorge Mct-'ully,
John Shannon,
Gabriel Walker,
Jolin Walker,
Benjamin Elliott,
Alexander Wayne,
Ralph Nailer,
William Evans,
William Amberson,
William Hamilton,
James Smith,
John Irwin,
Robert Elliott,
Richard Carson,
Joseph Carrel,
Stephen Groves.
REMARKS ON THE PROCEEDINGS OF DR. CONOLLY.
Pittsburgh, June 25th, 1774.
The distressed inhabitants of this place have just cause
to charge tlieir present calamity and dread of an Indian
war entirely to the tyrannical and unprecedented conduct of
Doctor Conolly, whose design, as we conceive, is to better
his almost dcs])erate circumstances upon the distress of tlifi
public, and the ruin of our fortunes, as will appear fi-ora
tlie following facts:
1st. On the 25th day of January last, a number of disor-
derly persons assembled themselves here in consequence of
his advertisements, (as militia,) who, when dispersing, wan-
tonly and maliciously fired upon some friendly Indians in
their huts on the Indian shore, which conduct, together
with so unexpected an appearance of so many people in
anus, at a time when they expected no hostile intentions
on our part, greatly alarmed them, as appeared by a com-
plaint made by them at a council with Alexander McKee,
Esq., Indian Agent, and soiue of the inhabitants of this
place, a few days after.
2d. Michael Cresap, in vindication of his own conduct,
alleges, that it was in consequence of a circular letter from
said Conolly, directed to the inhabitants on the Ohio, that
he murdered the Indians, and that in a manner that savage
ferocity could scarcely equal, and in cold blood, without
the least provocation, amongst whom was some Delawares
that had been employed by Mr. William Butler to carry
goods and hands to the relief of his brother, who was at
that time in the Indian country, all which property they
have been deprived of to a considerable amount. Also,
every part of said Conolly s conduct to our friendly Indians
convinces us that he means to force them to a war, as he
both refuses to protect, and endeavours to murder those,
that, at the risk of their lives, came with our traders to pro-
485
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
486
tect them, and to deliver assurances of their friendship to
tlie pubHck, which can be produced if required.
3d. A large body of armed men broke open Mr. Mackay's
mid Mr. Smith's back yard gates, and rescued the villain
Reily, who was sworn constable for Westmoreland County
at that time, and was confined for abusing said Mackay in
his own house ; five of those men presented their guns at
Mr. Mackay and Mr. Smith. Also, one of tlie party struck
at Mr. Mackay with his gun and broke it in pieces, while
another presented his rifle through his parlour window,
swearing that he would shoot down Mrs. Mackay if she did
not immediately set open the doors of her house ; upon
which she fled, but was immediately assaulted by one
Aston (a Captain of said Conoliy's appointment) with a
drawn sword, who stabbed her in the arm. Mr. Spear
was also abused, and scratched, by said Aston, at the
same time.
4th. Said Conolly, with an armed force of two hundred
men, surrounded the Court House, &;c.
5th. He sent JEncas Mackay, Devereux Smith, and
Andrew McFarlane, Magistrates, under an armed guard,
to Staunton jail, in Virginia, then proceeded to shoot
down our cattle, sheep and hogs, taking, by force of arms,
any part of our property he pleases ; also, pressing our
horses without applying for them, or rendering any satisfac-
tion to the sufferers for so doing.
6th. He sent an armed guard to town to plunder the
house of Mr. Dtvercux. Smith, but was prevented by Mr.
William Butler at the risk of his life,
7th. He, Conolly, with his whole force, came to the
house of Mr. Mackay, broke open his gates, and pulled
down a log stable and sheep house, threatening to pull
down his dwelling house if he thought proper. He came
again, accompanied by one of his officers, to Mr. Mackay's,
and abused him in a blasphemous, outrageous manner,
threatening to send him in irons to Virginia the next day.
8th. He sent an armed guard to town with a general
search warrant to search every house in town without ex-
ception, for the effects of a man that died the evening
before in their fort, that some of themselves had robbed his
corpse off. In the course of their search they broke open
a chest in a man's house that bears a good character here,
and took out several articles, and at the same time insulted
tJje owner.
9th. He sent a party who robbed Mr. Joseph Spears
carriers of one horse load of gunpowder, about six miles
from town, which was sent by said Spear for the use of
the inhabitants of this county, if necessity required. This
robbery vras committed by a party headed by the aforesaid
Aston, who beat and insolently abused the person who
had said powder in charge, when he demanded a receipt
for the same.
These are but a few of the many distresses we labour
under, and without protection and speedy redress cannot
long support ourselves under such grievances, persecution
and tyranny.
THE COSDIITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE Or PENNSYLVANIA
TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MASSA-
CHUSETTS BAY.
Philadelphia, June 28, 1774.
Gentlemen: Your favour of the 28th ult., communi-
cating to us, by order of your House, the Act of Parlia-
ment, " To discontinue, in such manner, and for such time,
" as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging,
"lading and shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandise,
" at the town, and within the harbour of Boston," &,c., is
now before us, and we shall take the earliest opportimity
to lay it before the House of Representatives of this
Province.
We cannot consider this measure in any otiier light than
an additional proof of a resolution in the mother state to
draw a revenue from the subject in America without his
consent. And, on this principle, we conclude that every
British American Colony will esteem tliemseives inti-
mately concerned in it. Under this idea of die intention
of Parliament, it certainly behooves us coolly and dispas-
sionately to meditate on the consequences, and to leave no
rational or probable means unessayed to avoid them, and
to obtain that relief which our rights as English subjects
entitle us to demand.
What those means ouglit to be, we think the several
branches of the American Legislatures, in which the peo-
ple are constitutionally represented, and who are vested
with their whole powers, ought to determine. We, there-
fore, only presume to give you our private sentiments,
which must ever be subject to the amendment and controul
of the body, of which we are only members, when we
again mix with them.
We hope, and earnestly recommend, that the great
cause of American rights may be left to the management
of the Representatives of the people in every Colony, as
they alone are vested with a constitutional power of inquir-
ing into, and redressing those grievances, under which the
subject may at any time be oppressed. Until this measure
shall be fairly attempted, and a failure shall ensue, we can-
not conceive the present dispute between Great Britain
and the Colonies, can, with any propriety or prudence, be
assumed by any other pei-son whatever, or that in other
hands any good consequences can be rationally expected.
And as we are in a state ol" society where order, reason,
and policy, ougiit to prevail, every measure which can only
serve to irritate, and not convince, every act of violence,
or even the appearance of it, should be carefully avoided,
as they cannot, under our present circumstances, obtain us
that relief we desire, and have a right to expect ; but, on
the contrary, may involve all America in difficulties which
no after-wisdom or prudence can surmount.
A Congress of Delegates, chosen either by the Repre-
sentatives in Assembly, or by them in Convention, appears
to us the first proper step to be taken. Nor are we dubious
but that it may be happily effected in a short lime, should
calm and prudent measures be pursued to obtain it. In
this Congress, composed of the Representatives, constitu-
tionally chosen, of all concerned, and who would of course
act with weight and authority, something might be pro-
duced, by their united wisdom, to ascertain our rights, and
establish a political union between the two countries, with
the assent of both, which would effectually secure to Ame-
ricans their future rights and privileges. Any thing short
of this will leave the Colonies in their present precarious
state ; disunited among themselves, unsettled in their
rights, ignorant of their duties, and destitute of that con-
nection with Great Britain which is indispensably neces-
sary to the safety and happiness of both. We are, &c.,
Joseph Galloway, Speaker. ^
Samdel Rhoads, 'h
William Rodman, '"
Isaac Pearson,
Committee of Correspondence.*
To the Committee of Correspondence of the Province of
the Massachusetts Bay. :.
P. S. The Assembly of this Province are summoned,
by the Governour's writs, to meet on the 18th of next
month.
• New. York, July 14, 1774. — The Philadelphia paper of Monday
last contains a letter from Joseph Galloway, (who stylos himself
f^peaker,) and three others, who call themselves the Committee of
Correspondence in the Province of Pennsylvania, to the Committee of
Correspondence of the Province of Massachusetts Bay.
It dofs not appear by what authority these gentlemen have taken
upon themselves to act as a Committee of Correspondence for the
Province on tliis affair. The papers give an account of a more
numerous Committee, composed of men of very different characters.
The stylo and substance of the letter itself, though such as might
be expected from the author of a well known piece publislied some
years ago, signed Americanits, (in favour of the Stamp Act, and arbi-
trary power,) is by no means consistent, in style or sentiment, with
the letters and resolves of any of the other Colonies ; but, on the con.
trary, has a manifest tendency to discourage tlie jieoplo from doing any
thing to the purpose on tlio present emergency. It does not so much
as imply a censure upon the tyrannical Acts of the British Parliament,
nor deny their authority, nor propose any means of preventing their
effect, but ratlier suggests a submission to them. It denies the power
of the people to do any tiling, and absurdly asserts, that the sole power
is constitutionally vested in the Representatives chosen by the people
for tlie ordinary General Assembly ; as if the people had no right to
cliooso Delegates for any otiicr ))iirpose, or as if those chosen for the
ordinary business of Assemlilics were without a special commission
from tlie ji'^ople, authorized to determine upon so extraordinary and
important a case as tliis. In slioit, it appears that Mr. Galloway, and
the three other signers, have ofHciously taken upon them to write this
letter, without any due autliority from tlie pco|il(! of the Province, who
will disown tlie whole of it, and authorize tlieir true Committee to
write a letter that will really be to the purpose.
487
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, JUNE, 1774.
488
Boaton, June 27, 1774.
The present dispute seems confined to tljese two senti-
ments : either to pay, or not to pay for tlie tea. They
are very opposite ; therefore, without doubt, it will be a
long time before we are united on this point. Those wlio
are for paying, bring these arguments to support it : that
" the tea belonged to private persons, consequently was
•' private property, and it is but an act of justice we should
*' pay for it, by whicli means our harbour will be opened,
" and trade carried on as usual."
Be not deceived, my countrymen ; examine well these
principles before you endeavour to put them in execution.
Our unhappiness in this case is, we do not look far
enough — we skim the surface of this Ministerial manoeuvre ;
but let us drop the plumb and endeavour to find out its
sounding. Every one knows the fatal consequences of
the East India Company's sending their teas into America.
It appeared to be a Ministerial measure to secure the reve-
nue and establish a monopoly. We were alarmed at the
consequences, and received it as an attack upon our liberty.
Frequent meetings were held to ward off this impending
evil, but all to no purpose. Our Committees were treated
with disdain, our very Assemblies were looked upon as
riots. The })eople were reduced to this deplorable circum-
stance, either to submit to their ruin, or destroy it. Could
Americans long halt between two opinions ? No, they
destroyed it. The affair goes over to England ; we hear
little about it until an Act of Parliament is passed to block
up the port of Boston ; and all for what ? Because we
destroyed tiiis cargo of India tea. We hear not a word
of any private company appearing in this whole transac-
tion, not a mention of private property, but Government
takes the matter up, and chastises us by an Act of Parlia-
ment. Ships and troops are sent out on Government
expense, and the whole plan of resentment is Govern-
mental.
Considering circumstances as they really are, and view-
ing all measures from beginning to end, can we with
any propriety talk of private interest, or think of paying
for it on those principles ? As well might we pay for the
expense of powder and ball used on the night of the 5th
of March to destroy our fellow-inhabitants. Sending the
tea was a Ministerial measure to establish the revenue plan,
and happily for us we showed our resentment and nipped
it in the bud. I cannot see, unless we give up the very
point in question, viz : the right of taxation, the propriety
of our paying for this tea. Their sending it was as much
designed to establish the revenue, as the powder and ball
used by the soldiers was designed to destroy. If designed
to establish the revenue, our opposition to it was uniform,
and we could not suffer it to be landed consistent with our
declared sentiments. We have, in the course of this
debate with Great Britain, paid for many things we did ;
destroying the Governour's house, making restitution to
the Stamp Master, and many otlier officers, &;c. We
have been at great expenses in smaller matters ; such as
charges on re-shipping goods in the non-importation ; all
which we have paid, hoping to conciliate measures ; but
behold what have been their effect. We are loaded with
fresh impositions ; new plans are entered into, taking
encouragement from our former charges, that we shall still
continue to do so ; therefore try the matter on, not doubt-
ing, if we destroy, the conscientious Americans will satisfy
all who suffer, by a satisfactory payment. In this way
peace cannot be established, but new measures will be for
ever plotting to ruin and destroy us. Therefore, in con-
science to the cause, the regaid I have for the liberties of
my country, and my aversion to all measures intended to
destroy those liberties, I must declare against paying for
the tea, though asked for on much more simple terms than
required in the late Act, or without any restrictions of
wharfs, &.C., whatever. But what greatly astonishes me
is, that the people who pretend to be friends to American
liberty, should so strongly urge a payment, and comply
with the terms of the Act.
No man who understands the nature of the English
Constitution, can, with any degree of spirit, read over so
arbitrary an edict ; the blood of an Englishman must boil at
every sentence. Magna Charta, tliat secures the ])roperty
and person of the meanest beggar, is basely leaped over,
and the people who pretend to the least shadow of liberty,
must, so far from feeling any inclination to comply with it,
rather starve than harbour such despicable notions. The
properties of a peojjle are taken from them, their wharfs
or waiehouses, which perhaps are their only support, are
rendered useless, or, at best, lay at the will of some infa-
mous man in power. Where, then, is our security ? The
day we pay for that tea, under the present restrictions, that
very day we become slaves. Whatever may be our
boasted liberties, we are slaves in the most extensive
degree. No people are free, when any power can take
from tlienj any part of their property without their consent ;
much more that people, whose whole property lays at the
mercy of a foreign edict. Consider, my countrymen,
before you take any measures in the case, the liberties of
America depend on the determination of this late Act.
We are now, though reduced by the stoppage of com-
merce, freemen, but remember, and let it sink deep into
your heans, the day we comply with the stricture of that
Act, we are slaves. Let this consideration stop you in the
career of settling this important point. It is the cause of
the whole ; let not a few individuals pretend to settle a
])oint that so nearly concerns the whole. Our brethren in
Virginia view it in this light ; they look upon it as an
attack upon the liberties of all the Colonies. For the
same power that destroys the liberties of one Colony, will
destroy the whole.
Here some may stop and say, " We do not mean to
" give up the rights of the Colonies ; we doubt not, when
*' we have discharged the debt of the tea, and paid all offi-
" cers their demands, his Majesty and his Privy Council
" will pity our situation, and restore our wharfs, as usual."'
Dreadful, indeed, at this time of day 1 An American's
property and liberty are become n)atters of indulgence,
rather than right. It then lays entirely at his Majesty's
and Privy Council's mercy, whether any freeholder shall
enjoy the suffrages of his own estate. I hope these are
not the real sentiments of these people, but only flights of
confused ideas, which poverty and famine have raised.
Such submissive sentiments cannot come from the hearts
of friends to American liberties. I must assert that the
Act passed for blocking up the port of Boston is a more
violent attack upon the liberties of America, than any
measure before taken by Administration, and the man who
would comply with the terms of it, deserves to have his
name erased from the catalogue of freemen, and become
unworthy the character of an American. We do not pre-
tend to hold our property on the fickle tenure of indulgen-
cies of Parliament, but on the firm foundation of right.
Neither can we tamely give our compliance to an edict,
let it come from whence it will, that strikes at an essential
pier of that foundation. But I will give full scope to this
last argument: " They doubt not his Majesty will pity our
situation, and restore our wharfs," &ic. From whence
have they received tliese strong hopes ? I augur we shall
find it a much more difficult case to get our wharfs restored
by a speedy compliance, than our standing out in opposi-
tion. We cannot put our trust in Princes, neither in any
son of man. It is hard trusting to some ruhng men, and
heaving ourselves entirely on their mercy. Before we
have some certainty we must doubt it. If measures are
pursued correspondent with their declared sentiments, we
have great reason to doubt it. A certain noble Lord, 1
cannot diink, would act so inconsistent with his own senti-
ments, as to give up tlie darling point of chastising a num-
ber of men, by rendering their property useless, when it is
in his power so to do. For, remember, you heave your-
selves on the mercy of those who made this Act, and all
you now ask aie matters of indulgence. Please not your-
selves with such chimeras. When the rights of Americans
hang on the friendly will of men now in power, farewell
American liberty.
Let us examine the transactions of late years, and see
if we can find any one action that will justify our favour-
able surmises. Grcnville, flushed with the expectation
of a large revenue from America, brought forward the
Stamp Act. America united to oppose it, and it was
repealed. Immediately they passed a Declaratory Act,
whose intent needs no comments. About twelve months
after came out the Revenue Act, and to this day continues
in force. Petitions after Petitions were sent, but, far from
granting a favourable ear, they were treated with contempt.
SI89
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JUNE, 1774.
490
Troops and navies have been sent to force us into a com-
pliance ; every art has been used to intimidate us. Every
one who is acquainted with the late transactions, must be
convinced of a settled plan to enslave this country. What
expectance, then, can we have on those who have endea-
voured to effect this plan ? Nothing, I doubt, but a fearful
looking for of judgment. A speedy compliance with this
Act seems parallel to the case with Sampson and the
Philistines, who, after the enticing Delilah, had found
where his strength lay, and clipped him of his lock, came
upon him, bound the poor man neck and heels, and sent
.him to prison. So, when a certain noble Lord has found
out how nearly affected we are with this plan, he will
plume himself on our ready compliance, perhaps reduce
us to the condition of prisoners, and draw new terms of
reconcihation ; construing, in their greatest latitude, the
import of several clauses in the Act. Blocking up our
harbour will ever be a rod suspended in the British Com-
mons to chastise whatever opposition Massachusetts, oi any
other Province or Colony, may make to Parliamentary
measures. Therefore, my countrymen, be not buoyed up
with false notions, be not speedy in your doings, but wait
patiently until we can hear from the other Colonies, and I
doubt not we shall come into determinations effectually to
frustrate this late Act. Be not terrified with the bugbear
of your enemies, about troops being quartered in your
houses, but convince the world that Americans fear notliing
but slavery.
TOWN MEETING IN BOSTON.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the town of Boston, by adjournment, at Fanueil Hall,
June 27th, 1774.
Mr. Samuel Adams, Moderator.
Upon a motion. Voted, That the Committee of Cor-
respondence be directed to lay before the town the Letters
wrote to the other Colonies, as well as those sent to the
other towns in the Province, since the receipt of the Bos-
ton Port Bill.
The Hall not being sufficient to contain all the inhabit-
ants assembled, the meeting was adjourned to the Old
South Meeting House.
The town being again met, according to adjournment, a
motion was made and passed, that all Letters received, as
well as the Answers returned, be laid before the town and
read.
After the Town Clerk had accordingly read a number
of said letters, a motion was made that the said Vote be so
far considered, as that the reading of all other letters pre-
vious to the Covenant sent into the country by the Com-
mittee of Correspondence, and the letters accompanying
the same, be suspended for the present, and that the town
proceed to the reading of the said Letter and Covenant,
and any other letters that may be particularly called for.
The said Covenant, and a number of letters, liaving been
read, a motion was made that some censure be now passed
by the town on the Coiiniiittee of Correspondence, and
that said Committee be annihilated.
Mr. Adams, the Moderator, then moved, that as the
Committee of Correspondence for this town, of which he
had the honour of being a member, was now to be con-
sidered, another Moderator might be chosen ^ro tem.
The Honourable Thomas Cashing, Esq., was accordingly
chosen Moderator during that debate.
The motion for censuring and annihilating the Com-
mittee of Correspondence, was considered, and the gentle-
men in favour of the motion patiently heard, but it being
dark, and they declaring that they had further to offer, it
was voted that the consideration thereof be referred to the
next meeting, and the meeting was accordingly adjourned.
Tuesday, June 2dih, ten o'clock: Met according to
adjournment.
The motion for censuring and annihilating the Commit-
tee of Correspondence was again considered, and after long
debates, the question was accordingly put, which passed
in the negative by a vast majonty.
It was then moved that the following Vote be passed, viz:
" That this town bear open testimony that Uiey are abuu-
" dantly satisfied of the upright intentions, and much ap-
" prove the honest zeal of the Committee of Correspon-
" dence, and desire that they would persevere with their
" usual activity and firmness, continumg stedfast in the
" way of well doing."
And the question being put, passed in the affirmative by
a vast majority.
The Committee on ways and means for employing the
poor, acquainted the town that they had met, and had
received very encouraging accounts of the readiness of
their sister Colonies to assist us, and various proposals
from sundry persons for employing the poor, upon which
they were deliberating, but were not yet prepared to report,
required farther time, which was allowed them.
Mr. Adams again in the Chair.
A motion made that this meeting be adjourned to Tues-
day, the 19th of July, at ten o'clock, A. M., to meet at
Fanueil Hall ; and the meeting was adjourned accordingly.
Attest, William Cooper, Town Clerk.
Boston, June 29th, 1774.
Protest against the Proceedings of the Town Meeting
in Boston, on the 21th of June, 1774.
Whereas at a meeting of the Freeholders and other
Inhabitants of this town, held at Fanueil Hall, the 27th
instant, and from thence adjourned to the South Meeting
House, copies of certain circular letters, wrote by the Com-
mittee of Correspondence, so called, for this town, to the
other towns in the Province, and other places on the Con-
tinent, and answers thereto from the several towns and
Colonies, were read ; likewise a certain circular letter, ac-
companied with a Solemn League and Covenant of a most
dangerous nature and tendency, which hath been drawn
up by the said Committee of Correspondence, copies
whereof have been by them clandestinely dispersed through
the Province, without the consent or knowledge of the town,
and recommended to the people of the county to execute
without loss of time, " least their enemies should defeat
its purpose." These points being fully spoke to, with
candour and moderation, by gentlemen of different senti-
ments, it was at length motioned and seconded, that the
Committee of Correspondence be censured by the town,
and dismissed from any further service in that capacity.
After some discussion on the subject, and other letters pro-
duced and read, the question was put, and passed in the
negative.
Wherefore, we, the dissentients, do now make this pub-
lic and solemn Protest against the doings of the said Com-
mittee, as such, against the Solemn League and Covenant
aforementioned, and against the proceedings of the town,
so far as they have adopted the illegal proceedings of the
said Committee of Correspondence, for the following rea-
sons, viz :
First, because, with regard to the Solemn League and
Covenant aforementioned, we look on it to be a base, wicked,
and illegal measure, calculated to distress and ruin many
merchants, shopkeepers, and others, in this metropolis,
and affect the whole commercial interest of this Province ;
to put a check at once to our industry, by stopping the
exportation of all the staple articles of our trade ; such as
oil, pot and pearl ash, flax seed, naval stores, lumber of all
sorts, and likewise codfish, by way of Spain and Portugal,
the proceeds of which go to Great Britain as remittances
for goods. Also will put an end to a very valuable branch
of trade to the Province of ship-builders ; to create unhappy
divisions in towns and in families ; to open a door for the
most wicked perjuries, and to introduce almost every spe-
cies of evil that we have not yet felt, and cannot serve
any good purpose.
Secondly, because that the Committee of Correspond-
ence, in many of their letters, held forth principles, vyhich,
instead of extricating us from our difficulties, serve, in our
opinions, still further to involve us, to which principles we
cannot accede.
Thirdly, because that Committee of Correspondence,
in some letters that were read from them to Miv-York,
Philadelphia, and other places, particularly two to New-
For/,;, of the 28th and 30th 3%, have falsely, maliciously,
and scandalously, vilified and abused the characters of many
'49i
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JUNE, 1774.
492
of us, only for dissenting from them in opinion ; a right
wliich we shall claim so long as we hold any claim to free-
dom or liberty.
Benjamin Gridley, Francis Greene,
Bonjamiti Clark, Nathaniel Coffin,
WilUain Taylor, Ezekicl Goliltliwait,
Gilbert Deblois, Silvester Gardiner,
John Taylor, liytiekl Lytic,
Benjamin Green, Jr., Jonatlian Simpson,
Thomas Knight,
William Bowes,
Peter Johonnot,
George Leonard,
Thomas Aptlirop,
James Selkrig,
David Greene,
Lewis Deblois,
James Asby,
John Inman,
Richard Sharwin,
Andrew Barclay,
William Knntlon,
William Perry,
David Mitchelson,
Richard Hirons,
Nathaniel Coffin, Jr.,
Samuel Minott,
Archibald Wilson,
Hawes Hatch,
William Codner,
Edward King,
William Burton,
Hopestill Capen,
Gregory Townsend,
Ziphion Thayer,
Henry Lee,
Fetor Hughes,
Samuel Hughes,
Benjamin Phillips,
George Bethunc,
Rufus Greene,
AVilliani Coffin,
Joromiiih Greene,
James Boutincau,
Thomas Gr.iy,
Henry Lloyd,
Samuel Fitch,
WilUam Coffin, 3d,
Joseph Taylor,
Archibald McNeil,
Robsrt Jarvis,
James Hall,
John Berry.
Hugh Tarbott,
Abraham Ellison,
Patrick McMastor,
Joseph Wilson,
Frederick Roberts,
Jolm Agling,
Harrison Gray,
Joseph Grooue,
George Erving,
Jolin Vass.iU,
John Tiinmins,
Benjamin Davis,
Benjamin Greene,
Stephen Greenleaf,
Isaac Win.slow,
Richard Lechmore,
Joshua Winslow,
Danijl Hubb ird,
John Er\'ing, Jun.,
James Perkins,
Isaac Winslow, Jan.,
Richard Smith,
John Atkinson,
Nathaniel ('ary,
Samuel H. Sparhawk,
Edward Foster,
Edward Co.t,
Thomas Aylwin,
Ebonczer Bridgham,
John Jarvis,
George Spooner,
William Blair,
Benjamin 1\I. Holmes, Harrison Gray, Jun.,
Henry Loddel,
Jonathan Snelling,
Tlieophilus Lillie,
John Semplo,
William Dickson,
Henry Laughton,
John (ireenlaw,
John Winslow, Jun.,
Edward Stow,
Nathaniel Greenwood, John White,
Job Wheelwright, Nathaniel Hurd,
John Burroughs, Jr.,
George Leesh,
AVilliani Hunter,
Samuel Greenwood,
William Hutchios,
Williant Gazneau,
Martin Gay,
Jolm Haskins,
Willi im Jackson,
AVilliam McAlpiue,
James Anderson,
Philip Dumarosq,
John Cotton,
George Briudloy,
Thomas Brindlcy,
John Coffin,
Colborn Barrell,
James Forrest,
William Apthrop,
John Gore,
Adino Paddock,
Jolin Joy,
Joseph Scott,
A. F. Pliillips,
Samuel Rogers,
Joseph Greene.
PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
By the Governour. — A Proclamation for Discouraging
certain illegal Combinations,
Whereas certain persons, calling themselves a Com-
mittee of Correspondence for the town of Boston, have
lately presumed to make, or cause to be made, a certain
unlawful instrument, purporting to be a Solenm League
and Covenant, intended to be signed by the inhabitants of
this Province, whereby they are most solenmly to covenant
and engage to suspend all commercial intercourse with the
Island of Great Britain, until certain Acts of the British
Parliament shall be repealed. And whereas printed copies
of the said unlawful instrument have been transmitted by
the aforesaid Committee of Correspondence, so called, to
the several towns in this Province, accompanied with a
scandalous, traiterous, and seditious letter, calculated to
inflame the minds of the people, to disturb them with
ill-grounded fears and jealousies, and to excite them to
enter into an unwarrantable, hostile and traitorous com-
bination, to distress the British Nation, by interrupting,
obstaicling and destroying her trade with the Colonies,
contrary to their allegiance due to the King, and to the
form and effect of divers statutes made for securing,
encouraging, protecting and regulating the said trade, and
destructive of the lawful authority of the British Parlia-
ment, and of the peace, good order and safety of the com-
munity. And whereas the inhabitants of this Province,
not duly considering the high criminality and dangerous
consequences to themselves, of such alarming and unpre-
cedented combinations, may incautiously be attempted to
join in the aforesaid unlawful League and Covenant, and
thereby expose themselves to tiie fatal consetjuences of
being considered as the declared and open enemies of the
King, Parliament, and Kingdom of Great Britain.
In observance, therefore, of my duty to the King, in
tenderness to the inhabitants of this Province, and to the
end tliat none who may hereafter engage in such dangerous
combinations, may plead, in excuse of iheir conduct, that
they were ignorant of ihe crime in which they were involving
themselves, I have thought (It to issue this Proclamation,
hereby earnestly cautioning all persons whatsoever within
this Province against signing the aforesaid, or a similar
Covenant, or in any manner entering into, or being con-
cerned in such unlawful, hostile and traitorous combina-
tions, as they woidd avoid the pains and penalties due to
such aggravated and dangerous offences.*
And 1 do hereby strictly enjoin and command all Magis-
trates and other officers within the several counties in this
Province, that they take effectual care to apjjrehend and
secure for trial all and every person who may hereafter
presume to publish, or offer to others to be signed, or shall
themselves sign the aforesaid, or a similar Covenant, or be
in any wise aiding, abetting, advising, or assisting therein.
And the respective Sheriffs of the several counties within
this Province, are hereby required to cause tliis Proclama-
tion forthwith to be posted up in some publick place in
each town, within their respective districts. Given under
my hand, at Salem, the 29th day of June, 1774, iu the
fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign.
Thomas Gace.
By his Excellency's command, T. Flucker, Secretary.
God save the King.
RICHMOND COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a respectable Meeting of the Freeholders and Free-
men of the County of Richmond, Virginia, after due
notice to attend at the Court House of the said county, on
Wednesday, the 29th of June, 1774, in order to give their
sentiments to their late Representatives, invited to meet in
Williamsburg on the first day of August next, to deliberate
on matters of the utmost importance to this country, they,
after making choice of the Reverend Isaac William
GiBERNE as Moderator, came to the following Resolutions :
1st. That it is the undoubted right of the people of
British America to be taxed only by their respective Pro-
vincial Assemblies, which right they claim from Charter,
natural justice, and constant usage, ever since their first
settlement in America ; and that an attempt to force one
Colony to pay a tax imposed by the British Legislature,
where they had not, nor could have, any Representative,
is a violent attack on their constitutional rights.
2d. They do respect the Bostonians, in their sister
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, as suffering in the common
cause of British America ; and that the hostile attack
now niade on them by the Parliament of Great Britain,
in blocking up their harbour, and violently taking away the
property of many individuals, by preventing them the use
of their wharfs, quays, &.C., is an avowed intention to
reduce all America to a state of slavery.
8d. It is the opinion of this meeting, that nothing will
be more conducive to prevent such oppressions, than im-
mediately to stop all imports from Great Britain, and at
a short day, hereafter to be fixed, to stop all exports to
Great Britain and the West Indies, until there is a total
repeal of not only the Act called the Boston Port Act,
but also of all the several Acts of the British Parliament
laying taxes on the Americans for the purpose of raising
a revenue, and those other Acts made against the rights of
the people of Massachusetts Bay, on account of their
virtuous opposition to the said Revenue Acts.
4th. It is also the opinion of this meeting, that imme-
diately on the non-exportation plan taking place, the gen-
tlemen of the bar shall not bring any suit for the recovery
of any debts, or prosecute further any suit already brought,
during the continuance of the former resolution, it being
utterly inconsistent with such scheme for a man to be com-
pelled to pay without the means wherewith he may pay.
* So far are the people of this Province from discovering the " high
criminality" of " a certain instrument, purporting to be a " Solemn
League and Covenant," that it has made more rapid progress through
many towns, since Thuraday last, than ever before. By what Act of
the British Parliament, or cla\ise in the Oath of Allegiance, are we
inhibited from raising our own flax and wool, or encouraging onr own
manufactures in preference to tliose of any other country ? If there
be no Act of the Briti-ih Parliament, or of the Provinci', against it,
what are the " dangerous consequences" which we are told will ensue ?
A cool observer of the times cannot but smile to hear some connois.
seurs say, that the trade of the Colonics is of no more importance to
the mother country than a single thread in a whole piece ; while others,
with as high a tone, assure us, that to " susjiend all commercial inter,
course" with her, in one Province only, will " distress the Dritiah
Nation." — Boston, July 4, 1774.
493
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JUNE, 1774.
494
5tb. This meeting do most heartily concur with their
late Representatives in their resolve for the total disuse of
tea; and do further Resolve, that they will not purchase
any East India commodity whatsoever, except saltpetre,
until they have their grievances fully redressed.
6th. They do declare they are ready to submit to any
resolutbn that may be entered into either by the Deputies
of the several counties in this Colony, at fVilliamsbnrg,
or by the Congress of the several Colonies on the Con-
tinent, and intended these resolutions only as instructions
to their Deputies, that tliey may know how to conduct
themselves.
7th. It is Resolved, that so soon as the non-exportation
agreement begins, we will, every man of us, keep our pro-
duce, whether wheat, tobacco, or com, or any thing else,
unsold on our respective plantations, and not carry, or suf-
fer them to be carried, to any publick warehouse or landing
place, except of grain ; where the same be so done an
oath being first made that such grain is for the use or con-
sumption of any other Colony in JSlorth America, and not
for exportation from the Continent, whilst the said agree-
ment subsists. And this is the more necessary to prevent
a few designing men from engrossing and buying up our
tobacco, grain, Sic, when they are low in value, in order
to aviiil tliemselves of the very high prices that these arti-
cles must bear when the ports are open and foreign mar-
kets empty.
8th. This meeting do appoint Robert WormeJey Carter
and Francis L. Lee, gentlemen, as their Deputies for the
purposes aforesaid ; and they do request that they fail not
to attend in fVilliamsburg on the said first day of August,
and that they do not trust to their meeting in Assembly on
tlie 11th of the same month, as it is in the power of Gov-
ernment either to prorogue the Assembly to a future day,
or dissolve the same, by which means the sense of the
Colony may not be known.
Ordered, by the meeting, That these Resolves be forth-
with transmitted to both the Printing Offices in Jfilliams-
burg. to be inserted in each Gazette.
Leroy Peachet, Clerk.
EXTRACT or A LETTER TROM A GENTLEMAN IN LONDON.
London, June 30, 1774.
We are all in high expectation of the event of the late
measures adopted respecting Boston, which caiTy with
tliem rather the harsh and rigid aspect of power, than that
of paternal affection, v^hich wishes to reclaim while it chas-
tises. The Crown has, for a long time past, been gaining
power, at the expense of the liberties of the people, by a
gradual system of corruption, which the people themselves
have not virtue enough to counteract. But now the strides
towards despotism are enormous. I wish the Americans
may be able to fall on some prudent and effectual measures
in the present important crisis. But I fear the greatest
difficulty will be in the want of an union and confidence
among themselves in the different Colonies, without which
any expedients tliey may think proper to adopt will avail
Uttle.
PRINCE George's county (virginia) resolutions.
At a General Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabit-
ants of Prince George's County, Virginia, the following
Resolves were proposed and unanimously agreed to :
Resolved, That we will, at all times whenever we are
called upon for that purpose, maintain and defend, at
the expense of our lives and fortunes, his Majesty's right
and title to the Crown of Great Britain, and his Domin-
ions in America, to whose royal person and Government
we profess all due obedience and fidelity.
Resolved, That the right to impose taxes or duties to
be paid by the iniiabitants within this Dominion, for any
purpose whatsoever, is peculiar and essential to the General
Assembly, in whom the Legislative authority of the Colony
is vested.
Resolved, That every attempt to impose such taxes or
duties, by any other authority, is an arbitrary exertion of
jiovver, and an infringement of the constitutional rights and
libeities of the Colony.
Resolved, That to impose a tax or duty upon tea byi
the British Parliament, in which the Commons of thei
North American Colonies can have no representation, to
be paid upon importation by the iphabitants of the said-
Colonies, is an Act of power without right; is subversive of
the liberties of the said Colonies ; deprives them of their
property without tlscir own consent; and thereby reduces-
them to a state of slavery.
Resolved, That the late cruel, unjust, and sanguinary.
Acts of Parliament, to be executed by military force and-
ships of war, upon our sister Colony of the Massachmetts .
Bay, and town of Boston, is a strong evidence of the cor-
rupt infiuence obtained by the British JNlinistry in Parlia--
ment, and a convincing proof of their fixed intention to
deprive the Colonies of their constitutional rights and hb-
erties.
Resolved, That the cause of the town of Boston is the
common cause of all the American Colonies.
Resolved, That it is the duty and interest of all the-
American Colonies firmly to unite in an indissoluble union
and association, to oppose, by every just and proper
means, the infringement of their common rights and liber-
ties.
Resolved, That a General Association between all the
American Colonies, not to import from Great Britain any
commodity whatsoever, except negroes, clothing, and tools,
Irish linen, medicines, and paper, ought to be entered
into, and not dissolved, until the just rights of the said
Colonies are restored to them, and the cruel Acts of the
British Parliament against the Massachusetts Bay and
town of Boston, are repealed.
Resolved, Tliat no friend to tlie rights and liberties of
America ought to purchase any commodity whatsoever,
except as is before excepted, which shall be imported from
Great Britain, after the General Association shall be agreed
upon.
Resolved, That every kind of luxury, dissipation and
extravagance ought to be banished from amongst us.
Resolved, That manufactures ought to be encouraged,
by opening subscriptions for that purpose, or by any other
proper means.
Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this
Colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, prevents
manufacturers and other useful emigrants from Europe
from settling amongst us, and occasions an annual increase
of the balance of trade against this Colony.
Resolved, That the raising sheep, hemp, and flax, ought
to be encouraged.
Resolved, That to be clothed in manufacturers fabri-
cated in the Colonies ought to be considered as a badge
and distinction of respect and true patriotism.
Resolved, That the dissolution of the General Assembly,
by order of the British Ministry, whenever they enter
upon the consideration of the rights and liberty of the
subject against attempts to destroy them, is an evidence of
the fixed intention of the said Ministry to reduce the Colo-
nies to a state of slavery.
Resolved, That the people of this Colony, being by
such dissolution deprived of a legal representation, ought to
nominate and appoint for every county proper Deputies to
meet upon the first day of August, in the City of Wil-
liamsburg, then and there to consult and agree upon the
best and most proper means for carrying into execution
these or any otlier resolutions which shall be judged more
expedient for the purposes aforesaid.
Resolved, That Richard Bland, and Peter Poythress,
Esquires, our late worthy Representatives, be, and they
are hereby nominated and appointed Deputies, upon the
part of tiie freeholders and inhabitants of this county, to
meet such Deputies as shall be appointed by the other
counties and corporations within this Colony, in the City
of fVilliamsburg, upon the first day of August next, or at
any otlicr time or place for the purposes aforesaid.
Resolved, That at this important and alarming conjunc-
ture it be earnestly recommended to the said Deputies, at
the said General Convention, that they nominate and
a])point fit and proper persons, upon the part of this Col-
ony, to meet such Deputies, in a general Congress, as
shall be appointed on the part of the other Continental
Colonies in America, to consult and agree upon a firm and
indissoluble union and association for preserving by the
495
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JUNE, 1774J
496
best and most proper means, their common rights and lib-
erties.
Resolved, That this Colony ought not to trade with
any Colony which shall refuse to join in any union and
association that shall be agreed upon, by the greater part
of the other Colonies upon this Continent, for preserving
their common rights and liberties.
Resolved, That the Clerk of this meeting transmit to
the Printers of both Gazettes copies of these resolutions,
with the earnest request of this county that the other
counties and corporations within the Colony will appoint
Deputies to meet at the time and place, and for the pur-
poses aforesaid. Theodorick Bland,
Clerk of the Meeting,
THE BRITISH AMERICAN, NO. V.
Williamsburg, Virginia, Juno 30, 1774.
Friends, Fellow-citizens, and Countrymen:
It is not my intention to inflame your minds by pointing
out the many privileges you have already lost, but to rouse
you to a steady opposition to the measures now pursuing to
deprive you of wiiat few still remain. I shall, therefore,
instead of entering minutely into every branch of the old
English Constitution, whose sole object is, or rather was,
political liberty, confine myself to that part of it which
relates to legislation and taxation only. But in order to be
thoroughly understood, it will be necessary to premise,
that in ancient times, besides the palaces for the residence,
there were particular funds and lands set apart, whose
yearly profits supplied the domestic expenses and supported
the splendour of the Kings of England. These were called
the ancient demesne of the Crown, and were not only
abundantly sufficient to answer those purposes, but some-
times enabled our Monarchs to repel, at their own private
expense, any sudden or unforeseen hostile attacks upon
the Kingdom. Thus the great Queen Elizabeth, (under
whose reign our ancestors first emigrated,) instead of ask-
ing money of her Parliament, generally demanded reim-
bursement only for what she had actually advanced for the
general good. And even these s!ie often generously remit-
ted to her subjects.
The Legislature of England consisted of three distinct
branches. The first was the Monarch, whose ample hered-
itary revenues, enabling him to support the dignity of his
rank, removed all temptation to oppress either of the other
two, because, nobly provided for himself, he was under no
necessity of asking any supplies from his Parliament but
such as were necessary for the general good of the whole
community. Independent of any power on earth for the
support of himself and lamlly, he was equally above the
temptation of being corrupted himself, or of endeavouring
to corrupt the Parliament.
The second consisted of the House of Lords, a body of
men who, on account of their great wealth or merit, and
generally both, were ennobled by Jhe Monarch, and their
titles and power, when once created, were hereditary, they
were not only independent but were equally interested in
preserving the legal prerogatives of the Crown, and the
just privileges of the People : the prerogatives of the
Crown, because as they derived their very existence from
the Monarch, if his legal power was annihilated, theirs
must necessarily be extinguished with it, as the stream will
cease to flow when the fountain from whence it sprung is
dried up. As hereditary guardians of the Realm it was
equally their interest to preserve the privileges of the peo-
ple, because however distinguished by rank or title, they
themselves, as ])art of the community, must finally feel
any oppression exercised by the Sovereign over their fel-
low-subjects.
The tliird branch of the Legislature consisted of the
People at large, in which every native had a right to vote,
for in those days it was thought unreasonable that the life,
liberty, or property of a freeman should be affected by
any law which he did not consent to, or at least which he
had not a right to oppose.
But these tunndtuous assemblies of the People being
found from experience not only inconvenient but absolutely
impracticable, as a majority of the whole Kingdom could
never meet at any one place to deliberate upon ti)e affairs
of the Kingdom, it became customary for the inhabitants
of different counties and large cities and towns to delegate
the wisest of their neighbours to represent them in the
Legislature, and to speak the sentiments of their electors
on the general concerns of the Kingdom. These formed
the House of Commons. In process of time this right
of delegation was confined to those who had a freehold in
lands, of a particular value, because, as I have observed in
a former letter, the owners of the soil were not oidy sup-
posed to be the best judges of what was for the benefit of
the Kingdom, but because they were less liable to be cor-
rupted to prejudice a country in which they themselves
were permanently interested.
Happy had it been for England that this wise regulation
had never been altered ; and happier still if the right for
voting for Representatives had been confined to freeholders
of counties only, and not extended to towns and corpora-
tions, which, however populous and opulent formerly, are
now scarce the shadow of what they were. But to return
to my subject.
The Monarch was vested with the power of convening
the other two bodies of the Legislature, of laying before
them the state of the Kingdom with respect to foreign
alliances, and of reconmiending to their consideration all
things which he judged for the benefit of the Nation ; and
after having done this he retired and left them to deliberate
and to form what resolutions they pleased, either upon the
plans thus recommended or upon any others which they
thought proper; and so far as related to legislation only, the
Lords and Commons had an equal right of proposing and of
altering and amending resolutions proposed by each other.
The King had no power of altering and amending, but, by
withholding his assent, might reject any resolution of the
other two branches altogether.
To have invested him with a power of altering would
have been dangerous to liberty ; because, of all laws res-
pecting the subject, the Lords, who were the representa-
tives of the higher, and the Commons, who represented the
lower ranks of the people, were the most proper judges,
because they would share in the advantages and disadvan-
tages of those laws. But as the King might receive the
emoluments, but could not share in the inconveniences, if
he had been allowed to have interfered in altering and
amending such, the Nation might have been cruelly op-
pressed, for as all honours flowed from the Crown, a desire of
acquiring those honours might have induced the Commons.
Hope of enlarging those already conferred might have
influenced the Lords to have shown such complaisance to
the alterations of the Crown as would have been consist-
ent with the good of the community. Wisdom, as well as
delicacy, therefore, excluded the temptation. The King's
right of rejecting altogether was a sufficient barrier against
all encroachments on the rights of the Sovercio-n, since no
resolutions had the force of laws till they received the con-
currence of a majority of the Lords and Commons, and
were approved of, and assented to, by the King.
Taxation was fixed upon a very different foundation.
The House of Commons claimed and exercised the sole
right of proposing taxes, of pointing out the ways and
means, of levying supplies, and of framing the bills by the
authority of which they were to be collected ; and so
extremely jealous were they of this privilege that they
never would suffer either of the other branches of the Le-
gislature to make the smallest alteration, either in the form
or substance of a Supply Bill.
This exclusive privilege was founded upon very just
grounds. The reasons 1 have already given in treating of
legislation, are doubly cogent to restrain the King (who
was to apply, or rather expend, the money raised,) from
exercising any other power over a Money Bill than that of
rejecting ; to which may be added another, that the Repre-
sentatives of a people must ever be more capable than
their Prince of judging of the abihties of their constituents,
and of knowing how much, and what species of their pro-
perty they can spare to preserve the remainder. Nor are
there wanting many and just reasons to exclude the Lords
from interfering with this' right exercised by the Commons.
In the first place, the whole wealth of a Nation arises fi-om
the farmer, the grazier, the mechanick, and the trader ; and
as they are the very creators of money they ought to have
the publick disposition of it, because they know its value,
and have experienced the difficulty with which it is acquired.
497
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
498
On the other hand, the Lords possessed of immense wealth,
transmitted to them by their ancestors, and born (if I may
be allowed the expression) with silver spoons in their
mouths, might be lavish of the national treasures, without
duly considering wilh what anxiety, difficulties, and dangers
the bulk of the people have acquired the small share of it
they possess. Again, a supply granted to the Crown, which,
with respct to the enormous fortunes of the nobility, would
scarce deserve the name of liberality, might amount almost
to a confiscation of the estates of the lower ranks of the
people, and reduce thousands of their fellow-subjects to dis-
tress, poverty, and ruin. On the other hand, it is difficult
to suppose that the Representatives of the labouring or trad-
ing part of the Nation, would, or could, be so extravagant
in their supplies as to injure the estates of the nobility ;
and if such an unnatural case could exist, the House of
Lords, by exercising their right of rejecting, would effect-
ually ward off the blow. But if they had a power of even
altering a Money Bill, they might model it in such a man-
ner as to exonerate, in a great measure, their own estates,
and lay the whole burthen upon the Commons, or at least
it would be a constant source of feuds and dissensions
between the two Houses, which would offer, to an enterpris-
ing Monarch, such opportunities of ingratiating himself
occasionally with each as might endanger the Constitu-
tion.*
From this state of the English Constitution it is ob-
vious to the most common observer, that if any one of its
branches encroached upon the rights of another, it became
the interest of the other two to unite in repelling the
aggressor, since if either branches are annihilated, or even
weakened, the other must necessarily fall a prey to the
victor. If the Commons attacked the Lords, the Crown
necessarily interposed its authority to support the injured
rights of the nobility ; for, if they succeeded in destroying
the rights of the nobihty, such an acquisition of power as
would then devolve on them, would soon enable them to
weaken, if not destroy, the prerogatives of the Crown.
If the Lords encroached upon the privileges of the Com-
mons, our history afforded too many instances of the dread-
ful consequences of the overgrown power of the Barons
to suffer the King to be an idle spectator whilst his nobles,
by crushing the Commons, would arrogate to themselves
the power of petty Princes, and endanger the safety of
the Kingdom with internal commotions. If the King
attacked the privileges of either of the other branches, or
either of the others encroached upon the prerogatives of
the Crown, the third branch was too much interested in
the dispute to stand neuter, but readily assisted the injured
party, sensible that the only method of preserving the true
equilibrium of Government was to suffer neither branch to
oppress or even weaken the other.
* I have read other arguments against the House of Lords exercising
a right of altering Money Bills, but, I confess, they were not to me so
convincing as the above. For instance, one was, that the wealth of the
Lords compared to that of the Commons of England, was but as a
drop of water to the Ocean. Suppose this to be true, (though, by the
by, it is a very large drop, and which, by their intermarriages with the
rich heiresses of the Commons, is constantly increasing,) yet a single
drop, when incorporated with, becomes as much a part of the Ocean
tLB any other drop, and by the same parity of reasoning, the whole
Ocean might drop by drop be excluded till it ceased to be even a rivulet.
I am induci;d to make this remark from having read a similar argu-
ment in a late pamphlet of a Reverend author, who, after observing that
each member of the House of Commons, when chosen, becomes the
Representative of the whole Kingdom, he has the following note :
" Surely the Nation might have expelled Mr. Wilkes, or have struck
" his name out of the list of the Committee, had it been assembled,
" or had it thought proper so to do. What then should hinder the
" Deputies of the Nation from doing the same thing ? And which
" ought to prevail in this case, the Nation in general or the County of
" Middlesex ?" Let it be observed that if the whole body of the people
had been assembled upon the National Councils, no such Committee
could have existed ; the case thus supposed is, therefore, a nonentity.
But admitting it otherwise, even a Committee of the House of Com.
mons cannot exclude any member of that Committee, but must apply
to the House who constituted them a Committee to make such exclu.
sion. That the House of Commons have a right, by expelling any
member, to appeal to the people who sent him whether such member
is unworthy to represent them, there can bo no doubt, but if, after
such an appeal, the people re-elect him, they are surely bound to receive
him. In such an Assembly as the Reverend author speaks of, there
can be no doul)t but a majority of the whole Kingdom may exclude the
inhabitants of the County of Middlesex from any share in the National
Councils, but from that instant they cannot exercise a constitutional
right, cither of legislation or taxation, over the County of Middlesex;
and just so great a power as a majority of the Nation can exereiso
over the inhabitants of a single county, a majority of the Represent-
atives of the Nation may exercise over tlie Representatives of a single
county. But the consequence must be the same in both cases.
Thus constituted, thus mutually interested, to support
each other, the King, Lords, and Commons of England,
formed the wisest system of legislation that ever did, or
perhaps ever will, exist ; for the three favourite forms of
Government, viz : Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy,
jpossessed of their distinct powers, checked, tempered, and
improved each other. Nor was this excellence confined to
forms alone. The characteristick principles of Monarchy,
Aristocracy, and Democracy, viz: honour, moderation,
and virtue, were here so happily blended as totally to
exclude fear, that despicable slave of despotism and arbi-
trary sway. The honour of Monarchy tempered the im-
petuosity of Democracy, the moderation of Aristocracy
checked the ardent aspiring honour of Monarchy, and the
virtue of Democracy restrained the one, impelled the other,
and invigorated both. In short, no Constitution ever bid
so fair for perpetual duration as that of England, and none
ever half so well deserved it, since political liberty was its
sole aim, and the general good of mankind the principal
object of its attention. Had this happy state but recurred a
little oftener to its first principles it would have remained the
envy — the admiration of the whole world, and the delight
of its most distant Dominions, till time shall be no more.
But, alas 1 all human institutions are subject to decay ; the
very vitals of this amiable Constitution are wounded, the
glorious fabrick already totters, and the time is approaching
when it may be said of this beautiful Byzantium :
" That down the precipice of fate she goes.
And sinks in moments what in ages rose,"
To trace the steps of this disorder, and point out what
is likely to occasion this ever to be lamented misfortune,
shall be the subject of my next.
I shall conclude this with a word of advice to my fellow-
citizens of Virginia : Since my last the writs have issued
for choosing your Representatives, returnable the 1 1th day
of August next. Postpone your meeting in Williamsburg
till that day, so short a delay will be attended with little
inconvenience. If the Govemour should then meet you
in Assembly, you will have a constitutional opportunity of
declaring the sentiments, and of vindicating the rights, of
those you represent. But be not deceived. It is to be
feared that the Govemour will not, cannot, call the Assem-
bly together till he receives letters from the Minister in
England, and that it will be prorogued before the 11th of
August. If it should, still let the new Representatives of
the people meet at that time ; though they cannot as a
legislative, yet they may as a collective body, declare the
sentiments of their constituents, and it is necessary, not
only that our Sovereign, but that the British Parliament
should know those sentiments as soon as possible, other-
wise an artful Minister may impose upon them, and induce
them to believe you have actually submitted to a measure
which I am convinced you never will submit to, because
you ought not.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON, DATED
JULY 1, 1774.
I am sorry to learn, by late letters from Philadelphia,
that you are likely to have an Indian war, by the impru-
dence of some of the back inhabitants. 1 most sincerely
wish that steps may be taken to prevent it ; for you may
be assured the people in power here wish for it. They
say' it will be the means of humbling and reducing the re-
bellious Americans to obedience. This they are deter-
mined to do, let the consequence be what it may. I am
much grieved to hear that the unjust and tyrannical steps
taken by Government here, against the Massachusetts
Bay, are not, by the other Colonies, looked upon as an
attack upon all America, but intended only against that
Province. The policy of this country is to divide and
conquer ; and if the other Colonies sit quiet and suffer the
people of New England, for want of their uniting and
making it one common cause, to be reduced to the neces-
sity of subscribing to such terms as Government here shall
hold out to them, they will attack the other Colonies, and
then farewell to the liberties of America ; for the Ameri-
cans will be soon as absolute slaves as the Frenchmen.
The infamous Quebeck Bill, which establishes popery and
arbitrary power through a country capable of maintaining
more people than England, France, and Spain, is intended
Fourth Series.
32
499
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
500
to keep the old Colonies in owe ; and people here in
power make no secret of saying, that by keeping the
Canadian militia well disciplined, they shall be able with
them and the fleet, to keep the Colonies always in sub-
jection. Would you believe, that out of all the Bishops,
only the Bishop of St. Asaph had virtue enough to vote
against this Bill? I hope we shall never suflcr one of
them to step his foot in America. Nothing can save
America but their uniting and religiously entering into an
agreement, and sacredly keeping it, not to import any
goods from Great Britain, nor to export any goods eitiier
to Great Britain or the Islands, until justice is done liiem
by this country, and their liberties settled on a firm and
solid basis. This, in less than twelve months, would bring
the people of this country to reason, and force them, con-
trary to their inclinations, to do the Americans justice ; for
they have no trade but what is against them, save to
Ireland and America.
JAMES CITY COUNTY (vIRGINIa) KESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders of James City County,
on the first of July, 1774, at the house of Mr. Mam
Allen, in order to consult witii their late Representatives
what measures were most necessary to ward off the im-
pending evils which seem to threaten all British America,
those maltei-s being calmly and maturely entered into,
the following Resolves were adopted :
Resolved, That we will not import any article whatever
from Great Britain,
Resolved, That we will stop all exports to Great
Britain after such a day as shall be appointed by the
general meeting on the first of August next.
Resolved, That a subscription paper be handed about
among the people of James City to raise money, corn,
wheat, or any other commodity wiiich may be most agree-
able to the subscribers, for the relief of the people of
Boston.
Resolved, That in order to testify our gratitude to our
late worthy Representatives, and our entire approbation of
their conduct in the late General Assembly, it is the unani-
mous opinion of this meeting that they be thanked for
their former services, and that Robert Carter Nicholas,
Esquire, be pleased to accept of a treat from the freehold-
ers of the county on the day appointed for the election of
Burgesses.
Portsmoutli, New-Hampshire, July 1, 1774.
Last Saturday, June 25th, arrived here Captain Brown,
in a mast ship, in eight weeks from London, and unluckily
for this place, there were on board twenty-seven chests of
that pernicious, destructive, troublesome commodity, called
tea, which for a long time has, and still keeps the whole
Continent in a ferment, the duty on which, operates in so
violent a manner on the minds of the inhabitants, not only
in the seaport towns, but the whole country in general,
that it will require the most cooling medicines, and the
best skill of the ablest political physicians, to prevent the
body politic from going into convulsions. However, upon
its being certified that there actually were twenty-seven
chests of tea consigned to Edward Parry, Esquire, of this
town, a meeting of the inhabitants of the town were imme-
diately called, and a Special Committee chosen to wait
upon Mr. Parry, the consignee, to know whether he would
consent to certain proposals which were made to him ; that
the tea should not be sold here, but re-shipped ; who, in a
genteel manner gave them all the reasonable satisfaction
they could desire, and a watch of twenty-five men were
appointed by the town to watch two days and two nights,
and the third day it was put on board another vessel, and
sent out of this harbour with a fair wind, committed to the
watery element, and hope in due time the owners will
receive the nett proceeds, and for the future take care how
they send any disagreeable commodity to this Province,
with a duty thereon.
Every transaction was conducted with the greatest
decency and good order possible, which could have done
honour to any society. The whole being of one heart and
one mind that the tea should go out of this port and harbour
iiiunediately, and not to be landed in this Province.
CONSTITUTIONAL AMERICAN POST OFFICE.
Baltimore, July 2, 1774.
li'illiam Goddard, Printer of the Maryland Journal,
with great pleasure, acquaints the publick that his proposal
for establishing an American Post Office on constitutional
principles, hath been \\armly and generously patronised by
the friends of freedom in all the great commercial towns in
the Eastern Colonies, where ample funds are already
secured ; Postmasters and riders engaged ; and, indeed,
every proper arrangement made for the reception of the
Southern mails, which, it is expected, will soon be extended
tliither. As therefore the final success of the undertaking
now depends on the publick spirit of the inhabitants of
Maryland and Virginia, it is not doubted, from the recent
evidence they have given of their noble zeal in the cause
of liberty and their country, but they will cheerfully join
in rescuing the channel of publick and private intelligence
from the "horrid fangs of Ministerial dependents:" a
measure indispensably necessary in the present alarming
crisis of American affairs.*
The following Plan has been published and universally
approved of at the Eastward :
PLAN FOR ESTABLISHING A NEW AMERICAN POST OFFICE.
The present American Post Office was first set up by a
private gentleman in one of the Southern Colonies, and
the Ministry of Great Britain finding that a revenue
* EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO LORD NORTH, LONDON, FEBRUARY 5, 1774.
My Lord : As an American, give me leave to assure your Lordship
that I think the dismissing Dr. Franklin, from the Postmast'jr Gen.
cral in North America, at this particuhir crisis, one of the most
fortunate events that could have happened for that county. It wag
that gentlemen that brought the Post Office in America to be of some
consequence, and to yield somsthing of a revenue to the mother
country. Tlie people there never liked the Institution, and only
acquiesced in it out of their unbounded aifaction for the person that
held the office, who had taken infinite pains to render it convenient
to the several Colonies. But what will follow now, my Lord ? I will
tell you ; the Post from Philadelphia to Boston is that alone which
produces any profit worth mentioning ; the others, taken together, do
not more than maintain themselves; and between i'/i(7«rfp/p/r'o and
Boston you may depend on it, the Americans will immediately sot up
a carrier of their own, which you, with all your brethren in power,
together with Lord Hillsborough's abilities, cannot prevent, and
thereby they will entirely starve your Post between lliose capital
cities. And tlius will happily end your boasted Post Office, so often
given as a precedent for taxing the Americans.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN AT NEW.YORK TO IlIS FRIEND
IN BOSTON, DATED FEBRUARY 28, 1774.
Your steadiness and activity in the glorious cause of liberty ha«
induced me to address you, without any apology, upon a very inter-
esting matter, in which the cause of American freedom is deeply
concerned ; I mean the Post Office establishment, upon which every
other unconstitutional Act has been grounded, as our tame submission
to it has been constantly urged, by the enemies of our country, as a
precedent against us; and as I am fully convinced of the propriety
and eligibillity of opposing it at present, and we cannot fail of success
if the opposition be made with a manly firmness. I am determined to
give the bearer, Mr. Goddard, every aid in my power, towards the
execution of his plan, which is so well calculated to save the cause
of liberty, and relieve my country from such an arbitrary and uncon-
stitutional Act of the British Legislature. I nmst therefore earnestly
request that you will, provided your sentiuients should coincide with
mine, use all your influence in the town of Boston, and give him
every assistance in your power, to forward so great and necessary an
undertaking ; and should we succeed in this attempt of abolishing
the Post Ofiice, of which I have not the least shadow of a doubt, I am
convinced it will put an entire stop to tlieir placing any further
unconstitutional burdens upon us ; especially when they find that we
are determined to make reprisals upon every such occasion, and that
they will bo reduced to the unfortunate situation of the dog in the
fable, who by greedily grasping at the shadow, lost the substance. As
I am much indisposed at i)resent, I cannot enlarge upon the subject,
nor do I think any arguments necessary to convince you of tlie
propriety of the measure, or to induce you, who have so constantly
exerted yourself in the cause of liberty, to aiford it your sanction and
support.
Boston, March 17, 1774.— Last Monday arrived here Mr. William
Goddard, Printer in Philadelphia and Baltimore. The cause of that
gentleman's tour is interesting to all the Colonies, and we are happy
to find that all of them through which he has come are thoroughly
engaged in it.
Mr. Goddard has long been noted as the proprietor and employer of
a very free press, and some four or five years ago he began to feel him-
self distinguislied on that account, till at length the exactions of the
King's post rider became so enormous, that they amounted to an entire
prohibition of tlio continuance of his business in the City of Phila.
delphia,* Marylrnd, a great part of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and the
Jersies, througli which his paper had circulated, became inflamed at
the insult; esi>ecially when it was known that Mr. Goddard had
complained to the Postmaster, the solo arbiter in the case, and could not
•The sum of fifty-two pound* fterl'mp, Peniist/tvanio cnrrrncy, per nnnum, waJ
ilcmande*! at the Post Office ('iir the cairiflKe of nixtut three htiiitlR-«l ami tifty iiewt-
SDne>i-t, one hiiiidred aud thirty miles, liajable in wetkl) payments, as the papers wet«
eUTeml to tlie I'tnl*.
501
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
503
Hiight arise from it, procured an Act of Parliament in the
nintli year of the reign of Queen Anne, to enable them to
take into their own hands, and succeeding Administrations
have ever since, taken upon them to regulate it — have
committed the management of it to whom they pleased,
and avail themselves of its income, now said to be at least
£i 3,000 sterling per annum clear.
By this means a set of officere. Ministerial indeed, in
their creation, direction, and dependence, are maintained
in the Colonies, into whose hands all the social, commer-
cial, and political intelligence of the Continent is neces-
sarily committed ; which at this time, every one must
consider as dangerous in the extreme. It is not only our
letters that are liable to be stopped and opened by a
Ministerial mandate, and their contents construed into
treasonable conspiracies, but our newspapers, those neces-
sary and important alarms in time of publick danger, may
be rendered of little consequence for want of circulation.
Whenever it shall be thought proper to restrain the liberty
of the press, or injure an individual, how easily may it be
effected ? A Postmaster General may dismiss a rider and
substitute his hostler in his place, who may tax the news-
papers to a prohibition ; and when the master is remon-
strated to upon the head, he may deny he has any concern
obtain the shadow of a redress. Nearly the whole town of Baltimore,
the first merchants and gentlemen in Philadelphia, assisted Mr. God-
dard in establishing a rider between those two capitals, and have
recommended the plan to all the Colonies. Mr. Goddard has received
the greatest encouragement from every Colony through which he has
passed, and all declare their readiness to come into the measure,
provided it is adopted here. To be satisfied in this point a very
respectable meeting of the principal gentlemen of the town was
called, at which an unanimous resolution was come into to second our
worthy brethren in the Southern Colonies, to the utmost of our power.
Subscriptions will be immediately opened, and every measure taken to
demonstrate that, in so glorious a motion for the recovery of American
liberty, Boston will by no means fall short of the most sanguine
expectations of her honest countrymen.
Mr. Hutchinson's declaration, tiiat his Majesty (he lihould have said
Ministry) highly disapproves of Provincial Committees of Correspon-
dence, with the steps above mentioned, and many others, to be related
in duo season, are sufficient indications of the mind of Administration
respecting a free communication of sentiment throughout these much
injured communities; a junction of the whole is dreaded; and thanks
to Heaven, the measures taken to prevent serve only to hasten it,
beyend conception.
How unworthy of the wisdom and spirit of Americans would it be to
bear any longer with the insolence of a tool who should impudently
tell an assertor of the rights of his country that he could not expect
the favours of Government in carrying his papers, while he was so
free in defaming its measures ? How naturally must such hauteur
exasperate a people who consider the Post Office, in its present condi.
tion as a dangerous ursurpation — as the boasted precedent of all the
innovations with which an abandoned Administration have presumed
to vex the Colonies — as the stated course of intelligence and inform-
ation on which our very existence as a free people depends, and on
which the enemy d. spends, and on which the enemy of our rights can
lay his hand whenever he pleases ? And in consequence, how cheer-
fully will every well-wisher to his country lay hold on the present
opportunity to recover a right of importance conceivable by few,
simply considered by hardly any one in its consequences. One of these
tremendous consequences is, " the creation of new offices, with new
" foes, without consent of our Parliaments," and open violation of
Magna Charta.
Salem, March 29, 1774. — Yesterday evening came to town, Mr.
William Goddard, Printer at Philadelphia and Baltimore. He has
brought letters from the Committee of Correspondence at Boston to
the Committee here, on the subject of establishing Post Offices and
Post Riders on a new plan, independent of the unconstitutional laws
of a British Parliament. We hear that a meeting on the affiiir will
be held some time to-morrow, when there is no doubt that every well-
wisher to his country will cheerfully lay hold of an opportunity to
arrost the cliannel of public and private intelligence out of the hands
of a power openly inimical to its rights and liberties.
New-London, April 4, 1774. — The following are the heads of a Sub.
Bcription which was laid bofore the Committee of Correspondence at
Boston :
Whereas, in our present struggles with the British Administration,
it is of the last importance to have a free and safe communication
throughout the whole extent of iJn^i/sA ^Iwterica, a channel established
by an Act of the British Parliament for tlie express purpose of raising
a revenue here, and under the absolute controul of the British Minis-
tor, being both in principle and operation highly dangerous ; and
whereas, wo are certified from sev.ral of the Southern Colonies that a
Post Office has been erected in Maryland and Pennsylvania, on the
]irinciples of a voluntary subscription, and we have good reason to
believe the salutary Institution will be generally adopted by all the
intermediate Colonies, as well as those on both extremes; and whereas,
the said Institution, if generally adopted, will defeat one Revenue Act,
and obviate all its pernicious consequences, will unite all the friends of
America in one common bond of alliance, and reduce the postage of
letters one-tliird, as well as insure the transmission of interesting
advice to the place of destination : We, the subscriljers, do severally
promise to pay to tlie Postmaster, wlio shall bo lieroaftcr appointed by
a major vote of our body, the several sums annexed to our names, or
to the successor in said office, to be by him, or tliem, employed in fur-
nishing post riders to the several stages, we may agree upon and secur-
ing himself, or deputies, from any losses and damages that may accrue
in the matter, and tell the Printer he must make his
terms with the Post.
As, therefore, the maintenance of this dangerous and un-
constitutional precedent of taxation without our consent —
as the parting with very considerable sums of our money to
support officers of whom it seems to be expected that they
should be inimical to our rights — as the great danger
of the increase of such interest and its connections, added
to the considerations above mentioned, must be alarming
to a people thoroughly convinced of the fatal tendency of
this Parliamentary establishment, it is therefore proposed :
1st. That subscriptions be opened for the establishment
and maintenance of a Post Office, and for the necessary
defence of Post Officers and Riders employed in the same.
2d. That the subscribers in each Colony shall annually
appoint a Committee from among themselves, consisting of
seven persons, whose business it shall be to appoint Post-
masters in all places within their respective Provinces,
where such offices have hitherto been kept, or may here-
after be judged necessary, and to regulate the postage of
letters and packets, with the terms on which newspapers
are to be carried ; which regulations shall be printed and
set up in each respective office.
3d. That the Postmasters shall contract with and take
unto him, or them, by means of their offices ; meaning and under-
standing this present instrument to bo a doposite and security to the
said Postmaster, to bo recoverable by him, in whole or in proportion to
the smns subscribed, and to make up the deficiencies, if any there
appear, to a Committee of our body chosen to inspect accounts, after
the whole amount of the moneys received for postage shall have been
placed to our credit. In testimony, &.c. &c.
Portsmouth, April 15, 1774. — The establishment of a constitutional
conveyance of intelligence, public and private, proposed by Mr. William
Goddard, of Philadelphia, and so warmly seconded by our Southern
brethren, appears, to the friends of freedom in this capital, as neces-
sary and useful, as it is honourable, safe, and practicable. The letters
brought by the above mentioned gentleman from the Southward, wo
find, have been received at Boston, &c., with that cordial satisfaction
which brethren, united by common interest, and conmion danger,
experience in finding each part of such combined interest generously
sharing its full proportion of the common service; and the letter from
the Boston Committee to that of this town, hath met with every pos-
sible mark of respectful attention.
At the last meeting of our Committee with the merchants, traders,
and other inhabitants of this town, a subscription was unanimously
agreed upon, similar to one already opened at Boston ; and we doubt
not, from the glorious beginning, but it will be soon filled up with the
names of the principal inhabitants of all ranks, or their proxies. Mr,
Goddard having been furnished with letters from the respective Com-
mittees of all the Southern Colonies, set out from hence on Wednesday
lost, via Newburyport, Salem, and Marblekead, after expressing the
respectful and grateful sentiments ho entertained of the patriotick
spirit and urbanity of those to whom he had the pleasure of being
introduced in this ; and it is generally thought he will have such
report to make of his doings, and their success, as will gratify every
friend to the rights of America. Previous to Mr. Goddard'a departure
he transmitted his plan, with a number of letters, to the friends of
liberty at Casco Bay.
We hear that the spirited inhabitants of Newburyport have warmly
patronised the plan for establishing a Constitutional Post Office in
America. At their last meeting on the business, they agreed to raise
a fund sufficient to bring the mails from Boston to that place at least.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN PHILADELPIirA TO HIS COR.
RESPONDENT IN WILLIAMSBDRG. APRIL 21, 1774.
The vast noise and bustle which has lately appeared in almost all
the papers relative to the Post Office in America, without doubt, has
alarmed many people on this Continent, who would willingly axiopt
every prudent measure to redress themselves in so important a matter ;
and, indeed, I cannot conceive how the mother country can pretend to
the profits arising from that Department, nor is it obvious to me, that
the money produced therefrom can tend to the emolument of the
Crown, as I have been credibly informed the chief part of it goes to
the support of a set of harpies at home, who have, in a most miprece-
dcntad manner, pretended to claim thereto, and are upheld therein by
every ministerial influence. Doubtless the Post Office, thus establish-
ed, is an infringoinent upon the liberties of America, and no man can
wish more fervently than myself for a total abolition of it upon so
unjustifiable a footing. But when I reflect upon the consequences that
will natually ensue in bringing this about, from a pretty thorough
knowledge of the principles and character of the gentleman who seems
most to interest himself in the afiair, I cannot say I have very flatter-
ing ideas of its success. I believe, sir, you aro entirely unacquainted
with Mr. Goddard, who has been lately so much complimented, indeed
you need no intimacy with him ; hard is the lot of that man who has
not one well-wisher. Mr. Goddard may have received his encomiums
from two or three intimates, but, confident I am, he is not regarded
even by tliose who once caressed and supported him. A private post
is set up from this city to Baltimore, but tho merchants here would
not suffer Mr. Goddard to have the direction of it, notwithstanding
his early application and profusion of patriotism; they have more
prudently preferred Mr. Bradford.
Boston, Ajiril 21, 1774. — ^Yesterday arrived in this town from tho
Eastward, Mr. William Goddard, by whom letters are received from
tho Committees of Correspondence of Portsmouth, Newbury, New.
buryport, Sttlem, &.C., exjjressive of the hearty concurrence of the
gentlemen of those towns with the proposal of erecting a Post Office,
upon constitutional principles, throughout the Continent. Subscrip.
503
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
504
bonds, with sufficient securities, of suitable persons to per-
form the same duty as hath heretofore been performed by
Post Riders, subject to the regulation and controui of the
Committee.
4th That tiie several mails shall be under lock and key,
and liable to the inspection of no person but the respective
Postmasters to whom directed, who shall be under oath
for the faithful discharge of the trust reposed in them.
5th. That a Postmaster General shall be annually
chosen by the written votes of all tiie Provincial Commit-
tees, enclosed and sent to the Chairman of the New-York
Committee, who, on receiving all the votes, and giving one
month's publick notice in all the iVejo-Yorfc papers, of the
time and place appointed for that purpose, shall open
them in Committee, in presence of all such subscribers as
shall choose to attend, and declare the choice, which choice
shall be immediately communicated to all the other Pro-
vincial Committees by a certificate under the hand of the
said Chairman.
6th. That the Postmaster General shall be empowered
to demand and receive the accounts from the several Posi-
tions are set on foot in each of them, and they have already sue-
ceeded beyond tlie most sanguine expectation in all.
The remoyal of Dr. Franklin from the Post Office had added fresh
spirit to the promoters of this salutary plan, as several viewed an oppo-
sition to his interest, at a time when he had signally served the cause
of America, as a very disagreeable object ; but all reluctance from that
quarter must no»v vanish, and all the friends of liberty rejoice that they
have now an opportunity of taking up a gentleman, discarded by an
unrighteous Ministry for the faithful discharge of his duty, and placing
him above a depandenee on their eapriee, in the grateful arms of his
applauding countrymen.
Boston, May 5, 1774 ^We have the pleasure of assuring the public
that the subscription for establishing a new American Post Office, was
opened late on Saturday last, April 30tk, and hath been patronised by
the first gentlemen of eharaeter and fortune in town. The second gen-
tleman to whom it was presented generously engaged fifty pounds, law-
ful money, and many others have done as Ivandsomely in proportion to
their circumatinees. With this indubitable evidence of the disposition
of Boatonians, added to the noble conduct of the patriotick inhabitants
of Portsmouth, Ntuoburyport, Salem, &c., Mr. Goddard will set out
on his return lioraeward this week, rejoicing in the great success wliich
has attended his endeavours to rescue the channel of publick and pri-
vate intelligence from the horrid fangs of ministerial despotism.
New-Yoek, May 19, 1774 A report having been industriously
propagated, that several of the principal merchants in Philadelphia
had withdrawn their subscriptions from the Constitutional Post Office,
you are desired to inform tlie publick, that the said report is entirely
false, as appears by letter from thence on that subject.
It may not be improper, at this time, to mention, that the account
which was invidiously inserted in some of the papers, that the Consti-
tutional Post Rider between Philadelphia and Baltimore had absconded
with a large sum of money entrusted to his care, was a misrepresonta.
tion. The person who absconded with the money was not tlie under-
taker of that business, whose name is Stinson, a man of property and
character, well known and respected in Philadelphia, but a villain he
had the misfortune to hire, whose name is Bryan. And should he
escape with his booty, there is no doubt but the friends of the institu-
tion will open a subscription for the indemnification of the master, who
is known to be a man of integrity.
Accidents similar to tlie above have often happened to the Govern-
ment Post Office, particularly one lately in Enffland. But that office
refuses to be accountable for money delivered to the riders.
New-York, June 2, 1774. — On Saturday last, Mr. William God.
dard arrived here from Boston, with important despatclies for all the
Southern Colonies, for which he set out on Monday morning. The
plan for establishing a Constitutional American Post Office, having met
with the greatest success in all tlie great commercial towns in the
Northern Colonies, it is not doubted, from the encouragement already
given to the Southward, but the important design will, in a few weeks,
be carried into complete execution.
London, Jutu 16, 1774. — In the Boston papers of 2d May, is inserted
A Plan for the establishment of the new American Post Office, in oppo-
sition to that established by Government. It is, however, supposed,
that as soon as General Gage arrives he will stop the career of the new
Post Riders, and their employers; for, by the ninth of Queen Anne,
chapter 10th, section 17th, it is decreed, " that no person or persons,
" body politick or corporate whatsoever, in Great Britain, Ireland, the
" West Indies, or America, other than the Postmaster General, ap-
" pointed by his Majesty, shall presume to take up, order, despatch,
" convey, carry, re-carry, or deliver, any letter or letters, or set up or
** employ any foot post, horse post, or packet-boat, on pain of forfeiting
" five pounds British money for every several oifence ; and also tlio
" sum of one hundred pounds of like British money, for every week
" during the continuance of the oft'ence." Ship-masters are also made
liable to a penalty of five pounds British money, if they do not deliver
their letters at the General Post Office.
EXTRACT OF i LETTER FROM PHILADELPHIA TO WILLIAMSBURG, DATED
JULY 6, 1774.
I confess that no man wishes more for the establishment of a Con-
stitutional Post Office in America, than myself; yet, as I anticipated
in a former letter, Mr. Goddard's scheme seems to bear but an indiffer-
ent prospect of success. He returned hero a few weeks ago. At Bos.
ton, and otlier parts of iVeie England, he told them the Pliiladelphians
had unanimously resolved to eslablish a Constitutional Post ; and, for
a confirmation of his assertion, a merchant at Boston wrote to a gen-
tleman in tliis city, I am not acquainted with the contents of the
masters throughout the Colonies connected with this Post
Office, and shall adjust and liquidate tlie same, and by his
order, transfer in just proportion, the surplusages of one
office to make good the deficiencies of another, if .tny such
should appear; and in case of a deficiency upon the whole,
he shall have power to draw for the same on the several
Committees in proportion to the amount of the subscrip-
tions in their departments ; and, at the year's end transmit
to the said Connnittees a fair and just account of the whole
Post Office under his inspection.
7th. That the several Postmasters shall charge » » » per
cent, on all the monies received into their respective offices,
for their services; and also, » • • per cent, for the use of
the Postmaster General, which they shall remit to him
quarterly, witli their accounts.
8th. That whateyer balances may remain in the hands
of the several Postmasters, after all charges are paid, shall,
by the direction of the subscribers in the Province or Prov-
inces where such Postmasters reside, be appropriated to
the enlargement of the present Institution withili tlieir re-
spective Provinces.
answer, though I have great reason to conclude them unfavourable to
Mr. Goddard. He attended a meeting of mechanicks here one night,
pretending to have letters of consequence from Boston, New-York,
&c., two or three of whicli were read, and gave some satisfaction ; but
the others, mentioning the regulation of the Post Office, they refused
to read them through, observing America had enough upon her hands
without meddling with the affairs of a Post Office. Mr. Goddard
was much cliagrined and vexed, and shortly atler left the city.
Baltimore, July 16th, 1774. — The present Deputy Postmasters
General of North America, are, it appears, in great distress, least
their unconstitutional Institution, by wliich America hath been so
long fleeced, sliould be annihilated by the publick spirit and con.
sistent firmness of the people, who, since tlio infamous dismission
of the worthy Dr. Franklin, and the hostile attack of the town and
port of Boston, are unalterably determined to support a now Con-
stitutional Post Office, " on the ruins of one that hath for its basis
the slavery of America." To frustrate the endeavours of those who
are now exerting themselves to bring about an event of this kind,
and from a vain hope of reconciling the inhabitants of this place to
their Parliamentary establishment, which levies a tax in the very heart
of the Colonies, and is, in fact, more oppressive and arbitrary than the
tea duty, the high and mighty Deputi s in office, from their own free
will and mere motion, without waiting to bo most humbly petitioned,
are now about employing an additional Post Rider to come hither
weekly from Philadelphia ; a measure, by the way, the town could not
bo indulged in, until these Generals began to tremble for the emolu.
ments of their places. Tiiis instance, therefore, of their grace and
favour, being so much out of season, will not, it is presumed, gain them
much credit with a discerning people, especially as a new Post Offioe
will shortly ha opened in this, and every considerable commercial town
from Virginia to Casco Bay, and riders, of the most unexceptionable
character, be iet going with the Provincial mails, when letters, &,c.,
will be carried with the utmost safety, much cheaper than the Ministe-
rial prices of a Foxcroft or a Finlay. Thus much it is thought neces.
sary to mention at this time. On the return of a particular agent,
who is just setting off for Virginia, the publick will have further intel-
ligence of the state of tlio enterprise in question, which the friends of
freedom and their country wish to see completed by the first of Sep.
tember next, tliat being the time appointed for the meeting of the grand
Congress at Philadelphia ; a body that cannot, with any degree of
consistency or safety, entrust or encourage the tools of those who have
forged our chains, and are striving to rule us with a rod of iron.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED AT WILLIAMSBURG, FROM BALTIMORE
TOWN, IN MARYLAND, DATED JULY 25, 1774.
It is with inexpressible pleasure that I can, at this juncture, from
indubitable authority, assure you, and the respectable people of Vir.
ginia, that a complete plan of establishing a new American Post
Olficc, has been lately e.xecuted throughout the different Governments
in JVeic England. It has been liberally encouraged, and warmly
patronised, by a very considerable number of our priucipal gentlemen ;
and no doubt seems now to remain of its soon being carried into exccu.
tion all over the Continent. Indeed, under the present dreadful situa-
tion of our affairs, the great and general utility of such an establish,
ment must be obvious to every one ; for, if we consider the footing on
which the present American Post Office is, we must hold it to be a
specious, baneful, and unjust taxation ; at least equally dangerous with
any other that wo have opposed. Mr. William Goddard, Printer, here,
who has conducted this business hitherto, intends setting out for Wil.
liamsburg in a few days, that he may be present at the general meeting
of your late House of Representatives, and to lay before your Com.
mittee of Correspondence the several approving and recommendatory
letters he has received from otlier Committees on this subject ; and if
they give their sanction to this scheme, (of which I have little doubt,
when we reflect upon the noble struggles in support of their country's
freedom,) it will be iuimediatoly executed, in a manner, it is presumed,
that will give general satisfaction, and rescue American correspondenco
out of the hands of our wicked and designing enemies.
Williamsburg, August 11, 1774. — Mr. Goddard's proposals and
plan for establishing an American Post Office on constitutional princi-
ples, which appears, by Letters from the Committees of Correspond,
ence, and principal gentlemen of many respectable Provinces and
towns, to have met with tiie most generous patronage and warmest
approbation, were agitated at the late Convention of the Represent,
atives of this Colony, who justly considered the object Mr. Goddard
is pursuing of great importance to America, highly worthy the atten.
tion of the general Congress, and, as such, particularly recommended it
to the gentloraeu appointed Delegates from this Colony.
505
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
506*
EXTRACT or A LETTER RECEIVED IN NEW-TORK, DATED
BOSTON, JULir 3, 1774.
I arrived at this devoted town a few days ago ; every
thing here has a most melancholy appearance, except the
countenances of the worthy inhabitants, wliich are as calm
and serene as if they were in the height of their trade,
though they are really distressed more than you can easily
imagine ; every method has been used for that purpose by
those engines of tyranny, who have done almost every
thing in their power, short of open hostilities, to intimi-
date and frighten them into compliance.
Their conduct upon this occasion is worthy of them-
selves ; their patience, resolution, and finnness, under the
present oppression, and the many insults they daily meet
with from different quarters, is truly astonishing to their
friends, and confounding to their enemies. It is highly
mortifying to the Jacobites, Tories, and some of the mili-
tary, to see the people here, in general, act with so much
prudence, calmness, and at the same time determined reso-
lution, never to submit to tyranny. This conduct entirely
frustrates the wicked scheme of provoking the inhabitants
to become the aggressors. Their unexampled patience
and discretion, has reduced the director of this extraordi-
nary expedition, to such a terrible dilemma, that I believe
lie hardly knows how to act. A non-consumption agree-
ment has circulated through almost every county in this
Province ; and it is very generally signed, in some counties
almost to a man. In this agreement they do in the most
solemn manner engage not to purchase nor use any British
manufactures that shall arrive after a certain time, I think
the last of August next.
Tlie Governour on hearing of the above, issued his
Proclamation (without advice of the Council — a stretch of
prerogative never before exercised in this Province)
cautioning every person from signing the agreement,
(which he calls a Solemn League and Covenant,) and
commanding all Magistrates to prosecute any person who
should attempt to sign it, calling it a traiterous combination,
and the Committee who proposed it a set of traitors. But
the Proclamation had an effect quite contrary to the design
of it — many who did not before now intend to sign it — so
that almost every measure taken by arbitrary power to
subject the people here to slavery, has an effect directly
opposite to the intention of the contrivers. A report pre-
vails in town, that as soon as the soldiers are landed, six or
seven of the leading men are to be taken up, and put on
board of the man-of-war, to be sent home, or executed
here ; and that the Governour intends to erect his standard,
and order the inhabitants to bring in their arms. Whether
the report is true or not, I do not know, but some of the
principal people here firmly believe it; and all the
manoeuvres for some days past, seem to indicate such an
intention. For my part, I think it only intended to in-
timidate ; but, if so, it will certainly be lost labour.
The train of artillery landed yesterday, and encamped
on the Common, with the other two regiments that were
there before. The fifth and thirty-eighth arrived last week,
and are to be landed to-morrow. Admiral Graves in the
Preston, of fifty guns, arrived on Friday; and next Wed-
nesday Admiral Montagu sails for England — perhaps this
is the ship intended to carry home the state-prisoners.
God forbid that any such attempt should be made, as tlie
consequences would certainly be very terrible.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED AT PHILADELPHIA,
DATED CARLISLE, JULY 4, 1774.
Our last accounts fi-om Fort Pitt, are very good in one
sense : the traders are all arrived safe with their goods at
tliat place, being escorted and protected by some Shawa-
nese Indians, who were sent to Colonel Croghan's, as it
was imagined they would not be safe at the Fort ; the
Virginians having a party of militia under arms at that
place. Conolly, their Captain, as soon as he heard of the
Indians being at Croghan's, sent forty of his men to take
them prisoners, notwithstanding their kindness to our
people ; but the traders giving them notice of the design,
they immediately went off"; Conolly' s party followed and
overtook them, fired upon and wounded one of them ; the
other two took the wounded Indian off, and made tlieir
escape, and a day or two afterwards met a party of Indians,
escortmg another of the traders with his effects from the
lakes. The escorting party of the Indians no sooner saw the
wounded man, but they immediately ordered the skins to
be unloaded, and held a Council what was best to be done.
But the traders who had arrived at Fort Pitt, fearing some
bad consequences might happen from the conduct of the
party, which Conolly had sent out, immediately followed
the Indians, and came up with them the day after they
had met with the other party, and advised them to return
to their own country ; at the same time telling them, that
Pennsylmnia had no part in the mischief already done,
and that the Virginians were entirely in fauk.
We hear from Virginia, that a large body of men are
going cut against the Indians by order of Government ;
the rendezvous to be at the mouth of the Great Kanhatca
river, and there to build forts and fortify themselves.
We are informed that young Cresap, who first began
the quarrel with the Indians, and murdered a number" of
them in a cowardly manner, has received a letter of thanks
from Lord Dunmore. From hence it appears that a
scheming party in Virginia are making a tool of their
Governour, to execute the plans formed by them for their
private emolument, who being mostly land-jobbers, would
wish to have those lands which were meant to be given to
the officers in general.
ORANGE TOWN (nEW-YORk) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
Orange Town, and Province of New- York, on Monday,
the 4th day of July, 1774, at the house of Mr. Yoast
Mabic, m said town, the following Resolves were agreed
upon and passed, viz :
1st. That we are and ever wish to be, true and loyal
subjects to his Majesty George the Third, King of Great
Britain,
2d. That we are most cordially disposed to support his
Majesty, and defend his Crown and dignity, in every con-
stitutional measure, as far as lies in our power.
3d. That however well disposed we are towards his
Majesty, we cannot see the late Acts of Pariiament impos-
ing duties upon us, and the Act for shutting up the port
of Boston, without declaring our abhorrence of measures
so unconstitutional and big with destruction.
4th. That we are in duty bound to use every just and
lawful measure, to obtain a repeal of Acts, not only de-
structive to us, but which of course must distress thousands
in the mother country.
5th. That it is our unanimous opinion, that the stop-
ping all exportation and importation to and from Great
Britain and the West Indies, would be the most effectual
method to obtain a speedy repeal.
6th. That it is our most ardent wish to see concord and
harmony restored to England and her Colonies.
7th. That the following gentlemen, to wit : Colonel
Abraham Lent, John Haring, Esquire, Mr. Thomas Out-
water, Mr. Gardiner Jones, and Peter T. Haring,
Esquire, be a Committee for this town, to correspond with
the City of New-York; and to conclude and agree upon
such measures as they shall judge necessary, in order to
obtain a repeal of said Acts.
EXTRACT FROM LONDON, DATED JULY 4, 1774.
Private letters from Boston give us rather an unfavour-
able account of the state of that town, in a mercantile view.
The generality of the faction have little trading intercourse
with England, being mostly composed of men who are
engaged in smuggling companies, or mechanicks; yet there
are some merchants among them,, but these merchants are
mostly indebted in England, are violent party men, and
attribute the non-payment of their debts to the three-penny
duty on tea, and to the exercise of the just rights of the
British Legislature over them ; therefore, the merchants
who either will not, or cannot make remittances, the smug-
glers the mechanicks, and those who are facinated with the
extravagant notion of independency, all join to counteract
the majority of the merchants, and the lovers of peace and
good order. Seditious Committees have been appointed,
who have endeavoured to influence the other Colonies to
507
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
508
shut up their ports, to ruin themselves, and to starve the
West Indies, in order to enable the herd of faction at
Boston to conquer ungrateful England, In this extraord-
inary scheme, the unsuccess of the Boston rebels has been
adequate to the folly of the proposal.
Some of the other Colonies have publickly declared that
they will not enter into any non-iinjxirtation agreement
with the people of Boston, because the faction of that town
had most infamously deceived them in a former agreement
of the same kind. What the Boston faction themselves
have published concerning the Colonies of Rhode Island
and New-Hampshire joining in their frantick scheme, is
partly true. These Colonies have verbally joined the
Bostonians; but, if we can credit private letters from
Boston itself, it is not expected that those Colonies will
observe in practice what they have promised in writing ;
and there are also letters in town from merchants, who
constitute part of the faction (that is to say, the honest and
the misled part, whose eyes are now partly opened,) and
they declare amidst their asseverations of defending wliat
tliey call their rights and privileges, that they will take
proper care not to be cheated by their brother confederates,
as they were in the last non-importation agreement. From
this intelligence we may readily conceive that no consistent,
permanent, or vigorous measures, will be adopted by the
Boston rebels ; for where there exists a suspicion in the
minds of men acting together, of a want of faith among
tliemselves, or, to speak in plainer terms, where one party
of them expects to be cheated by the other, in such an
association, unanimity cannot long subsist, more especially
as their confederacy is fundamentally wrong and unvAai-
rantable ; — a house built upon a sandy foundation, and
divided against itself, cannot stand.
Such are the contents of many letters from Boston by
the two last vessels ; and such advices have had a proper
effect, or at least, it is supposed, will have, on the mer-
chants here, as several vessels that were expected to sail
in a few weeks for the Massachusetts, will either be
obliged to remain here, or to sail in ballast. Private letters
also mention, that some ovv'ners of vessels have laid up
their ships on the supposition that the English merchants
will not ship any goods till the faction has submitted, and
till the blockade is withdrawn. Other letters hint that
some who are called merchants have in contemplation a
removal to the banks of the Ohio and the Mississippi, as
in such remote regions tliey will have little chance of
hearing from their friends in England. In general, the
private accounts bear the complexion of the writers ; some
who wish for the opening of tlie port, are nevertheless,
well pleased that such an effectual measure has been taken
as the most seditious, now begin to feel their own little-
ness ; and have also drawn upon themselves the reproaches
of the more moderate. And as some of the heads of the
faction have no concerns in lawful trade, the majority of
the merchants complain much against them for involving
the town in such distress. It is likewise said, that if the
Act had been conditional, and if, upon their voting the com-
pensation for the tea, its operation would have been
prevented, that the money would have been instantly
granted ; for the real cause of all the rebellious insolence
committed at Boston was, the continued assurances sent to
Boston by their agent, that Britain was too enfeebled,
and Administration too timorous, for to take any spirited
measures to repress them. The fatal effects of listening to
such insidious advices are now clearly seen by every person
possessed of common sense.
The publick accounts, which the faction have published
from their friends, (as they mistakenly call tiiem) in Lon-
don, give us the strongest evidence of the base falsehoods
employed to mislead the ignorant people of Boston.
Among these many pages of falsehoods, we shall only
select one article, which is, "that when the regiments
" were ordered to embark for Boston, many of the ofliccrs
" resigned tlieir commissions, refusing to be the instruments
" of oppression." This may serve as a specimen of the
encouragement which the factious miscreants here infuse
into the Bostonians on purpose to seduce them. Another
piece of admirable advice given them, by some knave here,
is, " that as their port was to be blocked up, it would be
" wise in them not to pay any of their debts to this
" country." Thinking men now will not be surprised that
there have been the most unjustifiable commotions and
insurrections in Boston, as they find that the people whom
the Bostotiians confide in, and entrust with the manage-
ment of their affairs here, have written their correspondents
the loetl established truth of the officers resigning their
commissions ; and also sent them the honest advice not to
pay their just debts !
TO THE INH.4BITANTS OF THE PROVINCE OF SOUTH-CARO-
LINA, ABOUT TO ASSEMBLE ON THE 6th OF JULY.
Charlcstown, July 4, 1774.
Gentlemen: The hour is approaching, the determin-
ation of which will affect posterity to the remotest gener-
ation. An unparalleled stretch of arbitrary power has
lately taken away the chartered privileges of a sister
Colony, and granted to his Majesty the property of thou-
sands against whom nothing had been proved. The same
Ministerial tools who refused to admit the Letters of
Hutchinson and Oliver to be evidence in support of the
Assembly's Petition against them, have condemned a
whole town unheard, on the sole evidence of their private
Letters. The last evening of May, thousands of brave
Americans lay down possessed of lands, wharfs, &tc., con-
firmed by Royal Charters ; the rising sun of the ensuing
day beheld them stripped of all legal right to those pos-
sessions. The loyal sufferers supplicate our aid, to con-
cert some general plan of conduct. An auspicious day
will soon behold the numerous Sons of Liberty assemble
at her call.
Give me leave to present to your view our happy situa-
tion before the year 1765. When money or troops were
wanted, a requisition was made to our Assemblies, whose
compliances in general did them great honour, particularly
in the last war, when they were supposed to have con-
tributed more than their quota.* A mutual confidence
reigned between British subjects on botli sides of the
Atlantick. Taxation being mutually acknowledged to re-
side in the Deputies of each, and legislation in the Par-
liament of Great Britain. Within these few years, such
is the encroaching nature of power, they began, for the
first time, to lay taxes for the raising of a revenue. Hence
the accursed Stamp Act, Declaratory Act, and the imposi-
tion of duties on paper, paints, glass, tea, &;c. The Ame-
ricans, determined to oppose the raising a revenue of them
by Representatives they never chose, agreed to parry the
Tea Act, by stopping the importation of it. The Ministry,
unwilling thus to be baulked, request the aid of the East
India Company. They, knowing the measure to be dan-
gerous, because it was unjust, hesitate ; but, after they
were indemnified from all losses, they undertake to ex-
port large cargoes of tea, loaded with a duty for the
raising a revenue, to be paid in our ports, with our money.
In what light is the EaH India Comj)any to he considered
in this matter ? As mercliants trading here under the
sanction of the law of nations, or as a banditti hired to
attack our privileges ? In what light could the Americans
consider their commodity ? As the sacred property of the
honourable trader ? No ; but as an engine by which the
enemies of America meant to subvert its privileges. Tea,
so circumstanced, brought with such a design, so involved
in the dispute, lost the sacred sanction of common pro-
perty, and may figuratively be said to have changed its
nature, and become an instrument of war. In this view
of the matter, the Bostonians seem to have done no more
than the spirited traveller who breaks the sword or pistol
of a robber presented to the breast. Pardon tiie com par-
son, ye pensioned hirelings of power, though interest blinds
your eyes, the free-born sons of America know, that, not-
withstanding the vast Atlantick vo\h between, a subject born
in tins Continent has a constitutional right to the same
privileges as if he had received his first existence in the
Island of Great Britain; and that, of consequence, no
power on earth has any more right to demand his money,
• In the year 1G90, Neto England alone furnished three thousand
troops, and forty transports, against Canada. They sent six tliousand
men, under Gensrul Hill, for the same purpose, in Queen Annexe wars.
In 1739, they raised four thousand men to serve against Carlhagena.
In 1746, they alone made a conquest of Cape Breton. In 1759, at the
request of Admiral Saunders, sailing against Quebeck, they sent him a
number of their best sailors, who served in the fleet during the remain-
der of the war. They also sent a large body of troops, under the com-
mand of General Lyman, to the Havana. AH this they did willingly.
509
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
510
without his consent, than the assassin who robs on the
highway. They also know, that Great Britain claims a
riglit of obliging the Colonists to buy manufactures of none
but British merchants ; and that, of consequence, a duty
laid on them for raising a revenue, is a* tax to all intents
and purposes.
Figure to yourselves, my countrymen, the abject situa-
tion you are in. It is inconvonient to manufacture for
yourselves ; indeed Great Britain says you shall not, as in
iier prohibition of slitting mills, and the transporting of any
American woollen manufactures whatsoever, or hats, by
land or water, from one Colony to another, she also com-
mands you to buy from her. How complete, then, is your
slavery, if she has a right to lay taxes at pleasure on those
articles of commerce, which she will neither permit you to
make for yourselves, nor buy from any but herself? This
short review of the dispute evinces the justice of our
opposition to the payment of taxes on British manufac-
tures. By tamely submitting to this usurped claim, you
not only reduce yourselves to be tenants at will to the
British House of Commons, but also lay a foundation for
overturning the Constitution of England herself. Her
excellent form of Government is supported on the tripple
pillars of Kings, Lords, and Commons ; either of these
being defective or overgrown, the fabrick will at least totter,
if not tumble. The Americans, in one century, will
exceed the inhabitants of England. If, then, their prop-
erty should be at the disposal of the House of Commons,
they will grow too strong for the other branches of Legis-
lature, and erect a Government of five hundred and fifty-
eight tyrants in the place of the present ' admirably equi-
poised Constitution.
From what has been said, it appears, that the duty on
tea is founded on the same principles with the Stamp Act,
and ought to be opposed with equal firmness. America,
through a long tract of two thousand miles, remonstrated
against the precedent, and resolved that the tea should
sooner be destroyed than landed. Hapless Boston! Not
one whit more guilty than the other towns, thy fate was
predetermined ! Thou wert deliberately ensnared, that
tliou mightest be superlatively punished.f Delenda est
Carthago, was the motto of thine enemies. Thou didst
break the dagger that was pointed at the heart of Ameri-
can liberty, and therefore the property of the innocent, as
well as the guilty, has been ravished from them, and their
lives made to depend on those " whose tender mercies
are cruelty."
Here let me pause, and ask, why is the attack made on
only one Province, when all are equally guilty ? Divide
and destroy, is the only answer which can be given. Why
are they punished so much beyond the demerit of the
offence ? To intimidate every American who would dare
to dispute the omnipotence of Parliament. Why is the
duty on tea so warmly supported, when it scarcely pays
the cost of collecting ?J Not for the trifling sum of three
])ence a pound, but to establish a precedent to tax us at
pleasure. Yes, my countrymen, you may depend on it, a
design is formed against your liberties ; and that, one by
one, you will be victims to Ministerial despotism, unless
you unite in the most vigorous self-denying opposition.
The exhausted treasury of England is unequal to the
• I reject the division of taxes into external and internal. Any
duty laid to raise a revenue is properly a tax. What is commonly
called an external tux, is no more than a regulation of trade ; and
thougli the revenue iniglit be accidentally increased by such regula-
tions, they are very different from duties laid expressly to raise money.
t Many things make this probable. Admiral Montagu, writing
concerning the destruction of the tea, has these words : " During the
" whole of the transaction, nsither the Magistrates, owners, nor rev-
" enue officers, ever called for my assistance ; if they had, I could
" easily have prevented tlie execution of the plan." Why did Hutch,
inson necessitate the destruction of the tea by the refusal of a pass ?
His btters complaining of their Charter ; the clauses in the Bill de-
signed to impoverish Hancock, Rowe, &.O., and many other things,
make it liighly probable that the whole was a premeditated juggle
Ijetwoon Hutchinson and the Ministry.
t The expense of the American Board of Commissioners is between
four and five thousand pounds a year ; and yet, says the Author of
" The Regulations of the Colonies," the whole remittance from all the
taxes in tlie Colonies before this establishment, at an average of thirty
years, did not amount to one tliousand nine hundred pounds a year.
The smallness of this sum proves that these duties were regulations of
trade ; and the coeval existence of the new Revenue Laws, and the
Board of CJommissionors, make it obvious to every man that the trifling
tax on tea is designed only to try our temper, and to prepare the way
for much heavier.
support of the increasing number of placemen and pen-
sioners, and therefore they would fain augment their
resources by plundering the fair possessions which your
industrious forefathers have hewn out of the wilderness of
uncultivated America. Golden showers have rained down
on the abettors of these accursed schemes, and disgrace
fallen on every honest man who opposed them. Witness
the promotion of Bernard, Oliver, and the ex])ectations
of Hutchinson. Pardon me, illustrious FnmMin ! if I
mention thy venerable name in the same unhallowed page
which is stained with those of Hutchinson and Bernard.
Though you disarmed the Heavens of her thunder, and
taught the lightnings to play harmless around our heads,
yet, because you opposed the subjugation of your native
land, therefore you have been disgraced.
Suppose the Bostonians were wrong in destroying the
tea : we should vigorously unite against the present mea-
sure, as that mode of punishment is a fatal precedent. If
a few people, even if the whole town was guilty, will this
justify the taking the Charter from the whole Colony ? If
restitution was to be made, is that a sufficient reason that
the lands, wharfs, and property of thousands, should be
given to the King for ever? If these Acts of Parliament
are suffered to operate, landholders may consign the deeds
by which they hold their property to the tallow chandlers
and pastry cooks. If the security of property is the
object, why is it not tried at common law ? No, my coun-
trymen, nothing less is designed than to beggar three or
four worthy patriots of that town, new-model their Consti-
tution, and establish a precedent for the enslaving this free
country. Do you need arguments to prove that it is a
common cause, and that we should all unite, heart and
hand, in some vigorous measures of opposition ? Surely
no. Methinks I hear almost every one resolve, that
tyranny and injustice should not enter in till the body of
the last freeman lies in the breach. Sorry am I to hear,
that some, insulting the misery of the Bostonians, ludic-
rously compare them to a fox, " who, having lost his tail,
" largely inveighed against the use of tails, and persuaded
" the other foxes to cut off theirs." Ye assassins of Ame-
rica ! (for I cannot forbear,) who, though you have re-
ceived your existence from her indulgence, trample on her
rights ! What name shall I give you ? Ye are not men ;
for, is it manly to hug yourselves in wanton ease, uncon-
cerned at the sufferings of your brethren, bleeding in the
common cause ! Ye are not brutes ! for " the ox knoweth
" his owner, and the ass his master's crib ; but ye neither
" know nor consider." The surly dog will lick the hand
and fawn upon the man who gives him bread ; but you,
more ungrateful, join in the most unnatural opposition to
that country, the bounty of which enables you to bask in
the sunshine of prosperity. 1 trust, my countrymen, you
have too much good sense to be influenced by such unfeel-
ino- wretches, and that neither ease nor interest will deter
you from affording vigorous assistance to your injured
brethren. At your proposed meeting, make the plan of
operation as perfect as possible. Perhaps it is the last
time you will be indulged the liberty of consulting together,
on pain of being fired upon, by malicious men, privileged
to murder. A Ministerial Parliament has made it unlawful
for your neighbours to assemble ; and many reasons make
it highly probable that this is but act one of the begun
tragedy of American liberty. I would, therefore, recom-
mend to you the passing of some resolves on the late
oppressive Acts of Parliament ; the choosing of Deputies
for a general Congress ; the entering into solemn agree-
ment not to import goods ; (a very few articles excepted ;)
the apjiointment of Committees to procure subscriptions
to this agreement, and to enforce the observance of it ;
and also to collect money for ihe suffering poor in Boston
and amongst yourselves. These measures are hard ; but
unless we willingly impose them on ourselves, much harder
are likely to be imposed by our unrighteous task-masters.
1 repeat it again, (for it cannot be too often insisted upon,)
that all evils of this kind fly up, and kick the beam, when
weighed against the consequences of our giving up the
point. What though you should be obliged to wear the
same garb your slaves hitherto have done, or though every
fourth man, thrown out of business, should be supported
by the liberal and wealthy. Better to remain in this
slate, calling the little we have our own, than to commit
511
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
512
treason against the Majesty of Heaven, by lamely acknowl-
edging the claim of Parliament to dispose of your houses,
lands, wharfs, money, and even your lives, at their dis-
cretion.
The inconveniencies of non-importation, however dis-
couraging they may apjjcar to the imagination of the timid,
shrink into nothing when compared with those it will pre-
vent. The planters are greatly in arrears to the mer-
cJiants ; a stoppage of importation would give them all
an opportunity to extricate themselves from debt. The
merchants would have time to settle tlieir accounts, and
be ready with the return of liberty to renew trade. We
can live independent, as our country abounds with all
things necessary for our support. Who that has the spirit
of a man, but would rather forego the elegancies and lux-
uries of life, than entail slavery on his unborn posterity to
the end of time ? If gentlemen of influence lead the way,
the honest industrious patriot will appear more graceful in
sober homespun, than the gayest butterfly dressed in all
his gaudy decorations. Nothing but custom makes the
curl-pated beau a more agreeable sight with his powder
and pomatum, than the tawney savage with his paint and
bear's grease. Too long has luxury reigned amongst us,
enervating our constitutions and shrinking the human race
into pigmies. " Hysterick and hypochondriack diseases,
" were formerly confined to the chambers of the great, are
" now to be found in our kitchens and workshops." Our
gray-headed fathers tell us, that, in the present genera-
tion, there is a sensible diminution of the strength and
stature of their predecessors, " who nobly independent
lived."
Let us, then, be content to eat, and drink, and wear,
what our country can afford, at least till it is determined
whether we are to work for ourselves, or the devourino-
bloodsuckers of another quarter of the globe. Thus cir-
cumstanced, a non-importation agreement will not only
prove a means of restoring our liberty, but also be produc-
tive of many salutary purposes.
The number of people in England has been computed
to be equal to seven millions, and that the cultivation of
the land cannot employ more than every seventh man,
the other six millions being supported by manufacturing.
Writers on trade suppose that America consumes nearly
one half of their wares, and, therefore, virtually supports
almost three millions of the inhabitants of that Island.
By a strict observance of a prudent non-importation agree-
ment, we can reduce this number to a starving condition ;
and if non-exportation should also take place, it would
lessen the revenue two millions sterling a year. Thus,
Hannibal like, we can plant the war in our oppressor's
country. Think with yourselves, my countrymen, how
confidently you may expect redress, when you have the
eloquence of three millions of such miserable subjects
pleading in your behalf! A despotic Ministry has been
deaf to your cries; but how can they be deaf to the cries
of so many of their own subjects pinched w^th poverty and
hunger? Will it suffice that Lord North should exhort
them to patience till he subjugates three millions of free
bom Americans 1 Surely no. Something more than bare
words and empty promises is necessary to satisfy the inex-
orable cravings of a hungry belly. In vain has Chatham
plead, in vain has Camden exhausted the powers of lan-
guage in demonstrating our right of exemption from Par-
liamentary taxation ; but not in vain will these pinched
millions plead. If we can subdue pride and luxury in
ourselves, and widihold our commerce, in six months we
can distress the West Indies and Great Britain, so that
the cry of famine, re-echoed from thousands, rising in
mobs, will oblige the Parliament to adopt other measures.
These are the constitutional weapons with which we can
fight the enemies of our Continent. Courage, then, my
countrymen. Remember the success that crowned your
opposition to the Stamp Act. L^naniniity and perse-
verance, in our good cause, will make us invincible.
Think of your ancestors who fled from tyranny and per-
secution to this uncultivated land, fearing less from savage
beasts and savage men, than slavery, the worst of savages.
By their industry this wilderness has blossomed as a rose.
Will you tamely suffer your possessions, improved by their
labour, and bought with their blood, to be wrested from
you, and given to placemen and pensioners ? Think of
your posterity, and transmit to them the fair inheritance of
liberty, handed down from your glorious progenitors. Kin-
dle with the complicated idea, and, upon this trying occa-
sion, sacrifice every private consideration to the publick
good.
When I review the annals of the world, I am con-
strained to believe that great things await America. When
Liberty was well nigh banished from every quarter of the
globe, she found an asylum in this savage land. Learning,
liberty, and every thing that ennobles the human mind,
have constantly been travelling westward. I never can
believe, that in this sacred land slavery shall be so soon
permitted to erect her throne on the ruins of freedom. It
is contrary to the analogy of things, which gradually have
their rise, progress and declension. Be firm, be of one
mind ; abandon luxury and indolence, encourage industry
and frugality. Choose your Deputies for a general Con-
gress ; solemnly enter into a non-importation agreement,
and religiously adhere to it. Thus persevering, as sure as
God is in Heaven you will obtain a speedy redress of all
your grievances.
EXTRACT or A LETTER FROM GOVERNOUR WENTWORTH TO
THE EARL, OF DARTMOUTH.
New.Hampshire, July 4, 1774.
On the 25th of June, at night, arrived here the Grosve-
nor, mast-ship, from London, with twenty-seven chests of
bohea tea, consigned to a merchant in Portsmouth ; some-
time before the arrival of the ship, it was reported that a
quantity of bohea tea was expected. Hereupon 1 took
effectual precautious to counteract the universal disquiet of
America, from contravening the Acts of Parliament in this
instance, or destroying the property. By my desire the
consignee wrote a letter to the master of the ship, with
directions how to proceed on his arrival. This letter I
gave to Captain Cochran of his Majesty's Castle William
and Mary, who effected my orders in delivering it at sea.
The 26th being Sunday, nothing was done. On the 27th
the master and merchant went early to the Custom House,
and entered the ship and cargo. At noon day the ship's
boats came to the wharf with twenty-seven chests of tea ;
carts were prepared and the tea immediately carried to the
Custom House and there stored before any people could
assemble to obstmct it. The town, not suspecting any
movement until my return from Dover, about ten miles off,
where I purposely staid during this first operation to secure
the event, which I foresaw would be carried quietly, by
withdrawing suspicion, having confided my plan to proper
Magistrates, who I knew would not be disappointed. In
the afternoon a town meeting was convened upon the
occasion. I came into tow"n and passed on horseback
through the concourse, who treated me with their usual
kindness and respect. At the meeting, it was represented
to the people, that the tea being now lodged in the Custom
House, the question was totally changed ; that nothing could
be done, but by the consent of, and agreement with, the
merchant. The meeting proceeded with coolness and tem-
per beyond almost my hope. It was proposed that a
Committee should be chosen and invested with powers to
treat with the merchant. In this Committee of eleven,
were many principal gentlemen, discreet men, who I knew
detested every idea of violating property ; men disposed
to prevent mischiefs. The town also chose a guard of
freeholders, to protect and defend the Custom House and the
tea from any attempt or interruption, which being sincerely
intended, was faithfully executed. On the 28th the con-
signee accepted and agreed to the proposals of the Com-
mittee, to export the tea to any market he chose, upon
condition the town would re-ship and protect it while in
the harbour. This they gladly acceded to, and the town
upon adjournment confirmed the proceedings ; accordingly
the Committee and the consignee, together, were at the
Custom House, where the duty was op-enly and regularly
paid, and the tea again carted through the streets publickly
in the day time, without noise, tumult or insult. About nine
o'clock P. M., three overheated mariners (two of them
strangers) endeavoured to excite a mob, to destroy the tea
and vessel hired to export it. Whereupon I sent for
Colonel Fenton who gathered a few gentlemen, repaired to
the vessel, and with laudable spirit and prudence they
513
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JULY, 1774.
514
l)ersonally guarded both vessel and cargo in safety till the
next morning. On the 29tli, A. M., the Comptroller of
the Customs informed me that these mariners had got
drums, and were assen)bling thoughtless people to destroy
the tea and sloop. At the same time I received a letter.
No. 1, a copy herewith enclosed, from the consignee,
desiring my aid and assistance to take possession of the
sloop and cargo. Hereupon I directed the Sheriff instantly
to summon die Council and every Magistrate and peace
officer to meet me forthwith on the wharf, where the vessel
lay, determining to disperse any riotous attempts, and order
the vessel to the Castle ; while I was going out on this my
duty, a messenger came to tell me that some Magistrates
and two of the Council, Mr. Warner and Mr. Rindge, who
hap])ened to be in the way, hearing the noise, had repaired
to tlie place, and, with many other freeholdei-s, silenced
the drums, and prevailed on the people to disperse, without
any outrage. At this time I received a second letter, No.
2, lierewith, from the consignee, to the same purport as
the first. 1 lost no time in writing an order to Captain
Cochran, immediately to take possession, defend, protect,
and safely deliver the said vessel and cargo to the mer-
chant, or to his orders ; and the Sheriff, John Parker, Esq.,
to take command of the Castle in his absence, as will ap-
pear fully by the enclosure. No. 3. In the evening, about
half past six, observing the wind to be contrary, 1 despatch-
ed a second order to Captain Cochran, still to continue in
the orders of the morning, as by the enclosure, No. 4.
Those orders were directly carried into effect, with a
prudence and firmness that does honour to both the offi-
cers. On the 30th the owner of the sloop, the master, and
the supercargo, to whose care the consignee committed
the tea, came on board, with proper Custom House clear-
ances, and authority from the consignee. Captain Cochran
examined the twenty-seven chests of tea, found them
perfectly safe, and in good order, desired the three last
mentioned persons to examine the same, which they did,
and then received both vessel and cargo into their posses-
sion, and forthwith sailed for Halifax. Mr. Parker, the
Sheriff, and Captain Cochran, returned to their respective
duties, and have made return of their doings on my orders,
as in the enclosures. No. 5 and 6. During these transactions,
viz., on tiie evening of the 27th, and morning of the 28th,
1 told the Collector and Comptroller, also the consignee,
that if they wanted any aid or assistance, or were appre-
hensive of danger, I was ready, whenever they would
apply to me, and would not only issue orders, but would in
person defend them ; that I was confident the magistrates
and freeholders would not desert me : but they would not
apply, declaring they then apprehended no danger.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A VERY RESPECTABLE GEN-
TLEMAN IN LONDON, TO A CORRESPONDENT IN PHILA-
DELPHIA.
London, July 5, 1774.
The present state of political affairs furnishes nothing
less disagreeable than my last informed. The (Quebec Bill,
we apprehend, will produce the most distressing jealousies
among the Protestant inhabitants of that country, and
indeed of all America. With us the staunchest friends to
Hanoverian succession have not scrupled publickly to
pronounce it the most daring stretch of the prerogative of
the Crown, and the most sinful violation of the rigiUs of
a free people, that the annals of Britain, or any other
Nation in the world, register. Enclosed you have the ad-
dress and petition of the Lord Mayor, Alderman and Com-
mons of this city to his Majesty, which is considered one
of the grandest and most spirited addresses ever handed to
a Throne, insomuch that many hundreds of them, elegantly
framed and glazed, have been purchased as household
pictures by the nobility, gentry, &.C., to transmit to future
ages the virtue, sincerity, and honest boldness of so respect-
able a body of men. The coin of prophecies is now
become current here, and we have too much reason to fear,
that some presage, of dreadful import, will, ere long, be
realized. Very much, all, indeed, depends on the hardi-
hood and publick virtue of the Americans. If the brave
Bostoniam maintain theirs, at this trying juncture, all will
be well ; for their conduct will furnish a criterion whereby
to regulate Government here, in a judgment of the suc-
cess of the iniquitous measures they purpose adopting
throughout the Continent. It is strongly imagined that
many presses, I mean printing presses, in the Colonies, are
at present fettered in golden chains, sent over by the
Ministry for that purpose. One or two to the Northward
of you have been publickly mentioned, but as a litde time
must discover the truth or falsity of this suspicion, I shall
forbear entering into particulars. The publick prints from
your city, as well as those from Virginia, are in admired
request with all ranks of people, except the tools of
despotism ; but should the Ministry succeed in the enter-
prises they have already undertaken, with respect to the
Colonies, you will assuredly be robbed of that tiarling pri-
vilege the freedom of the press ; for effecting which, a
scheme, 1 am well informed, is now agitating in the
Cabinet, upon a new plan, lately hatched by a certain
Lord, whose name is always opposite to the sun in its
meridian, and who has publickly declared, that he is deter-
mined strenuously to oppose the meridian of your glory in
the Western world.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM DEPUTY GOVERNOUR PENN
TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Philadelphia, July 5, 1774.
My Lord : In my last, of the 31st of May, I had the
honour to inform your Lordship of my expectation that a
petition would be presented to me for calling the Assembly.
I have since received such a petition, and herewith transmit
you a copy of it, as also of my answer. In consequence
of my refusal to call the Assembly, there was a general
meeting of the people of this city and county, which, I
am informed, was not so full as might have been expected
on such an occasion.
Their proceedings I am only acquainted with by the
newspapers, one of which I send your Lordship, which
contains the transactions of the day. The general temper
of the people, as well here as in other parts of America,
is very warm. They look upon the chastisement of the
people of Boston to be purposely rigorous, and held up
by way of intimidation to all America ; and, in short, that
Boston is suffering in the coiDmon cause. Their delin-
quency in destroying the East India Company's tea, is
lost in the attention given to what is here called, the too
severe punishment of shutting up the port, altering the
Constitution, and making an Act, as they term it, screening
the officers and soldiers shedding American blood. The
plan which seems to be universally adopted is the procur-
ing a general Congress, in order to state the rights, and
represent the grievances of America to the Throne ; and
to agree upon such measures as may be thought most
likely to relieve Boston, and restore harmony between
Great Britain and the Colonies.
The measures generally talked of is the non-import-
ation and non-exportation from and to England. Some
are for making it general, and others for limiting it, but all
for associating against the use of East India goods of
every kind, except saltpetre and spices. In the mean
time, as great numbers of people will be reduced to absolute
indigence for want of their usual employment, collections
are making here, and in all other parts of America, for
their relief.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GOVERNOUK GAGE TO THE
EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Silem, July 5, 1774.
My Lord : Since my letter. No. 3, of the 26th
ultimo, a number of the better sort of people attended a
town meeting at Boston, with design to make a push to
pay for the tea, and annihilate the Committee of Corres-
pondence, but they were out voted by a great majority of
the lower class. The minority drew up a Protest, which
I transmit your Lordship from a newspaper.
The above Committee had sent a circular letter through
the Province, accompanied with a paper called a League
and Covenant, of so pernicious a tendency, that I judged it
])roper, without loss of time, to publish a Proclamation to
prevent the ill effect of it as much as possible. I enclose
your liordship a copy of the Proclamation, together with
printed copies of the letter and covenant, and also part of
the newspaper, containing as much of the proceedings of
Fourth Series.
33
515
CORRESPOIVDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
516
the above mentioned town meeting as the faction chose to
publisli, and a Protest of a number of gcntiemen of the
County of fVorcester, against ail riotous disorders., and
seditious practices.
Your Lordsliip will perceive, that the Proclamation is
not published witli the advice of Council. There was no
time to lose ; I had a right to issue it without their consent,
as I was confident I could not obtain it. I gave notice
afterwards for a Council to assemble, intending to lay tlie
letter and covenant before them ; but, on the day appointed
for the meeting, one who had been sunmioned did not
appear, so tl)at there was not enough to make up a quorum;
some of those who attended gave me to understand that
they should desire a General Council to be called before
they entered upon such business.
I have done all in my power to spirit up every friend to
Government, and the measures taken by Administration
encourage many to speak and act publickly, in a manner
they have not dared to do for a very long time past. Your
Lordship will observe, tliat there is now an open opposition
to the faction, carried on with a warmth and spirit unknown
before, which it is highly proper and necessary to cherish
and support by every means ; and I hope it will not be
very long before it produces very salutaiy effects. Your
Lordship is acquainted with the usurpation and tyranny
established here by edicts of town meetings, enforced by
mobs, by assuming the sole use and power of the ])ress,
and influencing the pulpits ; by nominating and intimidat-
ing of juries, and, in some instances, threatening the judges ;
and this usurpation has, by time, acquired a firmness that,
1 fear, is not to be annihilated at once, or by ordinary
methods. A free and impartial course of justice, whereby
delinquents can be brought to punishment, I apprehend to
be the chief thing wanting; the terrour of mobsis over, and
the press is becoming free.
Although I do not credit many reports and opinions sent
me, yet I do not hold it prudent totally to disregard them;
and, on that account, I have ordered the transports which
brought the fourth regiment here, to proceed to the port of
New-York, and wait their for further orders. 1 intend, if
I see occasion for it, to bring a regiment here from thence ;
and the transports of the forty-third are kept in readiness
to sail for Halifax on the same errand ; these motions, I
hear, give spirit to one side and have thrown a damp on the
other.
1 heard yesterday, that all the transports from Ireland
liad come in, except one of the fifth regiment, with Lord
Percy on board, and she was seen a day or two past, so
that I hope to find her in the harbour to-morrow, on my
getting to Boston, where I propose to pass some days,
finding that my presence there will be necessary.
I have, &;c. Thomas Gage.
Postscript. — Boston, 6th Ju!y. — I have the pleasure
to acquaint your Lordship, that the last transport with
Ijord Percy on board, is arrived ; as, also, the store-ship,
with many officers belonging to the regiments in America.
T. G.
ADDRESS OF THE JUSTICES OF THE COUNTY OF PLYMOUTH,
MASSACHUSETTS, TO COVERNOUR GAGE, PRESENTED
JULY 6, 1774.
To his Excellency the Honourable ThomasGage, Captain-
General and Commander-in-chief in and over the Pro-
vince of Massachusetts Bay, in Nciv England ; Vice
Admiral of the same, and Lieutenant-General of his
Majesty's Forces in North America :
May it please your Excellency to accept tlie cordial
congratulations of the Justices of the Courts of the Gen-
eral Sessions of the Peace, and Inferiour Court of Com-
mon Pleas, for the County of Plymouth, on yom- appoint-
ment to the high office of First Magistrate of this Province,
nnd upon your safe arrival. And permit us to acknowl-
edge our gratitude to our most gracious Sovereign, that he
has been pleased to place at the head of our affairs a
person in whom are centered all the qualifications neces-
sary for the discharge of that important trust.
We are sensible that the unwearied entieavours of your
immediate predecessor to support the dignity of Govern-
ment, and to maintain peace and good order, were not
attended with the desired success; and we fear that the
various arts and stratagems of some designing person:}
(who persevere in their plan of subverting the Constitu-
tion) will, in some degree, perplex your Excellency's Ad-
ministration. But we console ourselves with the considera-
tion that your Excellency has not only inclination but also
authority to check the clamours of the seditious, and to
secure to us all our constitutional privileges.
Of late we have seen with serious concern the inhabitants
of some of our towns, — influenced by certain persons call-
ing themselves Committees of Correspondence, and we are
soiTy to say, encouraged by some whose business it is to
preach the Gospel of Christ, and to inculcate principles of
loyalty and obedience to the laws.) entering into a league
which seems to us calculated toincrease the displeasure of
our Sovereign, to exasperate our parent country, and to
interrupt and destroy the harmony of society. Against
this league and covenant, and all such illegal combinations,
their aiders and abettors, we do bear our testimony, and
we assure your Excellency that we will endeavour, by
every means in our power, to discountenance such pro-
ceedings ; and we will exert ourselves that justice be duly
administered, the laws kept inviolate, and good order
maintained in this country.
THE GOVERNOUr's ANSWER.
Gentlemen: This very loyal and affectionate Address
claims my best thanks, and my wannest acknowledgments.
I cannot but lament that so many people, by nature well
inclined, should be so far led astray by the stratagems and
artifices of designing persons, as to forget the duty and
obedience they owe their King and country, and become
blind to their interest and happiness; but when men, from
whose mouths we ought to expect the doctrines of sound
religion, peace, virtue, and morality, so shamefully pervert
the duties of their sacred functions, as to employ them-
selves to ensnare the weak, and captivate the unweary to
the commission of actions unworthy of faithful patriots and
honest citizens, it is no wonder that ignorant people should
be prevailed upon to do things which, if not deceived, they
would detest and abhor.
That such an usurpation and almost total subversion of
all legal Government should make confusion in the Pro-
vince is not surprising ; but you will be satisfied, that you
have a gracious Monarch, who sees your distress, and who
holds forth his hand to protect and defend his loyal subjects,
and that I will take every step in my power to secure to
you the peaceable enjoyment of all your constitutional
privileges, and to give that free course to the laws, on
which every state depends for its support, and without
which no Government can subsist.
GOVERNOUR WENTWORTH TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
New-Hampshirs, July 6, 1774.
May it please your Lordship : Upon hearing the
Committee of Correspondence, chosen by the late Assem-
bly of this Province, had issued letters to those members
to meet this day in the Representatives' Chamber, in Ports-
mouth, there to deliberate and act, particularly to choose
Delegates for a general American Congress, and that some
of the said persons were convened, I have considered it
to be my duty to his Majesty to use my endeavours to dis-
perse and separate so illegal and unwarrantable an attempt.
I have, therefcre, convened his Majesty's Council, ordered
the Sheriff to attend me, and requiring their attendance on
me, I went into the room, and immediately read the enclos-
ed Speech to them ; afterwards I directed tlie Sheriff to
make open proclamation, for all persons to disperse and
keep the King's peace, which was done before they had
entered on any business, and I expect will be obeyed. As
this letter must be forwarded by express sixty-six miles to
Boston, and reach there to-night, in hopes to have convey-
ance by Admiral Montagu, what further may occur I
shall take due care to transmit to your I..ordship as soon as
possible. All which is most humbly submitted, dutifully
lioping your Lordship's ftivourable representation of my
best zeal, unremitted diligence and fidelity, in discharge of
my duty, may hippily be honoured with his Majesty's
approbation. I have the honour to be, with tiie most per-
fect respect, &c., J. Wentworth.
517
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, JULY, 1774.
518
LIEUTENANT OOVERNOUR COLDEN TO THE EARL OF
DARTMOUTH.
New-York, July G, 177-1.
In my letter of June 1st, I informed your Lordship that
the people of this city had chosen a Committee of fifiy-
one persons to correspond witii the sister Colonies on tiie
present political aftliirs ; that many of this Conmiittee were
of the most considerable merchants, and men of cool tem-
pers, who would endeavour to avoid all extravagant and
dangerous measures. They have had a continual struggle
with those of a different disposition, and having for several
weeks succeeded in suspending any resolutions, I was in
hopes they would have maintained the only conduct which
can excuse them. But accounts repeatedly coming to
hand from different parts of the Continent, of the appoint-
ment of Deputies to meet in a general Congress, this mea-
sure was so strenuously pushed, that it was carried in the
Committee of fifty-one on Monday last, and five persons
were named for the Deputies from this Province ; the
persons named are, James Duane, and John Jay, two
eminent lawyers, Isaac Low, Philip Livingston, and John
Alsop, merchants. I am told that a violent effort was made
in the Committee to have John 3Iorin Scott, an eminent
lawyer, and Alexander McDougall, named in the place of
Jay and Alsop ; it is said that the ])eople are to be invited
to meet on Thursday, to approve of the Deputies named
by the Committee. These transactions are dangerous, my
Lord, and illegal, but by what means shall Government
prevent them ? An attempt by the power of the Civil
Magistrates would only show their weakness, and it is not
easy to say upon what foundation a military aid should
be called in ; such a measure would involve us in troubles,
which it is thought much more prudent to avoid ; and to
shun all extremes, while it is yet possible things may take
a favourable turn. The purpose of the Congress, it is said,
is to petition for a redress of grievances, and to consider of
a plan for settling the controversy with Great Britain.
But no insti:uctions for the Deputies have yet appeared that
1 know of
The present political zeal and phrenzy is almost entirely
confined to tiie City of New-York, the people in the
counties are no ways disposed to become active, or to bear
any part in what is proposed by the citizens. I am told
all the counties but one have declined an invitation sent to
tliem from New-York, to appoint Committees of Corres-
pondence. This Province is every where, my Lord,
except in the City of New-York, perfectly quiet and in
good order, and in Neio-York a much greater freedom of
speech prevails now than has done heretofore. An oppo-
sition has been declared to the vile practice of exhibiting
effigies, which I hope will prevent it for the future.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN BOSTON.
Aljxandria, Virginia, July 6, 1774.
Tlie following subscription for the benefit and relief of
those (the industrious poor of the town of Boston) who,
by a late cruel Act of Parliament, are deprived of dieir
daily labour and bread, to prevent the inhabitants sinking
under the oppression, or migrating, to keep up that manly
spirit which has made them dear to every American.
though the envy of an arbitrary Parliament, is from the
County of Fairfax, in this Colony, viz : two hundred and
seventy-three pounds sterling, in specie, (equal to lawful)
thirty-eight barrels of flour, and one hundred and fifty
bushels of wheat. This subscription being but a few days
on foot, we have not had an opportunity to present it to
tiie country in general ; a large sum will be given. Mr.
Henly yesterday returned from Dumfries, after consultinf
the Committee of Prince Willinm County, in which a
subscription is going on generously ; this day he sets out
to consult the Committees of Loudoun and Frederick
counties, in .each of which a spirit, becoming generous and
freeborn sons of liberty, are in the like manner testified.
Indeed, all Virginia and Maryland are contributing for the
relief of Bostnn. The subscription is to be laid out in
corn and flour, to be shipped and consigned to the Hon.
James Bowdoin, and John Hancock, Esqrs., Mr. Samuel
Adams, Isaac Smith, Esq., and the gendemen Committee
of Correspondence in Boston, to be distributed in such
manner as they shall think most proper, among the persons
reduced to want and indigence, by means of the cruel and
unjust Act of Parliament. We are in the expectation of our
schooner Nassau every day, and shall load her with a cargo
to be presented, as by the enclosed paper. Our Associa-
tion was put off, as die people from the country could not
attend, being in the midst of harvest, and bad weather, they
would have lost much grain. But be assured Virginia
and Maryland are determined to unite with the Colonics.
Firmness and intrepidity is their character.
NORFOLK BOllOUGH (viRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders, Merchants, Traders,
and other Inhabitants of the County and Borough of iVor-
folk, held at the Court House, on Wednesday, the 6th of
July, 1774.
Thomas Newton, Jun., Moderator.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
the town of Boston is now suffering in the common cause
of America, and that every Colony on the Continent is in
duty bound to unite in the most effectual means to obtain
a repeal of the late Act of Parliament for blocking up the
harbour of Boston, which we deem a most tyrannick
exercise of unlawful power.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the
Acts for altering the Constitution of the Massachusetts
Bay, and for the suppression of riots and tumults, are
most violent and dangerous infractions of the solemn
chartered rights of these Colonies ; utterly destructive of
trials by the vicinage, and a very melancholy proof of
the despotick spirit of the times.
Resolved, That our late Burgesses be hereby instructed
to use their utmost endeavom-s at the ensuing Convention
at Williamsburg, to procure a general Association against
all importations and exportations (medicines excepted) to
and from Great Britain, as the most effectual means to
ensure redress ; and that the said Association against im-
portations may take place in as short a time as possible
after the opening of the said Convention ; also, that the
Association against exportation may take place at so long
a day as may give time for the discharge oi British dehis,
leaving it to the discretion of the Convention to fix the
day.
Resolved, That our late Burgesses be hereby instructed
to procure a like Association against every such town,
county, or Province, on this Continent, as may decline or
refuse to adopt similar measures with the majority of the
Colonies, within one month after the 0])ening of the
intended Congress of Deputies from the several Govern-
ments on the Continent.
llesolved. That our late Burgesses be hereby instructed
to use their utmost endeavours, that the Deputies to be
sent from this Colony to the intended Congress, be partic-
ularly instructed by the Convention, that, if necessary, the
whole sum exacted by the Boston Port Bill, may be par-
celled out into different quotas, to be raised by the publick
spirited, charitable, and humane, in the several Colonies,
according to tiie respective abilities and circumstances
thereof; and that such moneys be paid to the several
Colonies, into such hands as the people of Boston may
direct.
Resolved, That our late Burgesses be hereby instructed
to use their utmost endeavours, that subscripdons be
opened in the several counties of this Colony for the
relief of the starving distressed poor in the blockaded
town of Boston.
Resolved, That our late Burgesses be hereby instructed
to recommend Annapolis to the Convention as the proper
place to be proposed to the other Colonies for the holding
of the Congress ; which we earnestly desire may be as
soon as ))ossible after the first day of August.
Resolved, That our late Burgesses be hereby instructed
to use their endeavours that the Convention may partic-
ularly recommend it to the several counties, that large
Committees of respectable men, fixed and settled inhabit-
ants of their respective counties, be a|)pointed to guard
against, and take every lawful step to prevent, any breach
of such agreements or Association as may be adopted.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
the measures determined on at the approaching Convention
519
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
520
ought to be observed by the whole Colony, as acts of a
most solemn nature ; and that it is the declared intention
of this meeting, faithfully to adopt such Association as may
then be agreed on.
Resolved, That the above Resolutions be printed for
the inspection of all the freeholders of die county.
William Davies, Clerk.
THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH TO DEPUTY GOVERNOUR PENN.
Whitehall, July G, 1774.
Siu: I have received your letters of the 3d and -Slst of
May, and have laid them before the King, and I have the
satisfaction to acquaint you that his Majesty is graciously
pleased to acquiesce in the apology you make for having
omitted to transmit to me an account of the proceedings at
Philadelphia upon the arrival of the tea ship.
By the account contained in your letter of the 31st of
May, of the reception given to the proposal that came
i'rom the town of Boston, there did not appear then to be
any strong inclination to adopt it. What has since passed
in Virginia may perhaps, as in other like instances, become
an example to the neighbouring Colonies, and should this
be the case it will be your duty to exert every power
which the Constitution has placed into your hands to defeat
any attempt to trample upon and insult the authority of
this Kingdom. I am, sir, your most obedient and humble
servant, Dartmouth.
Deputy Governour Penn.
THE earl of DARTMOUTH TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR
GOLDEN.
Whitehall, July 6, 1774.
Sir : I have received your letters No. 1 and 2, and have
laid them before the King.
As there is nothing in these letters which requires any
particular instruction, I have only to express my wishes
that his Majesty's subjects of New- York may not be led
into any further rash and hasty proceedings, that may
expose them to the just resentment of Parliament, and that
persons of credit and character in the Colony will exert
their influence to put a stop to that licentious spirit which
has led to measures so disgraceful to the City of New-
York.
Sir M^lliam Johnson having acquainted me that two
Seneca Indians have been committed to the jail in Tryon
County, as accomplices in the murder of four Frenchmen
in the last year, his Majesty is graciously pleased, upon
report to him of the circumstances of their case, to signify
his pleasure that they be both set at liberty forthwith, and
you will not fail to take the proper steps for that purpose.
It being under consideration to re-establish the Military
Posts, either at Crown Point or Ticonderoga, or at both,
it is the King's pleasure that the lands reserved by Sir
Jeffery Amherst for the convenience and accommodation of
tliese posts, be excepted out of any future sales or grants
of lands whatsoever. I am, sir, your most obedient hum-
ble servant, Dartmouth.
Lieutenant Governour Colden.
the BRITISH AMERICAN, NO. VI.
Williamsburg, Va., July 7, 1774.
Friends, Fellow-citizens, and Countrymen:
It is the general opinion, that the great defect in the
present Constitution of Britain is the enormous power of
the Crown. However singular I may be thought in so
doing, I consider this as a vulgar errour ; for the first stab
given to the Constitution was the Crown's losing its inde-
pendence on the other two brandies of the Legislature.
Queen Elizabeth transmitted the English Constitution, in
its highest purity, to her successor, James the First ; but
he, equally a stranger to its true principles, his own inter-
est, and the arts of Government, in his first Speeches to
his Parliament, arrogated to himself powers he was not
entitled to, and soon after indiscreetly lavished away those
which would have rendered the others he claimed unne-
cessary ; for, by alienating a great pan of the ancient
revenues of the Crown in ill-placed, unnecessary, and ex-
travagant grants to its favourites, tools and parasites, he
made himself dependent, in some measure, for the very
support of his household, upon the other two branches of
the Legislature, at the very time he alarmed them to unite
against him, by arbitrary and impotent threats of govern-
ing absolutely ; and then, to increase that weight his own
folly had lessened, and to replenish his coflers, he had
recourse to the last expedient of weakened majesty, that
of creating a number of Peers, which, though it put off the
evil day, increased the disorder of die state. His suc-
cessor, Charles the First, nurtured in tiie principles of his
father, pursued the same plan of lessening his hereditary
revenues, and of provoking those upon whom he was de-
pendent, till they would no longer support him ; and then,
by endeavouring to carry into execution those measures
his father had threatened only, he fell a sacrifice to the
errours of education. Monarchy, and nobility its attend-
ant, being thus extinguished, when it was restored in the
person of Charles the Second, was it surprising that the
Nation, still bleeding at the wounds it had received from
the usurpations of the Crown, contented itself with restor-
ing it to those prerogatives only it possessed at its fall,
without adding the independent hereditary revenue, which
its two preceding Kings had indiscreetly alienated ?
Untaught by his own misfortunes, and the fate of his
father, Charles the Second adopted the plan of Govern-
ment pursued by his House ; only, as he was sagacious
enough to see he could not force, he endeavoured to cor-
rupt the Nation to submit to despotick sway ; and in so
doing dissipated so great a part of what few ancient
demesnes of the Crown his ancestors had left, that his
brother James was reduced to the necessity of giving up
the hereditary despotick notions of his family, or of recur-
ring to force. He chose the latter, and by that means was
obliged to abandon his Crown, but left the Constitution
with a stab in its vitals, which has been festering ever
since ; for, at the accession of his glorious successor,
though the Nation recurred to many of its first principles,
it had suffered too much from its four preceding Kings to
think of restoring the ancient independence of the Crown.
Succeeding Monarchs, therefore, in order to preserve any
kind of weight in the state, were reduced to the necessity
of corrupting the people, by creating lucrative offices,
granting pensions, and increasing the number of Peers ;
this, though it increased the power of the Minister, really
weakened that of his master.
The great increase of manufactures, arising from the
settlement of America, by drawing the inhabitants to the
sea ports and other towns more conveniently situated for
carrying them on, in a great measure depopulated the
ancient boroughs of the Kingdom, so that the entire pro-
perty of many of them were purchased up by the nobility,
who, by that means, acquired a right of naming their
Representatives in Parliament ; the electors of others
were so reduced in their numbers and circumstances, diat
it became easy for the wealthy, with a majority of their
voices, to purchase seats in the House of Commons, and,
by treating with the Prime Minister for some of the newly
created lucrative offices, they were generally reimbursed
the purchase money.
Thus the spirit of traffick extended itself to all ranks of
people, and, as it too often happens in commercial nations,
all those things which ought to have been the reward of
merit were given only for money, and the people univer-
sally corrupted by the dint of it, grew indifferent to pub-
lick concerns ; the electors and elected, passionately fond
of lucre, grew careless of the Government, and every thing
belonging to it, and waited quietly for their salaries. As
soon as it became obvious that wealth would purchase a
majority of the seats of the Representatives of the people,
Sir Robert Walpole endeavoured to apply tlie national
wealth to that purpose, and succeeded to admiration in it
for a long time, but, too open in the practice of corruption,
he overshot his mark, and pointed out to tiie wealthy, that,
by uniting togetiier, they could wrest the power, even of
appointing his own Minister, and other servants, out of the
hands of their Sovereign, and by that means arrogate to
themselves not only the persons who shall fill all lucrative
offices, but of directing the whole concerns of the Nation.
The nobles who possessed boroughs, and the wealthy
Commons who could purchase them, united cordially in
this scheme, and, inviting some of their ablest dependants
to join them, soon carried all before them, destroyed that
521
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
522
beautiful system of legislation I described in my last, and
set up an absolute aristocracy in its place.*
Had Mr. Pitt directed the reigns of Government a few
years after the conclusion of the war, if his talents in the
arts of peace had been equal to his abilities in carrying on
a wai-, or (if I may be allowed the metaphor) could he
have been as wise in taking every advantage of wind and
tide, as he was skilful in avoiding rocks and quicksands in
a storm, (and the noble stop he put to corruption during
his administration give us strong reason to think he would,)
Providence, at that period, pointed out to a wise and
upright Minister the means of placing the natural, the
necessary independence of the Kings of England, upon a
permanent foundation. But the Minister who succeeded
that great man was too intent upon enriching his country-
men to serve his Prince, and, more like a pedlar than a
statesman, sold an inheritance of his master (which would
liave restored him to a King of England's ancient weight
in the national councils) for a mess of pottage ; and the
present Minister is at this instant either unthinkingly or
diabolically pursuing the same infernal plan. Was our
Sovereign, even now, to place a little more confidence in
his American subjects, there are many amongst them
whose knowledge of their country would enable, and
whose affectionate loyalty to him would impel, them to
point out constitutional modes of placing him in a very dif-
ferent situation from what a corrupt, selfish British aris-
tocracy wish to see ; for, however humiliating the reflec-
tion may be to a Briton, it is the virtue of America only
that can preserve Great Britain from becoming the prey
of the most despotick aristocracy that ever yet was erected,
which will be the more firmly established, because, by
retaining the ancient forms of the Constitution, it will not
easily alarm the Nation to rouse, and to recur to its first
principles, whilst the aristocracy posted in both Houses of
Parliament, possessed of a large majority in the House of
Commons, of a superiour influence in the House of Lords,
and of an absolute command over all the powers of mon-
archy, with swarms of placemen and pensioned authors to
trumpet forth their praises without doors, bears down all
before it with such irresistible impetuosity, that I should
not be surprised if, after the next general election,! it
should pursue its late victory over the County of Middle-
sex, nominate the Representatives of every shire in Bri-
tain, and utterly exclude from the House of Commons
every member that should dare to arraign its conduct, if it
sliould rapaciously seize the remaining wealth of the East
India, and every other trading Company, and oblige every
merchant and shop-keeper in Britain to account with its
officers for whatever share of the profits of their trade it
should think proper to demand. In short, nothing can put
a stop to its carrying into execution every act of despo-
tism it shall attempt, but the check it is likely to receive
from the opposition of America.
It is not, therefore, the interest of the people of Great
Britain that America should surrender up her liberties,
and submit to the jurisdiction of this arbitrary, self-created
aristocracy, though assuming the specious name of a Bri-
tish Parliament. But before I enter upon the measures
necessary to be taken to ward off the blow aimed at Ame-
rican hberty, I shall consider the connections between
Great Britain and her Colonies, in order to consider how
far those Colonies may legally and constitutionally oppose
the acts of a British Parliament.
As the laws of every country are made for the benefit of
its inhabitants, and the privileges,'the advantages and pro-
tection they expect to receive from those laws, are the con-
siderations which induce a submission to them, any one, or
any number of those inhabitants, may, by a voluntary
banishment, and by renouncing the protection, with all
* If any one doubts that the Britinh Constitution is now purely
aristocratical. lot him attentively read the history of England, and the
debates of Parliament, from the decision Of the Chippenham election
to the present time, and carefully compare facts with the characteristick
attendants of a corrupt aristocracy, which, by being destitute of its
principles of moderation, is become despotick, and he will no longer
withhold his assent to the above position.
+ For the distemper of the state is too far advanced to hope for any
relief from a new election. The Representatives, indeed, may bo
changed by a nabob's outbidding an Alderman; but the only real dif-
ference will be, the nabob becomes one of the aristocracy, and the
Alderman is excluded, or, in other words, the master may bo changed,
but the slavery will remain.
other advantages of the laws, withdraw themselves from
the subjection of the country in which they were accident-
ally born, if they find it for their interest so to do. And
even admitting that, like vegetables, they cannot remove
from the spot that produced them without tiie consent of
the state, no man will deny that any subject of England
formerly might, and that any subject of Great Britain
may now, with the leave of their Sovereign, quit that
Kingdom, and settle in any foreign Dominion ; that our
ancestors, therefore, when they, with the leave of Queen
Elizabeth, and of King James the First, left England and
discovered America, if they had been so disposed, might
have incorporated themselves with the native inhabitants,
laid aside all thoughts of reluming, and dropped all corres-
pondence with England, is undeniable ; and if they had
done so, in all human probability, neither their former
Sovereign, or his Parliament, would have ever given them-
selves the trouble of inquiring what was become of them.*
And as they had a right to incorporate themselves with the
natives, so, with respect to England, they had an equal
right, at their own private risk and expense, to acquire, by
purchase or conquest, from nations not in alliance with
England, a settlement for themselves and their posterity,
totally independent of England ; for as they were no
longer under her protection, they no longer were under
subjection, and, therefore, might have provided for their
own safety by any laws they thought proper. But, instead
of doing this, a natural fondness for their native country, a
predilection for her laws, an admiration of the most beau-
tiful system of Government in the world, and the hopes
of protection, induced them to wish to remain connected
with England. But how ? As partakers of her Constitu-
tion, by acknowledging allegiance to her King ; as friends
to their brethren, by reciprocal acts of kindness ; but not
as slaves to their fellow-subjects, by a humiliating, servile
subjection to a British Parliament, in which, from their
situation, they neither were, or could be represented.
With these views they generously offered to let England
partake of the advantages of these conquests, in considera-
tion of securing to themselves the rights of Englishmen
in their new settlements, (not made at the expense of the
Nation, as hath been falsely suggested, but) discovered at
the risk, and acquired by the blood and treasure of private
adventurers, who, having left their native country with the
consent of their Sovereign, now returned to him, not as
repenting prodigals begging to be received and forgiven,
but as generous conquerors, offering to make him Sovereign
of a new world upon reasonable and equitable conditions.
Is it to be wondered at, that, thus circumstanced, he
acceded to their terms ? Or, had the British Parliament
any right to complain of the Charters granted to them, by
which the Colonies have always enjoyed a supreme Legis-
lature of their own, and have always claimed an exemption
from the jurisdiction of a British Parliament. But even
suppose that the territories of America (though conquered
by private adventurers) became subject to Great Britain,
because those adventurers were English subjects, still it
by no means follows that those territories were dependent
upon the British Parliament ; and as this is proved to a
demonstration by a late ingenious author, I shall not injure
him so far as to repeat his arguments, but conclude this
Letter with requesting the printer to republish the following
Extract of his work, f
CULPEPPER COUNTY, (vIKGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the County of Culpepper, in Virginia, assembled on due
notice, at the Court House of the said County, on Thursday,
the 7th of July, 1774, to consider of the most effectual
method to preserve the rights and liberties of America :
Henry Pendleton, Esq., Moderator.
Besolved, That we will, whenever we are called upon
for that purpose, maintain and defend his Majesty's right
and title to the Crown of Great Britain, and all other
» For it is observable that each Colony was suffered to struggle with
every diiEculty in their new settlements, unprotected, unassisted, and
even unnoticed by the Crown itself, from twenty to fifty years, and
even then the Royal care was no further extended towards them than
to send over Governours to pillage, insult and oppress tliem.
[ t See Letter to Lord North, Folio 337-340. ]
523
CORRESPOiNDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
524
Ills Dominions thereunto belonging, to wiiose royal person
and Government we profess all due obedience and fidelity.
Resolved, That the right to impose taxes or duties, to
be paid by the iniiabitants of this Colony for any purpose
whatsoever, is peculiar and essential to the General Assem-
bly, in whom the Legislative authority is vested.
Resolved, That every attempt to impose taxes or duties
by any other authority is an arbitrary exertion of power,
and an mfringement of the constitutional and just rights and
liberties of the Colony, and that we will at all times, at
the risk of our lives and fortunes, oppose any Act imposing
such taxes or duties, unless we are legally represented ;
and that tlie Act of the British Parliament imposing a
duty on tea to be paid by the inhabitants of the Colonies
upon importation, is evidently designed to fix on the
Americans those chains forged for them by a corrupt
Ministry.
Resolved, That the late cruel and unjust Acts of Par-
liament, to be executed by force uj)on our sister Colony of
the Massachusetts Bay and town of Boston, is a convinc-
ing proof of the unjust and corrupt infiuence obtained by
the British Ministry in Parliament, and a fixed determi-
nation to deprive tlie Colonies of their constitutional and
just rights and liberties.
Resolved, That the town of Boston is now suffering in
tlie common cause of the American Colonies.
Resolved, That an Association between all the Ameri-
can Colonies not to import from Great Britain, or buy any
goods or commodities whatsoever, except negroes, cloaths,
salt, saltpetre, powder, lead, nails, and paper, ought to be
entered into, and by no means dissolved, until the rights
and liberties of the Colonies are restored to them, and
the tyrannical Acts of Parliament against Boston are
repealed.
Resolved, That it is our opinion that no friend to the
rights and liberties of America ought to purchase any
goods whatsoever, which shall be unported from Great
Britain, after a General Association shall be agreed on,
except such as are before excepted.
Resolved, That every kind of luxury, dissipation, and
extravagance, ought to be banished from amongst us.
Resolved, That the raising sheep, hemp, flax, and cot-
ton, ought to be encouraged ; likewise all kinds of manu-
factures, by subscriptions, or any other proper means.
Resolved, That the importing slaves and convict servants,
is injurious to this Colony, as it obstructs the population of
it with freemen and useful manufacturers, and that we will
not buy any such sjave or convict servant hereafter to be
imported.
Resolved, That every county in this Colony ought to
appoint Deputies to meet upon the first day of August,
in the City of Williamsburg, then and there to consult
upon the most proper means for carrying these or any
other resolutions which shall be judged more expedient for
obtaining peace and tranquillity in America into execution.
Resolved, That Henry Pendleton, and Henry Field,
Junior, Esquires, be appointed upon the part of the
freeholders and inhabitants of this county, to meet and
consult with such Deputies as shall be appointed by tlie
other counties.
Resolved, That the Clerk transmit these Resolves to
the press, and request the Printer to publish them without
delay. By order of the Meeting,
John Jameson, Clerk.
By his Excellency the Right Honourable John Earl
o/DuNMORE, his Majesty's Lieutenant and Governour-
General of the Colony and Dominion of Virginia,
and Vice Admiral of the same :
A Proclamation. — Virginia, to wit :
Whereas the General Assembly is summoned to meet
on Thursday, the 11th of next month, but I find no urgent
occasion for their meeting at that time, I have therefore
thought fit, by this Proclamation, in his Majesty's name,
farther to prorogue the said Assembly to the first Thursday
in November next.
Given under my hand, and the seal of the Colony, at
Williamsburg, this 8lh day of July, in the fourteenth
year of his Majesty's reign. Dunmore.
God save the King,
extract or A letter received in boston, from gov-
ERNOUR HUTCHINSON, DATED LONDON, JULY 8, 1774.
Let the tea be paid for, by, or in behalf of the town, as
soon as may be ; and 1 hope you will do as much to promote
this as possible. I find myself every where to have more
weight than I could expect, and the prospect of your
speedy relief to be fairer every day : if finally obtained, i
shall think it one of the most happy circumstances of n)y
life.
HUNTERDON COUNTY (nEW JERSEv) RESOLUTIONS.
The Freeholders and Inhabitants of Hunterdon Coun-
ty, in the Province of New-Jersey, convened by advertise-
ment, at the house of Johri Ringo, in Amwell, in said
Counly, on Friday, the 8th July, 1774, Samuel Tucker,
Esq., in the Chair, came into the following Resolutions,
without a dissenting voice, viz :
1. We do most expressly . declare, recognise and ac-
knowledge his Majesty King George tlie Third, to be the
lawful and rightful King of Great Britain, and of all
other his Dominions, and that it is the indispensable duty
of this Colony, under the enjoyment of our constitutional
privileges and immunities, as being a part of his Majesty's
Dominions, always to bear faithful and true allegiance to
his Majesty, and hhn to defend to the utmost of our power,
against all attempts upon his person, crown, and dignity.
2. That it is the undoubted hereditary right of an
English subject to give and grant what is absolutely his
own, either by himself or his Representative ; and that the
only lawful Representatives of the freemen of this Colony
are the persons they elect to serve as members of tlie
General Assembly thereof.
3. That any Act of Parliament for the apprehending
and carrying persons into another Colony, or to Great
Britain, to be tried for any crime, alleged to be committed
within this Colony, or subjecting them to be tried by
Commissioners, or any Court constituted by Act of Parlia-
ment or otherwise, within this Colony, in a summary way,
without a jury of the vicinage, is unconstitutional, and
subversive of the rights and liberties of the free subjects of
this Colony.
4. That it is our indispensable duty, which w'e owe to
our King, our country, ourselves, and our posterity, by all
lawful ways and means in our power, to maintain, defend
and preserve our loyalty, rights and liberties, and to
transmit them inviolate to the latest generations ; and that
it is our fixed, determined and unalterable resolution
faithfully to discharge this our bounden duty.
5. That it is our unanimous opinion, that it would con-
duce to the restoration of the liberties of America should
the Colonies enter into a joint agreement not to purchase
or use any articles of British manufacture, nor any com-
modities imported from the East Indies, under such restric-
tions as may be agreed on by a general Congress of
Delegates from all the Colonies, hereafter to be appoint-
ed.
6. That as the town of Boston is now suffering in the
common cause of American freedom, it is the opinion of
this meeting, that subscriptions be hereafter opened in
every town in this county, and the money subscribed to
be applied towards the relief of the suffering poor in said
town of Boston, until they may be relieved, by being
restored to their just rights and privileges.
7. That this county will appoint a Committee to meet
the Committees of the several counties of this Colony, at
such time and place as may be agreed on, in order to elect
and appoint Delegates to represent this Colony at the
general Congress, whose resolutions and determinations we
will most strictly adhere to, and abide by. And we do
hereby unanimously request the following gentlemen to
accept of that trust, and do accordingly appoint them our
Committee for the purpose aforesaid, viz: JSamuel Tucker,
John Mehelm, J<din Hart, Isaac Smith, Charles Coxe,
Joachim Griggs, Benjamin Brearly, Abraham Hunt, and
John Emley.
As we apprehend Neto- Brunswick is not so convenient
to the members of the lower counties, and that all the
counties will hardly have sufficient time to appoint their
Committees, by the 21st of July, with submission, we
would propose Princeton, as most cential, to be the place,
525
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
526
aiid Thursday, the 1 1th of August, the time of meeting of
the several Committees. Thomas Shelton,
Committee Cleric.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED IN NEW-YORK.
Charleetown, S. C, July 8, 1774.
On the 6th instant, according to proper notices dispersed
all over the Province, began at Charlcsiown our general
meeting of Delegates from all the counties, for agreeing
upon general Resolutions, and for the appointment of Dep-
uties to represent and act for us at the general Congress.
This meeting was perhaps one of the most respectable
ever held in America, and continued with very little inter-
mission till this afternoon, when the business was conclud-
ed with the enclosed Resolutions. Do not be surprised at
not seeing any non-importation or exportation resolves.
We had such, but gave them up, to succeed in the allow-
ing full powers to our Deputies, which was gaining a grand
point. They were chosen by ballot, which kept us up
till after midnight. At this election, the Merchants
appeared with us for the first time ; but miscarried in their
choice. The voters names were all taken down. They
have, by voting in the appointment of Deputies so fully
empowered, acceded to non-importation or exportation, if
the Congress should adopt those measures. The people,
nevertheless, were so uneasy for agreements to be entered
into, that it was at last declared, on the part of the Trade,
that they would (of their own motion) countermand their
orders, and would not import while the present troubles
continue.
Captain Hunt has behaved so exceeding clever upon
the present occasion, by staying three days for the result
of our meeting, and for our letters, that he this day received
publick thanks in our full meeting. His stay has given me
this opportunity of subscribing myself, Stc, he.
SOUTH CAROLINA RESOLUTIONS.
Resolutions unanimously entered into by the Inhabitants
of South Carolina, at a General Meeting held at' Charles-
iovm, in said Colony, on Wednesday, Thursday, and
Friday, the 6th, 7th, and 8th days of July, 1774:
Resolved, That his Majesty's subjects in North Ameri-
ca owe the same allegiance to the Crown of Great Britain
tliat is due from his subjects born in Great Britain.
Resolved, That his Majesty's subjects in America are
entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural
born subjects within the Kingdom of Great Britain.
Resolved, That it is repugnant to the rights of the
people, that any taxes should be imposed on them, unless
with their own consent, given personally or by their Rep-
resentatives.
Resol ed. That it is a fundamental right which his
31ajesty's liege subjects are entitled to, that no man
should suffer in his person or property without a fair trial,
and judgment given by his peers, or by the laws of the
land.
Resolved, That all trials of treason, misprision of treason,
or for any felony or crime whatever, committed and done
in this his Majesty's Colony, by any person or persons re-
siding therein, ought of right to be had and conducted in
his Majesty's Courts held within the said Colony, accord-
ing to the fixed and known course of proceeding ; and that
the seizing any person or persons residing in this Colony,
suspected of any crime whatever, committed therein, and
sending such person or persons to places beyond the sea to
be tried, is oppressive and illegal, and highly derogatory to
the rights of British subjects ; as thereby the inestimable
privilege of being tried by a jury from the vicinage, as
well as tiie benefit of summoning and procuring witnesses
on such trial, will be taken away from the party accused.
Resolved, That the statute made in the thirty-fifth year
of Henry the Eighth, chapter two, entitled, " An Act for
" the trial of treasons committed out of the King's Domin-
" ions," does not extend, and cannot, but by an arbitrary
and cruel construction, be construed to extend to treasons,
misprisions of treasons, or concealment of treasons com-
mitted in any of his Majesty's American Colonies, where
there is sufficient provisions by the law of the land for the
impartial trial of all such persons as are charged with, and
for the due punishment of those offences.
Resolved, That the late Act for shutting up the port of
Boston, and the two Bills relative to Boston, which by the
last accounts from Great Britain, had been brought into
Parliament, there read and committed, are of the most
alarming nature to all his Majesty's subjects in America —
are calculated to deprive many thousands Americans of
their rights, properties, and privileges, in a most cruel, op-
pressive, and unconstitutional manner — are most dangerous
precedents ; and though levelled immediately at the people
of Boston, very manifestly and glaringly show if the
inhabitants of that town are intimidated into a mean sub-
mission to said Acts, that the like are designed for all the
Colonies ; when, not even the shadow of liberty to his
person, or security of his property, will be left to any of
his subjects residing on the American Continent.
Resolved, Therefore, that not only the dictates of hu-
manity, but the soundest principles of true policy and self-
preservation, make it absolutely necessary for the inhab-
itants of all the Colonies in America to assist and support
the people of Boston by all lawful ways in their power,
and especially, to leave no justifiable means untried to
procure a repeal of those Acts immediately relative to
them, also of all others affecting the constitutional rights
and liberties of America in general, as the best means to
effect this desirable end.
Resolved, That Henry Middleton, John Rutledge,
Christopher Gadsden, Thomas Lynch, and Edward Rut-
ledge, Esquires, be, and they are hereby nominated and
appointed Deputies on the part and behalf of this Colony,
to meet the Deputies of the several Colonies of North
America, in general Congress, the first Monday of Sep-
tember next, at Philadelphia, or at any other time or
place that may be generally agreed upon ; there to con-
sider the Act lately passed, and Bills depending in Parlia-
ment, with regard to the port of Boston, and Province of
Massachusetts Bay, which Act and Bills, in the precedent
and consequences, affect the whole Continent ; also the
grievances under which America labours by reason of the
several Acts of Parliament that imposes taxes or duties for
raising a revenue, and lay unnecessary restraints and
burthens on trade ; and of the Statutes, Parliamentary
Acts, and Royal Instructions, which make any invidious
distinction between his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain
and America — with full power and authority, in behalf of
us and our constituents, to concert, agree to, and effectually
prosecute such legal measures, (by which we for ourselves
and tiiem, most solemnly engage to abide) as in the opin-
ion of the said Deputies, and of the Deputies so to be
assembled, shall be most likely to obtain a repeal of the
said Acts, and a redress of those grievances.
Resolved, That we will agree to pay the expenses of
those gentlemen who may be fixed upon to be sent upon
this business.
Resolved, That while the oppressive Acts relative to
Boston are enforced, we will cheerfully from lime to time,
contribute towards the relief of such poor persons there,
whose unfortunate circumstances, occasioned by the opera-
tion of those Acts, may be thought to stand in need of
most assistance.
Resolved, That we will, by all means in our power, en-
deavour to preserve harmony and union amongst all the
Colonies.
Resolved, That a Committee of ninety-nine persons be
now appointed to act as a General Committee to correspond
with tlie Committees of the other Colonies ; and do all
matters and things necessary to carry these Resolutions into
execution ; and that any twenty -one of them together may
proceed to business — their power to continue till the next
general meeting; and in case of the death, departure from
the Province, or refusal to act, of any or either of them,
the parish or district for which such person dying, removing,
or refusing to act, was chosen, shall fill up the vacancy.
Names of the Committee then chosen for Charlestoivn :
Miles Brewton, Esquire, George Abbott Hall, John
Edtvards, Esquire, Charles Atkins, John Baxcson,
Thomas Shirley, John Neufvillc, John Smyth , Alexander
Gillon, Peter Bacot, Gideon Dupont, Esquire, Roger
Smith, Esquire, Major William Savage, Thomas Corbett,
David Deas, Esquire, Colonel Charles Pinckney, Messrs,
527
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
528
Peter Timothy, Daniel Cannon, Bernard Beckman,
Theodore Trezvant, John Fullerton, Joseph Verrce,
William Truster, William Johnson. Anthony Toomer,
Timothy Crosby, John Bericiclc, Joshua Lockivood,
James Brown, and Edward Weyman ; and sixty-nine
for the several Parishes of this Province.
ESSEX COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of Essex County, Virginia, at the Court House thereof,
on Saturday, the 9th of July, 1774, seriously to consider
the present dangers which threaten ruin to America7i
liberty :
Mr. John Upshaw, being chosen Moderator,
The following Resolves were j)ropo3ed, and unanimously
agreed to :
1st. Resolved, That we will at all times and upon all
occasions bear tnie and faithful allegiance to his Majesty
King George the Third, and that, as freemen, we always
have been, and ever shall be, willing constitutionally to
give and grant liberally our proj)erty for the support of his
crown and dignity, and the preservation of our parent
state, but that we can never consent to part with it on
any other terms.
2d. Resolved, That the Legislature of this Colony, for
the purpose of internal taxation, is distinct from that of
Britain, founded upon the principles of the British Con-
stitution, and equal in all respects to the purposes of legis-
lation and taxation within this Colony.
3d. Resolved, That the people of this Colony, in par-
ticular, and of America in general, have a clear and
absolute right to dispose of their property by their own
consent, expressed by themselves or by their Representa-
tives in Assembly, and any attempt to tax or take their
money from them in any other manner, and all other acts
tending to enforce submission to them, is an exertion of
power contrary to natural justice, subversive of the
English Constitution, destructive of our Charters, and
oppressive.
4th. Resolved, That the town of Boston, in our sister
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, is now suffering in the
common cause of North America, for their just opposition
to such Acts, and it is indispensably necessary that all the
Colonies should firmly unite in defence of our common
rights.
5th. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting,
that an agreement to stop all exports to, and imports from
Great Britain and the West Indies, firmly entered into
and religiously complied with, will, at all times, prove a
safe and infallible means of securing us against the evils of
any unconstitutional and tyrannical Acts of Parliament,
and may be adopted upon the principles of self-preserva-
tion, the great law of nature.
6th. Resolved, That the inhabitants of this county will
firmly join with the other counties of this Colony, and the
other Colonies on this Continent, or a majority of them,
to stop all exports to, and imports from Great Britain and
the West Indies, and all other parts of the world, except
the Colonies of North America, if such a measuie shall be
deemed expedient by the Deputies at the general Congress,
and that whatever agreement the Congress shall come to
for the advancing the common cause of North America,
relating to exports, imports, or otherwise, ought to be con-
sidered as binding as any act of the Legislature; and that we
will use our utmost endeavours to support and maintain such
general agreement at the expense of our lives and fortunes.
7th. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting,
that the several Courts in this Colony ought not to proceed
to tlie forwarding or trial of civil causes until our exports
are opened.
8th. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting,
that the East India Company, having a design to monopo-
lize a great part of the American trade to the injury of the
other merchants of Britain trading to America, and
knowing well the fatal consequences that must have
resulted from their fixing a precedent for future taxes, by
importing tea into the Colonies, became the willing instru-
ment of the Ministry to destroy American liberty, and
deserve the loss they have sustained.
9th. Resolved, That we do most heartily concur with
our late worthy Representatives in their resolve for the
disuse of tea ; and that we will not hereafter purchase any
East India commodities whatsoever.
10th. Resolved, That the S])iiited conduct of the town of
Boston hath been serviceable to the cause of freedom, (all
other methods having failed,) and that no reparation ouglit
to be made to the East India Company, or other assist-
ants, for any injury they have sustained, unless it be the
express condition on which all our grievances shall be
removed.
lltli. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting,
that any general censure upon the conduct of the town of
Boston respecting the tea, without allowing to them the
motives of resistance upon the i)rinciples of publick virtue
and necessity, is inimical to American liberty ; and we are
persuaded that none but Ministerial hirelings, and professed
enemies of American freedom, will adopt a language so
impolitick, which manifestly tends to create a disunion of
sentiments, at this time fatal to America.
12th. Resolved, That the Parliament have no right to
pass an Act to remove our persons to Great Britain, or
any other place whatsoever, to be tried for any offence,
and that we are determined not to submit thereto.
13th. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting
that no merchant in this, or any other Colony on this
Continent, shall advance the goods now on hand higher
than they are at present, or have been for some time, and
that the merchants in the several counties sign an agree-
ment to that effect.
14th. Resolved, That a subscription be set on foot for
raising provisions for the poor of Boston who now suffer
by the blocking up of their port, and that Robert Beverly,
John Lee, and Muscoe Gamett, in Saint Anne's Parish,
and Archibald Ritchie and John Upshaio, in the upper
part of Southfamham Parish, and Meriwether Smith and
James Edmondson, in the lower part thereof, take in sub-
scriptions for that purpose ; who are to consign what may
be raised to some proper persons to be distributed ; and the
before mentioned gentlemen are empowered to charter a
vessel to send it to Boston.
15th. Resolved, That this meeting have the deepest
sense of the injuries in which the merchants and manu-
facturers of Great Britain must necessarily be involved
by a non-importation resolution, they having placed an
almost unlimited confidence in us for a series of years, and
by that means have the greatest part of their fortunes
lodged in our hands, and that nothing but the desire of
preserving our rights and liberties could induce us to adopt
a measure big with such melancholy consequences.
16th. Resolved, That James Edmondson and William
Roane, Esquires, the late Representatives of this county,
be, and they are hereby appointed Deputies to represent
us at the general meeting of Deputies for the several
counties in this Colony, on the first day of August, in
Williamsburg; and we desire that they will exert their
best abilities for the security of our constitutional rights
and liberties, and to appoint Deputies to meet at the gen-
eral Congress the Deputies of the other Colonies on this
Continent.
17th. Resolved, That the Clerk transmit the foregoing
proceedings to the Printers to be published in their Gazette.
William Young, Clerk of the Meeting.
FAU<IUIER COUNTY (vIUGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a General Meeting of the Freeholders of the County
of Fauquier, in Virginia, on the 9th of July, 1774, fit
the Court House of the said County :
Mr. Wharton Ransdell, being chosen Moderator,
The following Resolutions were unanimously agreed to:
Resolved, That it is an undoubted right of British
subjects, and without whicii freedom cannot exist, to be
taxed only by their own free consent, either personally
given, or bv their Representatives legally assembled.
Resolved, That as the British subjects in America are
not, and from their situation cannot ever be. re])resented in
the British Parliament, any Act of Parliament laying a tax
on them is subversive of their natural rights, and contrary
to the first principles of our free Constitution.
529
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
530
Resolved, That the Act of Parhament laying a duty on
tea, Stc, exported from Great Britain to these Colonies,
for the avowed purpose of raising a revenue in America,
will, if submitted to, fix a precedent, whereby the Parlia-
mentary claim of taxing America may be established, arbi-
trary power introduced, and the liberty of the British
Colonies laid at the feet of a despotick and execrable Min-
ister.
Resolved, That the hostile invasion of the town and
port of Boston, in New England, is a dangerous attack
on the liberty of the British Colonies in America in gen-
eral, strongly tending to dissolution of Government, and
totally to alienate the affection of the Colonies from the
mother country ; and as our humble Petitions, Memorials,
and Remonstrances, have hitherto failed to procure us that
redress which the oppressions we suffer, and the justice of
our cause entitles us to.
Resolved, And it is the unanimous opinion of this meet-
ing, that till the said Act of Parliament shall be repealed,
and till the ships of war and troops be withdrawn from the
said town of Boston, and the rights and freedom of the
same be restored, all exports whatsoever from this Colony
to Great Britain, and imports from thence be stopped,
and that the Courts of Justice ought to decline the trial of
civil causes, except attachments, where the attached goods
are perishable, and motions against the Collectors and
Sheriffs for money actually in their hands.
Resolved, That any person who, contrary to the general
sense of the country, expressed by their late Represent-
atives, shall purchase, vend, or make use of tea, till such
time as the Act of Parliament laying a duty on that article
for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, shall be
repealed, shall be deemed an enemy to American liberty,
and the common rights of mankind, and ought to be pub-
lickly stigmatised as such.
Resolved, That the town of Boston aforesaid, is now
suffering in the common cause of American liberty, and
ought to be supplied with such articles as are necessary for
their support by the voluntary contribution of the Colonies
in general.
Resolved, That these our sentiments be, by the Moder-
ator of this meeting, delivered to our late Representatives,
who, notwithstanding they were, by the sudden interven-
tion of the Executive power of this Colony, deprived of
their legislative capacity, are still possessed of our confi-
dence, and desired to appear at the general meeting, at
Williamsburg, on the 1st day of August next ; and that
they be assured, in the most solemn manner, of our hearty
concurrence in, and firm support of, all such measures as
by a majority of the late Repreeentatives of this Colony,
then and there to be convened, shall be thought proper
and necessary for the security of our liberty, the improve-
ment of our manufactures, and to procure a redress of
American grievances.
Petek Grant, ClerTc,
NANSEMOND COUNTY (viRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a General Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabit-
ants of the County of JSansemond, on the 11th day of
July, 1774, the following Resolutions were proposed and
unanimously agreed to :
Resolved, That we will at all times, whenever we are
called upon for that purpose, maintain and defend, at the
expense of our lives and fortunes, his Majesty's right and
title to the Crown of Great Britain and his Dominions in
America, to whose royal person and Government we profess
all due obedience and fidelity.
Resolved, That the right to impose taxes or duties to be
paid by the inhabitants within this Dominion, for any pur-
pose whatsoever, is peculiar and essential to the General
Assembly, in whom the Legislative authority of the Colony
is vested.
Resolved, That every attempt to impose such taxes or
duties by any other authority is an arbitrary exertion of
power, and an infringement of tlie constitutional rights and
liberties of the Colony.
Resolved, Tliat to impose a tax or duty upon tea by the
British Parliament, in which the Commons of the North
American Colonies can have no representation, to be paid
upon importation by the inhabitants of the said Colonies,
Fourth Series.
is an act of power without right, is subversive of the
liberties of the said Colonies, deprives them of their pro-
perty without their consent, and thereby reduces them to a
state of slavery.
Resolved, That the late cruel, unjust, and sanguinary
Acts of Parliament, to be executed by military force and
ships of war upon our sister Colony of Massachusetts Bay
and town of Boston, is a strong evidence of the corrupt
influence obtained by the British Ministry in Parliament,
and a convincing proof of their fixed intention to deprive
the Colonies of their constitutional rights and liberties.
Resolved, That the cause of the town of Boston is the
common cause of all the American Colonies.
Resolved, That it is the duty and intefest of all the
American Colonies firmly to unite in an indissoluble union
and association, to oppose, by every just and proper means
the infringement of their common rights and liberties.
Resolved, That a general Association between all the
American Colonies not to import from Great Britain any
commodity whatsoever, ought to be entered into, and not
dissolved until the just rights of the said Colonies are re-
stored to them, and the cruel Acts of the British Parlia-
ment against the Massachusetts Bay and town of Boston,
are repealed.
Resolved, That no friend of the rights and liberties of
America ought to purchase any commodity whatsoever
which shall be imported from Great Britain, after a cer-
tain time hereafter to be limited by the Congress, which
is shortly expected to meet, nor ought such to have any
kind of dealing or connection with any merchant who shall
refuse to agree to the measures hereafter to be adopted by
said Congress.
Resolved, That every kind of luxury, dissipation, and
extravagance, ought to be banished from amongst us.
Resolved, That manufactures ought to be encouraged,
by opening subscriptions for that purpose, or by any other
proper means.
Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this
Colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, prevents
manufacturers and other useful emigrants from Europe from
settling among us, and occasions an annual increase of the
balance of trade against this Colony.
Resolved, That the raising sheep, hemp, and flax, ought
to be encouraged.
Resolved, That to be clothed in manufactures fabricated
in this Colony ought to be considered as a badge and dis-
tinction of respect and true patriotism.
Resolved, That the dissolution of the General Assembly
by order of the British Ministry, whenever they enter
upon the consideration of the rights and liberties of the
subject, against attempts to destroy them, is an evidence of
the fixed intention of the said Ministry to reduce the
Colonies to a state of slavery.
Resolved, That the people of this Colony, being by
such dissolution, deprived of a legal representation, ought
to nominate and appoint, for every county, proper Depu-
ties to meet upon the 1st day of August, in the City of
Williamsburg, then and there to consult and agree upon
the best and most proper means for carrying into execu-
tion these, or any other Resolutions, which shall be judged
more expedient for the purj)oses aforesaid.
Resolved, That Lemuel Riddick and Benjamin Baker ,
Esquires, our late Representatives be, and they are hereby,
nominated and appointed Deputies upon the part of the
freeholders and inhabitants of this county, to meet such
Deputies as shall be appointed by the other counties and
corporations within this Colony, in the City of Williams-
burg, upon the 1st day of August next, or at any other
time or place, for the purposes aforesaid.
Resolved, That at this important and alarming conjunc-
ture it be earnestly recommended to the said Deputies, at
the said General Convention, that they nominate and ap-
point fit and proper persons, upon the part of this Colony,
to meet such Deputies, in a general Congress, as shall be
appointed upon the part of the other Continental Colonies
in America, to consult and agree upon a firm and indisso-
luble union and association, for preserving, by the best and
most proper means, their common rights and liberties.
Resolved, That this Colony ought not to trade with any
Colony which shall refuse to join in any union and asso-
ciation that shall be agreed upon by the greater part of tlie
34
531
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
532
Colonies u|)on tliis Continent, for preserving their common
rights and liberties.
Resolved, Tiiat a copy of these Resohilions be trans-
mitted to each of the Printers of both the Gazettes, with
the earnest request of this county that the other counties
and corporations within this Colony will appoint Deputies
to meet at the time and place, and for the purposes afore-
said.
EXTRACT or A LETTER RECEIVED IN BOSTON, DATED
CHARLESTOWN, S. C, JULY 11, 1774.
In consequence of the advertisements lately published
by the General Committee, and other proper means used
to obtain the sense of the whole Colony on the present
alarming state of American affairs, on IVedmsday last,
the 6th instant, the largest body of the most respectable
inhabitants that has ever been seen together upon any pub-
lick occasion here, or perhaps any where in America, (for
gentlemen of the greatest property and character, animated
with an ardent zeal to relieve their suffering brethren, and
to preserve their own freedom and the birth-rights of their
posterity, notwithstanding the extreme inconvenience of
the season, from even the remotest parts of the country
attended) met at the Exchange, in this town, in order to
" consider of the Papers, Letters, and Resolutions that
" had been transmitted to the said Committee from the
" Northern Colonies ; and also of the steps necessary to be
" pursued in union with the inhabitants of our sister Coio-
" nies on this Continent, to avert the dangers impending
" over American liberties in general, by the late hostile
" Act of Parliament against Boston, and other arbitrary
" measures of the British Ministry," and, after choosing
the Honourable Colonel Powell, (who had presided at all
the former general meetings) for their Chairman, and the
same Secretary as had hitherto served, continued in solemn
deliberation upon these important matters, on that and the
two succeeding days, during which the following Resolves
were unanimously entered into.* \See Folio 525.]
* The 6th day of July now arrived ; and Charleslown was filled with
people from the country. One hundred and four Deputies represented
all parts of the Colony, except Grenville County, St. John's Colleton
County, and Christ Church Parish. These districts sent no Deputies ;
and, in behalf of Charleatown, the General Committee joined the Dep-
uties from the country. The meeting was held under the Exchange,
on the 6th of July. 1774, and a crowded meeting it was. At nine
o'cloclt in tlie morning, Colonel George Gabriel Powell took the Chair,
and it was carried the votes should bo given by each person present,
.Tnd not by parishes. It was also further determined, thut whoever
came there might give his votT. The business of the day then opened,
with reading the couimunications from the Nortliern Colonies. They
then proceeded to consider cjrtaiii resolutions touching American
rights and grievances. These being agreed to, declared. That his
Majesty's subjects in North America owe the same allegiance to the
Oown of Great Britain, as is due from his subjects born within that
Kingdom. That the King's subjects in America are entitled to all the
inherent rights and liberties enjoyed by natural born subjects within the
Kingdom of Great Britain, That taxes should not bo impos :d on the
people, but by their own consent, given personally, or by their Repre.
Bsntatives. That all trials, for any crime whatever, committed and
done in the Colony, ought to be had and conducted within the Colony,
according to the fixed and known course of proceeding. That the
statute of thirty-fifth of Henry the Eighth, chapter 2d, entitled " An
Act for the trial of treasons committed out of the King's Dominions,"
does not, and cannot, extend to any crimes committed in any of his
Majesty's American Colonies. That the three late Acts of Parlia-
ment, relative to Boston, are of a most alarming nature to all his
Majesty's subjects in America; and although levelled at the people of
Boston, they glaringly show, if the inhabitant of that town are intinii.
dated into a mean submission to those Acts, the like are designed for
all the Colonies, when not even the shadow of liberty to liis person, or
of security to his property, will bo left to any of his Majesty's subjects
residing on the Ameriean Continent. Wherefore, every justifiable
means ought to be tried to procure a repeal of those Acts, immediately
relative to Boston ; and, also, of all others affecting tlie constitutional
rights and liberties of America in general.
To effect these great points, two measures wore proposed : to adopt
the Boston vote of the I3th of May — and to send Deputies to a general
Congress, Upon these subjects, there was groat dissimilarity of opin-
ion. -\ll parties agreed on the i)roposition of sending Deputies ; but
the Boston vote dl<l not moot so universal a support. This lost measure
was, therefore, first taken up and considered.
In favour of the Boston vote it was urged, that American lives and
property were exposed to be taken at the niiindate of a British Min-
ister ; that the men would bo exposed to slavery ; their wives and
diugiiters to the outrages of a soldiery. To avert these dangers
something vigorous was to be done ; something that might shake even
Majesty itself. That a measure of non-exportation and non-import-
ation seemed above all others best calculated to force a repeal of the
lato Acts. It was a constitutional measure, for what power had a
right to compel the people to grow, export, and sell commothtics of any
kind ; or to purchase, or import cominodilics from any state ? That
such a measure taking place in America would ruin tlij British trade
to those Dominions ; and thereby shake the firnmesa of Parliament.
It was further unanimously resolved, that copies of
all the foregoing Resolutions be transmitted to every Col-
ony on this Continent, from Canada to West tlorida,
accompanied with a letter to each respectively, signed by
the Chairman, inviting them to unite with us ; and that as
Captain Hunt had voluntarily detained his vessel for some
days on purpose to carry an account of the transactions
of the present meeting to New- York, copies of the whole
should be delivered to him, together with the thanks of
the meeting, which he received accordingly. The thanks
of the meeting were also given to Colonel Foivell, tlie
Honourable Rawlins Lowndes, and the Secretary, after
which the general meeting was dissolved.
Upon the ninth Resolve, (for naming the five Deputies)
three several questions were put, viz: 1st. Whether the
appointment of Deputies was a necessary measure ? 2d.
Wliether they siiould be invested with the full powers
therein expressed ? 3d. Whether the number of Dep-
uties sliould be five ? All which passing unanimously in
the affirmative, it was proposed and agreed to unanimously,
that the Deputies should be chosen by ballot, and that
every free white person residing in the Province should be
entitled to vote. That the poll siiould be opened at two
o'clock, and close at six. A balloting box was accordingly
provided ; the votes were received, and at midnight, in
presence of several hundred spectators, the election was
declared in favour of the gentlemen whose names are in-
serted in the Resolution.
And that Lord North may not be misinformed in the
case, as he had been in most others, by being told that this
was the meeting of a rabble, and the election of a mob,
we shall take the liberty here to subjoin a list of the mem-
bers of our present honourable Commons House of As-
sembly, all of whom voted except five, who were by sick-
ness or accident prevented from attending. Besides these
there were at least as many gentlemen who had been
Representatives of the people in former Assemblies, who
voted on this occasion.
In the course of the debates during these important
That should the measure be not adopted, the Colonies, by their import-
ations, would preserve to the British manufacturers that support which
they had been accustomed to receive from the American trade, whereby
they would be supine and not join the American demand for a repeal.
In addition to this, the remittances from the Colonies would enable the
people of England to employ those moans to assist them in enslaving
the Colonies ; whereas, being withhokhn, the national credit of Great
Britain would be shaken, and the measures of Administration be ijifin.
itcly embarrassed.
To these arguments it was answered, that such a measure ought not
to take place until all others had failed of success ; for its operation
would be violent, both among ourselves and the peojile of England.
That thousands in this Colony would be ruined by it. That the people
of the interiour wore averse to so harsh a measure ; neither was it cer-
tain whether united America would approve and support it. That
nothing less than unanimity among all the Colonies, in executing one
general plan of conduct, could affect measur s in Great Britain; and
as the general opinion seemed to point to a general Congress, so only,
in that Congress, could such a plan of conduct be formed and agreed
upon.
By similar arguments the matter was warmly contested ; when,
without forming any determination, the subject was drop|jed, and the
meeting turned their attention to consider the proposal of sending
Deputies to the intended Congress. Here another cause of warm do-
bate arose, as to the number of Deputies who should be appointed, and
the powers with which they should be invested ; and, without coming
to any conclusion on these points, the meeting adjourned to an hour in
the afternoon.
In the afternoon the meeting again convened to determine on the
points they were considering, and by a majority of eleven, it was car-
ried that there should lie five Deputies, and that they should have
unlimited power ; but that these points should still be subject to the
vote of the meeting.
On the 7th of July the meeting was again holden, and the measures
of non-exportation and non-importation were again warmly debated.
And it was urged, that before the measure should be adopted, the gene-
ral Congress ought to send a deputation with a petition and remon-
strance to the Throne ; and if, aflor that, America remained unre-
dressed, it would be time enougli to break off all connnerce with Great
Britain. The vote was now taken on the subject, and the proposition
of non-exportation and non.imijortalion was nject"d. It was then
resolved, that five Deputies should, by ballot, be elected on the part
and behalf of this Colony, to meet the Deputies of the other Colonies
of North America in general Congress, the first Monday in September
next, at Philadelphia, or at any other time or place that may be
generally agreed on, with full power and authority in behalf of them,
and their constituents, to concert, agree to, and effectually prosecute
Bucli legal measures as, in the opinion of those Deputi^'s, and of the
Deputies of the other Colonies, should be most likely to obtain a re-
peal of the late Acts of Parliament, and a redress of American griev-
ances.
A poll was now opened to oil persons, and at midnight it appeared
that Henry Middleton, John Rutledge, Thomas Lynch, Christopher
Gadsden, and Edward Rutledge, were chosen Deputies to represent
this Colony in General Congress.
533
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JULY, 1774.
534
transactions (for every point underwent the fullest discus-
sion) the greatest unanimity appeared ; each one considered
his neighbour as a free-born American, and overlooked all
distinctions. As in the deluge of old, the wolf and the
lamb swam together, so the sense of our common danger
extinguished all private considerations. The set of advo-
cates for the present misguided Administration, whose
chains had often been heard to clatter in private compa-
nies, were all struck dumb, and kept aloof from the publick
debates. The Colony was ready to go into resolutions of
non-importation if it had been found absolutely necessary,
but it was thought most proper to invest our Deputies with
absolute power, to agree with the other members of a Con-
gress in any measures ; that so they might take place from
one end of this extensive Continent to the other, on one
and the same day. And several of the principal mer-
chants made a publick declaration in behalf of the rest, that,
in order to quiet the minds of the people, they were ready
and willing to enter into any agreement, not only to desist
importing British or East India goods, wines, and slaves,
but also to countermand all orders already sent, till the
event of the Congress should be known ; which declaration
was received with a loud and general plaudit.
Rejoice ye friends of Freedom in Georgia ! and hasten
to do likewise. Be comforted ye oppressed Bostonians !
and exult ye Northern votaries of Liberty ! that the sacred
rays of Freedom, which used to beam from you on us, are
now reverberated, with double efficacy, back upon your-
selves from your weaker sister Carolina, who stands fore-
most in a resolution to sacrifice her all in your defence.
And tremble, ye minions of Slavery 1 a blow will soon be
struck, if you urge us to that extremity, which will con-
vince you, that one soul animates three millions of brave
Americans, though extended over a long tract of two
thousand miles. Ye vainly thought we were a rope of
sand; but, you will find, unless we are put on the same
footing with Englishmen, before nine months, millions of
people, who depend on America for their daily bread, will
curse you with their dying groans.
During the debate this day, touching the powers of the DaputisB,
it was strongly contended their powers should be limited. To this
purpose, among other arguments, it was urged by Mr. Rawlins
Lowndes, who was then Speaker of the Commons House of Assembly,
that it was well known the Northern Colonies in general totally denied
the superintending power of Parliament, a doctrine which no one here
admitted. And, unless the Deputies from this Colony appeared in Con.
gress with limited powers, being outnumbered by the Northern Depu.
ties, they, and consequently their constituents, would be bound by
votes upon points which they at present absolutely denied. But, to
obviate this danger, the resolution vesting the Deputies with power
was so worded that no vote in Congress could bind this Colony, but
such as was agreeable to the opinions of our Deputies. This sentiment
from Mr. Lowndes is here brought into view as being from a gentleman
of prudence and consideration ; and who, at that time, declared the
prevailing opinion of the Colony. It will also servo as a point in
publick opinion for tracing the rapidity with which the Colony, in a
few months after, adopted the contrary idea.
Antecedent to the meeting of the people, the Chamber of Commerce
had resolved not to accede to any measure of non-exportation or non.
importation ; they, therefore, dreaded nothing so much as that such a
measure should take place in Congress. H-,nce they aimed that such
men should be elected Deputies as were against the adoption of that
measure. They wished that Mr. Middleton, Mr. Lowndes, Colonel
Charles Pincknay, Mr. Brewton, and Mr. John Rutledge, might be
chosen. To contribute their endeavours to tliis end the merchants
assembled, and in a body went to the poll ; they also sent for their
clerks to come and vote. The zial of the merchants in this transac-
tion bhnded tlioir ])rudoncc, as they did not observe, that by their
appearing in a body tlie opposite party would take the alarm ; and tliat
by voting for Deputies they would bo bound by the conduct of such as
might bu chosen. The meeting accordingly took the alarm, and many of
them ran to all parts of tlie town to collect people, and bring them to the
poll ; in consequence of which tiie merchants were defeated, and, except
two gentlemen, other Deputies than those they supported were chosen.
On the 8th of July tlie meeting again assembled. They now
resolved, that a Committee of ninety-nine persons be appointed to act
as a General Committee, and wlio should continue in authority until
the next general meeting. Tliis Committee had power to correspond
with the Committees of the other Colonies, and to do all other matters
and tilings necessary for carrying the Resolutions of the gimeral meet-
ing into execution ; a form of words which virtually vested the Com.
mittee with unlimited powers during their existence. The general
meeting now proceeded to nominate the members of the General Com-
mittee. They named fifteen Merchants and fifteen Msclianicks, to rep-
resent Charlestuwn, and sixty-niu(! Planters to represent tlie other parts
of the Province. This ])roceeding was rather unconstitutional, as the
different districts and parishes did not choose tlie sixty-nine Planters
who were to rijprjsaut them. Tiiey, liowever, acquiesced in the nomin-
ation, being sensilile it pioceedcii from the b -st intentions, and the
nrgency of the occision. And now, tlie general meeting having sat
for three days, and brought those matters to a conclusion for which
they liad been convened, Colonel Powell prepared minutes of the pro-
ceedings ag liiist a future occasion, and, agreeably to the wishes of the
genoriU meeting, dissolved the same. — Drayton.
Three of the present Deputies appointed to represent
this Colony in a general Congress, to be soon held at the
northward, viz: Christopher Gadsden, Thomas Lynch,
and John Ruthdgc, Esquires, were our Deputies at the
former Congress.
Friday evening the new General Committee met, and
chose Colonel Charles Pinckney, (one of the Representa-
tives for the Parish of St. Philip, Charlestown,) for their
Chairman, and Peter Timothy for their Secretary. The
said Committee also met this day, when they agreed to
have stated meetings, and to sit again on Wednesday, the
20th instant, at six o'clock in the evening, at the house of
Mr. Charles Ramage, and on every other Wednesday after,
at the same hour and place.
Copies of the Resolutions of the late general meetings,
accompanied with a Circular Letter, have already been
despatched to every Colony on this Continent, fromCaTWtrfa
to Georgia inclusive.
Three hundred a fifty more barrels of rice are now ready
to be shipped, as soon as a proper vessel can be procured
to caiTy it for the relief of the poor sufferers in Boston.
MILES BKEWTON TO JOSIAH QUINCT, JR.
Charlestown, S. C, July 12. 1774.
Dear Sir: I this day received your polite favour of
the 29th of May, and can only say 1 wish it had been in
my power to show more civility to a gentlemen I so much
esteem as I do Mr. Quincy. You have my best thanks
for your pamphlet. Too many cannot step forth at this
alarming crisis, in defence of the much injured rights of
America; and those that do, 'should, and no doubt have,
the united thanks of the friends of America.
Your situation at this time is truly hazardous and alarm-
ing, but you will not fall for want of friends, because all
British America are your friends. For God's sake be
firm and discreet, at this time. The good people of this
Colony have sent for your port one sloop load of rice, and
we shall send more soon.
The 6th, 7th, and 8th instant, we had the greatest
Assembly of the inhabitants of this Colony I ever saw.
After much debate it was determined that Henry Middle-
ton, John Rutledge, Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden,
and Edivard Rutledge, should, on the 1st of September,
meet the general Congress at Philadelphia. Their powers
are unlimited, and I hope the other Colonies will do the
same, and place entire confidence in their Deputies ; they
can do nothing effectual without such powers. I should
suppose the first step taken by Congress would be to re-
monstrate, and petition King, Lords, and Commons. Our
grievances should be all stated in the way of a Bill of
Rights, and some of the Deputies should go to England
with the petition. If redress does not come, then all to
enter into a non-import and non-export agreement. I
think this seems to be the sense of almost all the Colo-
nies.
Our fears are only about you : that you may despond
and give up ; for I am sorry to see you have so many
addere in your own bosom, who may sting you to death.
We have our share also of internal foes. Pity it was that
Hutchinson should have gone home with so many good
names to petitions ; it will do you no good, but much harm
1 fear.
I beg to hear as often from you as business permits. It
is not trifling to write or speak upon publick affairs at this
time of imminent danger. Politicks should be the theme
of the day ; and our dreams at night should be of the
hapless situation of our country. However, bad as it is, if
Boston does but persevere, and be prudent, her sisters and
neighbours will work out her salvation, without taking the
musket. Unanimity must be our leading star.
I am, with great regard, your most obedient and obliged
servant, Miles Bkewton.
J. Quincy, Jun.
Boston, July 11, 1774.
At a Town Meeting at Portsmouth, last week, eleven
persons were appointed as '• a Committee of Inspection, to
" examine and find out if any more tea is imported there,
" and upon discovery, to give the eariiest notice to the.
"Town." ■■- --•"-
535
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JULY, 1774.
536
We learn from Portsmouth, that one day last week, the
Members of their late House of Representatives meet at
the State House in that place, in order to choose Delegates
for the general Congress; but before they had time to
proceed to business, his Excellency Governour Wcntworth,
attended by the Sheriff, came to them, when the former
read a Proclamation, requiring them to disperse, and the
latter the Riot Act ; upon which they adjourned to a
Tavern, and agreed that letters be sent to their respective
towns, to appoint a person out of each, to meet together
and join in the choice of Delegates for that Government
for the Congress proposed.
NEW-KENT COUNTY (viRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
County of New-Kent, at the Court House of the said
County, on Tuesday, the 12th day of July, 1774 :
Thomas Adams, Esq., chosen Moderator, and
William Clayton, Esquire, Cleric.
The present state of America being seriously and duly
considered, the following Resolutions were proposed and
agreed to as an Instruction to our Deputies hereafter
named :
Resolved, That our Sovereign Lord, King George the
Third, is lawful and rightful King of Great Britain and
all his Dominions in America, to whose royal person and
Government we profess all due subjection, obedience, and
fidelity ; and that we will at all tunes defend and protect
the Just rights of his Majesty with our lives and fortunes.
Hesolved, That the inhabitants of the British Colonies
in America are entitled to all the rights, liberties, and
privileges, of free born English subjects.
Resolved, That the right to impose taxes, or duties, to
be paid by the inhabitants of this Dominion, for any pur-
pose whatever is peculiar and essential to the General
Assembly, in whom the legislative authority of the Colony
is placed, and that taxation and representation are insepar-
able.
Resolved, That a trial by a jury of the vicinage is the
glory of the English law, and the best security for the life,
liberty, and property, of the subject, and is the undoubted
birth-right of all his Majesty's free born American sub-
jects.
Retolved, That the several Acts and Resolutions of the
Parliament of Great Britain, made during his present
Majesty's reign, imposing taxes on the inhabitants of Ame-
rica, for the express purpose of raising a revenue, and for
altering the nature or punishment of offences committed in
America, or the method of trial of such offences, are
unconstitutional, arbitrary, and unjust, and destructive of
the rights of America, and that we are not bound to yield
obedience to any such Acts.
Resolved, That the late cruel, unjust, and sanguinary
Acts of Parliament, to be executed by military force and
ships of war, upon our sister Colony of the Massachusetts
Bay and town of Boston, is a strong evidence of the
corrupt influence obtained by the British Ministry in
Parliament, and a convincing proof of their fixed inten-
tion to deprive the Colonies of their constitutional rights
and hberties.
Resolved, That the cause of the town of Boston is the
common cause of all the American Colonies.
Resolved, That it is the duty and interest of all the
American Colonies firmly to unite in an indissoluble union
and association, to oppose, by every just and proper
means, the infringement of their rights and liberties.
Resolved, That we do heartly approve of the Resolu-
tions and Proceedings of our several late Assemblies for
asserting and supporting the just rights and liberties of
America, from their patriotick Resolves in 1765 to this
time.
Resolved, That we will most firmly unite with the other
counties in this Colony in such measures as shall be approv-
ed of by a majority, as the best and most proper method
of preserving our rights and liberties, and opposing the
said unconstitutional Acts of Parliament.
Resolved, That the most effectual method of opposing
the said several Acts of Parliament will be to break off all
commercial intercourse with Great Britain until the said
Acts shall be repealed.
Resolved, That tlie several counties within this Colony
ought to nominate and appoint for every county, proper
Deputies, to meet upon the firet day of August next, in the
City of IViUiamshurg, then and there to consult and agree
upon the best and most proper means for carrying into
execution these or any other Resolutions which shall be
best calculated to answer the purposes aforesaid.
Resolved, That it be earnestly recommended to the
Deputies of the said General Convention to nominate and
appoint fit and proper pei-sons on behalf of this Colony to
meet such Deputies as shall be appointed by the other
Colonies in General Congress, to consult and agree upon a
firm and indissoluble union and association for preserving,
by the best and most proper means, their common rights
and hberties.
Resolved, That Burwell Basset, and Barthohmeiv
Dandridge, Esquires, our late and present worthy Repre-
sentatives, be and they are hereby nominated and appointed
Deputies, on the part and behalf of the freeholders and
inhabitants of this county, to meet such Deputies as shall
be appointed by the other counties within this Colony, in
the City of Williamsburg, on the first day of August
next, or at any other time or place for the purpose afore-
said.
Resolved, further. That our said Deputies agree to join
in any proper means that shall be adopted for the imme-
diate relief of the present necessities of the inhabitants of
the town of Boston.
Resolved, That the Clerk transmit the foregoing Reso-
lutions and Instructions to the Printer, to be published.
William Clayton, Clerk of the Meeting.
extract of a letter from the honourable govern-
our WENTWORTH, TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED
NEW-HAMPSHIRE, JULY 13, 1774.
The Convention mentioned in my despatch. No. 63,
immediately dispersed without attempting to enter into
any measures. Those gentlemen with some others dined
at a tavern, and there in jirivate agreed to recommend to
the several Parishes in the Province, that they choose
persons to meet at Exeter on the 21st instant, for the pur-
pose of appointing Delegates to attend, and be part of an
American Congress, intended to assemble the 1st of Sep-
tember next, in Pennsylvania or New-Jersey. The towns
were desired to collect voluntarily, and send by their agents
to Exeter, certain sums of money in proportion to their
Province tax, amounting to three hundred pounds sterling,
to pay the Delegates. It was also recommended to the
Parishes, that the 14th instant be observed as a day of
fasting and prayer. It is yet uncertain how far these
requisitions will be complied with, but I am apt to believe
the spirit of enthusiasm, which generally prevails through
the Colonies, will create an obedience that reason or reli-
gion would fail to procure.
Williamsburg, Va., July 14, 1774.
An express which arrived last Sunday from the frontiers,
brought letters to his Excellency the Governour from the
County Lieutenants of Augusta, Botetourt, and Fincastle,
which advise that skulking parties of Indians (supposed to
be Shawanesc and Delawares) had been discovered lately
among the settlements, some of them venturing within
twenty-five miles of Botetourt Court House. Upon re-
ceiving this intelligence, we hear that his Excellency has
directed the militia of those counties to be draughted out,
in order to compose a body of men sufficient to go against
the Indian towns, and drive off, or extirpate the blood-
thirsty and savage inhabitants. By the same express, we
learn that there have been two skirmishes between our
people and the Indians, one of which happened at the head
of the Monongahela, wherein three Indians were killed,
and Captain Wilson, who commanded tlie party against
them, received a shot in his body, but it was hoped would
not prove mortal. The other skirmish was on the head of
Greenbrier, in which the Lieutenant of the party was
wounded, and one man killed; none of the Indians fell.
His Excellency left this city, on the 10th instant, in
order to take a view of the situation of the frontiers of this
Colony. It seems his Lordship intends to settle matters
537
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
538
amicably with the Indians, if possible, and purposes to
have conferences with the different Nations, to find out the
cause of the late disturbance.*
CHESTERFIELD COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and others, Inhabitants
of the County of Chesterfield, at the Court House of the
said County, on Thursday, the 14th of July, 1774, to take
into consideration the present very alarming situation of
this Colony :
The Reverend Archibald M' Robert being unanimously
chosen Moderator,
Resolved, nemine contradicente. That we are ready and
willing, at the expense of our lives and fortunes, to defend
and maintain his Majesty's right and title to the Crown of
Great Britain, and his American Dominions, against all
his enemies, and we do profess all just obedience and
fidelity to his sacred person and Government.
Resolved, That the sole right of making laws for the
Government of this his Majesty's ancient Colony and Do-
minion of Virginia, and for raising and levying taxes on
the inhabitants thereof, ought to be, and is vested in the
General Assembly of the said Colony, and cannot be exe-
cuted by any other power without danger to our liberties ;
subject, nevertheless, as of custom has been, to his Majes-
ty's approbation.
Resolved, That every other of his Majesty's Dominions
in America, ought to be, and of right is entitled to, the
same privileges as this Colony.
Resolved, That the present demand of money as a duty
upon tea imported into this, or any other Colony in Ame-
rica, under the authority of the British Parliament, " for
the sole purpose of raising a revenue in America,'' with-
out the consent of our Representatives, is arbitrary and
unjust, a subversion of the ancient and constitutional mode
of levying money upon British subjects, and evidently
calculated to fix a precedent for future demands of the
same nature, and by that means to reduce the Colonies to
a state of slavery, and that all persons aiding in the execu-
tion of such laws be considered as enemies to the freedom
of British subjects.
Resolved, That the Act of the British Parliament for
depriving the inhabitants of the town of Boston, in our
sister Colony of the Massachusetts Bay, of their lawful
trade, as also the Bills brought into the House of Com-
mons of Great Britain, one of which Bills is entitled,
" A Bill for the impartial administration of justice in the
" cases of persons questioned for any act done by them
" in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of
" riots or tumults in the Province of the Massachusetts
" Bay, in New England," are unjust, arbitrary, and un-
constitutional ; and although levelled particularly against
one of our first Colonies, yet ought to be resented with
the same indignation by this, and every Colony, as if all
of them were included in the said Act and Bills.
Resolved, That an extensive Association ought to be
entered into, and that no goods or commodities of any kind
whatsoever ought to be imported from Great Britain into
this Colony after the first day of August next, except
medicines, paper, books, needles, cotton, wool, and clothiers'
cards, steel, gunpowder, German oznabrigs, hempen rolls,
negro cotton and plains, Dutch blankets, saltpetre, and
implements necessary for the manufacturing of woollens
* Fredericksburg, July 17, 1774. — His Excellency the Earl of Dun.
more, arrived here in perfect health on Friday evening, the 15th, and
this morning, at eight o'clock, set out on his way to the back coan.
try.
His Lordship's care for the poor inhabitants that are settled in the
frontier counties, which are now exposed to tlio horrours of an Indian
war, partly induces him to take this journey; hoping that ho may,
after getting acquainted with the situation of affairs in tliat country, bo
able to give such directions as will in some inoasuro secure them and
their families from the cruelties of the Savages, who have already
done a good deal of damage. The skulking parties that have hitherto
boon discovered, do not consist of many in a body ; and it is thought they
intend some grand stroke soon, as they have been seen pretty low down
in the sittlsments, in small parties, of five and six, and sometimes not
more than three and four togetlier, without doing any mischief; from
which it is judged their business was to make tliomselves acquainted
with the country, and find out the settlaments, so that they may, at any
time, bring in a party sufficient to destroy them at once, and retreat
before any body of men could be collected to go against them.
and linen ; and that all and every person who has sent
orders to Great Britain for any articles except such as are
already excepted, ought to embrace the fust opportunity to
countermand such orders.
Resolved, That any inhabitant of this Colony who shall
import any article not allowed by this Association, or pur-
chase from any other person who shall import such article,
except already ordered, shall be deemed a betrayer of the
liberties of his country ; and that we will not hold friend-
ship, or have any connection with such offending person.
Resolved, That every kind of luxury, extravagance and
dissipation, should now, and at all times, be carefully dis-
couraged, and that an extensive plan of establishing manu-
factories amongst the inhabitants of this, and the other
Colonies in North America, should immediately be adopted
as the only possible means of avoiding that dependent
commercial connection which hath hitherto subsisted be-
tween the Colonies and Great Britain, which hath induced
an arbitrary and designing Administration to attempt the
total destruction of our rights and liberties ; and that to
carry the same more effectually into execution, subscrip-
tions be opened for that purpose under proper regulations.
Resolved, That to dissolve the General Assembly of
the Colony setting for the despatch of publick business,
" because they enter into a consideration of the grievances
" under w-hich they labour, and nobly assert their right
" to freedom," is arbitrary and oppressive, a manifest proof
of a fixed intention to destroy the ancient constitutional
legislative authority in the Colony, and directly contradic-
tory to the spirit of the acknowledgments made in favour
of the rights of a British people.
Resolved, That this Colony ought not to hold any com-
mercial intercourse with any of the Colonies in North
America that shall refuse to adopt proper measures for
procuring a redress of our grievances.
Resolved, That the town of Boston is now suffering in
the cause of American liberty ; that her safety and pro-
tection is, and ought to be, the common cause of the other
Colonies ; and that their relief ought to be attempted by
all proper and constitutional ways and means in our
power.
Resolved, That we do most heartily concur with the
late Representatives of this Colony in their sentiments
delivered at the meeting held in Williamsburg after the
dissolution of the last Assembly. We return them our
warmest thanks for their spirited conduct on that and every
other occasion, and entreat their steady and determined
attention to the same principles, at the meeting to be held
on the first day of August next in the City of Wil-
liamsburg.
Resolved, That Archibald Cary and Benjamin Wat-
kins, our late worthy Representatives, together with the
Representatives to be chosen for this county in the next
Assembly, be, and they are hereby appointed Deputies on
the part of the freeholders and inhabitants of this county,
to meet such Deputies as shall be appointed by the other
counties and corporations in this Colony, in the City of
Williamsburg, on the first day of August next, to take
under their consideration the several grievances under
which this, and the other American Colonies, are at pre-
sent labouring, to concert and deliberate upon proper ways
and means to procure redress of those grievances, and that
they, together with such Deputies as shall be then and
there assembled, do nominate proper persons on tlie part
of this Colony, to meet such Deputies as shall be appointed
upon the part of the other Continental Colonies in a gen-
eral Congress, to consult and agree upon a firm and indis-
soluble union and association for preserving, by the best
and most proper means, their common rights and liberties.
Resolved, That the Clerk of this meeting transmit to
the Printers of both Gazettes copies of these Resolutions,
with the earnest request of this county that the other coun-
ties and corporations within the Colony will appoint Depu-
ties to meet at the time and place, and for the purposes
aforesaid. Jerhan Baker, Clerk to fleeting.
GLOUCESTER COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a general and full Meeting of the Iniiabitants of the
Coimty of Gloucester, at the Court House of the said
539
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &ic., JULY, 1774,
540
County, after due notice, on Thursday, the 14tli of July,
1774, ^
James Hubbard, Esquire, Judge of the said County
Court, being unanimously chosen Moderator,
Tliey came to tlic following Resolves :
Resolved, That we will ever maintain and defend his
Majesty's right and title to the Crown of Great Britain,
and his Dominions in America, to whose royal person
we profess the firmest attachment.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
taxation and representation are inseparable ; and that as
we are not, and, from the nature of things, cannot be, rep-
resented in the British Parliament, every attempt of that
body to impose internal taxes on America, is arbitrary,
unconstitutional and oppressive.
Resolved, Ti)at the Act for blocking up the harbour of
Boston, and other purposes therein mentioned, is cruel and
unjust, and a convincing proof of the fixed intention of Par-
liament to deprive America of their constitutional rights
and liberties.
Resolved, That the cause of Boston is the common
cause of all America, and that we will firmly unite with
the other counties in this Colony, and the otlier Colonies
on this Continent, in every measure that may be thought
necessary on this alarming occasion.
Resolved, That we do most heartily concur with our
late Representatives in their resolve of the total disuse of
tea, and do farther resolve against the use of any East
India commodity whatsoever, except saltpetre.
Resolved, That we will not import, or purchase when
imported, any merchandise or commodities from Great
Britain ; and that, at a short day hereafter to be fixed,
we will stop all exports to Great Britain, until there is a
total repeal of the Boston Port Act, all the several Acts
imposing taxes on America, for the purpose of raising a
revenue, and those other Acts made particularly agafnst
our brethren of the Massachusetts Bay, on accoimt of
their noble opposition to the late Revenue Acts.
Resolved, That should our sister Colonies of Maryland
and North Carolina determine not to export their tobacco
to Great Britain, we will be far from availing ourselves
of their patriotick resolution, by continuing to export ours.
Resolved, That we will submit to any resolutions that
may be entered into either by the Deputies of the several
counties in this Colony at Williamsburg, or by the general
Congress of die Colonies on the Continent.
Resolved, That we will not deal with any person or
jjersons in this county who will not sign this Associa-
tion, and strictly and literally conform to every distinct
article thereof; nor with any other person or persons
who will not sign, and strictly conform, to the particular
resolves of their respective counties, but will for ever
despise and detest them as enemies to American liberty.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
immediately upon the non-exportation plan taking^place,
neither the gentlemen of the bar, nor any other" person,
ought to bring any suit for the recovery of any debt, or
prosecute farther any suit already brought, during the
continuance of these resolutions, it being utterly incon-
sistent with such scheme for any man to be compelled to
pay without the means wherewith he may pay.
Resolved, That we do most cordially approve of the
intended meeting of the late Burgesses on the first of
August next, at Willinmsburg, and do depute Thomas
JVhitmg, and Lewis Bunvcll, Esquires, our late worthy
Representatives, to consult with the Deputies of the several
counties of this Colony, and to adopt such measures as are
agreeable to the foregoing resolutions, hereby engaging, on
our parts, to conform thereto, and to support the ^aine to
the utmost of our power.
Resolved, That the Clerk of this meeting transmit to
the Printers of both Gazettes, copies of the above Resolves,
with the request of tiie county to insert them in their
Pape's- Jasper Clavton, Clerk.
CAROLINE COUNTY (virGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a General Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhab-
itants of the County of Caroline, at the Court House, on
Thursday, the 14th day of July, 1774, assembled for
the purpose of deliberating and giving their sentiments
upon the present state of aflJliirs in America, and what
ought to be done at this most alarming crisis, the follow-
ing points were agitated and agreed to as the opinion of
this county :
That the design of our Meeting may not be misinter-
preted, we think it proper to declare, what would otherwise
be unnecessary, that we will preserve all due obedience and
fidelity to the royal person and Government of his sacred
Majesty, King George the Third ; and that we will at all
tim.s when called on for that purpose, mabtain and defend,
at the expense of our lives and fortunes, his Majesty's
right and title to the Crown of Great Britain, and his
Dominions in America.
That a firm union and mutual intercourse, and recipro-
cation of interests and affections between Great Britain
and her Colonies is desirable and beneficial to both ; and
that whoever shall go about to dissolve that union, by
attempting to deprive the Colonists of their just rights on
the one hand, or to effect their independence on the other,
ought ever to be considered as a common enemy to the
whole community.
That for Americans to be exempted from every kind of
taxation, except by the consent of their own Representa-
tives in their several Provincial Assemblies, to be heard in
their defence when accused of crimes, and tried by their
peers, are rights they derive from natural justice, the
British Constitution, (to which they are equally entitled
with their fellow-subjects in Great Britain,) and from
constant usage, so long as the true principles of the Con-
stitution have been suffered to direct the publick councils.
That the British Parliament in their several Acts for
imposing a duty upon tea, to be paid in America ; for
blocking up the harbour and stopping the commerce of
the town of Boston in the Massachusetts Bay, for supposed
offences, with which they were charged and condemned
unheard ; for altering the form of that Government estab-
lished by Charter and long usage ; and for empowering
his Majesty to order persons charged with certain offences
committed in America to be carried to Great Britain and
there tried, have been influenced by evil counsellors to
depart from the true principles of the Constitution, and to
violate the most sacred and important rights of America,
from which they can never depart ; that those Acts,
whether intended to operate only in one Province, or
generally in all, ought to be considered as the common
cause ; and that a firm and indissoluble union and associa-
tion of the whole ought to be formed to oppose their
operation by every just and proper means ; to effect which,
we think the sending Deputies from each Province to
meet in a general Congress, will be a very proper measure,
and we desire our Delegates may unite with others in the
General Meeting for this Colony in electing such De-
puties.
That tea being the subject of the tax complained of, and
the East India Company having acted ungenerously in
sending great quantities of it to America, to° fix the pre-
cedent of taxation, though desired to forbear, we most
cordially concur with the late Representatives of tliis
Colony to disuse tea, and not to purchase any East India
commodities from henceforth, until the just rights of
America be restored.
That a General Association between all the American
Colonies not to import from Great Britain any commodity
whatsoever ought to be entered into and not dissolved till
the just rights of the Colonies are restored to diem, and the
cruel Acts of the British Parliament against the Massa-
chusetts Bay and town of Boston are repealed.
That it is the undoubted privilege and indispensable
duty of the Representatives of the people of this Colony,
when met in General Assembly, to deliberate freely upon
all invasions of the rights, liberties, or properties of their
constituents, and consider of the proper means of redress •
and therefore, that the interposition of the Executive
power here, by mandate from the Ministry to dissolve the
Assembly whenever they comjilain of attempts to destroy
those rights, tendsto deprive us of all benefit from a Legis-
lature, and is an evidence of the fixed intention of the
Ministry to reduce the Colonies to a state of slavery.
541
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JULY, 1774,
542
Tliat in this distressed situation of our affairs, all luxury,
dissipation, and extravagance, ought to be banished from
among us, and every kind of manufacture, industry, and
economy encouraged.
That the African trade is injurious to this Colony,
obstructs our population by freemen, manufacturers, and
Others, who would emigrate from Europe and settle here,
and occasions an annual balance of trade against the
country, and therefore that the purchase of all imported
slaves ouijht to be associated against.
Though we are happily allowed to proceed to the choice
of new Representatives, yet as the return of the writs is
made to the 11th of August, and there is reason to doubt
the Assembly may not be held at that time, we think it
highly expedient there should be a meeting at M'illiams-
burg on the first of August, as appointed, to consider fully
of the several matters herein before mentioned, and ap-
point E'Imund Pendleton and James Taylor, Esquires,
Deputies on our parts, to meet such as shall be named for
other Counties and Corporations, at Williamsburg, or such
other place as may be agreed on, on the day aforesaid, or
any other time, to deliberate freely, and agree to the above
Resolutions, or any other that may be judged more
expedient for the general purpose intended.
William Nelson, Cleric.
THE BRITISH AMERICAN, NO. VII.
Williamsburg, Va., July 14, 1774.
Friends, Fellow-citizens, and Countrymen :
The true state of your case is now fully before you, and
the questions naturally resulting from it, for your determin-
ation are :
1st. Question, Will you acknowledge that the British
Parliament have a right to make laws to bind you ? Or
will you, from a dread of the consequences of an opposi-
tion, submit to those laws ?
2d. Question, If you are determined not to submit, what
mode of opposition, will you adopt as the most rational and
effectual to shake oft" the jurisdiction usurped over you ?
These questions require the coolest attention, and the
most deliberate wisdom to determine on, a steady and
unshaken intrepidity to carry the resolutions you form on
them into execution — resolutions which will, in all human
probability, preserve or sink the greatest Empire in the
world, and extend happiness or misery to myriads of mil-
lions yet unborn. Witii regard to the first question, if you
really think that the British Parliament have a right to
make any laws whatsoever to bind you, give up the matter,
and submit to slavery at once ; for the distinction between
the right of taxation and that of regulating trade is merely
nominal and not worth contending for, since a regulation of
trade can as easily restrain you from manufacturing the
smallest article for your own use, as it hath already pre-
vented you from erecting slitting mills ; can as easily strip
you of every shilling of your property as it hath already
rendered useless the whole j)roperty of the town of Boston ;
can deprive you of your liberty by subjecting you to new
modes of trial, and erecting Courts of Admiralty, invested
witli powers unknown to the Constitution, and can sacrifice
your lives, by marking you out for slaughter to a licentious
soldiery, who are to be rescued from the justice of the
country offended, and to be carried to England, with a
certainty of being screened, and with a hope, if not with a
promise, of being rewarded for the murthers they are to
commit in America.
But still if your ancestors unthinkingly placed you in
this deplorable situation, and by settling in America have
debased you so low as that you are become the slaves of
your brethren in Britain ; if the King, at the head of his
respective American Assemblies, no longer constitutes the
Supreme Legislature of the Colonies ; if you are subject
to two Supreme Legislatures ; if the King may, at the
head of the British Parliament, abrogate laws, which, as the
head of his American Parliament, he hath assented to ;
revoke Charters more solemnly granted than those of
Magna Charter to Britain; deprive his American subjects
of that property, which, under the faith of those Charters,
they have expended their best blood and treasure in acquir-
ing; and if, to conclude all, you are to consider yourselves
as dependent upon the British Parliament, and have
hitherto only dreamed of liberties which you had no right to
enjoy ; why then, my countrymen, let us patiently acquiesce
in our unhappy lot, let us deprecate the wrath of the
British aristocracy by instant submission, and seriously
and solemnly implore the God of all Mercies to inspire the
minds of our lords and masters with some slight sentiments
of moderation, some little degree of tenderness and com-
passion, towards those who were once their equals, are still
their brethren, and are not conscious of having merited the
base, the abject, the humiliating state, they are reduced
to, or the rigorous treatment they are now sufTerin".
But it may be said, that though convinced that you have
justice on your side, and though sensible that the jurisdic-
tion claimed by the British Parliament over you is an
unjust and arbitrary usurpation of the strong over the weak,
yet you are not ripe for opposition ; that, too feeble to
resist the power of Britain, and to assert your title to
freedom, you can at present only protest against the oppres-
sion, but nnist leave it to your growing prosperity to enforce
those rights, which you can only claim. If these senti-
ments, my countrymen, prevail amongst you, if in order to
avoid slight, temporary evils, and imaginary consequences,
you are determined only to make an imaginary shew of
resistance, and if that will not induce the British Parlia-
ment to withdraw her claim, to submit to that claim, and
acknowledge the supremacy they contend for, let your sub-
mission be made immediately. With a good grace express
contrition for your former obstinacy, humbly entreat for-
giveness for what you have already done, promise implicit
obedience for the future, and, if determined to submit to
slavery at last, be careful how you exasperate your masters
with the semblance of an opposition you do not intend to
persist in ; for I will venture to prophecy, that if America
is not now ripe for asserting her just rights, she will be
rotten before she is so.
The arbitrary laws which will be imposed upon you
immediately upon your submission, the swarms of placemen
and pensioners which you will be obliged to pay to enforce
those laws, and the rigour with which they will be executed,
by suppressing every idea of patriotism, before it can shoot
up to maturity, and by stifling it in its cradle, every dawn
of virtue will effectually restrain posterity from even wish-
ing to emerge from that state of slavery which, by being
habituated to from their infancy, will at length become
familiar to them.
Be not deceived by imagining, that the submission of
Boston to the three Acts of Parliament lately passed,
arbitrary and humiliating as they are, is the ultimate end of
the British aristocracy. No, it is only a pait of the gen-
eral plan they have formed for enslaving all America, by
attacking each Colony singly ; for as every Colony have
refused to submit to the duty imposed upon tea, they will
all, one after another, feel the resentment of, and be called
upon for, the same submission to Parliament, if you do
not cordially unite in supporting the first sufferer. And
here permit me to address myself in a particular manner
to such of my countrymen whose own industry, or the
fnigality of their ancestors, have blessed them with im-
mense wealth. I confess your situations are truly alarm-
ing, for as you have more to lose, so you have more to
fear than those of your fellow-subjects to whom Providence
hath been less liberal of the goods of fortune. In as
happy a state as your most sanguine wishes could have
placed you, with a reasonable expectation of providing for
a family deservedly dear to you, and of transmitting to
your posterity those blessings of fortune, which, by tasting
yourselves, you have experienced the value of, you wish
not for a change. Satisfied that with your ample estates,
you can ward off the evils of the most arbitrary Govern-
ment, and, that though much may be taken from you
unjustly, still there will remain abundantly sufficient to
supply'you with all the necessaries, with all the elegancies
of life ; whereas, on the other hand, even a slight commo-
tion may expose part of your wealth to the ravages of the
populace, or the plunder of a licentious army, and if you
are unfortunate enough to choose the weaker party, however
innate virtue may have directed your choice, you are sure
to lose the whole, and, in your old age perhaps, be reduced
548
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fiic, JULY, 1774.
544
lo poverty, aggravated with the corroding reflections on the
enjoyments you once possessed. You therefore endeavour
to dissuade every struggle for liberty, and if you cannot
accomplish this, you sagely determine, by observing a strict
neutrality, to avoid giving the slightest ground of offence
to either party ; and this you think a prudent method of
preserving the blessings you at present enjoy.
When Casar, Fompey, and Crasstis, (says a celebrated
writer) were making large strides towards overturning the
Constitution of Rome, the people were divided into two
factions ; tlie middle ranks, who are always the most wise
and virtuous people in a state, opposed ; the populace
supported them ; whilst the wealthy, who if they had
thrown their weight into the scale, might have restrained the
errours of the pojiulace, and checked the ruinous designs
of the triumvirate, observed a strict neutrality ; foolishly
imagining by doing so that their houses, their fish-pounds,
their parks, their villas, and their gardens, would remain
untouched when the laws of their country were abolished ;
instead of which, those safest fences of every man's pro-
perty were no sooner broke down, by overturning the
Constitution, than in the second triumvirate of Augustus,
Anthony, and Lepidus, they found themselves foremost in
the list of proscriptions, and a confiscation of that wealth
(which they vainly imagined would have secured to them
all the enjoyments of life) marked them for destruction,
and deprived them of life itself; leaving to those of their
rank in succeeding Empires this useful lesson, that the
surest means of securing wealth in every country is to unite
firmly in opposing every attempt to overturn the laws, and
that the greater opulence they possess the more they are
interested in preserving the liberty of the state they belong
to ; because upon all occasions of this kind the old maxim.
That he that is not for us is against us, prevails so far as to
subject the wealthy neutrals to the confiscations of which
ever party gains the superiority.
Can you suppose you sordid sons of Avarice, that three
millions of people will surrender their liberties without a
single struggle ? Or if they should, when the British
aristocracy have beat down every barrier of property in
America, do you really imagine that your fertile fields will
escape their rapacious hands ? Or that they will not find
or make some pretext for sacrificing the present owner, to
gratify their interested views, by dividing his spoils amongst
them ? If these are your sentiments, pursue the delusion,
and experience the consequence. But if, on the other
hand, my countrymen, all ranks of you are convinced that
it is not only dangerous but absurd to subject yourselves to
a double taxation, and to two supreme Legislatures ; if you
think that your Sovereign ought to be considered as supreme
Ruler of the whole Empire, providing for the welfare of his
subjects within the Realm, at the head of liis British Par-
liament, and of those without, at the head of his American
Assemblies, by laws adapted to the local situation, and suit-
ed to the emergencies of each, and by that negative with
which he is invested by the Constitution, restrain the dif-
ferent states of his . extensive Dominions from enacting
laws to destroy the freedom or to prejudice the interest of
each other ; if you are satisfied that the independence of
America upon the British Parliament is essentially neces-
sary to check the growing power of aristocracy in Great
Britain, and to restore your Sovereign to that weight in
the National Councils which he ought to possess ; if you
still retain a just sense of your best birth-right, that of
being governed only by such laws as you or your ancestors
have or hud a share in framing; if you deem it incompat-
ible with every idea of liberty to trust the legislative power
with men you have not chosen, and who, from their situ-
ation, will reap the advantages, but cannot share in the
inconveniences of the laws they make to oppress you ; if
you look upon slavery as the greatest evil that can possibly
befall you in this world ; and if reposing your trust in the
Supreme Being, to assist a just cause, you are determined
to unite firmly in asserting your native rights, coolly con-
sider the second question: "What mode of proceeding
" will you adopt as the most rational and effectual to sliake
" off the jurisdiction usurped over you?"
Three plans have been proposed to you :
1st Plan. That ail the Colonies in America, except
New England, shall agree to pay for the tea destroyed by
the people of Boston upon the repeal of the duty imposed
upon that article to be paid in America, and upon the
repeal of the Act for shutting up the port of Boston.
2d Plan. That you should immediately stop all exports
and imports to and from Great Britain and the Islands,
till the Tea and Boston Acts are repealed.
3d Plan. That you shall absolutely determine, at once,
that you will not in future submit to any Act of the British
Parliament, made to be executed in the Colonies since the
fourth of James the First ; that if any Judge of any Court
whatsoever, shall presume to pronounce any judgment to
enforce such Acts of Parliament, he shall incur the re-
sentment of an injured people, and be treated as an enemy
to America; that the judgment so pronounced by him
shall be absolutely void ; that the person injured by such
judgment shall by force repel the execution of such judg-
ment, and that you will, at the risk of your lives and for-
tunes, support him in repelling such execution.
A moments reflection will convince you, that to pursue
the first plan proposed may be productive of evil, but can-
not possibly be attended with any good consequences. Is
it reasonable to imagine that the East India Company
intended to erect a number of booths or little grocers' shops
in America, for the convenience of retailing their tea by
the ounce ? For if they only intended to deal in the
wholesale way, by supplying the different stores in Ame-
rica, that they not only might, but actually have done, for
many years from their warehouses in Great Britain ; it is
therefore generally supposed that the project of the East
India Company's sending ship loads of tea to America was
concerted between the Minister and them, to establish a
glaring precedent of your having submitted to an internal
tax, imposed upon you by the British Parliament, for the
sole purpose of raising a revenue, or, in case of resistance, to
furnish a plausible pretext for dragooning you into obedi-
ence. If this was really the case, that Company (as tools
of arbitrary power) have suffered no more than they de-
served, and to indemnify their losses would only be to
invite fresh injuries of the same kind. Again, as their
consignees had trifled with the people of Boston till they
became liable for the duty, they would add that duty to
the price of their tea ; and if the Minister can extract the
duty, and the East India Company receive the price,
whether the tea is destroyed by the populace of one Colo-
ny, and " paid for by the Assemblies of the others, or
whether it is purchased and consumed in the regular course
of business, will be a matter of no greater concern, either
to the Minister or to the Company, than that, in the first
case, it will, by becoming the avowed act of different
Assemblies, be a more dangerous precedent than that of
private consumption, which might be supposed to proceed
from the want of virtue in a few individuals. But even
supposing that the East India Company were in no com-
bination with the Minister to enslave you, and that, con-
vinced of the danger of sporting with the liberties of their
fellow-subjects, they are determined to relinquish their
project of sending tea to America, still the plan proposed
cannot be attended with any good consequences.
The British aristocracy have already proceeded to great
lengths in endeavouring to enforce implicit obedience from
the Colonies to be diverted from their despotick views,
with any trifling concessions you can make, or any timid
measures you can pursue. The language they now use is,
that the honour of Parliament is at stake, and nothing but
an implicit submission to its authority, and an absolute
surrender of your liberties, will preserve that honour, or, in
the words of their insolent demagogue, America is not
even to be heard till she prostrates herself at their feet ;
and the two Acts of Pariiament, altering the Charter of
New England, abrogating the rights solemnly granted by
it, and instituting new modes of trial to encom-age the
British soldiers to murther the inhabitants of America in
general, leave you no room to doubt of their hostile inten-
tions.
Timid or temporizing measures will answer no other end
than to swell their pride, heighten their arrogance, and
increase their contempt of you. The first plan proposed
cannot, therefore, be effectual to relieve us.
In my next I shall consider whether the second can be
adopted with greater propriety. ,
545
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
546
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL.
A.t a Council held at Philadelphia, on Thursday,
July 14, 1774 :
Present, the Honourable John Penn, Esq., Govemour,
Rich. Peters, Benj. Chew, and James Tilghman, Esqrs.
The Govemour laid before the Board several late Let-
ters from Arthur St. Clair, Esq., at Ligonier, containing
very favourable accounts of the disposition and temper of
the Indians, as also an Extract of Mr. Alexander M'Kee,
the Deputy Indian Agent's Journal, of all the transactions
with the Indians at Pittsburgh, since the first of May last.
The Govemour then acquainted the Board, that the As-
sembly being to meet, by summons, on Monday next, on
occasion of the late Indian disturbances, he thought it
would be necessary that a Message should be prepared to
be sent them immediately on their meeting. Whereupon,
Mr. Chew, Mr. Tilghman, and Mr. Shippen, were ap-
pointed a Committee to prepare a draught of the same.
CORRESPONDENCE LAID BEFORE THE COUNCIL.
At a Meeting held with the Indians at Pittsburgh, the
29th of June, 1774 :
Present, Captain Aston, Major McCulhck, Captain
Crawford, Mr. Valen. Crawford, Captain Nevill, Mr.
Edward Cook, Mr. John Stevenson, Captain Hogeland,
Mr. David Shepherd, Rev. Mr. Whiteaker, Mr. Joseph
Wells, Mr. James Innis, Mr. jJineas Mackay, Mr. Joseph
Simons; with a number of the Inhabitants and Traders.
Indians — Captain White Eyes, Weyandahila, Captain
Johnny ; with sundry other young men.
Captain White Eyes first infomied us that he was
returned from transacting the business which he had been
sent upon by his brethren, the English, and that he now
had the satisfaction to tell us that he had succeeded in his
negotiations with all those tribes of the several Nations of
Indians whom he had since seen and conferred with upon
the unhappy disturbances which unfortunately arose this
Spring between the foolish people of both parties ; and that
he had found all Nations fully disposed to adhere to their
ancient friendship, and the advice of their wise men.
Here he delivered a paper from the Chiefs of the
Delawares, containing as follows :
" Now Comer's Town, June 2l8t, 1774.
" Brothers : When the late unhappy disturbances
happened, you desired us to be strong, and to speak to the
other tribes of the Indians to hold fast the chain of friend-
ship subsisting between the English and them. I now
inform you that we sent for our uncles, the Wyandots, and
our grandchildren, the Shawanese, and also the Cherokees,
and we have desired them to be strong, and to inform all
other Nations, and hold fast the chain which our grandfa-
thers made, and you may depend our King still continues
to go on in that good work,
" As things now seem to have a good prospect, and peace
likely to be restored again, Brothers, we desire you to be
stron", and also on your parts to hold fast the chain of
friendship, as you may remember when it was made it was
ai^reed that even the loss of ten men's lives on any side
should not weaken it. If, for the future, we are all strong
and brighten the chain of friendship, our foolish young r« en
will not have it in their power to disturb it. We cannot
inform j'ou any more of our grandchildren the Shawanese,
than that they are gone home, and intend soon going to
Fort Pitt, to hear of the disturbances which have happened
between your foolish people and theirs, when you will then
hear from their own mouths what they have to say.
" Brothers: As things now seem to be easy, and all the
Nations have now agreed to hold fast the chain' tif friend-
ship, and make their young men sit quiet, we desire you to
consider of what you have to say when our grandchildren
the Shawanese come to speak to you. The head men of
the Shawanese are gone to Wagetomica, and intend to send
their King up to Fort Pitt, that he may himself hear what
his brothers the English have to say.
" King New Comer, Neolige,
" White Eyes, Killbuck,
"Thomas McKee, William Anderson,
" Epaloined, Simon Girty.
"To Geo. Croghan, Alex. McKee, and J.Conolly, ilsqrs.'
White Eyes again addressed the People : - •
" Brethren : It was with pleasure I heard you when
you first desired me not to look towards the mischief that
had been committed by foolish men, and I looked upon it
as a convincing proof of your desire to preserve that chain
of friendship which has so long subsisted between us. Be
strong, brethren, and let us both be strong in continuing so
to do, and not only overlook the indiscretion and folly of
our rash inconsiderate men, but take pity of them, that our
young people, as they grow up, may hereafter enjoy the
blessings of that peace and friendship established between
us ; and to this end let us call to our remembrance the
amity made by our forefathers and their wise people, which
is no doubt still impressed upon the hearts of our great
men, to whom let us apply to reconcile our uneasiness, as
this is the sure way to prevent our friendship from being
destroyed, or contracting mst. Therefore, brethren, let
us rely upon them for our future welfare. Every thing is
so far now settled upon our parts, that it only requires a
meeting of our pmdent men to restore that peace and tran-
quillity to our country we so much wish for. Brethren,
we desire that no imprudent action may now destroy the
agreeable prospect of this desirable event. {A Belt.)
" I have to inform you that the Chiefs of all Nations still
continue to hold by that chain of friendship which has
been put into their hands by Sir William Johnson, in the
name of their father, the King of Great Britain, and that
it was only the actions of a few individuals, contrary to
their Chiefs' intentions, that had bred this confusion
amongst them ; who have, in the violence of their grief
and passion, taken revenge for the loss of their friends ;
but the Chiefs of all Nations assured me, that as soon as
those bad people, who were yet scattered amongst them,
were in their power, they would secure them from doing
further evil, and that those they have seen are sorry for
what they have done, begging the pity of their Chiefs,
and I have reason to expect that you will see them shortly
upon this occasion."
A true copy, Alexander McKee.
JOHN MONTGOMERY TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Carlisle, June 30, 1774.
Sir, may it please youb Honour : I received your
two letters, as also the arms, ammunition, &c., for the use
of the back inhabitants, which I have forwarded to Captain
St. Clair ; shall settle for the carriage when I go down in
September next ; our accounts from Fort Pitt are favour-
able. The traders who were at the Lower Towns ^e on
their way to (and some of them are arrived at) Pittsburgh,
with all their property. They are guarded by a number
of Shawanese and Delawares. The Mingoes attempted
to cut off the traders at the Canoe place, but were prevented
by the Shawanese, who told the Mingoes that the traders
were under their protection, and if they struck them they
would resent it and punish them for it. The Shawanese
seem well disposed and inclinable for peace, and will con-
tinue so unless provoked by the Virginians. The Dela-
wares are all for peace. Logan's party was returned, and
had thirteen scalps and one prisoner. Logan says he is
now satisfied for the loss of his relations, and will sit still
until he hears what the Long Knife (the Virginians) will
say. I am in hopes that the storm will blow over, and that
peace and tranquillity will be restored to the back inhab-
itants.
I am, honourable sir, your Honour's most obedient and
humble servant, John Montgomery.
To the Honourable John Penn, Govemour and Comman-
der-in-chief of the Province of Pennsylvania.
RICHARD LEE, PRESIDENT OF THE MARYLAND COUNCIL,
TO GOVERNOUR J"ENN.
Maryland, 2d July, 1774.
Sir : Tlie enclosed depositions will show that some dis-
ordei-s have happened, and the subject which has been the
occasion of them . The Proprietary of this Provmce being
a minor, is under the care of guardians, derivmg their autho-
rity from the appointment of the Lord High Chancellor of
England, and is under the especial protection of his Lord-
ship; and as the guardians have declined doing any act
Fourth Series.
35
547
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
548
merely in their capacity of guardians, by wliich the right
or estate of their ward may be aftected, I presume no per-
son in Maryland can think it proper for him to do such
an act.
Whether it may not be expedient to suspend the execu-
tion of any measure which may be the occasion of disturb-
ing the peace, I must refer to your prudent consideration.
Conceiving it to be my duty, 1 siiaii, by tiie first opportu-
nity, transmit to the guardians an account of what has
happened, and of the occasion of it. And have the
honour to be, with great regard, sir, your most obedient
servant, Richard Lee.
The Honourable John Penn, Esq.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligoni^r, July 4, 1774.
Sir : I have the honour to enclose you the last piece of
Indian intelligence, which came by Captain White Eyes,
a few days ago, and am very happy that afiairs have so
peaceable an aspect ; yet I cannot but express my fears that
it will soon be interrupted, as a large body of Virginians
are certainly in motion. Colonel Henry Lewis is ordered
to the mouth of Kenhawa to build a fort there, and Major
McDonald, witli about five hundred men, is to march up
Braddock's Road, and down to Wheeling, to build ano-
ther there, and Cresap, with three others, are appointed
to raise ranging companies. With such officers as Cresap
no good can be expected ; so that it is very doubtful but all
attempts to preserve the tranquillity of the country will be
fruitless.
The men that have been raised here we have thought
proper to continue another month, as the harvest will by
that time be over. They have orders to assist and protect
the people in the different quarters where they are posted,
and I hope by that means it will be secured. The arms
and ammunition are not yet arrived, but I hear they will
reach this place to-morrow or next day.
I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble
servant, Ar. St. Clair.
P. S. Last week Mr. Conolly issued an order to prevent
any skins being removed from Pittsburgh till they paid a
duty, as in Virginia. There has been some appearance of
the old seed of the Black Boys. A number of people had
assembled to stop Mr. Simons's goods, but I had got notice
of it, and sent a party to protect them, and have issued
warrants against them ; their ringleader will certainly be
taken this day.
MSEAS MACKA¥, JOSEPH SPEAR, AND DEVEREUX SMITH,
TO JOSEPH SHIPPEN, JUN.
Pittsburgh, July 8th, 1774.
Sir: Since our memorial to his Honour, the Governour,
of the 25th of Junv, accompanied by some notes, there
has several occurrences of so extraordinary a nature hap-
pened, that we hope no apology is necessary for giving you
this trouble. The traders who were coming by land are
all come in safe. Captain White Eyes is returned, with
the strongest assurances of friendship from the Shawanese,
Delawares, Wyandots and Cherokees, with whom he had
been treating on our behalf. U^pon bis return he found
his house broken open by the Virginians, and about thirty
pounds worth of his property taken, which was divided
and sold by the robbers at one Froman's Fort, on Char-
tin's Creek.
Doctor Conolly continues to exercise his authority as
usual. Our persons are daily insulted, our property
forcibly taken, and even our lives threatened. We had
a remarkable instance of this on the first instant. A
horse, the property of Messrs. Richard and William But-
ler, having been taken by a vagrant fellow at this place,
was secreted by him in the town, which, when Messrs.
Butlers were informed of, they went and took their horse,
but not without obstinate resistance on the side of the thief,
who, in their own defence, they were obliged to strike ; upon
which the fellow applied to Doctor Conolly, who sent a
sergeant to Richard Butler, commanding him to appear
immediately in the garrison ; but Mr. Butler refused to go,
and denied Doctor Conolly's authority ; whereupon a cer-
tain Captain Aston was sent for them, with a party from
the fort, and orders to break their house and take them
at all events. Messrs. Butlers, after much debate, and
repeated threats from Captain Aston, at the entreaty of
their friends, consented to go down to the garrison ; and
when they demanded the cause of such treatment were
answered that they must go immediately to jail, but they
were aftenvards allowed to give bail for their appearance
at August Court. The same day Mr. Conolly informed
them, and the other traders, they must pay him a duty of
four pence per skin before they could remove one from
this place, and immediately ordered the roads to be stop-
l)ed, wliich was accordingly done, and a number of horses
belonging to Mr. Blaine and others, were seized and
brought back. A few days ago, one of the traders who
went to meet his people, and some Indians that were
bringing his peltry from Newcomer's Town, was, upon his
return, waylaid by about forty Virginians, who took him,
three of iiis men, and five Delaivare men, prisoners, telling
him they would for the future treat as savages and enemies
every trader that they should find in the woods. About
this time two Delaware men, who had come from the
towns up to assist some of the traders with their horses,
were pursued by a party of Virginians to Mr. Smith's
house, where they Hew for protection. The party followed
them to the door, demanded entrance, and swore they
would burn the house if they were refused. The Indians,
notwithstanding, were kept in the house till night, and then
dismissed in safety.
Mr. Wm. Butler, being insulted by a worthless drunk-
en fellow, was under the necessity of chastising his inso-
lence. Whereupon Mr. Conolly issued a King's warrant
for him, and his Sheriff came to Mr. Smith's, where Mr.
Butler then was, between eight and nine o'clock at night,
and after an unsuccessful attempt to take Mr. Butler, ran
out and called a guard that was waiting for that purpose,
who immediately surrounded the house, remained there till
after nine o'clock, and then dispersed. The Virginians,
from their conduct, appear determined on a war. Colonel
Lewis is supposed to be at the Kenhawas with fifteen hun-
dred men, and several parties have gone from this place to
join him, Major McDonald, Mr. Cresap, and others, are
expected here shortly, who, it is said, are going down the
river to build forts and station men at different places.
We have no room to doubt that Doctor Conolly has, by
order of Lord Dunmore, sent a Speech to the Shawanese,
importing that Logan and his party be immediately deliv-
ered up, with the three prisoners that he has taken, and
some other Shawanese that are supposed to have committed
a murder last winter. That on a refusal they (the Vir-
ginians) are determined to proceed against them with
vigour, and will show them no mercy. Doctor Conolly
has expresses constantly on the road between this and
Williamsburg, whereby he has been able to impose on his
Lordship the flagrant misrepresentations of Indian affairs
that appear in the Williamsburg paper of the 9th of June,
which has been publickly confuted at this place by several
persons well acquainted with the present state and senti-
ments of the difi'erent Nations.
We hope that it is not necessary to say any more to con-
vince you how unhappily we are at present circumstanced,
not only from the prospect of an Indian war, which the
Virginians appear determined to bring upon us, but from
the apprehension of further insults from Doctor Conolly's
extraordinary conduct, of which we have given several
specimens, and which, without the interposition of Govern-
ment, we shall not be long able to support.
We are, sir, with profound respect, your humble servants,
^NEAS Mackay,
Joseph Spear,
Devereux Smith.
Secretary to his Honour
To Joscj-h Shippen, Jun., Esq.
tlie Governour.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Hanna's Town, July 12, 1774.
Sir: On Friday last I was honoured with your letter of
the 28th ult., and I have now the satisfaction to acquaint
you that the panick seems entirely over, and that numbers
of people are returning daily.
It must be very grateful to every person concerned, as it
is in a very particular manner to me, that their endeavours
549
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, JULY, 1774.
550
on this occasion has met with so full approbation from your
Honour, and will most certainly induce them to exert them-
selves on future ones. 1 had yesterday an opportunity to
acquaint them, as also a very respectable body of people
who were assembled here in consequence of a letter from
the Committee of Philadelphia, of your determination to
afford them every necessary assistance and protection. I
read to them that part of your Honour's letter, and they
received it with great satisfaction and thankfulness.
I shall probably have occasion to write you again to-mor-
row, as I had, yesterday, a letter from Mr. Croghan, desiring
a conference on matters of great importance to the Province,
which he would not trust in writing. I believe, however,
it is a proposal to open some trading place ; that is, to form
a town some where up tlie Alleghany, as the trading peo-
ple must leave Pittsburgh. Henkston, with about eighteen
men in arms, paid us a visit at Court last week, and I am
veiy sorry to say got leave to go away again, though there
was a force sufficient to secure two such parties, at the
Sheriff's direction. I had got intelligence that they were
to be there, and expected to be joined by a party of
Cresap's people, for which reason the ranging party that
were within reach had been drawn in, but none of the
Virginians appeared. It is said a commission has been
sent him from Virginia ; certain it is he is enlisting men
for that service.
I believe there was something else I ought to have
informed you of, but 1 am surrounded by a crowd of peo-
ple, which has put it out of my head.
I have the honour to be, su", your Honour's most obedient
and most humble servant,
Arthur St. Clair.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, July 17, 1774.
Sir : The business Mr. Croghan had to communicate
was this, that the Virginians are determined to put a stop
to the Indian trade with this Province, and that Messrs.
Simons, Campbell and Conolly, have obtained an exclusive
privilege of carrying it on on the frontiers of Plrginia.
He recommends the laying out a tovv'n up the Alleghany at
the Kittaning, to which the traders might retire, as they
will certainly be obliged to abandon Pittsburgh, and from
which the trade might be carried on to as much advantage
as the distance from thence to Kaskaslcies is much the same
as from Pittsburgh, and a very good road. He further
recommends the building a small stockade there to afford
tliem protection in case of a war. The Indians will cer-
tainly quit Pittsburgh, as it is at the risk of their hves they
come there, to which I was an eye-witness. Croghan
further says, unless somebody is sent up by the Government
to speak to the Indians very soon, that we shall see no more
of them, and that die Delawares, who are still firiendly,
will be debauched.
I beg you to excuse this incoherent scrawl, as I am
obliged to be held up whilst 1 write it.
I am, sir, your very humble and most obedient servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
P. S. Henkston has left the country.
Savannah, Georgia, July 14, 1774.
Tlie critical situation to which the British Colonies in
America are likely to be reduced, from the alarming and
arbitrary impositions of the late Acts of the British Parlia-
ment, respecting the town of Boston, as well as the Acts
that at present extend to the raising of a perpetual reve-
nue, without the consent of the people or their Representa-
tives, is considered as an object extremely imijortant at this
critical juncture, and particularly calculated to deprive the
American subjects of their constitutional rights and liber-
ties, as a part of the British Empire.
It is therefore requested, that all persons within the
limits of this Province do attentl at the Liberty Pole at
Fondet's Tavern, in Savaiinah, on Wednesday, the 27th
instant, in order that the said matters may be taken under
consideration ; and such other constitutional measures pur-
sued as may then appear to be most eligible.
Noble W. Jones, John Houston,
Archibald Bulloch, George Walton.
New-York, July 14, 1774.
We hear from Albany, that all the Chiefs and Head
Warriors of the Six Natio7is are now on their way to Sir
fVilliam Johnson's, to hold Congress on the alarming news
they received of the murders committed by Cresap and
others, his associates, in Ohio ; that a considerable number
are already assembled at Johnson's Hall, and it is expected
the whole will amount to six or seven hundred ; and that
notwithstanding the disorders which the unprovoked bar-
barity of Cresap and others have occasioned to the South-
ward, there is reason to hope that, through the endeavours
of Sir William, the fidelity of the Six Nations will be
preserved, and the Northern frontiers secured from the
dangers and distress now experienced on the frontiers of
Virginia, Stc. It is, however, earnestly wished by all per-
sons concerned in new settlements or trade, that nothing
may, in the interim, happen to defeat their sanguine ex-
pectations from the intended Congress.
HENRICO COUNTY (viRGINIa) INSTRUCTIONS TO THEIR
BELEGATES.
At a Meeting of the Loyal and Patriotick People of the
County of Henrico, in Virginia, at the Court House, on
the 15th of July, the following Address to their late worthy
Representatives was agreed on, and signed by a great num-
ber of Freeholders :
To Richard Adams and Samuel Duval, Esqrs.:
We, the subscribers, freeholders of the County of Hen-
rico, assembled for the purpose of deliberating on the pre-
sent posture of publick affairs, return you our thanks for the
part you acted in the late Assembly as our Burgesses.
When we reflect on the alarming and critical situation of
things respecting the mother country, our minds are filled
with the most anxious concern. The Acts of the British
Parliament, made for punishing the inhabitants of Massa-
chusetts Bay, are repugnant to the first principles of jus-
tice ; and if they are suffered to have a full operation, will
not only crush our sister Colony, and involve the guilty
and innocent in one common ruin, but will stand as a fatal
precedent to future times for adopting the same fatal meas-
ures towards this and every other British Colony. We
have, therefore, passed this determination, and shall con-
duct ourselves conformably, that the cause of the Colony
of Massachusetts Bay in general, and of the town of Bos-
ton in particular, is the cause of this and every Colony in
North America.
We hope, gentlemen, that the exceeding importance of
the present crisis will plead our excuse for giving you our
sentiments touching that conduct which we wish you to ob-
serve in the ensuing Congress on the first day of August
next at Williamsburg, to which we depute you to act on
our behalf.
With grief and astonishment we behold Great Britain
adopting a mode of Government towards her Colonies to-
tally incompatible with our safety and happiness. We can-
not submit to be taxed by her Parliament. We cannot sit
still and see the harbour of Boston blocked up by an armed
force. We cannot behold, without indignation, the charter
rights of a sister Colony violated, or the form of its Gov-
ernment changed by an Act of Parliament, as derogatory
to the honour of the mother country, as it is repugnant to
justice. And lastly, we will not suffer our fellow-subjects
to be seized and transported beyond sea to be tried for sup-
posed offences committed here. If these things are suf-
fered to be reduced to practice, we shall account ourselves
the most miserable of men, unworthy the name of freemen ;
we shall not wonder if, in future, we are treated as slaves.
We therefore most solemnly charge and conjure you to
use your best endeavours to save us from these calamities.
We earnestly entreat you for your utmost exertion to pro-
cure, by all possible ways and means, a total repeal of the
late oppressive and detestable Acts of Pariiament. We
heartily trust you will concur in such measures as the said
Congress shall judge most eflicacious to preserve our an-
cient rights ; for be assured, gentlemen, that nothing shall
ever induce from us a submission to tyranny, and that we
resolve, once for all, to live and die freemen.
In order to effect those desirable ends, we give it as our
opinion, that the most efiectual method of opposing the
55i
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
552
said several Acts of Parliament, will be, that a General
Association between all the American Colonies, ought im-
mediately be entered into, not to import from Great Bri-
tain any commodity whatsoever, except such articles as the
general Congress shall judge necessary, until the just rights
of the Colonies are restored to them ; and the cruel Acts of
the British Parliament against the Colony of Massachu-
setts Bay and town of Boston are repealed.
A love of justice, and the tender regard we have for our
friends the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain,
to whom we are indebted, and who must, of course, suffer
in the common cause, prevents our recommending the stop-
ping our exports at this time ; but at a future day we will
heartily concur with the other counties of this Colony to
stop all exports as well as imports, to and from Great Bri-
tain, unless what we have already recommended to you
shall be found effectual.
We most cordially recommend that no time be lost in
administering every comfort and aid to our distressed breth-
ren of Boston, that their unhappy state may require, and
may comport with our situation to afford.
We further recommend to you, that you will, in conjunc-
tion with the Deputies from the different counties of this
Colony, chuse fit and proper persons on the part of this
Colony, to meet the Deputies from the other Colonies in
a general Congress, at such convenient time and place as
shall be agreed on, then and there to advise and consult
upon such measures, as, under circumstances of things at
that time, they shall deem expedient.
We strictly charge and enjoin, tliat at all times, and on
all occasions, which may present, you testify our zeal for his
Majesty's person and Government, and that we are ready
and willing, with our lives and fortunes, to support his rights
to the Crown of Great Britain and all its dependencies.
MIDDLESEX COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
After the Freeholders of the County of Middlesex had
proceeded in the most decent and orderly manner to the
election of Representatives for the county, on the 15th of
July, they were summoned to meet at the Court House,
to take into their consideration the present state of the
Colony, and America in general ; and upon mature delib-
eration, many of the most respectable of the Freeholders
and Inhabitants of the county being present, they entered
into the following Resolutions :
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting that
all allegiance is due to the person and character of the
King of Great Britain ; and that we acknowledge a con-
stitutional dependence on the Parliament, conceiving it
not incompatible with the condition of Colonists to submit
to commercial regulations in consequence of the protec-
tion that is given to our trade by the superintendence of
the mother country ; but we apprehend there is a clear
distinction between regulations of trade and taxation, and
in no degree admit the latter under the colourable denom-
ination of the former, well knowing that the nature of
things is not alterable by the changes of terms.
Resolved, That representation and taxation are in-
separably connected by the essential principles of the
British Constitution ; and that every attempt of superiour
power to levy money on the British Americans, otherwise
than by the consent of their Representatives, delivered in
Assembly, is an infraction of that Constitution, a violation
of the rights of freemen, and a subversion of property.
Resolved, That the Act imposing a duty on tea, for the
avowed purpose of revenue, is a tax ; and that every
opposition should be expressed that may move to the
repeal of the said Act, or that may render its operation
inefficacious.
Resolved, That the late Act of Pariiament suspending
the trade and shutting up the port of the town of Boston,
is an alarming circumstance to the Colonies in general, in
as much as it marks out a settled plan in the British
Parliament to enforce submission to their power of tax-
ation.
Resolved, That we do not approve of the conduct of
the people of Boston in destroying the tea belonging to
the East India Company ; and notwithstanding the tax on
tea must be esteemed a violent infringement of one of the
fundamental privileges of loyal and free subjects ; yet we
apprehend violence cannot justify violence : reason and
policy reclaim against it. A desistance from the consumj)-
tion of tea, and a confidence in the virtue of our country-
men, whose sense of the spirit of the law will no doubt
induce a total disuse of it, are much more eligible means,
and more probably will work a repeal of the Act, than
disorders, outrages, and tumults. -
Resolved, As the Records and reiterated Resolutions of
the House of Burgesses will testify to posterity, our idea
on this long agitated and contested question of the suprem-
acy of the Pariiament to tax the Colonies, that it be the
opinion of this meeting that our Representatives should
opjwse, and they are hereby instructed to oppose, all
measures that will bring on an abrupt dissolution, whereby
the business of the country will be impeded ; a savage
enemy ravaging our frontiers ; the pubiick creditors unpaid ;
a stagnation of justice, by reason of the lapse of the Fee
Bill ; the Courts of Law occluded ; every thing that is
held sacred in civil society confounded ; the just creditor
deprived of property ; and the dishonest debtor triumphant ;
these are the bitter fruits of the late dissolution.
Resolved, That an unlimited non-exportation and non-
importation scheme is impracticable ; and were it not so,
would be irreconcilable with every principle of justice and
honesty, injurious to the commerce, and fatal to the credit
of this Colony.
Resolved, That an Association be forwarded, to prohibit
the importation of all unnecessary and luxurious articles of
British manufacture, and (except saltpetre and spices,) all
kinds of East India commodities.
DINWIDDIE COUNTY (viRGINIa) DECLARATION.
At a General Meeting of the Inhabitants of the County
oi Dinwiddie, at the Court House, on Friday, the 15th of
July, in consequence of previous notice from their late
Representatives, and an intimation of their desire to be
advised and instructed relative to the differences now un-
happily subsisting between Great Britain and her Colo-
nies, after mature deliberation on this most interesting
subject, they unanimously came to the following declara-
tion of their sentiments, which are intended to manifest to
the world the principles by which they are actuated in a
dispute so important, as that they conceive on its decision,
depends the political existence of all America :
We, the inhabitants of the County of Dinvnddie, do
entertain the most cordial and unfeigned affection and
loyalty for his Majesty's person and Government, which,
tosether with his right to the Crown of Great Britain and
its dependencies, we will at all times defend and support,
at the risk of our lives and fortunes ; and under so tme a
conviction of the firmest allegiance, we think ourselves
entitled, as a constitutional right, to protection from the
Sovereign to whom we have been ever attached by the
strongest ties of duty and inclination. But however happy
we may consider ourselves under the auspices of the
Supreme Magistrate, we cannot help being apprehensive
of the ill effects which may flow from some recent and
dangerous innovations, imagined and contrived in the
House of Commons, against those rights to which the
Americans have a just and constitutional claim in conimon
with his Majesty's subjects of Great Britain. Amongst
these instances of oppression, we cannot omit the Parlia-
ment's retention of a duty on tea, accompanied by an Act
declaratory of their right in the fullest manner to tax
America, thereby asserting in other terms, their claim to
whatever property the Americans may by their labour ac-
quire, which, if submitted to, would reduce us to a degree
of servility unexampled but in a state of despotism ; and
yet, inconsistent as tliis plan of substituting power for right
may appear with the noble and liberal spirit of the British
Government, it has been adopted for some time by Admin-
istration, and pursued with a perseverance that becomes
tmly alarming. A late and striking proof of which we
have to lament in the unprecedented Acts of Pariiament
for cutting off the people of Boston from every privilege
valued by freemen, and subjecting them to hardships
unknown but in arbitrary Governments. In pursuance of
which Acts their town and harbour are blocked up; all
commerce interdicted ; and articles merely essential to life
imported, and as a matter of favour, and an inducement to
553
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
554
submission, a part of their property may be held at the
King's pleasure, on the humiliating condition of their living
in obedience to such laws. To aggravate these evils,
should atrocious murder be committed in enforcing the
execution of any of these Acts, the civil power is forbid
to punish, but the criminal is to be sent to Great Britain
for trial, or to any Colony at the will of the Governour ;
if to the former, the distance will operate to his acquittal
for want of testimony ; if the latter method is adopted, it
Is equally a subversion of the legal form of trial. This
proves in what estimation our lives are held with a British
Parliament, as the first law shows in what light they
consider our property.
Upon these distressful circumstances, we sincerely
sympathize with our fellow-subjects of Boston, and will
concur with them and the rest of the Colonies in any
measures that may be conducive to a repeal of laws so
destructive to our common rights and liberty.
And though we do not pretend to justify the outrage
committed by the people of Boston in destroying the
private property of the East India Company, to which
they might have been impelled by an apparent intention
in the Parliament of fixing on them a precedent of arbitrary
taxation ; yet we cannot see the good policy or right
reason that could dictate the depriving a whole people of
their rights for a trespass committed by a few, when the
civil laws of the community were amply provident of
redress for the injury.
The result of our opinion upon these violent measures is,
that we do protest against every Law or Act of the British
Legislature that shall authorize the imposition of taxes on
the Americans without their consent, which cannot be had
in Parliament as they have no representation, nor ought
not to have in that body from local circumstances, and
other considerations ; and because it is the proper, exclu-
sive, and indefeisible right of every free state, especially
under the British form of Government, to be taxed only
by themselves or their Representatives.
We further declare, that upon all occasions where re-
quisitions shall be made to us by the Crown, for aid in
support of his Majesty's just rights, or those of Govern-
ment, we will most cheerfully comply with them to the
utmost of our ability ; but we cannot think a British
Parliament fit judges of the mode by which, or the degree
in which, we ought to be taxed.
And whereas a Convention of the late Representatives
of this Colony was judged expedient, and was appointed
after their dissolution to be held the first day of August
next, at Williamsburg, there to consult upon the most
plausible means of avoiding the dangerous precedents of
acts of power now intended to be established against us.
To promote on our part this laudable design, we do ap-
point our late Representatives, Robert Boiling and John
Banister, Esquires, Deputies, to act for us on this important
occasion, recommending it to them to concert with the
Deputies from the other counties a firm and prudent plan
of opposition to every invasion of our rights, and particu-
larly to those Acts of Parliament we have pointed out.
Confiding in their vigilance and attention, we wish them in
their endeavoure the success that so good a cause merits.
MIDDLESEX COUNTY (neW-JERSEy) RESOLUTIONS.
According to notice, which had been given to the Free-
holders and Inhabitants of the County of Middlesex, New-
Jersey, a great number from every quarter of the county
met at the Court House in New-Brunstvick, on Friday,
the I5th day of July, 1774, at 2 o'clock, and chose John
Moores, Esq., to the Chair; but as the Court House could
not contain half the number, the meeting adjourned to the
Presbyterian Meeting House ; where, after some deliber-
ation upon the dangerous situation of the publick aifairs in
America, the meeting unanimously Resolved as follows,
viz :
Resolve 1st. That the members of this meeting, their
fellow-subjects in this Province, and they are persuaded
the inhabitants of America in general, are firm and un-
shaken in their allegiance to his Majesty King George the
Third. Tliat they have ever demonstrated their readiness
to support his Majesty's Government over them, and also
to grant aids to his Majesty, on any emergency, by their
own Representatives, to the utmost of their power.
2d. That all other modes of taxation, in the Colonies,
by a British Parliament, under whatever name or form
attempted to be introduced, is not only arbitrary and op-
pressive, but has a direct tendency to alienate the affec-
tions of the Colonies from the parent country; to widen the
breach already made by Ministerial influence, which it is
earnestly wished may speedily be healed, and a permanent
union re-established, on a solid constitutional foundation.
.3d. Tiiat the unexampled distresses brought on the Col-
ony of Massachusetts Bay, particularly that of blocking up
the port of Boston, and depriving them of all trade and com-
merce, in virtue of an Act or Acts of Parliament, is a cruel
oppression, in which all the Colonies are intimately concern-
ed ; tending by a numerous train of consequences, to fasten
on them the chains of vassalage and slavery ; or lay prostrate
at the feet of an unjustly incensed Ministry the inhabitants
of this wide extended country, who would triumph over
their liberties, sport with their lives, and claim their proper-
ties at will.
4th. We concur in the general opinion of our brethren,
that the Congress of Deputies from the several Colonies,
should present a dutiful Address to his Majesty, praying
for a general redress of the grievances complained of.
5th. We are of opinion (which we submit to be consid-
ered in the general Congress) that a general stop of all
imports and exports of merchandises, especially to Great
Britain, by all the Colonies, is the only probable, if not
the only possible measure, to preserve the liberties of this
country, at present in such imminent danger of being anni-
hilated.
6th. That an immediate subscription be set on foot,
throughout this country, towards the relief of the suffering
families in the town of Boston. For which purpose sun-
dry gentlemen in the different townships and precincts of
the county, are named and appointed to take in the same,
and to make return of such subscriptions and collections to
James Wilson, Esq., by the 1st day of September next, in
order that such collections may be sent to Boston as early
as possible.
7th. We agree with our brethren of all the counties in
this Province, in the method of choosing Committees of
Correspondence, and also that such Committees from the
several counties do meet, at a place convenient, by them
to be agreed on, and when so met to elect proper persons
to represent this Colony in the proposed Congress, for
which purpose the following gentlemen, viz : John Moores,
John Wetherill, John Johnson, Michael Field, William
Pecke, James Wilson, John Combs, Jun., Jonathan Bald-
ing, William Smith, John Dennis, and Rune Runyon,
Esqrs., are requested to be, and are hereby appointed, a
standing Committee of Correspondence, and that any five
of them are a sufficient number to act. Signed by order of
the meeting, John Moores, Chairman.
Immediately after the meeting, the members of the
County Committee present met, and agreed to meet the
Committees from the other counties, at New-Brunswick,
on Thursday, the 21st of July, instant.
New-Loadon, July 15, 1774.
The Honourable Committee of Correspondence for tlie
Colony of Connecticut, met at this town on Wcdnenlay,
the 1 3th instant, and by virtue of authority from the Hon-
ourable Lower House of Assembly, in May last, for that
purpose, nominated the Honourable Eliphalet Dyer, and
William Samuel Johnson, Erastus Wolcott, Silas Deane,
and Richard Laio, Esqrs.,* that is to say, any three of
them, on behalf of this Colony, to attend the general Con-
gress of Commissioners, of the English American Colo-
nies, proposed to be holden at Philadelphia, on the 1st of
September next ; with them to consult and advise on proper
measures to promote the general good and welfare of the
• Hartford, July 23.— The Honourable William Samuel Johnson,
Major Eraatus Wolcott, and Richard Law, Esq., chosen by the hon.
ourable Committee of Correspondence for that Colony, at their late
meeting in New-Lomlon, to meet the Delegates from the other Colo,
nies in general Congress, at Philadelphia, having declined that service.
The Committee have agreed to meet in this town, on Wednesday, the
third of August next, to appoint three other gentlemen in their stead.
August 3.— Tlio following gentlemen were appointed at Hartford,
viz : the Hon. Roger Sherman, Esq., and Capt. Joseph Trumbull; one
of which gentlemen, with the Hon. Eliphalet Dyer, Esq., and Silas
Deane, Esq., who were appointed at the fonncr meeting, are to repre-
Bent the Colony of Connecticut at the general Congress,
555
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
556
whole, and for obtaining a redress of the grievances under
whicli we labour. Being a matter of great expectancy, a
number of gentlemen from the neighbouring towns attend-
ed. About four o'clock, P. M., the gentlemen Committee
declared to the expecting people their choice ; upon which
a royal salute was fired from our battery, and also a salute
from the shipping in the harbour. Decency, good order,
and loyalty, were conspicuous in all ranks and degrees of
the people.
By his Ktcelhncy the HonourahJc Thomas Gage, Gen-
eral and Command er-in- Chief of all his Majesty's
Forces in North America, S^c, (fc, ifc.
A proclamation.
Whereas some Soldiers have deserted his Majesty's
service, belonging to the Regiments late arrived from Great
Britain and Ireland. This is to give notice, all soldiers
who deserted from said Corps previous to the tenth day of
this instant, month of July, shall receive their pardons
upon surrendering themselves before or on the tenth day of
August next ensuing ; and on failure of so doing, they are
not to expect mercy.
Given under my hand at Head Quarters at Boston, this
fifteenth day of July, one thousand seven hundred and
seventy-four. Thomas Gage.
By his Excellency's command.
Gab. Maturin, Secretary.
IVIjLSsachusctts Bay.
PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.
At a Provincial Meeting of Deputies chosen by the
several Counties, in Pennsylvania, held at Philadelphia,
Friday, Jidy 15, 1774, and continued by adjournments
from day to-day. Present :
For the City and Cowniy o/Philadelphia. — Thomas
Willing, John Dickinson, Peter Chevalier, Edward Pen-
nington, Thomas Wharton, John Cox, Joseph Read, Tho-
mas Wharton, Jun., Samuel Erwin, Thomas Fitzsimmons,
Doctor WiUiam Smith, Isaac Howell, Adam Hubley,
George Schlosser, Samuel Miles, Thomas Mifjlin, Chris-
topher LudvAclc, Joseph Moulder, Anthony Morris,
Jun., George Gray, John Nixon, Jacob Barge, Thomas
Penrose, John M. Neshit, Jonathan B. Smith, James
Mease, Thomas Barclay, Benjamin Marshall, Samuel
Howell, William Moulder, John Roberts, John Bayard,
f'Villiam Rush, Charles Thomson.
Bucks. — John Kidd, Henry Wynlcoop, Joseph KirJc-
hride, John Wilkinson, James Wallace.
Chester. — Francis Richardson, Elisha Price, John
Hart, Anthony Waine, Hugh Lloyd, John Sellers, Fran-
cis Johnson, Richard Reiley.
Lancaster. — George Ross, James Webb, Joseph Fer-
ree, Matthias Slough, Emanuel Carpenter, William Atlee,
Alexander Lowry, Moses Erwin.
York. — James Smith, Jos. Donaldson, Thos. Hartley.
Cumberland. — James Wilson, Robert Magaw, Wil-
liam Irvine.
Berks. — Edward Biddle, Daniel Broadhead, Jona-
than Potts, Thomas Dnndas, Christopher Schultz.
Northampton. — William Edmunds, Peter Kechlein,
John Okeley, Jacob Amdt.
Northumberland. — William Scull, Samuel Hunter.
Bedford. — George Woods.
Westmoreland. — Robert Hannah, James Cavett.
Thomas Willing, Chairman,
Charles Thomson, Clerk.
Agreed, Tiiat in case of any difference in sentiment,
the question be determined by the Deputies voting by
counties.
The Letters from Bo6/on of the 13th of iJiffy were then
read, and a short account given of the steps taken in con-
sequence thereof, and the measures now pursuing in this
and the neighbouring Provinces. After which the follow-
ing Resolves were passed :
Unanimously, I. That we acknowledge ourselves, and
the inhabitants of tliis Province, liege subjects of his
Majesty King George tiie Tliird, to whom they and we
owe and will bear true and faithful allegiance.
Unanimously, 2. That as the idea of an unconstitu-
tional independence on the parent state is utterly abhorrent
to our principles, we owe the unhappy differences between
Great Britain and the Colonies with the deepest distress
and anxiety of mind, as fruitless to her, grievous to us,
and destructive of the best interests of both.
Unanimously, 3. That it is, therefore, our ardent desire,
that our ancient harmony with the mother country should
be restored, and a perpetual love and union subsist between
us, on the principles of the Constitution, and an interchange
of good oliices, without the least infraction of our mutual
rights.
Unanimously, 4. That the inhabitants of these Colonies
are entitled to the same rights and liberties within these
Colonies, that the subjects born in England are entitled to
within that Realm.
Unanimously, 5. That the power assumed by the Par-
hament of Great Britain to bind the people of these
Colonies, " by statutes, in all cases whatsoever," is uncon-
stitutional, and, therefore, the source of tliese unhappy dif-
ferences.
Unanimously, 6. That the Act of Parliament for shut-
ting up the port of Boston, is unconstitutional, oppressive
to the inhabitants of that town, dangerous to the liberties
of the British Colonies ; and, therefore, that we consider
our brethren at Boston as suffering in the common cause
of these Colonies.
Unanimously, 7. That the Bill for altering the adminis-
tration of justice in certain criminal cases within the Prov-
ince of Massachusetts Bay, if passed into an Act of Par-
liament, will be as unconstitutional, oppressive and dan-
gerous, as the Act above mentioned.
Unanimously, 8. That the Bill for changing the Con-
stitution of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, established
by Charter, and enjoyed since the grant of that Charter, if
passed into an Act of Parliament, will be unconstitutional,
and dangerous in its consequences to the American Colo-
nies.
Unanimously, 9. That there is an absolute necessity
that a Congress of Deputies from the several Colonies be
immediately assembled, to consult together, and form a
general plan of conduct to be observed by all the Colonies,
for the purposes of procuring relief for our suffering breth-
ren, obtaining redress of our grievances, preventing future
dissensions, firmly establishing our rights, and restoring
harmony between Great Britain and her Colonies on a
constitutional foundation.
Unanimously, 10. That, although a suspension of the
commerce of this large trading Province, with Great Bri-
tain, would greatly distress multitudes of our industrious
inhabitants, yet that sacrifice, and a much greater, we are
ready to offer for the preservation of our liberties ; but, in
tenderness to the people of Great Britain, as well as of
this country, and in hopes that our just remonstrnnces will,
at length, reach the ears of our gracious Sovereign, and be
no longer treated with contempt by any of our fellow-sub-
jects in England, it is our earnest desire tliat the Congress
should first try the gentler mode of stating our grievances,
and making a firm and decent claim of redress.
11. Resolved, by a great majority. That yet, notwith-
standing, as an unanimity of counsels and measures is
indispensably necessary for the common welfare, if the
Congress shall judge agreements of non-importation and
non-exportation expedient, the people of this Province
will join with the other principal and neighbouring Colo-
nies, in such an Association of non-importation from, and
non-exportation to, Great Britain, as shall be agreed on
at the Congress.
] 2. Resolved, by a majority. That if any proceedings
of the Parliament, of which notice shall be received, on
this Continent, before or at t!ie general Congress, shall
render it necessary, in the opinion of that Congress, for the
Colonies to take farther steps than are mentioned in the
eleventh Resolve ; in such case, the inhabitants of this
Province shall adopt such farther steps, and do all in their
power to carry them into execution.
Unanimously, 13. That the venders of merchandise of
every kind, within this Province, ought not to take advan-
tage of the Resolves relating to non-importation, in this
Province, or elsewhere ; but that they ought to sell their
merchandise, which they now have, or may hereafter im-
port, at the same rates they have been accustomed to do
within three months last past.
Unanimously, 14. That the people of this Province
557
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
558
will break off all trade, commerce, and dealing, and will
have no trade, commerce, or dealing of any kind, with any
Colony on this Continent, or with any city or town in such
Colony, or witli any individual in any such Colony, city,
or town, which shall refuse, decline, or neglect to adopt,
and carry into execution, such general plan as shall be
agreed to in Congress.
Unanimously, 15. That it is the duty of every member
of this Committee to promote, as much as he can, the
subscription set on foot, in the several counties of this
Province, for the relief of the distressed inhabitants of
Boston.
Unanimously, 16. That this Committee give instructions
on tlie present situation of publick affairs to their Repre-
sentatives, who are to meet next week in Assembly, and
request them to appoint a proper number of persons to
attend a Congress of Deputies from the several Colonies,
at such time and place as may be agreed on, to effect one
general plan of conduct for attaining the great and import-
ant ends mentioned in tlie ninth Resolve.
Saturday, July 16, 1774.
Tlie Committee for the Province of Pennsylvania met
according to adjournment.
Jolm Dickinson, Doctor William Smith, Joseph Read,
John Kidd, Elisha Price, William Atlee, James Smith,
James Wilson, Daniel Broadhead, John Okeley and
William Scull, are appointed to prepare and bring in a
draught of Instructions.
Monday, July 18.* — Tlie Committee appointed to
bring in Instructions, reported, that they had made a
draught, which they laid upon the table.
Moved, That they be read, which was done.
Tuesday, July 19. — Upon a motion made and seconded,
agreed, that the draught of Instructions brought in by the
Committee, and which were read, be re-committed to the
same Committee.
Wednesday, July 20. — The Committee having brought
in a draught of Instructions, the same were debated,
amended, and agreed to.
Thursday, July 21. — The Instructions were signed by
the Chairman. The Committee, in a body, waited on
the Assembly then sitting, and presented the same.
It having been moved, that the Essay of the Instructions
first proposed to be given to the Honourable Assembly of
Pennsylvania, by the Provincial Committee assembled at
Philadelphia, the 18lh instant, might be abridged, leaving
out the Argumentative part, so as to be more proper for
instructions, the same was agreed to ; but resolved, at the
same time, that the whole work ought to be published, as
liighly deserving the perusal and serious consideration of
every friend of liberty within these Colonies.
Agreed, unanimously, That the thanksf of this Com-
mittee be given from the Chair to John Dickinson, Esquire,
for the great assistance they have derived from the laud-
able application of his eminent abilities to the service of his
country in the above performance.
Extract from the Minutes,
Charles Thomson, Clerk of the Committee.
• The Committees of the counties having been invited, by the
Committee for the City and County of Philadelphia, to meet them at
Philadelphia on the 15th of July, this Committee tliought it their
duty to make some preparation in the business, tliat was to be laid
bcfori the Provincial Committee by them. On the 4th of July they
appointed a Committee for this purpose ; and this measure enabled
those appointed by the Provincial Committee to bring in a draught so
soon.
t Mr. Dickinson being absent this day, on account of the funeral
of a relation, the next day the Chairman, in a very obliging manner,
delivered to him from the Chair the thanks of the Committee j to
which he replied :
" Mr. Chairman : I heartily thank this respectable Assembly for
" the honour they have conferred upon mo, but want words to express
" the sense I feel of their kindness. The mere accidents of meeting
" with particular books, and conversing with particular men, led rae
" into the train of sentiments which the Committee arc pleased to
'• think just ; and others, with the like opportunities of information,
" would much better have deserved to receive tlie thanks tliey now
" generously give. I consider the approbation of this coinpiiny as an
" evidence that they entertain a favourable opinion of my good inten.
" tions, and as an encouragement for all to apply themselves, in these
" unhappy times, to the service of the publick, since even small
" endeavours to promote that service, can find a very valuable reward.
" I will try, during the remainder of my life, to remember my duty to
" our common country, and, if it bo possible, to render myself worthy
" of the honour for wliich I now stand so deeply indebted.
" I thank you, sir, for the polite and affjctionate manner in which
" you have communicated the sense of the Conunittco to me."
INSTRUCTIONS
From the Committee to the Representatives in Assembly
met.
Gentlemen: The dissensions between Great Britain
and her Colonies on this Continent, commencing about ten
years ago, since continually increasing, and at length grown
to such an excess as to involve the latter in deep distress
and danger, have excited the good people of this Province
to take into their serious consideration the present situation
of publick affairs.
The inhabitants of the several counties qualified to vote
at elections, being assembled on due notice, have appoint-
ed us their Deputies ; and in consequence thereof, we
being in Provincial Committee met, esteem it our indispens-
able duty, in pursuance of the trust reposed in us, to give
you such Instructions, as, at this important period, appear
to us to be proper.
We, speaking in their names and our own, acknowledge
ourselves liege subjects of his Majesty King George the
Third, to whom '•' we will be faithful and bear true alle-
giance."
Our judgments and affections attach us, with inviolable
loyalty, to his Majesty's person, family, and Government.
We acknowledge the prerogatives of the Sovereign, among
which are included the great powers of making peace and
war, treaties, leagues and alliances, binding us — of appoint-
ing all officers, except in cases where other provision is
made, by grants from the Crown, or laws approved by the
Crown — of confirming or annulling every Act of our
Assembly within the allowed time — and of hearing and
determining finally, in Council, appeals from our Courts of
Justice. " The prerogatives are limited," *as a learned
judge observes, " by bounds so certain and notorious, that
" it is impossible to exceed them, without the consent of
" the people on the one hand, or without, on the other, a
" violation of that original contract,! which, in all states
• 1. Blackttone, 237.
t And though we are strangers to the original of most states, yet we
must not imagine that what has been here said, concerning the manner
in which civil societies are formed, is an arbitrary fiction. For since it
is certain, that all civil societies had a beginning, it is impossible to
conceive, how the members, of which they are composed, could unite
to live together dependent on a supreme authority, without supposing
the covenants above mentioned. — Burlamaqui's Princ. of Pol. Law,
vol. 2. p. 29.
And in fact, upon considering the primitive state of man, it appears
most certain, that the appellations of sovereigns and subjects, masters
and slaves, are unknown to nature. Nature has made us all of the same
species, all equal, all free and independent of each other ; and was
willing that those, on whom she has bestowed the same faculties, should
have all the same rights. It is therefore beyond all doubt that in this
primitive state of nature, no man has of himself an original right of
commanding others, or any title to sovereignty.
There is none but God alone that has of himself, and in consequence
of his nature and perfections, a natural, essential, and inherent right
of giving laws to mankind, and of exercising an absolute sovereignty
over them. The case is otherwise between man and man ; they are of
their own nature as independent of one another, as they are dependent
on God. This liberty and independence is therefore a right naturally
belonging to man, of which it would bo unjust to deprive him against
his will.— /rf. p. 38.
There is a beautiful passage of Cicero's to this purpose :* — " Nothing
is more agreeable to the Supreme Deity, that governs this universe, than
civil societies lawfully established."
When therefore we give to Sovereigns the title of God's vicegerents
upon earth, this does not imply that they derive their authority imme-
diately from God, but it signifies only, that by means of the power
lodged in their hands, and with which the people have invested them,
they maintain, agreeable to the views of the Deity, both order and peace,
and thus procure the happiness of mankind. — Id. p. 40.
But it will be here objected, that the scripture itself says, that every
man ought to bo subject to the supreme powers, because they are cstab.
lished by God.i I answer, with Grotius, that men have established
civil societies, not in consequence of a divine ordinance, but of their
voluntary motion, induced to it by the experience tliey had had of the
incapacity which separate families were under, of defending themselves
against the insults and attacks of human violence. From thence (lie
adds) arises the civil power, which St. Peter, for this reason, calls a
human power,! though in other parts of scripture it bears the nime of a
divine institution, || because God has approved of it as an cstabUshment
useful to mankind.^
All the other arguments, in favour of the opinion we have been here
refuting, do uot even deserve our notice. In general, it may be observ-
ed, that never were more wretched reasons produced than upon this
subject, as the reader may be easily convinced by reading Puffendorf
on the law of Nature and Nations, who, in tlie eliapter corresponding
to this, gives these arguments at length, and completely refutes
them, If Id. p. 42, 43.
• Nihil Mt illi priiicipi Deo, qui omiiem Imnc miindum regit, quod quidem in terrii (Ut
ttcccptius, quam consilia coetusque hominum jure lociati, qu» civilatM appellaiuui.—
Somn. Scifi. c. 3.
t Rom. xiiL t 1 Ep. c. 2. y. 13. II Rora.xiii. 1.
i Grotius of tlie right of War and Peace, book I. c. 4. lec 7, 12. Ko. 3.
1 3« the law ot Nature and Nationi, book VIl. c 3.
559
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
560
" impliedly, and in ours most expressly, subsists between
" the Prince and Subject. — For these prerogatives are
" vested in the Crown for the support of society, and do
" not intrencii any farther on our natural liberties, than is
" expedient for tlia maintenance of our civil."
But it is our misfortune, that we are compelled loudly to
call your attention to the consideration of another power,
totally different in kind — limited, as it is alleged, by no
" bounds," and *" wearing a most dreadful aspect," with
regard to America. We mean the power claimed by Par-
liament, of right, to bind the people of these Colonies by
statutes, " in all cases whatsoever" — a power, as we are not,
and from local circumstances, cannot be represented there,
utterly subversive of our natural and civil liberties — past
events and reason convincing us, that there never existed,
and never can exist, a state thus subordinate to another,
and yet retaining the slightest portion of freedom or happi-
ness.
The import of the words above quoted needs no des-
cant; for the wit of man, as we apprehend, cannot possibly
form a more clear, concise, and comprehensive definition
and sentence of slavery, than these expressions contain.
This power claimed by Great Britain, and the late
attempts to exercise it over these Colonies, present to our
view two events, one of which must inevitably take place,
if she shall continue to insist on her pretensions. Either,
the Colonists will sink from the rank of freemen into the
class of slaves, overwhelmed with all the miseries and vices,
proved by the history of mankind to be inseparably annex-
ed to that deplorable condition : Or, if they have sense
and virtue enough to exert themselves in striving to avoid
this perdition, they must be involved in an opposition
dreadful even in contemplation.
Honour, justice, and humanity, call upon us to hold, and
to transmit to our posterity, that liberty which we received
from our ancestors. It is not our duty to leave wealth to
our children : But it is our duty to leave liberty to them.
No infamy, iniquity, or cruelty, can exceed our own, if we,
born and educated in a country of freedom, entitled to its
blessings, and knowing their value, pusillanimously desert-
ing the post assigned us by Divine Providence, surrender
succeeding generations to a condition of wretchedness,
from which no human efforts, in all probability, will be
sufficient to extricate them ; the experience of all states
mournfully demonstrating to us, that when arbitrary power
has been established over them, even the wisest and bravest
Nations, that ever flourished, have in a few years, degen-
erated into abject and wretched vassals.
So alarming are the measures already taken for laying
the foundation of a despotick authority of Great Britain
over us, and with such artful and incessant vigilance is the
plan prosecuted, that unless the present generation can
interrupt the work while it is going forward, can it be
imagined that our children, debilitated by our imprudence
and supineness, will be able to overthrow it, when com-
pleted? Populous and powerful as these Colonies may
grow, they will still find arbitrary domination not only
strengthening with their strength, but exceeding, in the
swiftness of its progression, as it ever has done, all the
artless advantages that can accrue to the governed. These
advance with a regularity, which the divine Author of our
existence has impressed on the laudable pursuits of his
creatures : But despotism,f unchecked and unbounded by
• 1. Blaekttone, 270.
t As virtue is necessary in a Republic, and in a Monarchy honour, so
fear is nocRssary in a Despotick Government ; with regard to virtue,
there is no occasion for it, and honour would be extremely dangerous.
Here the immnnse power of the Prince is devolved entirely upon
those to whom he is pleased to intrust it. Perseus capable of setting
a value upon themselves would be likely to create revolutions. Fear
must therefore depress their spirits, and oxtinguisli even the least sense
of ambition. — Mont. Spir. of Laws, vol. 1. book III. ch. 9. An idea of
despotick power.
When the savages of Louisiana are desirous of fruit, they cut the
tree to the root, and gather the fruit." This is au emblem of despotick
Government. — Id. hook V. ch. 13.
The principlT of despotick Government is fear ; but a timid, igno-
rant, and faint-spirited people have no occasion for a great number of
laws.
Every thing ought to depend hero on two or three ideas ; therefore
there is no necosiity that any now notions should bo added. When
we want to break a hor*i wo take care not to lot him chancre his master,
his lesson, or his jiice. Thus an impression is made on his brain by
two or three motions, and no more. — Id. book V. eh. 14.
• Edifying Letlen, 11 coll. p. 315.
any laws — never satisfied with what has been done, while
any thing remains to be done for the accomplishment of its
purposes — confiding and capable of confiding, only in the
annihilation of all opposition — holds its course with such
unabating and destructive rapidity, that the world has
become its prey, and at this day. Great Britain and her
Dominions excepted, there is scarce a spot on the globe
inhabited by civilized Nations, where the vestiges of free-
dom are to be observed.
To us, therefore, it appears, at this alarming period,
our duty to God, to our country, to ourselves, and to our
posterity, to exert our utmost ability in promoting and
establishing harmony between Great Britain and these
Colonies, on a constitutional foundation.
For attaining this great and desirable end, we request
you to appoint a proper number of persons to attend a
Congress of Deputies from the several Colonies, appointed,
or to be appointed, by the Representatives of the people
of the Colonies respectively in Assembly, or Convention,
or by Delegates chosen by the counties generally in the
respective Colonies, and met in Provincial Committee, at
such time and place as shall be generally agreed on ; and
that the Deputies from this Province may be induced and
encouraged to concur in such measures as may be devised
for the common welfare, we think it proper particularly to
inform you how far we apprehend they will be supported
in their conduct by their constituents.
[In this place was inserted the Argumentative part,
ivhich is here inserted at the end of the Instructions J\
The assumed Parliamentary power of internal legisla-
tion, and the power of regulating trade, as of late exer-
cised, and designed to be exercised, we are thoroughly
convinced will prove unfailing and plentiful sources of dis-
sensions to our mother country and these Colonies, unless
some expedients can be adopted to render her secure of
receiving from us every emolument that can in justice and
reason be expected, and us secure in our lives, properties,
and an equitable share of commerce.
Mournfully revolving in our minds the calamities, that,
arising from these dissensions, will most probably fall on us
and our children, we will now lay before you the particular
points we request of you to procure, if possible, to be
finally decided ; and the measures that appear to us most
likely to produce such a desirable period of our distresses
and dangers. We therefore desire of you :
First. That the Deputies you appoint may be instructed
by you strenuously to exert themselves, at the ensuin"
Congress, to obtain a renunciation, on the part of Great
Britain, of all powers under the statute of the thirty-fifth of
Henry the Eighth, chapter the second, of all powers of
internal legislation — of imposing taxes or duties, internal
or external — and of regulating trade, except with respect
to any new articles of commerce, which the Colonies may
hereafter raise, as silk, wine, &.C., reserving a right to carry
these from one Colony to another — a repeal of all statutes
for quartering troops in the Colonies, or subjecting them
to any expense on account of such troops — of all statutes
imposing duties to be paid in the Colonies, that were
passed at the accession of his present Majesty, or before
this time, which ever period shall be judged most advis-
able— of the statutes giving the Courts of Admiralty in
the Colonies greater power than Courts of Admiralty liave
in England — of the statutes of the fiftli of George the
Second, chapter the twenty-second, and of the twenty-
third of George the Second, chapter the twenty-ninth —
of the statute for shutting up the port o( Boston — and of
every other statute particularly affecting the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, passed in the last session of Parlia-
ment.
In case of obtaining these terms, it is our opinion that
it will be reasonable for the Colonies to engage their obe-
dience to the Acts of Parliament, commonly called the Acts
of Navigation, and to every other Act of Parliament de-
clared to have force at this time in these Colonies, other
than those above mentioned, and to confirm such statutes
by Acts of the several Assemblies. It is also our opinion,
that taking example from our mother country, in abolishing
the ''courts of wards and liveries, tenures in capite,and by
knight's service and purveyance," it will be reasonable for
the Colonies, in case of obtaining the terms before-raen-
561
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
562
tioned, to settle a certain annual revenue on his Majesty, his
heirs and successors, subject to the controul of Parliament,
and to satisfy all damages done to the East India Com-
pany.
This our idea of settling a revenue arises from a sense
of duty to our Sovereign, and of esteem for our mother
country. We know and have felt tlie benefits of a subor-
dinate connexion with her. We neither are so stupid as to
be ignorant of them ; nor so unjust as to deny them. We
have also experienced the pleasures of gratitude and love,
as well as advantages from that connection. The impres-
sions are not yet erased. We consider her circumstances
with tender concern. We have not been wanting, when
constitutionally called upon, to assist her to the utmost of
our abilities ; insomuch that she has judged it reasonable to
make us recompenses for our overstrained exertions ; and
we now think we ought to contribute more than we do to
the alleviation of her burthens.
Whatever may be said of these proposals on either side
of the Atlantic, this is not a time either for timidity or
rashness. We perfectly know that the great cause now agi-
tated, is to be conducted to a happy conclusion only by that
well tempered composition of counsels, which firmness,
prudence, loyalty to our Sovereign, respect to our parent
state, and affection to our native country, united, must
form.
By such a compact, Great Britain will secure every
benefit that the Parliamentary wisdom of ages has thought
proper to attach to her. From her alone we shall continue
to receive manufactures. To her alone we shall continue
to carry the vast multitude of enumerated articles of com-
merce, the exportation of which her policy has thought
fit to confine to herself. With such parts of the world only
as she has appointed us to deal, we shall continue to deal ;
and such commodities only as she has permitted us to bring
from them, we shall continue to bring. The Executive and
controlling powers of the Crown will retain their present
full force and operation. We shall contentedly labour for
her as affectionate friends, in time of tranquillity, and cheer-
fully spend for her as dutiful children, our treasure and our
blood, in time of war. She will receive a certain income*
from us, without the trouble or expense of collecting it —
without being constantly disturbed by complaints of griev-
• The train of officers employed by Great Britain, consume a very
large part of what she takes from us. She therefore increaaos our dis-
tresses to make up for that consumption. They will hereafter grow
more and more oppressive ; we more and more uneasy ; she more and
more disturbed. We could raise the same sum in a much more easy,
equal, and cheap manner, than she can do. The attention of small
States extends much more efficaciously and beneficially to every part
of the Territories, than that of the administration of a vast Empire.
The Representatives in Assembly, who are taxed when the People are
taxed, and accountable to them, will have double motives to take care
that the raising and expending money is managed in the best way.
The House of Commons would not bear to examine every particular
relating to the just taxation of every county on this Continent, and to
settle all the accounts fairly. If they could go through the immense
labour, it would be impossible for them to do any other business. In
short, by not doing it, they would bo unjust ; by doing it, they would
be useless. Equity and reason demonstrates that such a power belongs
not to them. We have had some remarkable instances on this Conti-
nent, some few years ago, of the Crown being, according to all the
forms of business, charged with articles that never went to the use of
the Crown. Tli.ise were perquisites ; and who could be so puritanical
as to blame the civil word ? It is said our barracks cost about eight thou-
sand pounds of this money ; and that the barracks at another place, not
deserving a comparison with ours, cost forty thousand pounds sterling.
We built our own ourselves, and were as saving and careful as we could
be, it may be supposed. If money is raised upon us by Parliament ; of
one thousand pounds taken out of our pockets, not one hundred, in all
probability, will be usefully applied to the service of the Crown. De-
ficiencies will ensue — they must be supplied ; other Acts are made —
still others, till our* " unrepresented blades of grass," too frequently
and closely cut down and exposed to the burning heat of an unsetting
sun, over " in its meridian," perish to tlieir deepest roots.
" There is not upon earth" says the excellent Gordon, " a Nation,
" which, having had unaccountable Magistrates, has not felt them to
" be crying and consuming mischiefs. In truth, where they are most
" limited, it has been often as much as a whole People could do to re-
" strain them to their trust, and to keep them from violence ; and such
" frequently has been their propensity to be lawless, that nothing but
" a violent death could cure them of their violence. This evil has its
"root in human nature; men will never tliink they have enough,
" wliilst they can take more ; nor be content with a part, when they
" can seize the whole.t"
" That the business of most Kingdoms has been ill managed, pro-
" ceeds from this ; it imports the lower rank of men only, and the People
" (whoso cries seldom roach the Prince till it is too late, and till all is
" past remedy) that matters should bo frugally ordered, because taxes
" must arise from their sweat and labour. But the great ones, who
" heretofore have had the Prince's ear and favour, or wlio hoped to have
ances which she cannot justify, and will not redress. In
case of war, or in any emergency of distress to her, we
shall also be ready and willing to contribute all aids within
our power ; and we solemnly declare, that on such occa-
sions, if we or our posterity shall refuse, neglect, or de-
cline, thus to contribute, it will be a mean and manifest
violation of a plain duty, and a weak and wicked desertion
of the true interests of this Province, which ever have
been, and must be, bound up in the prosperity of our
mother country. Our union, founded on mutual compacts
and mutual benefits, will be indissoluble, at least more firm,
than an union perpetually disturbed by disputed rights and
retorted injuries.
Secondly. If all the terms above mentioned cannot be
obtained, it is our opinion that the measures adopted by
the Congress for our relief, should never be relinquished or
intermitted, until those relating to the troops ; internal
legislation ; imposition of taxes or duties hereafter ; the
thirty-fifth of Henry the Eighth, chapter the second ; the
extension of Admiralty Courts ; the port of Boston and
Province of Massachusetts Bay, are obtained. Every
modification or qualification of these points, in our judg-
ment, should be inadmissible. To obtain them, we think it
may be prudent to settle some revenue as above mention-
ed, and to satisfy the East India Company.
Thirdly. If neither of these plans should be agreed to
in Congress, but some other of a similar nature shall be
framed, though on the terms of a revenue, and satisfaction
to the East India Company ; and though it shall be agreed
by the Congress to admit no modification or qualification
in the terms they shall insist on, we desire your Deputies
may be instructed to concur with the other Deputies in it ;
and we will accede to and carry it into execution as far as
we can.
Fourthly. As to the regulation of trade, we are of
opinion, that by making some few amendments, the com-
merce of the Colonies might be settled on a firm establish-
ment, advantageous to Great Britain and them, requiring
and subject to no future alterations, without mutual consent.
We desire to have this point considered by the Congress,
and such measures taken as they may judge proper.
In order to obtain redress of our common grievances, we
observe a general inclination among the Colonies of enter-
" him in their possession, were swayed by another sort of interest ;
" they like profusion, as having had a prospect to be gainers by it, they
" can easily set their account even with the state ; a small charge
" upon their land is more than balanced by a great place, or a large
" pension."*
See the Lord Keeper North's account of abuses in the conduct and
disposal of the publick money, in the time of King Charles the Sec-
ond.+ Those who, in our times, are the conductors of the same kind
of dirty work, may compare the modem ingenious ways and means
with those of their worthy predecessors.
Among others, pretended want of money in the Treasury, in order
to have a pretence for giving an exorbitant price for necessaries.
Lending the Crown at eight per cent., money which was raised at five
and six. Paying with the publick money, pretending it to be private,
and taking interest. Depreciating the publick debts and funds ; buying
them of the holders at half their worth, and afterwards, by interest,
getting them paid in full. Pretending to give up all power in recom-
mending to places for a consideration, and then insisting on recom-
mending still ; and so getting both ways. Rolling over losses upon the
Crown or publick, while the gain was to sink into private pockets. A
father stopping a large sum in his own hand, which was to have been
paid the publick creditors. Before he can be brought to account he
dies ; the money sinks into the pocket of his heir ; he obtains a pardon
of all his father's debts. Gross frauds in office found out ; then new
officers and salaries set up as checks. The new prove as great knaves
as the old, and form a scheme of collusion and mutual understanding.
But the publick pays for all, and the power of the Court is strength-
ened. An old placeman begs leave to sell ; pockets the money, and by
and by, through interest, gets a new place gratis. Extravagant men
squander their own money in their publick employments of Ambassa-
dors, Governours, &c., and charge the publick with more than they
really spent ; while what they really spent was ten times more than
necessary. The business of old offices transferred to new ; but the
profits of the old still kept up, though become sinecures. An old ser-
vant of the publick retires upon a pension ; he who succeeds him, by
interest, gets it continued to liim. Another gets an addition to his sal-
ary, and then sells his place for a great deal more than it cost him, and
so an additional load is laid on the publick ; for the addition must bo
continued, because the place was bought. An annual sum is granted
by the publick for a publick use, as keeping up a harbour, or the like ;
a private man, by interest, gets a grant of the job; the publick concern
is neglected, and the publick pocket picked. Crown lands perpetually
begged and given away to strengthen the Court interest. The Crown
constantly kept in debt, and Parliament solicited to pay those debts oc-
casioned by the voracity of the Court. Commanders of fleets order a
superfluous quantity of stores; by collusion between them and the
Btore.masters, this superfluous quantity is sold again to the Kmg, and
the money sunk m their pockets. Sometimes the store-masters gave
• Speech of Lord Camden*
FouETU Sekies.
t Catt't Lett in, 78.
• Daren. 11, 262. t Dalrymp. Mem, U, 84.
36
563
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, JULY, 1774.
564
ing into agreements of non-importation and non-exporta-
tion. We are fully convinced that such agreements would
withhold very large supplies from Great Britain ; and no
words can describe our contempt and abhorrence of those
Colonists, if any such there are, who, from a sordid and ill-
judged attachment to their own immediate profit, would
pursue that to the injury of their country, in this great
struggle for all the blessings of liberty. It would appear
to us a most wasteful frugality, that would lose every im-
portant jxjssession, by too strict an attention to small things,
and lose also even these at the last. For our part, we will
cheerfully make any sacrifice, when necessary, to preserve
the freedom of our country. But other considerations have
weight with us. We wish every mark of respect to be
paid to his Majesty's Administration. We have been
taught from our youth to entertain tender and brotherly
affections for our fellow-subjects at home. The interrup-
tion of our commerce must distress great numbers of them.
Tiiis we earnestly desire to avoid. We therefore request,
that the Deputies you shall appoint, may be instructed to
exert themselves at the Congress, to induce the Members
of it to consent to make a full and precise state of griev-
ances, and a decent yet firm claim of redress, and to wait
the event before any other step is taken. It is our opinion
that persons should be appointed and sent home to present
this state and claim at the Court of Great Britain.
If the Congress should choose to form agreements of
non-importation and non-exportation immediately, we de-
sire the Deputies from this Province will endeavour to have
them so formed as to be binding upon all ; and that they
may be permanent, should the publick interest require it.
They cannot be efficacious unless they can be permanent ;
and it appears to us that there will be a danger of their
being infringed, if they are not formed with great caution
and deliberation. We have determined, in the present sit-
uation of publick affairs, to consent to a stoppage of our
commerce with Great Britain only ; but in case any pro-
ceedings of the Parliament, of which notice shall be re-
ceived on this Continent, before or at the Congress, shall
render it necessary, in the opinion of the Congress, to take
further steps, the inhabitants of this Province will adopt
such steps, and do all in their power to carry them into
execution.
. This extensive power we commit to the Connress, for
recaipts for more than was rocoived into the King's stores and the
money was divided among the plunderers. The King's works done by
the day, whereas it would have been cheaper by the great. Money pre-
tended to be coined gratis ; lists of largo sums newly coined produced ;
but the contrivance was to make the pieces unequal, and then the too
heavy pieces were carried back to the Mint, and tlie profits aunk in
private pockets, &c.
Secret service is a huge cloak thrown over an immense scone of cor-
ruption ; and under this cloak we must not peep. Our Court men tuU
u« there must be largo sums expended in this way, and those sums can-
not be accounted for ; because the services done by them must never be
known. But we find, that the Commons, Anno Domini 1708, address-
ed Queen Anne for accounts of pensions paid for secret service to
Members of Parliament, or to any persons in trust for them ; and that
" the Queen ordorixl said account to be laid before the House."*
Contracts are a groat fund of Ministerial influence. It is well known
that our Ministry do not accept the most reasonable offer ; but the of-
fer which is made by those who have the greatest Parliamentary inter-
est ; and that in war time, every man who furnishes for the Govern-
ment is enriched. In France, the contrary, wliich shows that wo
manage our publick money much worse than the French Ministry do
theirs. In the late war it is notorious that several of our Purveyors
and Commissaries got estates sufficient to sot them up for Earls and
Dukes. But as Burnet t says, " the regard that is shewn to Members
•' of Parliament among us, causes that fsw abuses can bo inquired into
" or discovered." — Pol. Disq. b. v. p. 274, 277.
What redress could a poor, plundered, unrepresented Colony obtain
against a Verrea, supported by a strong Parliamentary influence. We
know what several Governours of Minorca have dared to do. A Gov-
ornour of Gibraltar has ventured to oppress even tlio garrison of that
important place. The very drudgery of examining accounts would
probably secure him. If cast, the injuries could not be recompensed.
A successor might prove as bad — " Victrix I'romnria plorat."
It has been said in Great Britain, that Lord Chatham, Lord Camden,
and some other great men, have taught the f "olonles to despise her au-
thority. But it is as little true as the multitude of invectives vented
against the Colonies. The constant practice in these publications, is
to confound f.icts and dates, and then to rave. It should be remembered,
that the opposition in America to the Stiinp Act, was fully formed, and
the Congress held at New-York, before it was known on this Continent
that our cause was ospousjd by any man of note at home. We should
be glad to count such venerable names in the list of our friends. They
are the true friends of our mother country, as well as of this; and ages
tmborn will bless their memory. But if every man in Great Britain
is carried by tlie stream of prejudices into sentiments liostile to our
freedom, that freedom will not be the less esteemed, or tlio sooner re-
linquished by Americam,
' Deb. Com, IT. 119.
t UiM, Dim Times, iii. tT9.
the sake of preserving that unanimity of counsel and con-
duct that alone can work out the salvation of these Colo-
nies, with a strong hope and trust that they will not draw
this Province into any measure judged by us, who must be
better acquainted with its state than strangers, highly inex-
pedient. Of this kind we know any other stoppage of
trade, but of that with Great Britain, will be. Even this
step we should be extremely afflicted to see taken by the
Congress, before the other mode above pointed out is tried.
But should it be taken, we apprehend that a plan of re-
strictions may be so framed, agreeable to the respective
circumstances of the several Colonies, as to render Great
Britain sensible of the imprudence of her counsels, and
yet leave them a necessary commerce. And here, it may
not be improper to take notice, that if redress of our griev-
ances cannot be wholly obtained, the extent or continuance
of our restrictions may, in some sort, be proportioned to
the rights we are contending for, and the degree of relief
afforded us. This mode will render our opposition as per-
petual as our oppression, and will be a continual claim and
assertion of our rights. We cannot express the anxiety
with which we wish the consideration of these points to be
recommended to you. We aVe persuaded, that if these
Colonies fail of unanhnity or prudence, in forming their res-
olutions, or of fidelity in observing them, the opposition by
non-importation and non-exportation agreements, will be
ineffectual ; and then we shall have only the alternative of
a more dangerous contention, or of a tame submission.
Upon the whole, we shall repose the highest confidence
in the wisdom and integrity of the ensuing Congress. And
though we have, for the satisfaction of the good people of
this Province, who have chosen us for this express purpose,
offered to you such instructions as have appeared expedient
to us ; yet, it is not our meaning, that by these, or by any
you may think proper to give them, the Deputies appoint-
ed by you should be restrained from agreeing to any meas-
ures that shall be approved by the Congress. We should
be glad the Deputies chosen by you, could, by their influ-
ence, procure our opinions hereby communicated to you to
be as nearly adhered to as may be possible. But to avoid
difficulties, we desire that they may be instructed by you
to agree to any measures that shall be approved by the
Congress, the inhabitants of this Province having resolved
to adopt and carry them into execution.
Lastly. We desire the Deputies from this Province
may endeavour to procure an adjournment of the Congress
to such a day as they shall judge proper, and the appoint-
ment of a Standing Committee.
Agreed, That John Dickinson, Joseph Read, and
Charles Thomson, be a Committee to write to the neigh-
bouring Colonies, and communicate to them the Resolves
and Instructions.
Agreed, That the Committee for the City and County
of Philadelphia, or any fifteen of them, be a Committee
of Correspondence for the General Committee of this
Province. Extract from the Minutes,
Charles Thomson, Cleric Com.
ARGUMENTATIVE PART OP THE PRECEDING INSTRUC-
TIONS.
The authority of Parliament has within these few years
been a question much agitated; and great difficulty, we
understand, has occurred, in tracing the line between the
rights of the mother country and those of the Colonies.
The modern doctrine of the former is indeed truly remark-
able ; for though it points out what are not our rights, yet
we can never learn from it, what are our rights. As for
example — Great Britain claims a rii^ht to take away nine-
tenlhs of our estates — have we a right to the remaining
tenth ? No. To say we have, is a " traitorous" position,
denying her Supreme Legislature. So far from having
property, according to these late found novels, we are
ourselves a property.
We ))retend not to any considerable share of learning ;
but, thanks be to divine goodness, common sense, experi-
ence, and some acquaintance with the Constitution, teach
us a few salutary truths on this important subject.
Whatever difficulty may occur in tracing the line, yet
we contend, that by the laws of God, and by the laws of
the Constitution, a line there must be, beyond which her
565
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JULY, 1774.
566
authority cannot extend. For all these laws are *
" grounded on reason, full of justice, f and true equity,"
mild, and calculated to promote the freedom and welfare
of men. These objects never can be attained by abolishing
every restriction on the part of the Governours, and ex-
tinguishing every right on the part of the governed.
Suppose it be allowed, that the line is not expressly
drawn, is it thence to be concluded there is no implied
line ? No English Lawyer, we presume, will venture to
make the bold assertion. " The King may reject what bills,
" may make what treaties, may coin what money, may
" create what Peers, and may pardon what offences he
" pleases."! ^^^ '* ^'^ prerogative respecting these
branches of it, unlimited ? By no means. The words
following those next above quoted from the " Commenta-
ries on the Laws of England," are — " unless where the
" Constitution hath expressly, or by evident consequence,
" laid down some exception or boundary ; declaring, that
" thus far the prerogative shall go, and no farther." There
are " some boundaries then," besides the " express excep-
tions ;" and according to the strong expression here used,
" the Constitution declares there are." What " evident
consequence" forms those " boundaries ?"
The happiness of the people is the end, and, if the
terra is allowable, we would call it the body of the Con-
stitution. Freedom is the spirit or soul. As the soul,
speaking of nature, has a right to prevent or relieve, if it
can, any mischief to the body of the individual, and to
keep it in the best health ; so the soul, speaking of the
Constitution, has a right to prevent or relieve, any mischief
to the body of the society, and to keep that in the best
health. The " evident consequence" mentioned, must
mean a tendency to injure this health, that is, to diminish
the happiness of the people — or it must mean nothing. If,
therefore, the Constitution " declares by evident conse-
quence ;" that a tendency to diminish the happiness of
the people, is a proof, that power exceeds a " boundary,"
beyond which it ought not to " go ;" the matter is brought
to this single point, whether taking our money from us
without our consent, depriving us of trial by jury, changing
Constitutions of Government, and abolishing the privilege
of the writ of habeas corpus, by seizing and carrying || us
to England, have not a greater tendency to diminish our
happiness, than any enormities a King can commit under
'Pari. Deb. 7, 409. "What of that? Shall not we give judg.
" ment, because it is not adjudged in the books before ? We will
" give judgment according to reason, and if there be no reason in the
" books, 1 will not regard them." — Speech of Anderson, Lord Chief
Justice of the Queen's Bench, in the reign of Elizabeth. — Gouldsb.
Rep. 96 edit., 1653.
t " It seems to me, that the natural justice, wliich is a duty of man,
ought to be styled the parent and nourishor of every other virtue: and
assuredly without this habit, a man can neither moderate his desires,
nor be brave, nor wise. For, it is a harmony and peace of the whole
■oul ; with a full concert of words and actions: and the dominion
of such a habit may be rendered more conspicuous, if we examine
the other habits of virtue. For the good of these is private, respect,
ing the individual ; but the good of natural justice respects whole
systems, and throughout the universe."
" In the celestial system of the world, as it marshals out the universal
rule of things, whicli are thus decreed by God; it is providence, and
harmony, and right. In a civil slate, it is justly called peace and
good order. In a domestic state, it is the like mindedness of husband
and wife towards each other ; the good will of subordinate members.
In the body, it is health and symmetry of parts, which are principal
things, and much beloved by every living creature. In the soul, it is
wisdom ; that wisdom which ariseth amongst men, from the knowledge
of causes, and from natural justice.
" Since therefore, this habit doth thus instruct, and preserve, the
whole and every part ; rendering all the same, in heart, and in tongue,
why may it not be saluted by the universal voice, the parent and
nourisher of every virtue?" — Pol. Pytil Luc. apud. Stob.eum, p. 105,
edit. Tiguri, 1559.
i 1 Blackst. Com. 250.
II " Of great importance to the publick is the preservation of this per-
sonal liberty : for if once it were left in the power of any, the liighost
Magistrato, to imprison arbitrarily whomever he or his ollicars thouglit
proper, (as in France it is daily practised by the Crown) there would
noon be an end of all other rights and immunitias.' ' — " A natural and
regular consequence of tliis personal liberty is, that every Englishman
may claim a riglit to abide in his own country bo long as he pleases,
and not to be driven from it unless by the sentence of law. Exile or
transportation is a punishment unknown to the common law." " Tlie
King cannot constitute a man Lord Lieutenant of Ireland against his
will, nor m ike him a foreign ambassador. For this might in reality
be no more than an honourable exile." — 1 Blackstonc, 135 to 138.
" These precedents collected l)y the reverend and learned Judge,
Chief Justice Anderson, and all written with his own hand, do fully
resolve for the maintenance of the ancient and fundamental point of
liberty of the person, to be regained by habeas corpus, when any one
is imprisoned." — Pari. Hist. 1. 418.
pretence of prerogative, can have to diminish the happi-
ness of the subjects in England. To come to a decision
upon this point, no long time need be required. To make
tills comparison, is stating the claim of Pariiament in the
most favourable light : for it puts the assumed power of
Pariiament, to do, " in all cases whatsoever," what they
please, upon the same footing with the acknowledged
power of the King, " to make what Peers — pardon what
offences, Sic, he pleases." But in this light that power is
not entitled to be viewed. Such is the wisdom of the
English Constitution, that it " declares" the King may
transgress a " boundary laid down by evident consequence,"
even by using the power with which he is expressly vested
by the Constitution, in doing those very acts which he is
expressly trusted by the Constitution to do — as by creating
too many or improper persons, Peers ; or by pardoning
too many or too great offences, &c. But has the Consti-
tution of jEJn^/ant/ expressly "declared," that the Parlia-
ment of Great Britain may take away the money of
English Colonists without their consent, and deprive them
of trial by jury, &c ? It cannot be pretended. True it is,
that it has been solemnly declared by Parliament, that
Parliament has such a power. But that declaration leaves
the point just as it was before : for if Parliament had not
the power before, the declaration could not give it. Indeed
if Parliament is really " omnipotent,"* that power is just
and constitutional. We further observe that the Constitu-
tion has not expressly drawn the line beyond which, if a
King shall '•' go," resistance becomes lawful. The learned
author of those Commentaries, that, notwithstanding some
human frailties, do him so much honour, has thought
proper, when treating of this subject, to point out the
" precedent" of the Revolution, as fixing the line. We
would not venture any reflection on so great a man. It
may not become us. Nor can we be provoked by his ex-
pressions concerning Colonists ; because they perhaps
contain his real, though hasty sentiments. Surely, it was
not his intention to condemn those excellent men, who
casting every tender consideration behind them, nobly pre-
sented themselves against the tyranny of the unfortunate
and misguided Charles's reign ; those men whom the
House of Commons, even after the Restoration, would not
suffer to be censured.
We are sensible of the objection that may be made, as
to drawing a line between rights on each side, and the case
of a plain violation of rights. We think it not material.
Circumstances have actually produced, and may again pro-
duce this question : What conduct of a Prince renders
resistance lawful ? James the Second, and his father,
vio.ated express rights of their subjects, by doing what
their own express rights gave them no title to do, as by
raising money, and levying troops without consent of
Parliament. It is not even settled, what violation of those
will justify resistance. But may not some future Prince,
confining himself to the exercise of his own express rights,
such as have been mentioned, act in a manner, that will be
a transgression of a " boundary" laid down by " evident
consequence," the " Constitution declaring he should go
no further?" May not this exercise of these his express
rights, be so far extended, as to introduce universal con-
fusion and a subversion of the ends of Government ? The
whole may be oppressive, and yet any single instance
legal. The cases may be improbable ; but we have seen
and now feel events once as little expected. Is it not
possible, that one of these cases may happen ; if it does,
has the Constitution expressly drawn a line, beyond which
resistance becomes lawful ? It has not. But it may be
said, a King cannot arm against his subjects — he cannot
raise money without consent of Parliament. This is the
constitutional ciieck upon him. If he should, it would be
a violation of their express rights. If their purses are shut
his power shrinks. True. Unhappy Colonists ! Our
money may be taken from us — and standing armies estab-
lished over us, without our consent — every expressly
declared constitutional check dissolved, and the modes of
opposition for relief so contracted, as to leave us only the
miserable alternative of supplication or violence. And
these it seems, are the liberties of Americans. Because
the Constitution has not " expressly declared" the line
between the rights of the mother country and those of her
* 1 Blackstone, 161.
56T
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Stc, JULY, 1774.
568
Colonists, therefore, the latter have no rights. A logick,
equally edifying to the heads and hearts of men of sense
and humanity.
We assert, a line there must be, and shall now proceed
with great deference to the judgment of others, to trace
that line, according to the ideas we entertain : and it is
with satisfaction we can say, that the records, statutes, law
Ixxjks, and most approved WTiters of our mother country,
those " dead but most faithful Counsellors," as Sir Edward
Coke calls them, " who cannot be daunted by fear, nor
" muzzled by aifection, reward, or hope of preferment, and
" therefore may safely be believed," confirm the principles
we maintain.
Liberty, life, or property, can with no consistency of
words or ideas, be termed a right of the possessors, while
others have a right of taking them away at pleasure. The
most distinguished authors that have written on Govern-
ment, declare it to be instituted for the benefit of the
people ; and that it never will have this tendency, where it
is unlimited." Even conquest* itself is held not to destroy
* "But in order to say something more particular concerning Ithis
subject, let us obseryo that the natural state of Nations in respect to
each other, is that of society and peace. This society is likewise a
state of equality and independence, which establishes a parity of right
between them ; and engages them to hare the same regard and re-
spect for one another. Hence the general principle of the law of
Nations is nothing more than the general law of sociability, which
obliges all Nations that have any intercourse with one another, to
practise those duties to which individuals are naturally subject.
" These remarks may serve to give us a just idea of that art, so
necessary to the directors of states, and distinguished commonly by
the name of polity. Polity considered with regard to foreign states, is
that ability and address by which a Sovereign provides for the preser.
vation, safety, prosperity, and glory of the Nation he governs, by
respecting the laws of justice and humanity ; that is, without doing
any injury to other states, but rather by procuring their advantage, as
much as in reason can be expected. Thus the polity of Sovereigns is
the same as prudence among private people ; and as we condemn in
the latter any art or cunning that makes them pursue their own ad.
vantage to tlie prejudice of otiiers, so the like art would be censurable
in Princes, were they bent upon procuring the advantage of their
own people by injuring other Nations. The reason of state, so often
alleged to justify tlie proceedings or enterprises of Princes, cannot
really be admitted for this end ; but in as much as it is reconcileablo
with the common interest of Nations, or which amounts to the same
thing, with the unalterable rules of sincerity, justice, and humanity."
" Grotius indeed acknowledges that the law of nature is common to
all Nations ; yet he establishes a positive law of Nations contradistinct
from the law of nature ; and reduces tliis law of Nations to a sort of
human law, which has acquired a power of obliging in consequence
of the will and consent of all or of a great many Nations.* He adds,
that the maxims of this law of Nations are proved by the perpetual
practice of people, and the testimony of historians.
" But it has been justly observed that this jM-etendcd law of Nations,
contradistinct from the law of nature, and invested nevertheless with
a force of obliging, whether people consent to it or not, is a supirosi-
tion destitute of all foundation.!
" 1. For all Nations are with regard to one another in a natural in-
dependence and equality. If there be therefore any common law
between them, it must proceed from God, their common Sovereign.
" 2. As for what relates to customs established by an express or
tacit consent among Nations, these customs are neither of themselves
nor universally, nor always obligatory. For from this only, that
several Nations have acted towards one another for a long time after
a particular manner in particular cases, it does not follow that they
have laid themselves under a necessity of acting always in the same
manner for the time to come, and much less that other Nations are
obliged to conform to these customs.
" 3. Again, these customs are so much the less capable of being an
obligatory rule of themselves, as they may happen to be bad or unjust.
The profession of a corsair, or pirate, was, by a kind of consent,
esteemed a long while as lawful, between Nations that were not
united by alliance or treaty. It seems likewise, that some Nations
allowed themselves the use of poisoned arms in time of war.t Shall
we say that these are customs autliorized by the law of Nations, and
really obligatory in respect to difTorent people? Or shall we not
rather consider them as barbarous practices ; practices from which
every just and well governed Nation ouglit to refrain. We cannot
therefore avoid appealing always to the law of nature, the only one
that is really universal, whenever we want to judge whether tlie
customs established between Nations have any obligatory effect.
" 4. All that can bo said on this subject is, that when customs of
an innocent nature are introduced among Nations, each of them is
reasonably supposed to submit to tliose customs, as long as they have
not made any declaration to the contrary. This is all the force or
effect that can be given to received customs; but a very different
effect from tliat of a law properly so called." — Buklahau. Princ. of
Nat. Law, i rot. ]>. 196—199.
" But I will conclude with that which I find reported by Sir John
Davis, who was the King's sergeant ; and so, by the duty of his place
would no doubt maintain, to the uttermost of his power, the King's
prerogative royal ; and yet it was by him thus said, in those Reports
of his upon the case of tanistry customs : ' That the Kings of Eng.
' land always had a monarchy royal, and not a monarchy signoral ;
' where, under the first,' saith he, ' the subjects are free men, and have
• See Croliui, rijhu of War and Peaee ; Preliminary Diicoune, (ee. IB. and book I.
chap. 1. lee. U.
t See Puffendorf, L41W of Nature and Nations, book 3. chap. 3. kc. 33.
t See Virgil, JBncid, book 10, rerie 139, with the fifteenth note of the Abbe dea
F«ntoine#.
all the rights of the conquered. Such is the merciful
reverence judged by the best and wisest men to be due to
human nature, and frequently observed even by con-
querors themselves.
In fine, a power of Government, in its nature tending to
the misery of the people, as a power that is unlimited, or
in other words, a power in which the people have no share*
'property in their goods, and freehold and inheritance in their lands,
* but, under the latter, tlicy are as villains and slaves, and have ])ro.
' ))erty in nothing. And therefore, saith he, when a royal Monarch
'makes a new conquest, yet, if he receives any of the Nation's ancient
' inhabitants into his protection, they, and their heirs after them,
' shall enjoy their lands and liberties according to the laws.' And
there he vouchetli this precedent and judgment following, given before
William the Conqueror himself, viz :
' That one Sherborn, at the time of the conquest, being owner of a,
'Castle and lands in Norfolk, the Conqueror gave the same to one
' Warren, a Norman ; and Sherborn dying, the heir claiming the same
' by descent according to the law, it was, before the Conqueror
'himself, adjudged for the heir, and that the gift thereof by the Con.
queror was void."* — Pari. Debates, 7 vol, p. 384.
See also Puffendorf's Law of Naturo and Nations, b. 3, ch. 8, and
b. 8, ch. 6.
It is held by the best writers, that a conqueror, in a just war,
acquires not a right to the property of those of the subdued country,
who opposed him not, nor of the poitcrity of those who did : nor can
the pretence of obtaining satisfaction for the charges and damages of
the war justify such a claim.
• " In a free state, every man who is supposed a free agent, ought
to be, in some measure, his own Governour, and therefore, a branch,
at least, of the Legislative power ought to reside in the whole body of
the people. And this power, when the territories of the state are
email and its citizens easily known, should be expressed by the people
in their aggregate or collective capacity, as was wisely ordained in the
petty Repulilicks of Greece, and the first rudiments of the Roman State.
But this will be highly inconvenient when tlie publick territory is ex-
tended to any considerable degree, and the number of citizens is in.
creased. In so large a state as ours, it is therefore very wisely con-
trived that the people should do that by their Representatives, which
it is impracticable to perform in person." — 1 Blackstone, 158, 159.
The above quoted words are sufficient of themselves to refute the
notion of " virtual representation" of Americana in Parliament.
As to the argument drawn from similitude between the case of those
in England, not qualified to vote by their property, though possessed
of a considerable share, as proprietors of tlie funds — the East India
Company — merchants — manufacturers, &c., and tlie case of Colonists,
the true answer is, that there is no resemblance whatever between the
cases. A few propositions will prove it ; but it may be proper to
premise — First, If representation was intended by the Constitution of
England, a complete representation was intended; for the reason of
having any, requires having a complete one, as being the best.
Second, If a complete representation was intended by the Constitution,
every defect in the representation is against the intention of the Con.
stitution. Third, If a respectable part of the people in England is not
represented, it is a defect. Fourth, If therefore, the intention of the
Constitution is to be regarded as the Constitution, it involves a plain
absurdity, to infer a greater defect being constitutional, from a smaller
defect which is unconstitutional. Fifth, Tlie intention of the Con-
stitution must be regarded — and practices inconsistent with its design
must be amended by it, if the happiness which it means to promote and
secure, is to be regarded. Sixth, If there is not such a representation
in England, as the Constitution requires there ought to be. As to tho
resemblance above supposed. First, If many inhabitants of England
have not a right to vote in the choice of members of the House of
Commons, there are many who liave. Second, Not one inhabitant of
the Colonies has that right. Third, Some representation is better than
none, though a complete one cannot be obtained. Tho first is a defect
of mode, tho latter an extinction of the substance. There is, to a
nice observer of nature, a perceptible difference between a deformed
man and a dead man. Fourth, Proprietors of the funds, &,c., though
they have no right to such vote, as proprietors, »fcc., may yet have it
under another character as freeholders, &.c. Fifth, When acting as
freeholders, &c., they may take care of their interests as proprietors, &c.
for — Sixth, Their being proprietors, &c., does not disqualify them
from acquiring and enjoying a right to such vote by becoming free-
holders, &c., but Seventh, By acquiring and enjoying a right to such
vote, the Colonists must cease to be inhabitants of the Colonies.
Eighth, Their being inhabitants of the Colonies, therefore, disqualifies
them from acquiring and enjoying tlie right to such vote. Ninth, If
those not entitled to such vote in England were not bound by statutes
made there, they would not be bound by statutes, nor taxed at all,
though possessed of great property — but Tenth, The Colonists are
bound and taxed by the Acts of their Assemblies. Eleventh, Even
those not entitled to such vote in England, and incapable of obtaining
it, have this protection, that Representatives and their electors are
bound by the laws made, as well as the rest of the people — and tho
connections between tho Representatives, their electors, and the rest
of the people, all living together in the same Kingdom, are so many
and so intimate, that even the actually unrepresented cannot be affected
unless the Representatives and their electors are affected also.
Twelfth, Totally different is the condition of Colonists, if bound by
statutes generally. — By the Acts of Parliament for raising a Revenue
in America, the Commons use the words, "give and grant." Can
men give and grant what they have not ? Did any of those acts take
a single penny out of the pocket of a single giver and grantor? No.
So fur from it, that if there is any truth in the proverb, And money
saved is money got, these " dona ferentes" gentlemen put money into
their pockets by their t " loyal and dutiful" generosity. Every indi-
vidual of them acquired by bestowing. Pretensions thus to giro, are
such contradictions to fact and sense, that in making them, a sanction
of injuntice is sought from a principle of tho Constitution, and in de-
scribing them, a solecism in speech becomes a proper expression. It
• See DavU't Reports, Land, 1628, p. 41.
t Prcamblw to Statute* fur raisiug a revenue in America.
569
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
570
is proved to be, by reason and the experience of all ages
and countries, cannot be a rightful or legal power. For,
as an excellent Bishop of the Cliurch of England argues,*
" the ends of Government cannot be answered by a total
" dissolution of all happiness at present, and of all hopes
" for the future."
Tlie just inference therefore from these premises would
be an exclusion of any power of Parliament over these
Colonies, rather than the admission of an unbounded
power.
We well know that the Colonists are charged by many
l>ersons in Great Britain with attempting to obtain such an
exclusion and a total independence on her. As well we know
the accusation to be utterly false. We are become criminal
in the sight of such persons, by refusing to be guilty of the
liighest crime against ourselves and our posterity. No-
lumus kges Anglia mutari. This is the rebellion with
which we are stigmatised. We have committed the like
offence, that was objected by the polite and humane Fim-
bria against a rude Senator of his time. " We have dis-
" respectfully refused to receive the whole weapon into our
" body." We could not do it and live. But that must
be acknowledged to be a poor excuse, equally inconsistent
with good breeding and the Supreme Legislature of Great
Britain.
For these ten years past we have been incessantly f
attacked. Hard is our fate, when to escape the character
must be acknowledged however, that the Commons are more than
sound divines, for they improve upon the text,* and " count their loss
for gain."
Statutes might grind us, while not an elector in England would
know or regard our sufferings — if acquainted with them, he might
think the statutes inflicting them, just and political. An open avowal
has been made in Parliament that it is t " the indispensable duty of
" Parliament to tax the Colonies in order to ease the gentry and people
*' of Great Britain." Let not Americans over forget the lordly words I
To understand them fully, we should consider —
Our dispute includes not only the present taxes laid upon us. The uni-
versal property of England was interested in Mr. Hampden's suit, about
a few shillings. If the Crown had a right to those shillings, it had a
right to every shilling of every man in the Kingdom. Great Britain
is about one hundred and forty millions of pounds sterling in debt. If
she can pay any part of that debt by taxing us, she may pay the whole
by taxing us, if we can raise the money. If we cannot, yet as we are
upbraided continually in pamphlets and papers with the richness of our
houses, our furniture, our equipage, or tables, and our dress, she may
be made to think we abound too much in these conveniences. If we
are reduced to the condition of French peasants, it is no matter. Wo
bslong to the people of Great Britain : and all British subjects, but
Americans, may do what they please with their own. " It is her
indispensable duty, say their Lordships, to ease herself by taxing us ;"
and surely there is virtue enough left in the British Parliament, not-
withstanding all the dreadful intelligence British writers send us over,
to perform that " duty," exactly. But this is not all. There are cer-
tain wicked Frenchmen and Spaniards, that in every period of twenty
or thirty years oblige Great Britain to add thirty or forty millions to
her debt. Upon an average, since the Revolution, she runs annually
in debt about a million and an half. Can it be expected her Ministers
will bo kinder to us than they have been to her ? where will the
demand upon us, where will our wretchedness stop, if we have not
resolution enough to defend ourselves ?
A statute intended to have force on the people of Great Britain, is
the case of a state acting upon itself. A statute intended to have
force on the people of America, is the case of one state acting upon
another. The people of Great Britain, who in the first case are sub.
ject to the statute — in the second, are the absolute sovereigns who im-
pose it on others.
" Virtual representation" then, as applied to Colonists, is, to borrow
expressions of the excellent Archbishop Tillotson, on another occa-
sion, altering only two words — "An absurdity of that monstrous and
" massy weight, that no human authority or wit are able to support it.
" It will ' make the very pillars of St.' Stephens " crack, and require
" more volumes to make it good than would fill" Westminster Hall.
Yet this most despicable notion has been the pretence for our fellow-
subjects J clapping muskets to our breasts, and taking our money out
of our pockets.
*Hoadly's Disc, on Government.
t4 Geo. 3, ch. 15. 4 Geo. 3, ch. 34. 5 Geo. 3, ch. 12. 5 Geo. 3,
ch. 45. 6 Geo. 3, ch. 12. 6 Goo. 3, ch. 52. 7 Goo. 3, ch. 41. 7
Geo 3. ch. 46. 7 Geo. 3, ch. 59. 8 Geo. 3, ch. 22. The Resolves
that Colonists may be tried in England under the thirty.fifth Henry tho
Eighth. The blockade of Boston — the Rhode.Island Court, &c. The
statutes since the eighth year of this reign, relating to the Colonies,
follow one another much in tho same quick manner as before: but
they could not be collected. Many of the statutes here mentioned,
particularly those relating to the Admiralty Courts and the Commis-
sioners of the Customs, are connected with a multitude of other stat.
utes, by being compared with which the artifices will appear, that
gradually departing from the laws of England, have at length in-
vested these Courts and Commissioners with such new, unreasonable,
unconstitutional, and dangerous powers.
• Philippiant, iii. 7.
tThete words are extracted frotn the Protest of the Lords on the repeal of xhe American
Stamp Act — see, 6. — Sixty-one Lords *ere ag;ainst tlie repeal, thirty-three of tbem signed
the Protest.
t ** Win their hearts, and you may soon have their hands and purses," was the advice
of old Lord £ur^t^A to qucvn f'txadrf A. She w&iwiseeiMHjffh to lake it. The world
knows the consequences.
of rebels, we must be degraded into that of slaves : as if
there was no medium between the two extremes of anar-
chy and despotism, where innocence and freedom could
find repose and safety.
Why should we be exhibited to mankind as a people,
adjudged by Parliament unworthy of freedom? The
thought alone is insupportable. Even those unhappy per-
sons, who have had the misfortune of being bom under
the yoke of bondage imposed by the cruel laws, if they
may be called laws, of the land where they received their
birth, no sooner breathe the air of England, tliough they
touch her shores only by accident,* than they instantly be-
come freemen. Strange contradiction ! j- The same King-
dom at the same time, the asylum and the bane of Liberty.
To return to the charge against us, we can safely appeal
to that Being, from whom no thought can be concealed,
that our warmest wish and utmost ambition is, that we
and our posterity may ever remain subordinate to, and
dependent upon, our parent state. This submission our
reason approves, our affection dictates, our duty commands,
and our interest enforces.
If this submission indeed implies a dissolution of our
Constitution, and a renunciation of our liberty, we should
be unworthy of our relation to her, if we should not
frankly declare, that we regard it with % horrour ; and
every true Englishman will applaud this just distinction
and candid declaration. Our defence necessarily touches
chords in unison with the fibres of his honest heart. They
must vibrate in sympathetick tones. If we, his kindred,
should be base enough to promise the humiliating subjection
he could not believe us. We should suffer all the infamy
of the engagement without finding the benefit expected from
being thought as contemptible as we should undertake to be.
But this submission implies not such insupportable evils ;
and our amazement is inexpressible when we consider the
gradual increase of these Colonies, from their slender
beginnings in the last century to their late flourishing con-
dition, and how prodigiously, since their settlement our
parent state has advanced in weaUh, force, and influence,
till she is become the first power on the sea, and the envy
of the world — that these our better days should not strike
conviction into every mind, that the freedom and happiness
of the Colonists are not inconsistent with her authority and
prosperity.
* Somerset's case.
t To this contradiction, the following may be added — Her policy at
once to keep peace with her natural enemies, and to provoke her
natural friends, whose assistance one day — and that day seems to bo
approaching — in the vicissitudes of human affairs, great as she is, sho
may want; her interest, as she thinks, to protect and to oppress Pro-
testant countries — to abhor a large standing army and yet voluntarily
to put herself under the absolute necessity of perpetuating an im.
mensely large one, to govern the many millions of slaves she expects
soon to have on this vast Continent. Two of the shrewdest, though
not best Emperors, that ever lived, Augustus and Tiberius, prohibited
every man of distinction from setting his foot in Egypt,* because of
the importance of that Province to Rome. But Great Britain, as if
these numerous Provinces, much more remote from her than Egypt
from Rome, were of little consequence, willingly obliges herself to
trust a mighty armed power into the hands of a subject, in these
Colonies, the tempting interest of which subject, and of the people,
may engage them to unite in establishing an independent Empire, on
her own model. Great Britain ought not to forget that Rome was
ruined by keeping standing armies in her Provinces.
tThe Privemates had revolted from the Romans, but were reduced.
The question was what judgment should be given against them? This
is Livy's account of the affair, it the twenty -first chapter of his eighth
book :
" Quum ipsa per se res anceps esset, prout cujusquo ingonium erat,
atrociiis mitiusvc suadentibus; tum incertiora omnia unus ex Priver-
natibus legatis fecit, magis conditionis, in qua natus esset, quam praj-
sentis necessitas, memor : qui, interrogatus a quodam tristioris senten.
tia) auctore, quam poenam meritos Privernates censeret ? earn, inquit,
quam merentur, qui se libortate dignos consent : cujus quum feroci
response infestiores factos videret consul eos, qui ante Privernatium
causam impugnabant; ut ipse benigna interrogatione mitius respon.
sum olicerct, Quid, si poinam, inquit, remittimus vobi«, qualem nos
pacem vobiscum habituros speremus ? Si bonam dederitis, inquit, et
fidam et perpetuam : si malam, baud diuturnam. Tum vero minari,
nee id ambigu^, Privernatem quidam, et illis vocibus ad reballandum
incitari pacatos populos, pars melior senatds ad meliora responsum
trahere, et dicere, Viri, et liberi, vocom auditam, an crcdi posse,
nllum populum, aut homincm denique, in ea conditione, cujus eum
pseniteat, diutis, qu^m necesse sit, mansurum ? Ibi pacem esse fidam,
ubi voluntarii pacati sint : neque eo loco, ubi servitutem esse velint,
fidem spcrandam esse. In banc sontentiam maxime consul ipse inch,
navit animos, identidem ad principes sententiarum consulares, uti ex.
audiri posset a pluribus, dicendo, Eos demum, qui nihil, pra;terquam
de libertate, cogitent, dignos esse, qui Romani fiant. Itaque et in
senatu causam obtinuere, et ox auetoritate Patrum latum ad populum
est, ut Privernatibus civitas dabitur."
f Tac.
571
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
572
Tlie cKpcrience of more than one hundred years will
surely be deemed, by wise men, to have some weight in
the scale of evidence to support our opinion. We might
justly ask of her, why we are not permitted to go on as
we have been used to do since our existence, conferring
mutual benefits, thereby strengthening each other, more
and more, discovering the reciprocal advantages of our
connection, and daily cultivating afl'ections encouraged by
those advantages?
What unknown offences have we committed against her
within these ten years, to provoke such an unexampled
change in her conduct towards us ? In the last war she
acknowledged us repeatedly to be faithful, dutiful, zealous,
and useful in her cause. Is it criminal in us that our
numbers, by the favour of Divine Providence, have greatly
increased ? That the poor choose to Hy from their native
countries in Europe to this Continent? Or, that we have
so much improved these woods, that if we can be forced
into an unsuccessful resistance, avarice itself might be
satiated with our forfeitures ?
It cannot with truth be urged, that projects of innova-
tion have commenced with us. Facts and their dates
jirove the contrary.* Not a disturbance has happened on
any part of this Continent, but in consequence of some
immediate preceding provocation.
To what purpose? The charge of our affecting one
great or many small Republicks, must appear as contempt-
ible a madness to her, as it does to us. Divided as we are
into many Provinces,! and incapable of union, except
• " The winds lift up the waves," — said a wise man — ^yet we road
of a. weak man who scourged waves, but he liad not raised them. To
excite commotions, and then to scourge for being excited, is an addi-
tion to the wildness of a Xerxes, reserved more particularly to dis-
tinguish the present age, already sufficiently illustrious by the injuries
offered to the rights of human nature.
t The genius of a Beccaria suggested to him the condition of a
large Empire verging into servitude — the only plan for saving it — and
the difficulty of eiocuting that plan. "An overgrown Republick"
says he, and such a limitad Monarcliy as that of Oreat Britain with
such an extent of Dominions, may well bo cilled " an overgrown
Hepublick," "can only be saved from despotism by subdividing it into
"a number of confederate Republicks. But how is this practicable ?
•« By a despotick dictator, who with the courage of Sijlla, has as much
" genius for building up as that Roman had for pulling down. If he
"be an ambitious man, his reward will be immortal glory; if a pliy-
"losopher, the blessings of his fellow.citizons will sufficiently console
" him for the loss of authority, though he should not be insensible to
"their ingratitude."
What was argument in Italy, is reality to Great Britain, with this
additional circumstance in her favour, that she must always continue,
if she wisely conducts her affairs, though less than all, yet greater
than any. The immense advantages of such a situation are worthy
the closest attention of every Briton. To a man, who has considored
them with that attention, perhaps it will not appear too bold to aver,
that, if an archangel had planned the connection between Great Bri-
tain and her Colonies, he could not have fixed it on a more lasting and
Leneficial foundation, unless ho could have changed human nature. A
mighty naval power at the head of the whole — that power, a parent
state, with all the endearing sentiments attending the relationship,
that never could disoblige, but with design — the dependent states much
more apt to have feuds among themselves — she the umpire and con-
troller— those states producing every article necessary to her great-
ness— their interest, that she should continue free and flourishing —
their ability to throw a considerable weight into the seals, should her
government got unduly poised — slie and those states Protestant — are
some of the circumstances, that, delineated by the masterly hand of a
Beccaria, would exhibit a plan vindicating the ways of Heaven, and
demonstrating that humanity and policy are nearly related. .\n
Alexander, a Casar, a Charles, a Lewis, and others, have fought
through fields of blood for universal empire. Great Britain has a cer-
tainty, by population and commerce alone, of attaining to the most
astonishing and well founded power the world ever saw. The circum-
stances of her situation are new and striking. Heaven has offered to
her glory and prosperity without measure. Her wise Ministers disdain
to accept them, and profer " a pepper-corn."*
So directly opposite to the interest of Great Britain has the conduct
of Administration been for some time past, that it may safely be
affirmed, that, if their view was to establish arbitrary power over
Great Britain, schemes more dangerous could not liavo been laid. To
profess this purpose would ensure a dcfjat. Any man, wlio had auch
a design, would first take the opportunity of peace to set one part of
the subject against the other. This might be done in the following
manner :
Let every session of Parliammt produce a fresh injury. Give no
rest, or hope of rest. Ln insult added to insult fill up the vacancies
between the sessions. Tease and persecute into opj]osition. Tlien
let Ministers thems-lvps rejoice in the freedom of the press. Ljt
every action of the oppressed be exaggerated. Lot innumerable false
invectives be vented in pamphlets and newspap3r8. Let all the provo-
cations and excuses be concealed from publiek siglit as much as pos-
sible. Load the devoted with the terms of tr tilers and rebels. Nearlv
in this way Scotland was treated by the arbitrary Ministry of Charles
the First. But the Parliament and people of England had common
sense and virtue. The base deception could not pass upon them.
They saw the snare laid for them, and resented it so deeply, that an
• Mr. KugentU Speech.
against a common danger, she knew, that we could not
think of embarking our treasures of tranquillity and liberty,
on an ocean of blood, in a wandering expedition to some
Utopian port. The history of mankind, from the remotest
antiquity, furnishes not a single instance of a people con-
sisting of husbandmen and merchants, voluntarily engaging
army of Englishmen flod before an army of Scotchmen at Neicbum.
For once it was glorious to fly. But it required English heads and
English hearts to understand and to act the part.
Thug the Colonies have been treated. At last a civil war may be
worked up. It should be considered, as Lord Mansfield expresses it,
whether " tho play is worth tho candle." In such a war, every vic-
tory will bo a defeat. If the Colonies are subdued, vast sums must
be raised, and a prodigioua army must be supported, to keep them in
subjection. Great Britain must feel the weight of that influence,
added to the power of the Crown. The Colonies are increasing.
Who can compute the extent and effjct of such an influence ?* Vn.
done by her victories, she must resign her liberty, or some future
monarch with her Colonies, unless she first loses tliom in another
way. If she is unfortunate, publiek calamities may noake great
changes. Such changes seem to be intended by some men. Great
Britain has been led into tho Rubicon. She has not yet passed it.
We consider the hostilities already practised, as the manoeuvres of a
Ministerial war. We know the machinations formed against us, arul
tlie favourite publications industriously spread abroad, to excite a
jealousy of us among our British brethren. We know how accept,
able to many an earthquake would be to " sink some of the Colonies
in the ocean ;" and how pleasing to employ the rest " in raising sta-
ple commodities ;" that we arc thought " too numerous," and how
much it would be judged by some for the interest of Great Britain if
a pestilence should sweep off a million and a half of us. These won.
derful lucubrations have not escaped us. But here wo are, by Divine
Providence, three millions of souls. What can be done with us ? If
we wore to bo considered only as t Protestant allies, wo ought to be
esteemed by a wise people. Such a people certainly would not be
careful to disunite us from their interest — to make us foes when they
might have us friends. Some states have thought it true policy to
grant greater indulgencies to remote dominions, than were enjoyed by
themselves; and this policy has been much applauded. The enjoy-
ment of valuable privileges byinferiour states, under the protection of
a superiour, is the strongest bond of dependence. Why should we
prefer a dependence on Great Britain to a dependence on France, if
we enjoy loss freedom under the former, than wo may under tho lat-
ter ? " Firmissimum imperium, quo obedientes gaudent," or, as Lord
Chief Justice Coke expresses it, in his comment on the 2oth of Ed-
ward tho Third, " The state of a King standeth more assured by the
" love and favour of tho subject, than by the dread and fear of laws,"
&.c.t Ought Great Britain to despise the advantages she actually
• ** But, OB the other hand, it u to be considered, that e^ery Prince, in the first Parlia-
ment after his accession, has, by long usage, a truly rojal addition to his hereditary revt^
ime Si ttled upon him for his liie ; aiul hat never any occasion to apply to Parliament for
supplies, but upon some pulilick necessity of the whole Realm. This resloi-es to hini that
constitutional indei>endence which at his first accession seems, it must be owned, to be
wanting. And then, with regard to power, we nray find, perhaps, that the hands of
Government are at least sufficiently strengthened ; and that axr £»>.//f/i Monarch is now
in no danger of being overborne by either the nobility or the people. The instrumenia
of power are not Jierhaps so open and avowed as they formerly were, and Ihei-efore are
the less liable to jealous and invidious rertections; but they are not the weaker upon that
account. In short, our national debt and uxes (besides the inconveniences before men-
tioned) have also, in their natural consequences, thrown such a weight of power into
the Executive scale of Government, as we cannot think was intended by onr patriot
ancestors ; who gloriously struggled for the abolition of the then formidable parts of the
prerogative, and by an unaccountable want of foresight established this system in their
sti-ad. The entii-e collection and management of so vast a revenue being placed in the
hands of the Ci-own, have given rise to such a multitude of new officers, created by, and
removeahle at the Koyal iiFeasure. tliat they have extended the influence of Government
to every corner of the Nation. AVitness the Coinmissionei-s, and the multitude of dejH-nd.
ents on the Customs, in every poit of the Kingdom ; the Cooimissiouers of Excise, and
their numerous subalterns, in every inland district ; the Postmasters, and their servants,
planted in every town, and ui>on every publiek road ; the Commissioners of the Stamps,
anit their distributors, which are full as scatteretl and full asnunieroiis; the ofHcers of
the Salt Duty, which, though a species of excise, and conducted in the same manner, are
yet made a distinct corps from the ordinary managers of that revenue ; the Surveyors of
Houses and Windows; the Receivers of the Land fax ; the Managers of Lotteries, and
the Commissioners of Hackney Coaches ; all w hich are either metliately or innnediately
appointed by the Crown, and removeahle at pleasure without any reason assigned.
I'liese, it requires but little penetration to see, must give that power, on which they
depend for subsistence, an influence most amazingly extensive, 'i'o this may l>e added
the frequent opportunities of conferring particular obligations, b) preference in loans,
subscriptions, tickets, remittances, anil other money transactions, which will greatly
inei-ease this influence; and that over those persons whose altaehiiier.t, on account of
their wealtli, is frequently the most desirable. All this is the natural, though perhaps the
unforeseen, consequence of erfctingour funds of credit, and to supiKirt them tstabiishing
our present perpetual taxes ; the whole of which is entirely new since the Restoration iu
1660 ; and by fir the greatest part since the Revolution in 1683. And the same may be
said with regard to the ofilcer* in our numerous army, and the places which the army
has created. All which put together gives the Kxecutive power so pei^iiasive an energy
with rt^spect to the ptrsttns themselves, and so prevailing an interest w ith their friends
anil families, as will amply make amends for the loss of external prei-ogative.
" Rut, though this profusion of offices should have no effect on individuals, there is
still another newly-acquired branch of power; and that is, not Ihe influence only, but
the force of a disciplined army ; paid, indi-ed, ultimately by the people, hut immediately
by the Crown ; raised by the Crown, offlceivd by the Cniwn, commanded by the Crow n.
•1 hey are kept on foot, it is true, only from year to yiar, and that by the power of Par-
liameii^ ; but during that year they must, by the nature of our Coustiiulion, if raised at
all, beat the absolute disposal of the Crown. Am! there need but few words to demois-
slrate how great a trust is thereby niiosird in the Prince by his jicople. A trust tlial is
more than equivalent to a thousand little troublesome preni^tivi-s.
*' Add to all this, that, besides the civil list, the immense revenue of almost seven
millions sterling, which is annually paid to the creditors of the publiek, or c;irried to the
sinking fund, is first deposited in the Ro)al Exchequer, and thence issued out to tlie
ivspeciive offices of payment. This revenue the people can never refosc to raise,
because it is made per|>etlial by Act of Parliament ; which also, when considered, will
aiipear to lie a trust of great delicacy and high importance."—! Blacktt„ue*s Com. b. 1,
ch. 8, p. 334—336.
t Great Drilain put herself to a very considerable expense last war in defence of
Portugal, because that Kingdom was her ally, and she derived great adiaiitages from an
intercourse with her. lint what are those advantages, or the attVctiuiis arisiiigfrom them,
when compared to the advantages and affeclions that connect these Colonies with Grcit
Britnill? Woltls cannot express the surprise, that men free from passion must feel on
considering her impolicy in labouring to disjoin from herself the only true friends she
has in the world. If her Minister were jiensioners of I'rance and .S/wi/i, they could not
pursue measur.s mure pleasing and advantageous to those Kingdoms.
J " During all our happy days of concord, partly from our national moderation, and
** partlv from the w isdoiii, and sometimes perhaps Torn the carelessness of our Miiiisten,
** they have Ix-en trusted, in a good measure, with the entire management of their
" affaii'S ; ami the success they have met w ith ought to be to us an ever-memorable nrfwf,
" that the trueart of Government consists in not gov. ruing too much. Anil why should
" friendship, and gratitude, and long attachments, which inspire all the relish anil sweet-
** ness of private life, be tupposetl to lie of no weight in the intercoui-se b;tween great
*• communities? These are principles of human nature, which act with much gi-eater
** certainty on iiumbers than on individuals. If properly cultivated they may to us be
** iiroduetive of the noblest benefits ; and, at all events, will neither lessen the extent of
*• our power, nor shorten the duration of il."—Buhap of St. Aiaph't Sermon, p. 13.
578
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
574
in such a phrenzy of ambition. No ! Our highest pride
and glory has been, with humble unsuspecting duty* to
labour in contributing to elevate her to that exalted station
she holds among the Nations of the earth, and which, we
still ardently desire and pray siie may hold, with fresh
accessions of fame and prosperity, till time shall be no
more.
These being our sentiments, and, we are fully convinced,
the sentiments of our brethren throughout the Colonies,
with unspeakable affliction, we find ourselves obliged to
oppose that system of dominion over us, arising from coun-
sels pernicious both to our parent and her children — to
strive, if it be possible, to close the breaches made in our
former concord, and stop the sources of future animosities.
And may God Almighty, who delights in the titles of just
and merciful, incline the hearts of all parties to that equi-
table and benevolent temper, which is necessary solidly to
establish peace and harmony in the place of confusion and
dissension.
The legislative authority claimed by Parliament over
these Colonies, consists of two heads : first, a general
power of internal legislation ; and, secondly, a power of
regulating our trade ; both, she contends, are unlimited.
Under the first may be included, among other powers,
those of forbidding us tof worship our Creator in the
manner we think most acceptable to him — imposing taxes
on us — collecting them by their own officers — enforcing
the collection by Admiralty Courts, or Courts Martial —
abolishing trials by jury — establishing a standing army |
receives with safety from us, because, by the adoption of Spanish
maxims, she might with danger extort more ?
It is the duty of every Colonist to oppose such maxims. They
threaten ruin to our mother country and to us. We should be guilty
of treason against our Sovereign and the majesty of the people of
England, if we did not oppose them. England must be saved in
America. Hereafler, she will rejoice that wo have resisted, and thank
us for having offended her. Her wisdom will in a short time discover
the artifices that have been used by her worst enemies to inflame her
against her dutiful children ; that she has supported not her own
cause, but the cause of an Administration ; and will clearly distin-
guish which will most conduce to her benefit, safety, and glory, well
treated and affectionate Colonies, or millions of slaves, an unnatural
increase of her standing forces, and an addition to the influence of the
Crown, defying all calculation.
• It has been suggested, " that subjects sometimes err, by not
believing that Princes mean as well as they do." But the instances
are numerous where princes and their courtiers err, by not believing
that subjects mean as well as they do.
t See Canada BUI.
t The army under the command of General Gage, in the Province
of Massachusettt Bay alone, amounts to several thousand men, kept
there without consent of their Assembly, and to be augmented as tlie
General shall think proper.
" I must own, sir, I can see but one reason for raising at this pre.
" sent juncture, this additional number of troops, and that is to
" strengthen the hands of the Minister against the next election, by
•* giving him the power of disposing of commissions to the sons,
" brothers, nephews, cousins, and friends of such as have interest in
" boroughs, into some of which, perhaps, troops may be sent to pro-
" cure the free election of their members, in imitation of the late
" Czarina sending her troops into Poland to secure tlie free election
" of a King.
" But still there is one thing more fatal than all I have yet named,
" that must be the consequence of so great a body of troops being
" kept on foot in England, and will be the finishing stroke to all our
" liberties. For, as the towns in England will not be able much
" longer to contain quarters for them, most of those who keep publick
" houses being near ruined by soldiers billetted on them ; so, on pre-
'• tence of the necessity of it, barracks will be built for quartering
*' them, which will be as so many fortresses with strong garrisons in
" them, erected in all parts of England, which can tend to nothing,
" but by degrees to subdue and enslave the Kingdom.
" But if ever this scheme should be attempted, it will bo incumbent
" on every Englishman to endeavour to prevent it by all methods, and
" as it would be the last stand that could be ever made for our liberties,
" rather than suffer it to bo put in execution, it would be our duty to
" draw our swords, and never put them up till our liberties were
" secured, aud the authors of our intended slavery brought to condign
" punishment. I hope I shall be forgiven, if, during the debates, I
" shall take the liberty of speaking again ; for I am determined to
" figlit, inch by inch, every proposition that tends, as I think this
" does, to the enslaving my country." — Lord Viscount Gage's Speech
in 1739. Pari. Deb. Book iUh. p. 388. See Montesq. on Standing
Armies.
A Minister declared in the House of Commons, that he " should al.
" ways consider it as a part of the Constitution, that the military should
" act under the civil authority." But, by order, tlie Commandcr-in.
chief of the forces has precedence of a Governour, in the Provmco un-
der his government. By his Majesty's order, transmitted in a letter
dated the 9th of February, 17G5, from tlie Secretary of State to the
Commander-in-chief, it is declared, " that the orders of the Commandor-
" in-chief, and under him, of the Brigadiers General, commanding in the
" Northern and Southern Departments, in all military affairs, shall be
" supreme, and must be obeyed by the troops as such, in all the Civil
" Governments in America. That in cases wliere no specifick orders
" have been given by the Commander-in-chief, or by the Brigadier Gen-
among us in time of peace, without consenj of our Assem-
blies— paying them with our money — seizing our young
men* for recruits — changing Constitutions of Govern-
ment f — stopping the press — declaring any action, even a
meeting of the smallest number, to consider of peaceable
modes to obtain redress of grievances % high treason — ta-
king Colonists to Great Britain to be tried || — exempting
'• murderers"'^ of Colonists from punishment, by carrying
them to England, to answer indictments found in the Colo-
niesH — shutting up our ports — prohibiting us from slitting**
iron to build our houses, makingff hats to cover our heads,
or clothing to cover the rest of our bodies, &cc.fj
" eral commanding in the District, the Civil Governour in Council, and
" where no Council there subsists, the Civil Governour may, for the ben-
" efit of his Governmant, give orders for the marching of troops, the dis-
" position of them for making and marching detachments, escorts, anil
" such purely military services within his Government, to the command-
" ing ofScer of the troops, who is to give proper order for carrying tho
" same into execution, provided they are not contradictory to, or incom-
" patible with, any order he may have received from the Commander-
" in-chief, or tlie Brigadier General of the District."
In May, 1769, the Houss of Representatives for Massachusetts Bay,
requested Governour Bernard " to give the necessary and effectual or-
"ders for the removal of the forces, by saa and land, out of the port of
" Boston, and from the gate of the city, during the session of the said
" Assembly." To whicli he answered : " Gentlemen : I have no au-
" thority over his Majesty's ships in this port, or liis troops within this
" town ; nor can I give any orders for their removal.
" May 31, 1769. Fra. Bernard."
Thus, our Governours, the Captains General, and Commanders-in-
chiof, representing the Sovereign, and known to the Constitution of
these Colonies, arj deprived of their legal authority, in time of peace,
by an order ; and a perpetual dictatorial power established over us. To
accomplish this great purpose, it was thought proper, during the last
war, to change the mode of grxnting military commissions, and to pass
that to the General in America, under the great seal. It is not known
whether this uncommon formality has been observed with regard to tho
Major Generals of the respective " Districts."
* The Germans have been justly celebrated in different ages, for sa-
gacity in promoting the arts, and for martial spirit ; yet, how unhappy
have they been made in a short period of time, by that single engine of
arbitrary power, a standing army. Their distress was wrought up to
such a degree, that thousands and tens of thousands relinquished their
native country, and fled to the wildernesses of America. It was a way
of thinking and acting that bjcame them. For German* may truly
be called the fathers of Englishmen. From *Germany came their an-
cestors, and tlie first principles of the Constitution. Germans, there-
fore, seem to be more justly entitled than other foreigners to the bless-
ings of that Constitution. To enjoy them in this free country as it
then was, they came here ; but now unfortunately find arbitrary Gov-
ernment and a standing array jiursuing them even into these woods.
Numbers of them now in these Provinces liave served in the armies of
the several Princes in Germany, and know well, that one reason with
their riders for putting swords into their hands, was to cut the throats
of their own fathers, brothers, and relations, who should attempt to re.
lieve themselves from any part of their miseries. Their former Sover-
eigns are now completing, it is said, the cruel tragedy of tyranny.
They will not suffer those they have made wretched, to seek lor a
more tolerable existence in some other part of the globe. It is their
duty, say these unfeeling Princes, " to be unhappy, and to renounce all
hopes of relief." They are prohibited from leaving their country.
Those who have already escaped into these Colonies, remember what
they and their parents suffered in Germany. The old tell the stories
of their oppressions to the younger ; and however improbable it may
appear on the other side of tho Atlantic, it is asserted by persons well
acquainted with this people, that they have very little inclination to
suii'er tlie same cruelties again in America.
t Bill for changing the Constitution of Massachusetts Bay.
t General Gage's Proclamation, dated June 29, 1774.
II Resolves in the House of Lords, on thirty-fifUi Henry the Eighth,
chapter 2.
(/ Bill for the Administration of Justice, &c.
IT Boston Act. *» Twenty-third George the Second, chapter 29.
tt Fifth George the Second, chapter 21.
tt If Great Britain has a constitutional power to prohibit us from
slitting iron as she has done, she has a constitutional power, that is, a
right, to prohibit us from raising grain for our food ; for the principle
that supports one law, will the other. What a vast demand must be
made on her for this article, and how firmly would her dominion bo
established, if we depended wholly on her for our daily bread? Her
modern writers consider Colonists as slaves of Great Britain, shut up
in a large work-house, constantly kept at labour in procuring sucli
materials as she prescribes, and wearing such clothes as she sends.
Should she ever adopt the measure above mentioned, and, on our com-
plaints of grievances, withhold food from us ; what then ? Why. tlien,
on her principle, it would be right to be starved. To say in such case
we should have any other right, would be a '* traitorous and rebellious
denial of the Supreme Legislature of Great Britain :" for she " has
power of rig)it to bind us by statutes in all cases whatsoever."
Let not any person object that the supposition of such a case is the
suggestion of fancy. The Carthagenians, those masters in the sub-
lime jioliticks of commerce — politicks that have produced so many
dreadful scenes upon earth, forbade the Sardinians to raise corn, in or.
der to keep tliem in due subjection. The East Indies, St. Vincents, tho
proceedings at Rkode.lsland, and the Boston Act, «fcc., give rise to
many alarming apprehensions in America. There are few men on this
Continent would bo as much surprised at that measure, as at some late
measures. The beginning justifies any apprehensions. Power de-
bauches the affections. The improbability of cases happening, is no
• I BiacktUnc, p. 147.
575
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
576
In our Provincial Legislatures, the best judges in all
cases what suits us — founded on the immutable and un-
alienable riglits of human nature, tlie fii-st principles of the
Constitution, and charters and grants made by tiie Crown,
at periods when the power of making them was univer-
sally acknowledged by the parent stale, a power since
frequently recognised by her, subject to the controul of the
answer in such important considerations. The laudable spirit of com-
merce may bo inBanied into rapacity and cruelty in a Nation, as well
a-s in an individual. Wo must regard the power claimed by Great
Britain, not solely her will or contingencies depending on that will.
If she affi.xes no limits to her power, why should we affix any to its
effects ? "I know," says Mr. Hoadly, " it is next to impossible that
" any such case should happen ; but if such things be said, and such
" cases, in effect, be put, it is necessary to speak upon the supposition
" of such cases. And methinks it is but a narrow-spirited proceeding
*' in us to go just no farther iu our notions, than a compliance with
" our own present condition forceth us ; to exclude from our regard
" the condition of all other Nations, and all cases, but just that which
" hath happened last of all in our own."
That the plan of governing us by withholding necessaries of life
has been considered, and in what light Colonies are viewed at home,
the following extracts will partly shew :
" It appears that the original and grand evil attending thorn, was
the settlement of so considerable a part in a climate incapable of yield-
ing the conunodities wanting in Britain.
" These Northern Colonies, long after their disadvantageous nature
was known, were continually increased by fresh migrations from Eu-
rope; which, as I before observed, ought totally to have been prevent-
ed, and such migrations have been encouraged only to the beneficial
Colonies.
" Since the late war, Britain laid the trade of the Colonies under
some very strict regulations, which certainly cut off many inlets by
which they formerly received much Spanish and Portuguese coin.
The principle upon which such regulations were formed, of securing
to the mother country alone all matters of commerce, I have already
attempted to prove just and necessary.
" When once their supernumeraries are become manufacturers, it
will require more than British policy to convert them into planters.
" I nmst think this point of such great importance, as to extend
probably to the annihilation of manufactures in our Colonies. To
conclude, it is in the proposed settlement on the Ohio we must first look
for hemp and flax ; as such great numbers of the old American farm-
ers have removed and settled there, which may, in those fertile tracts,
be cultivated in such abundance as to enable us to undersell all the
world, as well as supply our own consumption. It is on those high,
dry, and healthy lands, that vineyards will be cultivated to the best
advantage, as many of those hills contain quarries of stone, and not
in the unhealthy sea-coasts of our present Colonies. To these we
should bring the settlers from Europe, or, at least, suffer none to go
north of New-York; by which means our numbers would increase in
those parts where it is our interest they should increase ; and the re-
port of the settlers from the new Colony on the Ohio, would be a con-
stant drain of people from our unprofitable Northern ones ; by which
means, they would, in future times, as well as the present, be prevent-
ed from extending their manufactures.
" What I shall therefore venture to propose, is, that the Govern,
ment, through the means of a few merchants acquainted with the
American trade, that can be tolerably depended upon, should establish
factors at Boston, Philadelphia, New.York, and a few other ports, for
the sale of such cargoes of British manufactures as should be consigned
to them ; and to consist of such particularly as were most manufac-
tured in the Province, with directions immediately and continually to
undersell all such Colony manufactures. By this means, the operation
of the succeeding measures, from the number of hands rendered idle,
would be so much easier to be executed.
" The ships which carried out such cargoes should be large bulky
ones, of eight, nine hundred, and one thousand tons burden, for the
sake of bringing large quantities of deals, &c., back, at a less propor-
tionate expense ; and, previous to their arrival in America, cargoes of
these should be ready for them. The Colonists should bo engaged to
work their iron mines, and get the product ready in bars, &c., and vast
quantities of deals and squared timber ready for loading the ships. All
which, on tho certain and immediate prospect of a sale, would easily
bo effected ; as it is well known they have, more than once, proved to
the liegislaturo that they could supply all Europe with these articles,
had they but the demand.
" But I laid it down as a rule to proceed upon, that trade, fishing,
and manufacturing, were put an entire stop to among the Colonies.
" If the Sugar Islands contained ten millions of people, as destitute
of necessaries as they are at present, Britain would be as sure of their
allegiance as she is at present, provided no Power more formidable
than herself at sea arose for thoir protection.
" The first dependence of our Colonies, as well as all their People,
is, to change the terms a little upon corn worked into bread, and iron
wrought into implements ; or, in other words, it is upon necessary agri-
culture and necessary manufactures ; for a people who do not possess
these, to think of throwing off the yoke of another who supplies them
with them, is an absurd idea. This is precisely the case with our
Sugar Islands. Let us suppose the Continental Colonies to bo as hap.
py in the necessary agiiculture, as they really are, but to be absolutely
without manufactures, could they throw off their allegiance to Britain,
be their numbers what they would ? No, certainly ; for that is nothing
more than supposing tliey should throw off their allegiance to hoes and
spades, and coats and shoes, which is absurd to imagine. Can any one
imagine that a rebellion can be carried on among a people, when the
greatest success must be attended with the loss of half the necessaries
of life !
" The following, among other effects, relative to this point, would
be the consequence of the plan sketched out in tho preceding section :
" The people would depend on Britain for those necessaries of life
which result from manufactures.
" The cultivation of staples would be more profitable to them than
any other employment whatever.
Crown, as by law established, is vested the exclusive right
of internal legislation.
Such a right vested in Parliament, would place us exact-
ly in the same situation, the people of Great Britain
would have been reduced to, had Jamet the First and his
family succeeded in their scheme of arbitrary power.
Changing the word Stuarts for Parliament, and Britons
" The sale of those staples would depend on Britain.
" Tho people w^ould all be spread over an immense country as plant-
ers ; none of them collected in towns.*
" To whicli circumstances I shall odd, in respect to Britain's further
policy,
" That she should abide by the boundaries fixed already to the old
Colonies, that of the rivers' heads ; and all further settling to be in new
Colonies, wherever they were traced.
" That she should keep tho inland navigation of the Continent ; that
is, of all the great lakes and navigable rivers, to herself, and not suffer
any sets of men to navigate them, and thereby communicate from one
part of the Continent to another.
" That she should never suffer any Provincial troops or militia to be
raised, but reserve entirely to herself the defence of the fronticrs.t
"That she should throw what obstacles she could, upon all plans of
communication from Colony to Colony, or conveniences of speedy
removals from place to place.
" That in proportion as any Colony declined in staples, and threat-
ened not to be able to produce a sufficiency of them, the inhabitants
should receive such encouragement to leave it, as more than to drain
its natural increase unless new staples were discovered for it.
" This is now the case with those I have distinguished by tho title of
the Northern Colonics ; insomuch that Nova-Scotia, Canada, jVeto
England, Nea-York, New-Jersey, and Pennsyhania, would be nearly
of as much benefit to this country buried in the ocean as they are at
present." — Political Essays.
The conduct of Administration corresponds exactly with the senti-
ments of this modern writer, and with the measures pursued by Philip
the Second of Spain against the Low Countries. The reasons given by
one in Administration for attacking the Colonies, seem to be copied
(with some small alterations on account of religion) from the famous
advice of the unfeeling Duke of Alva, that " specie retinendce digni-
tatis," cost his master his glory, his happiness, and his Provinces — and
sunk his country into distresses, from which she is not yet recovered.
" At vero dux Albanus arma et ultioneni, contendebat, unicum leesiB
" auctoritati principis reraedium. Quippe ceteris artibus ac diuturna
" facilitate nihil aliud effectum, quam ut regi obedientia, rebellibus
" timer adimeretur. Fostulanso principio Belgas, ut Hispanus c provin-
" cia miles excederet : id scilicet uuum deesse constantes ad quietem
" populorum. Num propterea, irapetrata externorum missione quie-
" visse ? An potius et confidentiusefflagitasse, ut — clavo deturbarotur
" Granvellanus. At unius forte naufragiocomplacatos fuisse vcntos. —
" Quin uimio ut licentia crescit facilius — homines a nostra facilitate
" securi — libellis deridiculis, flagitiosis couspirationibus — unprobis pa-
"lam carminibus — minis — precibus armatis — extorserent quod aver-
*' ent — obstinatis inverecunde legationibus Hispaniam fatigareut — Hie
" quoque visum dementis; principis aliqua iudigna posccntibus indul-
" gero. Enim vero quid ex ilia indulgentia relatum, nisi ut votorura
" ubique compotes, non parendo : subditos sese obliviscerentur, obse-
" quium dedisceront, atque exuta principis revercntia, coinmunicata
" provinciarum defectione, tanquam culpee societate tutiores, humana
" omnia contrectatse semcl libertati post habercnt. Nunc vero non
" unius civitatis, sod provmciarum consensu peccatura esse in regem.
" Nee quia rebelles in presentia conquiescant, minus ferociie animis
" inesse, resumpturos utiquo vires, ubi metum ultionis abjecerint. Sic
" ille pronus ad asperiora, disserebat." — Strada de bello lielgico, lib. 6,
It is evident, that the British Ministers have diligently studied
Strada, and the other authors who have transmitted to posterity the
pleasing and instructive annals of Philippick policy, as every measure
they have taken, is founded on a precedent set by that celebrated
school of humanity.
Alva is the favourite master-— on his conduct they keep their eyes
steadily and reverently fixed, and it may truly be said — they follow
him with no unequal steps. Great, good, and wise men 1 whom some
future Puffendorf or Temple will duly celebrate.
" In 15(>4, Granville was removed from the Council, to appease the
people. Thoir joy was short-lived ; for as the same measures were
pursued, it began to be said publickly, that though his body was
removed from, his spirit still influenced, tho Council. Upon applica-
tion for a relaxation of tho edicts, it was said, that moderation had
only made matters worse, and the observation of tliem was again
enjoined upon more severe penalties tlian before.
" At length an Association was entered into, for mutually defend-
ing each other. This being signed by above four hundred persons of
quality, who all protested, that they meant nothing but tho honour of
God, the glory of tho King, and the good of their country, they met
and petitioned, that the Proclamation might be revoked : but the King
would consent to no mitigation. Good advice was given to him. But
the Duke W Alva's violent Council, who proposed the entire abolish-
ment of the liberties of the Proviiices,t was most pleasing, and fol.
lowed. The cruel Duke was sent into tho Low Countries with a
powerful army. The Counts D'Egnwnt and Horn were immediately
seized, on a pretence that they had, underhand, spirited up the people's
disaffection. They were afterwards executed. All who had signed the
Association or Petition were declared guilty of ^ high treason, and
answerable for what had happened. A Council, called, from its cruel
proceedings, || tho Council of Blood, was erected for trying the accused,
from whicli there was no appeal. (Note well) Alva himself tried the
• ** This imint which is of infinite importance, won hi pretty fully be occasionr d by other
parts of tht! plan. Hut, to enstiiv so great a point, no new towns shoultl be Buffered, nor
es-en villaj^es; than which nothing could be easier to luana^^e; nor would they be any
where necfssarj' but by the inaffazines of naval stores for loading ships. All possible tie-
crease of numbers in tbecitiea alrc.idy in being, should be elfected. So systematically
absurd is it to found towns and cities, as Britain has hitherto constantly done, in all the
Colonies she has formed.' '
t " Specie tuendi finiam,jugum liberis prcvinciis meditatur."— Sfrarfo, lib. 2.
% "Lay them at my feet." $ See General Gage's Proclamatioii,
II nesoluiions in Parliament for trying CalooiiU iu England, Hlwde-Ulttnit Court.
Late Acu fur MaiiachuKtti Bay,
677
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
578
for Americans, tlie arguments of tlie illustrious patriots of
tliose times, to wliose virtues their descendants owe every
blessing they now enjoy, apply with inexpressible force
and appositeness, in maintenance of our cause, and in
refutation of the pretensions set up by their too forgetful
l»sterity, over their unhappy Colonists. Confiding in the
undeniable truth of this single position, that, " to live by
accused in their own country, where their friends and witnesses might
attend them ; whore the pains of death itself might be mitigated, by see-
ing witli their dying eyes, tliat they expired beloved and lamented. Here,
the disciples exceed their tutor. This is too great a consolation to be
indulged to a Colonist. He must be carried three thousand miles across
tiie ocean — that ho may not only die, but be insulted in his last mo-
ments, with the mockery of a trial, where the clearest innocence
stands no chance of acquittal, and with the formality of a sentence
founded on a statute past before the Colonies existed. On the approach
of tho army, the Prince of Orange and other Lords fled ; and being
summoned to appear before the Council, in default thereof, were con.
demned, and their estates confiscated. Alva treated all, the innocent
and guilty, with such rigour, that it gave rise to tho following saying
of a Spanish officer — " Haretici fraxerunt templa ; boni nihil faxerunt
contra ; ergo omnes dcbent patibulari." — Puffendork's Introduction —
Art. " Spain" and " the United Provinces."
Sir William Temple's account of the disturbances in the Low Coun-
tries agrees exactly with the foregoing extracted out of Puffendorf, by
which it will appear with what a surprising exactness of resemblance
the affairs of the Colonics have been carried on by Administration.
" The war with France being concluded, it was resolved to keep up
the troops in these Provinces, and that the states should support
them, which by a long course of war, was grown customary. When
Philip would have put Spanish garrisons into some of their towns,
and for the sake of their admitting them quietly, gave the command
to the Prince of Orange and Court Egmont, they told him plainly,
tliat all the brave stands they had made against the power of France,
availed them but little, if they must at last be enslaved by another
foreign Power." — Puffendorf.
" The hatred of the people, the insolence of the troops, with the
charge of their support, made them looked upon by the inhabitants
in general, as tho instruments of their oppression and slavery, and
not of their defence, when a general peace had left them no ene-
mies : And therefore the states began here their complaints, with a
general consent and passion of all the nobles, as well as towns and
country. And upon the delays that were contrived, or fell in, the
states first refused to raise any more moneys, either for tho Span-
iards' pay, or their own standing troops ; and the people ran into
so great despair, that in Zealand they absolutely gave over the work-
ing at their dikes, suffering the sea to gain every tide upon the coun.
try, and resolving, as they said, rather to be devoured by that element
than by tlie Spanish soldiers ; so that at last the King consented to
their removal. Another grievance was the appointment of new judges*
and those absolutely depending on the King, &c"
" Granville strained up to the highest his master's authority and the
execution of his commands, while the Provinces were resolute to
protect the liberties of their country, against the admission of this
now and arbitrary judicature, unknown to all ancient laws and cus-
toms of their country. The King at last consented to Granville's
recess. Then all noise of discontent and tumult was appeased. But
quickly after the same Councils were resumed. The disturbances
then grew greater than before. But by the prudence and moderation
of the Duchess of Parma, the Governess, the whole estate of the Prov-
inces was restored to its former peace. This Duchess, and the Duke of
Feria, one of the chief Ministers in Spain, thought and advised, that
the then present peace of the Provinces ought not to be invaded by
new occasions, nor the royal authority lessened, by the King being
made a party in a war upon his subjects. But the King was immove-
able ; he despatched Alva into the Low Country at the head of ten
thousand veteran Spanish and Italian troops, under the command of
the best officers, which the wars of Charles the Fifth, or Philip the
Second, had bred up in Europe ; which, with two thousand more in the
Provinces, under the command of so old and renowned a General as
the Duke of Alva, made up a force, which nothing in the Low Countries
could look in the face with other eyes than of astonishment, submis-
sion, or despair. This power was for the assistance of the Governess,
the execution of the laws, the suppressing and punishing all who had
been authors or fomentors of the late disturbances. t On his arrival
the Governess having obtained leave of the King, retired out of
the Province. The Duke of Alva was invested in the Government
with powers never before given to any Governour. A Council, called
the Council of Blood,} was erected for the trial of all crimes commit-
ted against the King's authority. The towns stomached the breach of
their Charters, the people of their liberties, the knights of the golden
fleece the Charters of their order, by these new and odious courts of
judicature; all complain of the disuse of the states, || of the introduc-
tion of armies, but all in vain. The King was constant to what he
had determined. Alva was in his nature cruel and inexorable. The
new army was fierce and brave, and desirous of notliing so much as a
rebellion in tho country. The people were enraged, but awed and
unheaded. All was seizure and process; — confiscation and imprison-
ment ; — blood and horrour ; — insolence and dejection ; — punishments
executed, and meditated revenge. The smaller branches were lopt
off apace ; the great ones were longer a hewing down. Counts
Egmont and Horn lasted several months ; but at length, in spite of all
their services to Charles the Fifth and to Philip, as well as of their new
merits in quieting of the Provinces, and of so great supplications and
intercessions as were made in their favour, both in Spain and Flanders,
tliey were publickly beheaded at Brussels, which seemed to break all
patience in tho people ; and by their end to give those commotions a
• Ailmirally Courti. R/iaile-Iilant) Court, for enforcing the statute of tliirtj-fifth
Henr)/ the Kiijlith. Act for ngulMius tlic Govornmeut of Maitac/iuiclli Bay. Act for
Atlniiitiatration of Justice, &c.
t See Speeches in Parliament, and Preambles to the l«te Acts. % See note in Page 75.
I Fivquent ilinolutioD of Atierabliet— and tlieir total uscleisiiess, if Parliament aid
one man's* will, became the cause of all men's misery,"
they generously suffered. And the worthy Bishop before
mentioned, who, for strenuously asserting the principles of
the Revolution, received the unusual honour of being re-
commended by a House of Commons to the Sovereign for
preferment, has justly observed, that " misery is the same
whether it comes from the hands of many or of one."
" It could not ajjpear tolerable to him (meaning Mr.
" Hooker, author of the Ecclesiastical Policy) to lodge in
" the Govemours of any Society an unlimited authority, to
" annul and alter the Constitution of the Govenimcnt, as
" they should see fit, and to leave to the governed the
" privilege only of absolute subjection in all such altera-
" tions ;" f or, to use the Parliamentary phrase, " in all
cases whatsoever."
From what source can Great Britain derive a single
reason to support her claim to such an enormous power ?
That it is consistent with the laws of nature, no reasonable
man will pretend. That it contradicts the precepts of
Christianity, is evident. For she strives to force upon us
beginning, which cost Europe so much blood, and Spain a great part
of the Low Country Provinces. The war begun, Alva had at first great
success. Moved with no rumours, terrified with no threats from a
broken and unarmed people, and thinking no measures or forms were
any more necessary to be observed in the Provinces, he pretends
greater sums are necessary for the pay and reward of his victorious
troops than were annually granted upon the King's request by tho
states of the Provinces: {Note. Hero our Ministers have again
improved upon Philip's; for they have taxed us, without making
requests.)* And therefore demands a general tax of the hundreth part
of every man's estate, to be raised at once : and for tho future, tlie
twentieth of all immoveable, and the eighteenth of all that was sold.
The states with much rcluctancy consent to the first, as a thing that
ended at once. They petition the King, but without redress; draw out
the year in contests, sometimes stomachful, sometimes Immble with
the Governour : till the Duke, impatient of delay, causes the edict
without consent of tho states, to be published. The people refuse to
pay ; the soldiers begin to levy by force ; the townsmen all shut up
their shops ; the people in the country forbear the market ; so as not
so much as bread and meat is to be bought in the town. The Duke
is enraged ; calls the soldiers to arms ; and commands several of the
inhabitants, who refused the payments, to be hanged that very night
upon their sign posts ; whicli moves not the obstinacy of the people.
And now tho officers and the guards are ready to begin the executions,
when news comes to town of the taking of the Briel, by the Gaeses,f
and of the expectation that had given of a sudden revolt in the
Province of Holland.
" This unexpected blow struck the Duke of Alva, and foreseeing
the consequences of it, because he knew the stubble was dry, and now he
found the fire was fallen in, he thought it an ill time to make an end
of the tragedy in Brabant, whilst a new scene was opened in Holland;
and so giving over for the present his taxes and executions, applies his
thoughts to the suppression of this new enemy that broke in upon him
from the sea. And now began that great commotion in the Low Coun-
tries, which never ended but in the loss of those Provinces, when the
death of the Royal Government gave life to a new Commonwealth." —
Observat. upon the United Provinces of the Netherlands, by Sir Wih-
LIAM Temple.
Philip and his junto of Cabinet Ministers thought themselves no
doubt very wise, and politick as so many MachiaveU. But what says,
and will say mankind as long as the memory of those events is pre-
served 7 That their counsels were despicable, their motives detestable,
and their minds like those described by the Bishop of Lerida, that
exactly resembled the horns of the cows in his country — little, " hard
and crooked."
• Hooker. " For a man to bo tenant at will of his liberty, I can
never agree to it. It is a tenure not to be found in all Littleton."—
Speech of Sir Edward Coke.
" Etiam si dominus non sit molestus, tnmen miserrimum eat, paste «
velit." — Cicero.
. " The free
Know no gentle tyranny." — Rowe.
t Hoadly's Discourse on Government.
• Another advantage the British Ministers have over the Spanish in depth of polic)',
is very remarkable. Spain was a great Empire. The Low Countries a mere speck, com-
pared witli it. Spain was not a maritime state that depended upon them for the supply of
her revenue. Had they beeusunk in the sea, she would scarcely have felt the loss. Her
Erospect of success was almost certain. France, her llien inveterate enemy, exhausted
y a civil war and divided into two powerful parties. Every circumstance is directly
the reverse to Great Britain in lier present contest with tlie Colonies. ** Siquidem
*' verissimum est, ignem tectis ilijicere, el injecto spatium modumque statuere, non esse
•' in cjusdera mauu,"—Strada, lib. 7.
t Beggars. — They were called so in contempt, when they petitioned. The people
thereupon assumed Uiat name, perhaps to keep up the memory of an insult occasioned
by their loyalty. ^ - „
The whole country of the seven United Provinces is not as large as one half ot Penn-
sulvania ; and when they began their contest with Pliilip the Second, for their bljerty,
contained alwut as many inhabitants as are now in the Province of Massachusetts Bay.
Philip's Empire then comprehended in Europe, all Spain and Portugal, the two
5iri/ifj,and such Provinces of the Low Countries as ailhered to him— maiiy Islands of
importance in the Mediterranean— Ibe Milanese and many other veiy valuable Ierntone«
in Italy and elsewhere.— In Africa and Asia, all the Uominions belonging to .S/ioin anil
Portugal—in' America the immense countnts subject to those two Kiiigdonis, with all
Uieir treasures and yet unexhausted mines, and tlie Spanish West Indies His armit^
were numerous and veteran, excellently officered, and commanded by the most renowned
Generals. Sogrea was their force, that during the wars in the Low Countnes. Ins Com-
mander-in-chief, the Prince nt Parma, marched twice into f ronre, and obliged that
great Oeneial and glorious King, Henry the Fourth, to raise at one time the siegeat
Varis, and at another, that of Roan. So considerable was the naval power ot Plulip, that
in the midst of the same wars, he fitted out his dreadful Armada to invade hngland. \et
seven little Provinces, or countries, as we should call them, inspired by one generous
resolution " To die free, rather than to live slaves," not only baffled, but brought down
into the dust, that enormous power, that had contended for universal tmpire, and for
half a century was the terrour of the world. Such an aniaiirig change indeed took
place, that those Provinces afterwardi actually protected Spam agauist the power of
France,
FoDRTH Series.
37
579
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JULY, 1774.
580
terms, which she would judge to be intolerably severe and
cruel, if imposed on herself". " Virtual representation" is
too ridiculous to be regarded. The necessity of a supreme
sovereign Legislature, internally superintending the whole
Empire, is a notion equally unjust and dangerous. '* The
" pretence" says Mr. Justice Blackstonc, speaking of
James the First's reign, '• for wiiich arbitrary measures was
•' no other than the tyrant's ])lea of the necessity of un-
" limited powers, works of evident utility to the* publick,
" the supreme reason above all reasons, whicii is the sal-
" ration of the King's lands and people." This was not
the doctrine of James only. His son unhappily iniierited it
from him. On this flimsy foundation was built the claim
of sliip money, &ic. Nor were there wanting men, who
could argue, from the Courtly text, that Parliaments were
too stupid or too factious, to grant money to the Crown,
wiien it was their interest and their duty to do so. Tiiis
argument, however, was fully refuted, and slept above a
century in proper contempt, till the posterity of those who
had overthrown it, thought fit to revive the exploded ab-
surdity. Trilling as the pretence was, yet it might much
more properly be urged in favour of a single person, than
of a multitude. The counsels of a Monarch may be more
secret. His measures more quick. In passing an Act of
Parliament for all the Colonies, as many men are consulted,
if not more, than need be consulted, in obtaining the assent
of every Legislature on the Continent. If it is a good
argument for Parliaments, it is a better against them. It
therefore proves nothing but its own futility. The sup-
posed advantages of such a power could never be attained
but by the destruction of f real benefits, evidenced by
facts to exist without it. The Swiss Cantons, and the
United Provinces, are combinations of independent states.
The voice of each must be given. The instance of these
Colonies may be added : for stating the case, that no act
of internal legislation over them had ever been passed by
Great Britain, her wisest statesmen would be perplexed
to show, that she or the Colonies would have been less
flourishing than they now are. What benefits such a
power may produce hereafter, time will discover. But
the Colonies are not dependent on Great Britain, it is
said, if she has not a supreme unlimited Legislature over
them. " I would ask these loyal subjects of the King,"
says the author of a celebrated invective against us. J
" what King it is they profess tliemselves to be the loyal
" subjects of? It cannot be his present most gracious Ma-
" jesty, George the Third, King of Great Britain, for his
" title is founded on an Act of Parliament, and they will
" not surely acknowledge that Parliament can give them
" a King, which is of all others, the highest act of sov-
" ereignty, when they deny it to have power to tax or
" bind them in any other case ; and I do not recollect that
" there is any Act of Assembly, in any of the Colonies,
• With such smooth words may the most dreadful designs be glossed
ov^r. "Tliere are some men who call evil, good, and bitter, sweet.
—justice is now called popularity and fjction." — Pari. Hist. 8. 193.
" A man sliall not unprofitably spend his contemplation, tliat upon
this occasion considers the method of Corf's justice (a method tisrribly
remarkable in many passages, and upon many persons, wliich we
shall be compelled to remember in this discourse), that the same
principles, and the same application of those principl. s, should be
used to the wresting all sovereign power from the Crown, which the
Crown had a little before made use of for the extending its autliority
and power beyond its bounds, to the prejudice of the just rights of the
pubjoct. A supposed necessity was then thought ground enough to
create a power, and a bare averment of that necessity to beget a
practic3 to impose wliattax they thought convenient upon the subject,
by writs of ship money never before known ; and a supposed necensity
now, and a bare averment of that necessity, is as confidently, and
more fatally, concluded a good ground to exclude the Crown from
the use of any power, by an ordinance never before heard of, and the
game ma.xim of " ealus populi suprema lex," whicli has been used to
the infringing the liberty of tlio one, made use of for destroying the
rights of the other." — Lord Ci.\rk.nuon's Hist. h. v. p. 54.
tTlius the Patriots of Charlef's days argued ; " It is not, that ship
" money hath been levied against us, but it is, that thereby ship
" money is claimed, which is the gift and earnest penny of all we
" have : it is not, that our persons liave been imprisoned for the pay.
"mcnt of ship money, but that our persons and lives are, upon the
'• same ground of law, delivered up to will and pleasure. It is, that
" our birthright is destroyed, and that there luitb boon an endeavour
" to reduce us to a lower state than villi nagc. The Lord might tax
•' his villain de haut ei de basse, might imprison him, but Ins life was
" his own ; tho law secured him that." — .Lord Clarendon.
t See note on these words " Therefore a power of regulating our
" trade, involves not in it the idea of a Supreme Legislature over us,"
— I'age 590.
" for settling the Crown upon King William or the illus-
" trious House o( Hanover." * " Curious reasoning this."t
It is to be wished tlie gentleman had " recollected" that
* "TIio Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies Ra-
viewcd." The learned gentleman who wrote this piece, has thought
proper to quit his argument, step out of his way, |>crsonally abuse,
and severely attack tho writer of the *' Faruier's Letters." llin
principal objections are the following, and the answers licro given
may perhaps bo sufficient to show with wliat force iiis objections are
generally urged. First, lie s.iys, " llie writer of tile Letters tells us
**that tho drawbacks which are allowed on some articles upon their
"exportation from Eiigluiid amount to more money than all the duties
"together which are luid upon them on their arrival in the Colonies
"will produce. I believe it is tlie first tune that the Colani.s of any
"state have complained of the injustice of the mother country in
"luying taxes upon them, which were not sufficicintly heavy, nor was
" it ever before discovered that the proper .means to redress the
" grievances of any people, wera to increase their taxes." Page 16.
Answer : The truth of the assertion in tlie Letters is not denied. It is
assuuied by the author of " Tho Controversy," as the foundation of his
argument. If then. Parliament would have raised more money, "by
"stopping the drawbacks, than by laying the duties to be paid in the
" Colonies," why were tliey laid ? From respsct for Parliament it
must i)U supposed, they were l.iid for some jmrpose. It was not for
the sake of tho money. For what then ? To tst,.blish a precedent
for taxing tho Colonies, says the writer of the L::tters. The author of
" The Controversy" dojs not deny it ; but enters into a dissertation upon
tho more and the less, which is not the point in question. ' Second.
Tile writer of the Letters says, that, an Act of Parliament commanding
us to do a certain thing, if it has any vulidily is a tax upon us, for
the expense* that accrues in complying with it. In reply to this the
autlior of "The Controversy" enumerates many instances of sover.
eignty subjecting the Colonies to expense, whicli lie supposes may
be legally exercised within the Colonies " by Act of Parliament."
Pages 23, 24. Answer : The propriety of this sujiposition is denied,
and remains to be proved. " Absurdities and contradictions" ara
plentifully attributed to the wr't?r of the Letters, because lie will not
acknowledge, that the power of Parliament " to r.^giilate trade, and
preserve the connection of the whole Empire in due order," involves ia
it a power to " tax the Colonies," or " to put them to any expense,"
Piirli.iment shall please. A person of such sagacity, as the author of
"The Controversy," might plainly have perceived, if his resentment had
not prejudiced his candour, that tho writer of the Letters was unwilling
to give up any point, which he then thought essential to the freedom
and welfare of his country, and at the t-auie time was t unwilling to
propose any new subject of dispute. Justly has tho author of "The
Controversy" observed, that "it would be endless to trace this doctrine
of taxes through all the consequences." Pjge 23. Tliird. The writer
of the Letters says, " wo ur j as much dependent on Great Britain as a
" perfectly free people can be on another." On this the author of " The
Controversy" kindly observes, that — " it is a pity the learned editor
" (tho English editor, it is supposed) has not given the publick a dis.
" sertation on that most ingenious and instructive passage." Page 25.
Answer : American understandings discover no inconsistency in the
idea of " a state being dependent, and yet perfectly free," and their
t >mper is so moderate that they would be content with that degree of
freedom, wliich is compatible with a d!pjnilenc3. If the proposition
puzzles British understandings, it is presumed to be, because Britons
will not give tliemselves the trouble to think of any dependence, but
of such, as is destructive of all freedom ; thougli they themselves are
dependent in some measure on others. Fourth. The writer of tho
Letters says, " if money he raised upon us by others without our con.
"sent, for our defence, those who are the judges in levying it, must
" also be the judges in applying it." [Of consequence, tho money. Slid
to be taken from us for our defence, may be employed, to our injury,
t Id. p. 17.
* This sentence related to t]ie dissolution of tlie Assembly of 2*(rwTorky for not com-
plying with the Act of ParliaiiKiit for nut supplying ihc troops. Last session of Parlia-
nient an Act was pasted fctr the more conimudious (^uarterinj; of the troops in America.
It is not vet come ovf r ; but deserves the aiteiiiion of (he Colonists, evt-n it it hus not the
remarkable features, thai distinguish the prodiiciions of the last session.
■f If any |>ci*3on shrill imsiijine that he discovers in these Lettei-s, the least dislike of the
dependence or these Colonit-s on Great Briaiu^ 1 lug ilmt such peisoii will not I'uruiaiiy
juitginent on purliculsn' t-xpres»ions, but Mill consider the icnor of all the lettei's taken
together. In thatcusi*, 1 fluiter myself, thutevtry uiiin-tjutl,ct-d render will be convinced
tliat the truf interests of Great Britain are as dear to mc, as they ought to be to every
good subject.
" If I am an entlnisiast in any thing, it is in my zeal for the per|>etnal ilependence of
these Colonies on iheir mother couutrj— a dfi)t'ndi.-ncu founded on mutual tieneHtv, the
cuntinuaitce of which can lie sreurtd onl> by mutual iifiiciions. '1 hertfuie it is, that
with i-xtn-me apprt-hension 1 view the smallest seeds of discontent, which a)"e nnwearily
scattered ahroiid. Fifty or sixty jean will make astonishing alterations in th^seCuIoiiivs ;
and this eoiisideratiun shou d n nder it the husiui-ss of Great B'itnin more and inoie to
cultivate our good disposition towards her : hut the mi»fm'(une is, that (hose gri-at men,
who are wrestling for power at home, think themselvtn very slitjhily interested in the
jnoaperity of iheir coimtry fifij or sixty years hence, but are deeply concerned in blowing
uj) a jK>pttlar clamour for snpp"sed immediate advaiiiages.
*• Kor uiy jjai-t, I regard Great Britain as a bulwjiik,luippily fixed between these Colo-
nies and the [wwerful Nations of Europe. I'hat Kingdom n-muining safe, wu, under its
piotection, enjojing peace, nmy diffuse the blessings of religion, science, and liberty,
through remote wildernesses. It is therefore incontesiibly our duty, and our intei*est, to
Bup|K)rt the stivngth of Great Britain, When confiding In that sirtngth, she btgins to
forget from whence it arose, it will bean easy ihing to show the source. She may re.idily
be nmiiiuled of the toud alarm spiead among her itierchantH and tradesmen, by the uuj-
versal association of these Colonies, at the time of the Stamp Act, not to iiiijHirt any of
lier manufactures.
*• In the year 171S, the Jiussianjt and Sivedes entered into sn agreement not lo suffer
Great Britain to export any naval stores fiom their Doiinnions, but in Russian or
57tr//f*/i shipi, and at their own pnces. Great yj/Tni/i was distressed. Pitch and tar
j-ose to three jtounds a banvl. At length klu thonghl of getting thi-Ne articles from the
Colonies ; and the attempt succei ding, they fell down lo fifteen shiiiings. In t)ie vear
175ft. Great Britain was threatened with an invasion. An easterly wind blowingfor six
weeks, she could not man her fleet, and ihe whole Nation was thmwn into the utmost
consternation. 'I he wind changed. Ihe American shins arrived, i he fle«.t sailed in
ten or fifteen days. There niv some other i-etl ciions on this subject, worthy of the mo»t
<leliherate attt-ntam of the Britinh Parliament ; but they ai-c of such a luunre, that I do
not choose lo meniion (hem publickiy, 1 thought it my duty, in the year 1765, w hile the
Stamp Act was in suspense, to wiite my lentimenis toa geiiiUnmn of great influence at
home, who afterwards distinguished himself, by (spousing uurcause, in the debates con-
cerning the repeal of 'hat Ad.'*— ^"rmc;'/ Letter, xii. Page 100.
If tlie author of *• The Coniroversj" had seen the Utter above leferred to, he would have
fotind,thal.ilK difference iKtwetn the premgaiive in Great Br 'tuin and America^ and
the exercise of internal legislation by parliament over the CoI'mies. with some other [Mnntj
therein mentioned, weir leptx-senii d in the stnnigtst teiuH the writer of the Letlen could
use, as unjujt, ami certainly unding in a few years to produce the deepest discoutenis.
The time is at length cuiue « hen silence in America on these subjects would be stupid
or criiuinul.
581
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JULY, 1774.
682
without any such " Act of Assembly" none of the Colo-
nists ever rebelled. What Act of Parliament is here
meant? Surely not the eleventh of Henry the Seventh,
chapter the first, in favour of a King de, facto. Probably
the twelfth and thirteenth of William the Third, chapter
the second, " for the further limitation of the Crown, &z,c,"
is intended. And is it imagined that the words " Domin-
ions and Territories thereunto belonging" in that statute,
form his Majesty's title to the sovereignty of these Colo-
nies ? The omission of them might have looked odd ; but
what force is added by their insertion ? The settlement
of the Crown of Ens;land includes the settlement of the
Colonies. King Jfilliam is mentioned — and will the
gentleman venture to say, that JVilUnm was not King of
England and Sovereign of these Colonies, before his title
was "declared" or "recognised" by "an Act of Parlia-
ment ?" The gentleman slurs over this case. His zeal
for the " illustrious House of Hanover" would be little
gratified, by inferring, that because the two Houses, with
the consent of the Nation, made a King, therefore the two
Wo may be * chiiined in by a line of fortifications — obliged to pay for
the building and maintaining them — and bo told that they arc for our
defence.] With what face can wo dispute the fact after having
granted that those who apply the money, had a right to levy it ? For
surely it is much easier for their wisdom to understand how to apply
it in the best manner, than how to levy it in the best manner.
Besides the right of levying is of infinitely more consequence than
that of applying. The peojilo of England, who would burst out into
fury if the Crown should attempt to levy money by its own authority,
have always assigned to the Crown the application of money."
From the words relating to " application," the author of " The
Controversy" deduces a "proof," that the writer of the Letters is very
deficient in " his knowledge of the Constitution,"! &c. Answer. Is
this treatment generous ? In such questions, ought the attack to bo
turned from the cause to the man ? The writer of the Letters pretends
not to be distinguislied as a " critick on Government," nor for " just.
ness or elegance of composition."} Surely, evon the author of " The
Controversy" must now be convinced of his aversion to writing, as
that performance, with all " the justness and elegance of its coinpo-
" sition, knowledge of the subject handled, and constitutional learning
" displayed in it," and employed to pull to places the reputation of the
writer of the Letters, has not roused him during so many years sinco
its publication, to make a single effort in vindication of his character.
Was it imagined that every objection was just, because not replied to ?
Many reasons, besides a fear of encountering objections, may prevent
an answer. In truth, lie cannot be called a volunteer author. Ho
never did, and never dared to write, but when the honour or interest
of his country was assaulted ; when duty compelled every one to con-
tribute what assistance ho could in her defence, and when ho hoped
the cause would draw some kind of a veil over his defects. Ho
expected he might escape, as the Spartan youth did, with some slight
censure for engaging ijnproperly armed, but that his motive would
excuse him from a severe ono. How well founded the present reproach
is, will now be considered. One would imagine, that a man of com-
mon sense, on reading the foregoing extract from the Letters, would
understand the writer plainly to mean, by " levying," the power of
" taxing ;" and by " applying," the power of " employing" tha
money raised by taxing ; or, in other terms, the actual expenditure of
it. This meaning is evident, the conclusion being express, that " if
" others may be judges in applying money, of consequence it may be
" employed to our injury ;" and then follow some instances in which
it " may be so employed." All this is very clear. How, then, does
the very ingenious gentleman open his way to the writer of the Let.
ters to give him this violent blow ? By a dexterity worthy of imitation,
if justifiable. Ho leaves out of his quotation all the words enclosed
within the last crotchet, beginning at the words " of consequence,"
and ending at the words " our defence," that showed, beyond a pos.
sibility of doubt, in what sense the word " applying" was used — takes
no notice of the omission — imposes another sense on the word — and
then insults, may it bo said, over the supposed mistake of saying,
" that the people of England have always assigned to the Crown the
" application of money."
Wliat sense ho or others may assign to the word " application," is
not the point ; but whetlier the word, taken in that sense which the
writer of the Letters expressly annexed to it, is used with propriety
by him, or whether it is used in such a manner as to " prove he is
" very deficient in his knowledge of the Constitution ?" By that word,
as he defines it, positively as languiigo cm declare any meaning, he
intends the actual expenditure and " employment" of money. And
is the reader to be tricked out of that definition, and another sense
shufHed in, morjly to impeach a man's character by slight of pen ?
Has not the Constitution " assigned to the Crown the actual expen-
diture and employment of money ?" Is not this power part of the
Executive ? Uojs not Mr. Justice Blackstone mention this power to
show the vast influence of the Crown ? He particularly takes notice
of it, with respect to the army, in these expressions: " Paid, indeed,
" ultimately by the people, but immediately by the Crown ; raised by
" the Crown, oflicered by the Crown, commanded by the Crown."!|
• The Ttrobabi'.ity of thU measui-e taking place, is coiifinned by tlie Canada Bill, a
political device su exlniordiimi'y, as to excite surprise even in those Colonists w ho live in
the year 1774. By this Bill, it is said, the Legislative power is lotlged in the Governour
aiid a few men, not less than seventeen, nor more than twenty-three, apiwinted ami re-
moveable by the Crown ; and the Government becomes wholly mililury. Trials by jury
are aboliithed, thonifh multitudes of En^Hifi subjects settled there on tiie encouragement
given by the King's Proclamation in 1763. 'i'he French laws are restored, and all the
coinitry on the back of tin se Colonies is added to Cittiatla. and put under the same mili-
tai7 Government. This is indeed to be **chained in." Nothing is wanting to complete
the plan, but our money, to defray tl)<' expense of erecting strong holds among our woutis
and mountains, and to brilM; our Indiani; and then the expression of ** beating our
swords into plough-shares" will be reversed in an extraordinary manner; for ''our
plough-shares" will furuish the very ''swords" that are to cutour own Uiroats.
tPage 31.
t Pages 22 and 25.
I 1 DIackslone, 330.
Houses can make laws. Yet that conclusion would be as
justifiable as this — that the assent of the Colonies to an
election of a King by the two Houses, or to the limitation
of the Crown by Act of Parliament, proves a right in
Parhament to bind the Colonies by statutes " in all cases
whatsoever." In such great points, the conduct of a
people is influenced solely by a regard for their freedom
and happiness. The Colonies have no other head than
the King of England. The person, who by the laws of
that Realm is King of that Realm, is our King.
A dependencef on the Crown and Parliament of Great
Britain, is a novelty — a dreadful novelty. It may be
compared to the engine invented by the Greeks for the
destruction of Troy.X It is full of armed enemies, and
the walls of the Constitution must be thrown down before
it can be introduced among us.
When it is considered that the King as King of England
has a power in making laws — the power of executing them
— of finally determining on appeals — of calling upon us
for supplies in times of war or any emergency — that every
branch of the prerogative binds us, as the subjects are
bound thereby in England — and that all our intercourse
Is not the word " application," used hero, too, not only properly, as
defined, but properly in a constitutional sense ?
True it is, that the word is sometimes used as synonymous with
appropriation, though this latter seems to be the fittest word to mean
the designation of money to particular purposes in acts of Parliament.
Could it be possible, that the author of " The Controversy" should
imagine the writer of the Letters could bo ignorant of such designa-
tion or appropriation of money by Parliament, when one can scarcely
open a book of Statutes without observing them ? Parliament may
accommodate grants of money to publick necessities, and may call
officers of the Crown to account for money ; but these powers no more
prove the actual expenditure and employment of money to belong to
Parliament, than the power of calling officers of the Crown to account
for injurious leagues, or declarations of war, proves the power of Par-
liament to make leagues or to declare war. Besides, it being contended
against the Colonies, that the " sovereign power" is lodged in King,
Lords and Commons, the same persons may tax and expend, to what
excess, and in what manner they please, while the Colonies will have
no kind of control over thom ; and that such an union of those pow.
ers is unconstitutional and dangerous to the Colonies in extreme, was
the point the writer of the Letter offensively ventured to insist on.
Exactly in the sense here contended for, are the words " appropria.
tion" and " application" used in some of the best authorities. Bishop
Ellys, in his Tracts on Liberty, page 31, says: " The Parliament, at
" present, in granting money, does, for the most part, appropriate it to
" particular services, whereby the application of it is more effjctually
" secured." " When any aids are given, the Commons only do judge
" of the necessities of the Crown, which cannot be otherwise made
" manifest to them than by inquiring how the money which hath been
" granted, and revenue of the Crown, is expended and applied."*
"Out of the aids given by Parliament, (which, by the law of England,
" are appropriated, and ought to have been employed in the common
" profit of the whole Realm,) many large sums of money, during the
" times of such heavy taxes upon the people, have been diverted under
" the head of secret services, and for salaries, bounties, and pen-
" sions," &.C.+
Some other unfairnesses there are in this famous piece, that need only
be viewed, to be refuted ; but of which, it may be said, if a " prece-
dent" established by the respectable gentleman himself, can procure
pardon for the expression, that " they are not entitled to notice."
How could he venture to assert, as ho does, that " the purpose of the
" Letters was to excite resentment in the Colonies against their parent
" country, and to push them on to a separation from her." The Let-
ters prove the contrary. Few men have expressed a warmer zeal for
tha connection than the writer of them I Yet his reputation is to bo at-
tacked on every account, and a charge even of disloyalty directly
levelled against him. The author is welcome to take what other
licenses ho pleases in his apprehensions of the writer ; but he ought
not to have denisd his integrity. Their intentions must stand the test
of a tribunal that decides for eternity. May they then appear equally
pure.
True, indeed, are those words of Lord Clarendon : " Let no honest
" man tliat is once entered into the lists, think, he can, by any skill or
" comportment prevent these conflicts and assaults — but let him look
" upon it as a purgatory he is unavoidably to pass through, and con-
" stantly performing the duties of justice, integrity, and uprightness,
" depend upon Providence, and tune, for a vindication."
t This word, " dependence," as applied to the states connected with
England, seems to be a now one. It qppoars to have been introduced
into the language of the law, by the Commonwealth Act of 1659 A
" dependence on Parliament" is still more modern. A people cannot
be too cautious in guarding against such innovations. " The creden-
" tials of the Imperial Ambassadors to the states of Holland, were
" directed ' to our faithful and boloved.' The words seem to be very
"kind, but the cautious states discovered that this was the style of the
" Imperial Chancery in writing to the vassals of the Empire. The
" question was, wliether the credentials should be opened ? And it was
" urged, tliat a solemn embassy ought not to be disappointed, for a few
" trifling words. But the states resolved to send them back unopened,
" which they did. Oilier credentials were then sent, with a proper di-
" roction, and the Ambassadors were well received." — Arcana, imp. del.
"p. 106.
{7 Co. 18.
• Words of the Commons at a conference with the Lords.— Pa^^ HUt,
t Addt«it of the House of Comiaom to Queen Anne.— Pari. Hut,
583
CORRESPOrsDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JULY, 1774.
584
with foreigners is regulated by Parliament. Colonists may
"surely" be acknowledged to speak with truth and preci-
sion, in answer to the " elegantly" exprest question —
" What King it is," &ic.,by saying that " his most gracious
Majesty George the Third" is tlie King of England, and,
therefore, " the King" they — profess themselves to be
" loyal subjects of."
We are aware of the objection, that " if the King of
" England is therefore King of the Colonies, they are sub-
" ject to the general legislative authority of tliat Kingdom."
The premises by no means warrant this conclusion. It is
built on a mere supposition, that the Colonies are thereby
acknowledged to be within the Realm, and on an incanta-
tion expected to be wi-ought by some magick force in those
woods. To be subordinately connected with England the
Colonies have contracted. To be subject to the general
legislative authority of that Kingdom, they never contracted.
Such a power as may be necessary to preserve this connec-
tion she has. The authority of the Sovereign, and the
authority of controlling our intercourse with foreign Na-
tions form that power. Such a power leaves the Colonies
free. But a general legislative power is not a power to
preserve that connection, but to distress and enslave them.
If the first power cannot subsist without the last, she has
no right even to the first — the Colonies were deceived in
their contract — and the power must be unjust and illegal ;
for God has given to them a better right to preserve their
liberty, than to her to destroy it. In other words, suppos-
ing King, Lords, and Commons, acting in Parliament,
constitute a sovereignty over the Colonies, is that sover-
eignty constitutionally absolute or limited? That states
without freedom should, by principle, grow out of a free
state, is as impossible as that sparrows should be produced
from the eggs of an eagle. The sovereignty over the Col-
onies must be* limited. Hesiod long since said, " half is
better than the whole;" and the saying never was more justly
applicable than on the present occasion. Had the unhappy
Charles remembered and regarded it, his private virtues
might long have adorned a throne, from which his publick
measures precipitated him in blood. To argue on this
subject from other instances of Parliamentary power, is
shifting the ground. Tlie connection of the Colonies with
England, is a point of unprecedented and delicate nature.
It can be compared to no other case ; and to receive a just
determination, it must be considered with reference to its
own peculiar circumstances.^ Tlie common law extends
* " Ncc regibua infinita avt libera potestas, was the Constitution of our
German ancestors on the dontiuent, and tliis is not only consonant to
the principles of nature, of liberty, of reason, and of society, but has
always been esteemed an express part of tlie common law of England,
even when prerogative was at the highest." — 1 Black. 233.
tThe learned Judge [in Vol. 1, page 107.] says this country was
not " uninhabited when discovered and planted by the Enfrlish, &c.,
" but ought to be considered as a conquered, ceded, or infidel country.
"Oar American plantations are principally of this latter sort, being
"obtained in the last century, cither by right of conquest and driving
" out the natives (with what natural justice, I shall not at present in.
" quire) or by treaties ; and therefore the common law of England, as
" such, has no allowance or authority there, they being no part of the
"mother country, but distinct (though dependent) Dominions. They
" are subject however to the control of the Parliament."
According to this doctrine, the Colonists are considered in a legal
view by the parent state, " as infidels or conquered people," not as her
children, with her consent, establishing societies for her benefit.
Though not a single man of the " infidels or conquered" people,
should now bo found to reside in each Colony ; yet a political eon.
tagion is communicated to Englishmen in aecula seculorum, beoauso
Indians once fished in the rivers, and hunted in the woods. If this be
their "coudition," then, according to the law laid down by the Judge,
" they are subject not only to the control of Parliament, but the King
" may alter and impose what laws ho pleasos."*
It Ls not known what the learned Judge means by the word " prin-
cipally." Perhaps he alludes to the ill directed humanity and justice
of the first settlers of some Colonics, who purchased the lands from the
natives, for valuable and satisfactory considerations. It was a very
useless exercise of their virtues, for tlicir posterity. If they had by
accident settled an " uninhabited" country, the invaluable riglits of
the common law would have attended them ; hut when they dared to
obtain a settlement by humanity and justice, they forfeited all rights
of the common law, to the latest succeeding ages. Can this be law ?
Every case quoted by the Judge, it is humbly appreheiuled, makes a
distinction between states or societios composed of English subjects,
and those composed of "conquered" people, &c., and that this is the
only distinction warrantable by those cases. That the conquerors
should hi considered as the conquered, the cxpcUors of the natives as
the expelled natives, and the Christian possessors and owners by fair
purchases from those who had a right to sell, as the infi<lcls no longer
I)0sse88ing or owning, seems to involve a confusion of ideas, little
agreeing with the strength of reason that informs the common law.
It is very remarkable, how our ablest antagonists are perplexed in
* 1 Blvcktttinc, 107, and ibe oues there cited.
to Colonies ; yet Mr. Justice Blackstone says, " such parts
" of the law as are neither necessary nor convenient for
" them, as the jurisdiction of the spiritual courts, fee,
" are therefore not in force." If even the common law,
in force within the Realm of England when the Colonists
quittted it, is thus abridged by the peculiar circumstances
of Colonies, at least equally just, and constitutional is it,
that tiie power of making new laws within the Realm of
England, should be abridged with respect to Colonies, by
those peculiar circumstances.*
framing their arguments against us. Even the learned Judge does not
express himself with his usual perspicuity : but the want of it is well
atoned, if we. Colonists, can bo thereby deprived of the benefits of the
common law, and bo absolutely subjected to the King ; for thesa
courtly tenets are the only consequences deducible from the curious
argument that tends to involve these Coloni:>s in the misfortunea of
"conquered, ceded, or infidel countries." The "control of Parlia-
raent" is asserted to be supreme, in every case. Whether the Colonies
were ssttled in " uninhabited countries," or in " conquered, ceded, or
infidel countries," makes no dilfurenco as to that point.
Another learned gentlem;in has discovered, that we " are not en-
titled to as great a degree of freedom as Ireland." Why ? " Because
Ireland was a conquered country." This remark does not seem to re-
move the difficulty. Let us hear the point a little more explained.
" Ireland it is true, was conquered, but certain concessions were made
" to the people. These were the terms granted them, but England is
" obliged to keep no terms with the Colonists." At every step these
gentlemen take, those writers, who have contributed so much to the
glory of their country, turn upon them, and directly oppose them.
They at first shrink before these venerable advocates for liberty and
humanity, but recollecting themsalves, they distinguish and refine, in
order to take away the substance of every argument, and to whittle
down a Hooker and a Locke into a Lestrange and a Filmer. After
taking these liberties, they at lengtli grow bold enough to arraign the
authority of any man, even Mr. Locke himself, if his writings cannot,
by all this art, be turned to their purpose.
We need not be surprised after this, that every Colonist who
ventures honestly to assart, as well as he can, the cause of his native
land, should be treated with little respect. The Colonies have always
been on the defensive. It is hoped they will always continue so. But
the author of " The Controversy" charges them with great cunning, a
left handed wisdom that must disgr.ice any people, bscause they have
not resisted, in places where th;;y were not immediately attacked. " It
" is the artifice of the managers, on the part of the Colonies, to avoid
" general questions, and to keep back and conceal consequences, lest
** the unsuspecting people of England should too soon catch the alarm
" and resolve to withstand their first attempts at independency."*
That is, they have acted just as the "unsuspecting people of Bnj'.
land" have done in their controversios with the Crown. They con.
fined themselves from time to time, to a demand of redress for the in.
jm'i s offered them. Tliis behaviour of the Colonists would, by some
persons, be deemed modest and respectiul. Now indeed the conduct
of Administration demonstrates to us, that we must enlarge our vi jws,
and endeavour to take a prospjct of all the mischiefs necessarily at-
tending a claim of boundless power with an unbounded inclination to
exercise it. The gentleman may perhaps call for fire and faggots to
extirpate our political heresy ; but we trust, and trust firmly, that the
sense and generosity of the good people of England will discover and
defeat the present plan against their liberties, as they have already so
many other schemes of tliat tendency — that they will behold their
dutiful children with compassionate love, and with just indignation
those unrelenting enemies from wliom th3y can expect no other
favour, but that England " shall be the last they will devour."
* The author of " The Controversy," in page 31 of his work, argues
thus concerning the legislative power of Great Britain over the Colo.
uies : " The lands in all the Colonies having therefore been clearly
" shown to be part of the Dominions of Great Britain, and the posses-
" sors of them to hold them under autlioritics and titles derived from the
"British state, Mr. Locke would require no other proof of the right of
" the Legislative power of Great Britain to the obedience of the pos-
" sessors of those lands ; for speaking of the manner by which a man
" tacitly makes himself a subject of any country or Uovernment, he
" says," —
" It is commonly supposed, that a father could oblige his posterity to
" that Government of which he himself was a subject, and that his
" compact held them ; whereas it being only a necessary condition
" annexed to tlie land, and the inheritance of an estate, which is under
"that Government, reaches only those who will take it on that con-
" dition, and so is no natural tie or engagement, but a voluntary sub-
" mission ; for every man's children being by nature as free as himself
" or any of his ancestors ever were, may, wliilst tliey are in that frae.
"dom, choose what society they will join themsjlvos to, what Com.
" monwealth they will put themselves under; but if they will enjoy
" the inheritance of their ancestors, they must take it on the same
"terms their ancestors had it, and submit to all the conditions annexed
" to such a possession. Whoever (says he in another place) by inheri-
"tance, purchase, permission, or otherways, enjoys any part of tlie
" lands so annexed to, and under the government of, that Common-
" wealth, must take it with the condition it is under ; that is, of
"submitting to tlie Government of the Commonwealth under whose
"jurisdiction it is, as far forth as any subject of it." Page 31. The
iugcnuity of the gentleman is here again remarkable. Mr. Locke, in
his eighth chapter on Civil Government, " of the beginning of political
societies," immediately before the words above mentioned "whoever
by inheritance," &c., speaks of a man who " unites his person, which
" was before free, to a society for the securing and regulating of pro-
" perty, and submits to the community those possessions which he has
" or shall acquire, that do not already belong to any other Govern.
" ment." These words the gentleman not thinking (|uite to his pur-
pose in this place, separates from the words of his quotation, and so
gives Mr, Locke's conclusion without his premises. However, three
pages after, he is so candid, as to give the premises without the con-
• Page 15.
585
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
586
The laws of England with respect to prerogative, and
in other instances, have accommochited themselves, witiiout
alteration by statutes, to a change of circumstances, the
welfare of the people so requiring. A regard for that
grand object perpetually animates the Constitution and
regulates all its movements — unless unnatural obstructions
interfere —
" Speritiis intus alit, totamque infusa per artm
" Mens agitnt molem, et magno se corpore miscet."
Another argument for the extravagant power of intenial
elusion. How, or wliy ? to support tliis most curious distinction — tliat
Mr. Locke in tliat celobrated part of his argument, where speaking of
" Government taliing tlie property of sul>jects," he says, " What pro-
" party have I in tliat, which another may by riglit talso from me wlien
ho pleases," * " moans no more" than tliat the supreme legislative
power h IS no riglit to take the property of others witiiout their consent
" for the private use or purpose of the legislative." So that according
to this construction tlie Constitution of a well established Government,
or the freedom of a people, depends not on the groat right which God
has given them *' of having a share in the government of themselves,"
whereby their property is secured, but merely on the " purpose" to
which the property taken from them, without their consent, is applied
by those who thus take it. And yet this gentleman has severely
attacked the writer of the Letters for using the word " purpose" in a
much more confined sense, in saying a "tax is an imposition on the
subject for the sole purpose of levying money."
Mr. Locke in the preceding chapter, speaking of Monarchy, says,
" that absolute power purifies not men's hlood. i'or if it bo askod what
"security or sjnse arisis in such a state, against the violence and op-
** pression of the absolute ruler ? The very question can scarce be bornj.
"They are ready to toll you it deserves death, only to ask after safety.
" Betwixt subject and subject they will grant there must be measures,
"laws, and judges, for their mutual peace and security : but as for the
" ruler, he ought to be absolute, and is above all such circumstances ;
"because he has power to do more hurt and wrong, 'tis right when he
" do3S it. To ask how you can be guarded from harm or injury on that
" side where the strongest hand is to do it, is presently the voice of
" fiction and rebellion." But here our opponent may come in with
another distinction. " Mr. Locke speaks here of an absolute ruler, not
"of absolute rulers. Lilly proves there is the singular and plural
'* numbjr, A power that Mr. Locke would have held illegal in a
" Pisisiraius or a Stuart, he would have held legal in the Four Hundred
"o£ Athens, or the Parliament of Great Britain." Let the distinction
be allowed its due weight. Can it be believed that such a friend to
mankind, as Mr. Locke was, could ever think absolute dominion t
just or legal ? Would not such a sentiment directly oppose those
principles his benevolence induced him to take so much pains to vindi.
cate and establish ? Would the sound of the words — " dependence" —
" subordination" — " within the Realm" — " part of the Dominions", &c.,
have convinced him that it was " the indispensable duty of Parlia.
" mont to ease the gentry and people of Great Britain, by taxing the
"Colonists without their consent?" — and that it was the indispensable
duty of the Colonists, on constitutional principles, to submit to such
taxation ' The learned say that the too rigid attention of the mind to
one idea sometimes is the cause of madness. So rigid has been the at-
tention of many heads in Great Britain to the idea of dependence, that
it seems to have occasioned a kind of insanity in them ; and by rumi-
nating, speechifying, and enacting about it and about it, they have lost
all ideas of justice, humanity, law, and Constitution, and, in short, of
every quality that used to distinguish men from thereat of this creation,
and Englishmen from the rest of mankind. But Mr. Lockers under,
standing, evan in the present whirl of the political world, would have
preserved him just and tenacious of his principles. The case he puts,
and on whicli the author of " The Controversy" argues, is that of a
submission to the terms of Government in a Commonwealth. The
question between Great Britain mid the Colonies is, what are the terms
of their connection under all the circumstances of it ?
It is not recollected that Mr. Locke ever insinuates that the Parlia.
ment of Great Britain might bind the people of Ireland by statutes,
" in all cases whatsoever." Yet there was in his tune a famous dispute
concerning the authority of Parliament over that Kingdom. So far
was he from favouring the claim of Parliament, that it is hoped, it can
clearly be proved he favoured the other side of the question.
His friend Mr. Molineux, in a Letter dated March 15, 1697-8, tells
him of his intention to visit him, when he could get loose from busi-
ness : " But this I cannot hope for till the Parliament in England
" rises. I should be glad to know from you when that is expected, for
" indeed they bear very hard upon us in Ireland. How justly they can
" bind us without our consent and lleprosentatives, I leave the author
"of the two treatises on Government to consider" — meaning Mr.
Locke's two treatises, one on Government, the other on Civil Gov-
ernment; though they are published also as one treatise, the first book
of which is under the first title, and the second book under the second
title.
Mr. Locke, in his Answer, dated April 6, 1698, says, "Amongst
"other things I would be glad to talk with you about, before I die, is
"that whicli you suggest at the bottom of the first page of your letter.
" I am mightily concerned for the place you meant in the question you
" say you will ask the author of tlie treatise you mention, and wish
" extremely well to it, and would be very glad to be informed by you
" what would be best for it, and debate with you the way to compose it :
" but this cannot be done by letters ; the subject is of too great extent,
" the views too large, and the particulars too many to bo so managed.
"Come therefore yourself, and come as well prepared as you can. But
" if you talk with others on that point there, mention not me to any
" body on that subject ; only let you and I try what good we can do for
" those whom we wish well to ; great things have sometimes been
" brought about from small beginnings well laid together."
Mr. Molineux quickly after came over from Ireland to England to
see Mr. Locke.
• Page 33. . . .,
t" AI»M)!utcclomirtioii, liowever placed, is aofarfi-om being one kind of ciTil society,
Uiat it is a$ incousistcut with it, as slavery is with property."— i.ocAc on CivU Gov. p. 174,
legislation over us remains. It has been urged with great
vyarmth against us, that " precedents" show this power is
rightfully vested in Parliament.
Submission to unjust sentences proves not a right to pass
them. Carelessness or regard for the peace and welfare
of the community may cause the submission. Submission
may sometimes be a less evil than opposition, and, there-
fore, a duty. In such cases it Is a submission to the Divine
authority, which forbids us to injure our country ; not to
the assuiued authority on which the unjust sentences were
founded. But when submission becomes inconsistent with
and destructive of the publick good, the same veneration for,
and duty to the Divine authority, commands us to oppose.
The all-wise Creator of man impressed certain laws on his
nature. A desire of happiness and of society are two of
those laws. They were not intended to destroy, but to
support each other. Man has therefore a right to promote
the best union of both, in order to enjoy both in the high-
est degree. Thus, while this right is properly exercised,
desires that seem selfish, by a happy combination, produce
the welfare of others. " This is removing submission
" from a foundation unable to support it, and injurious to
" the honour of God, and fixing it upon much firmer
" ground."*
No sensible or good man ever suspected Mr. Hooker of
being a weak or factious person, " yet he plainly enough
" teacheth, that a society, upon experience of universal
" evil, have a right to try by another form to answer more
" efiectually the ends of Government." And Mr. Hoadly
asks — " Would the ends of Government be destroyed
" should the miserable condition of the people of France,
" which has proceeded from the King's being absolute,
" awaken the thoughts of the wisest heads amongst them,
" and move them all to exert themselves, so as that those
" ends should be better answered for the time to come ?"
What mind can relish the hardy proposition, that because
precedents have been introduced by the inattention or
timidity of some, and the cunning or violence of others,
therefore the latter have a right to make the former miser-
able— that is, that precedents that ought never to have been
set, yet being set, repeal the eternal laws of natural justice,
humanity, and equity .f
The argument from precedents begins unluckily for its
advocates. The first produced against us by the gentleman
before mentioned, was an Act past by the Commonwealth
Parliament in 1650 to " punish" Virginia,% Barhadoes,
Antigua, and Bermudas, for their fidelity to Charles the
Second. So ancient is the right of Parliament to " punish"
Colonists for doing their duty. But the Parliament had
before overturned Church and Throne, so that there in an
older " precedent" set against these.
That Parliament sat amidst the ruins that surrounded it,
fiercer than Marius among those of Carthage. Brutal
power became an irresistible argument of boundless right.
What the style of an Aristotle could not prove, the point
of a CromweWs sword sufficiently demonstrated. Inno-
cence and justice sighed and submitted. What more could
• Hoadly's Discourse on Government.
-" I could never think
A mortal's law of power or strength sufficient
To abrogate the unwritten law divine,
Immutable, eternal, not like those
Of yesterday, but made ere time began."
SopHocLEs's Antig. Frank. Transl.
It should be considered whether it ever was or ever can be the true
interest of a Kingdom or state to violate the laws of natural justice,
equity, and humanity. These laws may be called the laws of God.
Can they be broken with impunity ? The Scriptures are full of les-
sons on this subject, and history fui-nishes instances sufficient to alarm
ojipressors if they would attend to them. All the glories of Charles
the Bold,— CAar/cs the Fifth,— PAHip the Second,— CAarZes the
Twelfth, — Lewis the Fourteenth, — and a numerous list of distm.
guished Princes, were overcast, when unrelenting cruelty came to
jireside over their resolutions. From Athens to Genoa the observation
holds true. Let not the opinion be condemned as presumptuous before
it be fully inquired into. It is worth an inquiry.
f " Discite justitiam moniti et non temnere divos."
England has been prosperous in many civil wars, but they were m
defence of liberty. She never engaged in one against liberty. Would
to Heaven she would sot the world the much wanted example of lenity
in Government. Mankind might gain by it. The other mode has
been sufficiently tried, and proved to be iiupolitick and ruinous.
X This loyal, generous Colony preserved its principles with such
spirit, notwithstanding the oppression above mentioned, that in Jauu.
ary, 1659, they threw off all obedience to the Pariiament, replaced
the King's Governour, and proclaimed Charles the Second several
months before the Restoration in Europe.
587
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &ic., JULY, 1774.
588
they do ? The Restoration took place, and a legal Parlia-
ment would not douht but it had as extensive a right as an
illegal one. The Revolution succeeded, and with it methods
for blending together the powers of King and people in a
manner before unknown. A new political alenibick was
fixed on the great principle of re^^istance, and in it severe
experiments were to be made on every other principle ol
tiie Constitution. How the boldness of Ministers and con-
tempt of the peo])le have increased since that period, not
a man the least acquainted with English history can be
ignorant. The Colonies were in a sitate of infancy — still
in a state of childhood. Not a single statute concerning
them is re:;ollecled to have been passed before the Revolu-
tion but such as related to the regulation of trade. •' Pre-
cedents" were afterwards made, that, when they grew up,
the authority of a master might succeed that of a parent.
Precedents, it is apprehended, are no otherwise regarded
in the English laws than as they establish certainty for the
benefit of the people — according to the maxim — " Miser-
able is the servitude when the laws are uncertain." Pre-
cedents militating against the welfare or happiness of a
people, are inconsistent with the grand original principle
on which they ought to l)e founded. Tlieir supposed
sanction increases in proportion to the repetitions of injus-
tice. They must be void. In subjects of dispute between
man and man, precedents may be of use, though not
founded on the best reason. They cause a certainty, and
all may govern themselves accordingly. If they take
from an individual one day, they may give to him the
next. But precedents, to overthrow principles, to justify
the perpetual oppression of all, and to impair the power
of the Constitution, though a cloud of thenx appear, have
no more force than the volumes of dust that surround a
triumphal car. They may obscure it : they cannot stop it.
What would the liberties of the people of England have
been at this time if precedents could have made laws
inconsistent with the Constitution ? Precedents, tending
to make men unhappy, can with propriety of character be
quoted only by those beings to whom the misery of men
is a delight.
" If the usage had been immemorial and uniform, and
" ten thousand instances could have been produced, it
" would not have been sufficient ; because the practice
" must likewise be agreeable to the principles of the law,*
" in order to be good : whereas this is a practice inconsist-
" ent with, and in direct opposition to, the first and clearest
" principles of the law"f — to those feelings of humanity,
" out of which mankind will not be reasoned, when power
" advances with gigantick strides threatening dissolution to
" a state — to those inherent though latent powers of society,
" which no climate,^ no time, no constitution, no contract,
" can ever destroy or diminish." ||
A Parliamentary power of internal legislation over these
Colonies, appears therefore to us, equally contradictory to
humanity and the Constitution, and illegal.
As to the second head, a power of regulating our trade,
our opinion is, that it is legally vested in Parliament, not as
a Supreme Legislature over these Colonies, but as the Su-
preme Legislature and full Representative of the parent
state, and the only judge between her and her children in
commercial interests, which the nature of the case, in the
progress of their growth, admitted. It has been urged
with great vehemence against us, and seems to be thought
their fort by our adversaries, " that a power of regulation is
" a power of legislation ; and a power of legislation, if con-
• This is a maxim of law, that — " A bad usage ought to be abol-
ished."
t Letter on general warrants.
} 1 Blackstone, p. 2 15.
||-' Equal distribution of justice, and free enjoyment of property, are
the great objects of society ; and no time, precedent, statute, or insti.
tutiou, should deter men from keoping these uppermost in their
thoughts." — ^Ir. Hu.\ik'9 Histori/ of Kngland.
"The jurisdiction of the Star Chamber, martial law, imprisonment
"by warrants from the Privy Council, and other practices of a like
"nature, though established for several centuries, were scarce ever
" allowed by tlie English to be parts of their Constitution : the aftec-
"tion of the Nation for libjrty still prevailed over all precedent and
"over all political reasoning: The exercise of these powers, after
" being long the source of secret murmurs among the people, was, in
" fulness of time, solemnly al)olished, as illegal, at least as oppressive,
•" by the whole Lsgislative authority," — Id.
To these iustancos may be added, the late practice of general war-
rants, that had the sauctiou of prcccduuts, even since the lievolutiou.
" stitutional, must be universal and supreme in the utmost
" sense of the words." It is therefore concluded, that the
Colonists by acknowledging the power of regulation, have
acknowledged every other power. On this objection we
observe, that according to a maxim of law, " It is deceitful
and dangerous to deal in general projjositions." The
freedom and happiness of states depend not on* artful
arguments, but on a few plain principles. The plausible
appearance of the objection consists in a confused compre-
hension of several points, entirely distinct in their nature,
and leading to consequences directly opposite to each
other. There was a time when England had no Colonies.
Trade was the object she attended to, in encouraging
them. A love of freedom was manifestly the chief motive
of the adventurers. The connection of Colonies with
their parent state may be called a new object of the Eng-
lish laws. That her riirht extiniruishes all their rights —
rights essential to freedom, and which they would have
enjoyed, by remaining in their parent state, is ofiensive to
reason, humanity, and the Constitution of that state.
Colonies could not have been planted on these terms.
What Englishman, but an ideot, would have become a
Colonist on these conditions ? to mention no more particu-
lars, " That every shilling he gained might rightfully be
" taken from him — trial by jury abolished — tl e building
" houses, or making cloths with the materials found or
" raised in the Colonies, prohibited — and armed men set
" over him to govern him in every action ?"
Had these Provinces never been settled — had all the
inhabitants of them now living been born in En^^land and
resident there, they would now enjoy the rights of English-
men; that is, they would be free in that Kingdom. We
claim in the Colonies these and no other riglits. There
no other Kingdom or state interferes. But their trade,
however important it may be, as the afiairs of mankind
are circumstanced, turns on other principles. All the
power of Parliament cannot regulate that at their pleasure.
It must be regulated not by Parliament alone, but by trea-
ties and alliances formed by the King without the con-
sent of the Nation, with other States and Kingdoms. The
freedom of a people consists in being governed by laws, in
which no alteration can be made, without their consent.
Yet the wholesome force of these laws is confined to the
limits of their own country. That is, a Supreme Legis-
lature to a people, which actsjnternally over that people,
and inevitably implies personal assent, representation, or
slavery. When an universal Empire is established, and
not till then, can regulations of trade properly be called
acts of Supreme Legislature. It seems from many
authorities, as if almost the whole power of regulating the
trade of England was originally vested in the Crown.
One restriction appears to have been, that no duty could
be imposed without the consent of Parliament. Trade
was little regarded by our warlike ancestors. As com-
merce became of more importance, duties and severities
were judged necessary additions to its first simple state,
Parliament more and more interfered. The Constitution
was always Iree, but not always exactly in the same man-
* Our chance of success would be slight indeed if it depended on
subtleties of reasoning. Who can resist the skilful and courageous
attacks of those Britons, who have not long since distinguished them,
selves in the polemical fields? Have they not proved to the satisfac-
tion of thousands, the non-existence of matter — the necessity of human
actions — consequently the innocence of them — the comfortable mor-
tality of the soul — that virtue is a name — vice a jest — liberty a non-
entity— Christianity an imposture — and, with duo detestation be it men.
tioned, that we have no idea of power, nor of any Being endowed
with any power, much less of one endowed with infinite power ?
AVith explosions of learning and flashi'S of wit, these well trained
troops would keep up a terrible fire of artillery and small arms ;i gainst
us undisciplined Americans. We must not meet them in the shock
of battle. That would be nvidness in the extreme. We nmst
make the most of our natural advantages. There we are safe ; and
all the forces that can be brought to the assault, will never be able to
prevail against us. To drop the metaphor. " Inquiry ceases to be
"rational, and becomes both whimsical and pernicious, when it ad.
" vancos as far as some late authors have carried it, to controvert the
'•first principles of knowledge, morality, religion, and consequently
"the fundamental laws of the i?ri((sA Government, and of all well
" regulated society."— Mr. Beattie on Truth.
It has been asserted bv some men distingnished as historians, that
the zeal of the reformers in religion engaging tliem to think liberally
on that subject, led them to think with like freedom in civil affairs,
whereby the Government of England received its greatest improve,
ment. If the sentiment is just, may it not be inferred, that contempt
for religion must necessarily introduce an indifference for all the just
rules of Government and the principles of the Constitution ?
589
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
590
ner. " By the Feodal law, all navigable rivers and havens
*' were computed among the regalia, and were subject to the
" Sovereign of the state. And in England it hath always
" been held, that the King is Lord of the whole shore, and
" particularly is guardian of the ports and havens, which are
" the inlets and gates of the Realm : and, therefore, so
" early as the reign of King John, we find ships seized by
" the King's officers for putting in at a place that was not
" a legal "port. These legal ports were undoubtedly at
" first "assigned by the Crown ; since to each of them a
" Court of Portmote is incident, the jurisdiction of which
" must flow from the Royal authority. The erection of
" beacons, lighthouses, and sea marks, is also a branch oi
" the Royal prerogative. The King may enjoin any man
'• from going abroad, or command any man to return.
" The powers of establishing publick marts, regulating of
'•' weights and measures, and the giving authority to, or
" making current, money, the medium of commerce, be-
'• long to the Crown. By making peace or war, leagues
" and treaties, the King may open or stop trade as he
" pleases. The Admiralty Courts are grounded on the
" necessity of supporting a jurisdiction so extensive, though
" opposite to the usual doctrines of the common law. The
" laws of Oleron were made by Richard the First, and
" are still used in those courts." In the '= Mare causum"
are several regulations made by Kings.* Time forbids a
more exact inquiry into this point : but such it is appre-
hended will, on inquiry, be found to have been the power
of the Crown, that our argument may gain but cannot lose.
* Tlie power of regulating trade was carried so far by the Crown as
Bometiraes to impose duties ; and Queen Elizabeth obtained several
judgments in the Exchequer on such regulations. Lord Chief Justice
Coke a.n8wers the argument founded on these, in 2 Inst. 62, 63. Princes
aimed at too much power — exceeded due bounds — their imprudence
produced "grievances" — and the people, who always suffer when their
rulers are weak or wicked, would no longer trust such opportunitijs of
oppression in their hand. The power of impressing seamen shows the
extensive authority in naval affairs trusted to " the Crown." — 1 Black-
stone, 419. Foster's Rep. 154.
So extremely averse were the English to foreign affairs, and to the
exercise even of Parliamentary authority concerning them, that though
the Mation was justly provoked against the French King for the injury
done to Edward the First, by withholding Acquitaine and his other in-
heritances in manner (as Lord Chiaf Justice Coke observes in his 2d
Inst. p. 532,) and by some cruel actions of Frenchmen against Eng-
lishmen, and had in full Parliament granted him aids, subsidies, for the
maintenance of his wars in foreign parts, yet in the confirmationes
ehartarum, Edicard the First, therein taking notice, "that many men
" doubted whether these grants by Parliament might not turn in serv-
" ago of them and their heirs, as precedents, expressly declares in those
" statutes, tliat such grants shall not be drawn into custom." The
comment says — " It was holden that the subjects of the Realm ought
" not to contribute to the maintenance of the King's wars out of the
" Realm — but this matter never was in quiet until it was mora partic-
" ularly explained by divers Acts of Parliament." The comment then
mentions several Acts declaring that no Englishman sliould be bound
to contribute to the King's wars out of England, in Scotland, Gasco-
igny, Ireland, Calais, (though these three last were countries dependent
on England) and says, " these Acts of Parliament are but declarations
" of the ancient law of England. But hero may be observed that
"when any ancient law or custom of Parliament" [such as before men-
tioned by making Acts relating to foreign wars] " is broken, and the
" Crown possessed of a precedent, how difficult a think it is to restore
"the subject again to his former freedom and safety." — 2 In. 527-529.
The author of " The Controversy," wlio, with a liberality of senti-
ment, becoming a pleader against freedom and tlie best interest of man-
kind, counts "statute books" — "Ministers" — "King's Council" — p.
77, 78 — "scraps of Journals" — p. 81, and ordinances of "the Rump
Parliament" — p. 87, among his " Deities" — p. 78 ; and grieves that we
poor " infidel" Colonists will not pay his idols the veneration his zeal
judges due to them, has collected a good many fragments of proceed-
ings in the House of Commons from the year 1614 to 1628. The
amount is this, that the Ministers of the Crown insisted that ParHiment
could not make laws for America ; that the Commons doubted ; but at
lengtli, in 1724, came to an opinion that t)ie King's patent for "a
monopoly of fishing on the coasts of America was a grievance," —
that a " clause of forfeiture" against those who interfered in the fish-
ery was void — and past a Bill " for a free liberty of fisliing," &o. It
appears in the debates that the fishery was free before the patent was
granted. These extracts do not show what became of the Bill in the
House of Lords. One Mr. Brooke said in 1621 — " We may make laws
"here for Virginia, for if the Kuig gives consent to this Bill past here
" and by the Lords, this will control the pitcnt."
It seems, as if the notion of the King's regulating power still pre-
vailed, but, that " a. clause of forfeiture" in such regulations was void.
So much had the power of Parliamsnt grown since King John's reign.
Nor does it appear to have boon unreasonable, as commerce became of
more consequence. The instance hero mentioned r,;lat3d to a regula-
tion of trade ; and however the King might have accommodated the
point, with the otlier branches of tlio L gislature, the whole proceed-
ing is immaterial. If it was a right actually enjoyed by Englishmen
to fish on the coasts of a plantation — and a grant by the Crown of tlio
fishery to the people of the plantation excluding the people of England,
could not divest them of their right — or, " if by the King's giving his
consent to a Bill passed by Lords and Commons" — " the patent might
bo controlled" — it does not follow that the King, Lords, and Commons
could divest the people of the plantations of all their rights.
We will proceed on a concession, that the power of regu-
lating trade is vested in Parliament.
Commerce rests on concessions and restrictions mutually
stipulated between the different Powers of the world ;* and
if these Colonies were sovereign states, they would, in all
probability, be restricted to their present portion.f The
people of England were freemen before tliey were mer-
chants. Whether they will continue free, they themselves
must determine. How they shall trade must be deter-
mined by Germans, French, Spaniards, Italians, Turks,
Moores, &ic. The right of acquiring property depends
on the rights of others ; the right of acquired property
solely on the owner. The possessor is no owner without
it. " Almost every leaf and page of all the volumes of
the common law prove this right of property ."J Why
should this right be sacred in Great Britain, " the chief
corner stone" in the solid foundation of her Constitution,
and an empty name in her Colonies ? The lamb that pre-
sumed to drink in the same stream with a stronger animal,
though lower down the current, could not refute the charge
of incommoding the latter by disturbing the water. Such
power have reasons that appear despicable and detestable
at first when they are properly enforced.
From this very principle arose her power ; and can that
power now be justly exerted in suppression of that princi-
ple ? It cannot. Therefore a power || of regulating our trade
*Case of the Ostend East India Company.
t " Another light, in which the laws of England consider the King
with regard to domestick concerns, is the arbiter of commerce. By
commerce, I at present mean domestick commerce only. It would lead
me iuto too large a field, if I were to attempt to enter upon the nature
of foreign trade, its privileges, regulations, and restrictions ; and would
be also quite beside the purpose of these commentaries, which are con-
fined to the laws of England. Whereas no municipal laws can be
sufficient to order and determine the very extensive and complicated
affairs of traffick and mr^rchandise ; neither can they have a proper au-
thority for this purpose. For, as these are transactions carried on be.
tween subjects of independent states, the municipal laws of one will
not bo regarded by the other. For wliich reason the affairs of com.
merce are regulated .by a law of their own, called the Law Merchant, or
Lex Mercatoria, which all Nations agree in and take notice of. And in
particular it is held to be part of the law of England, which decides
the causes of merchants by the general rules which obtain in all com-
mercial countries; and that often even in matters relating to domestic
trade, as for instance with regard to the drawing, the acceptance, and
the transfer of inland bills of exchange."
t Parliamentary History.
II This distinction between a Supreme Legislature and a power of
regulating trade, is not a new one. We find it clearly made, by the
Judges of England, at a period wlien the modern profitable mode of
blending together in Parliament the authorities of the Crown and peou.
pie, had not extinguished all reverence ior the principles of the Consti-
tution.
By the statute of the second of Henry the Sixth, ch. 4th, Calais was
confirmed a staple place for the wool exported from England, Wales,
and Ireland. Some wool shipped from this last Kingdom was con-
signed to Sluice, in Flanders. The ship, by stress of weather, was
forced into Calais, where the wool was seized as forfeited. The chief
question in the Exchequer Chamber was, whether the statute bound
Ireland. In Richard the Third, twelfth, the case is thus reported :
" Et ibi quoad ad primam qucstioncra dicebant, quod terra Hibernia
" inter so habct Parliamentum et omnimodo curias prout Anglia, et per
" idem Parliamentum faciunt legos mutant leges, et non obligantur per
"statuta in Anglia, quia non hie habent milites Parliamenti ; sed hoc
" intelligitur de terris per rebus in terris tantum efficiend ; sedpersonae
' ' eorum sunt subjecti regis, et tanquam subjecti orunt obligati ad aliqu.
" am rem extra terram illam faciendam contra statutum, sicut habitan.
" tes in Callesia, Oascognia, Guien, &c., dum fuere subjecti ; et obedi.
"entes erunt sub admiriltate Anglia de re facta super altum mare; et
" similiter breve de errore de judiciis redditis in Hibernia in banco regis
"hie in Anglia."
Brooke, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, mentions the
case almost in the same words, title Parliament 98 — but says — " tho
" Chief Justice was of opinion, that the statutes of England shall bind
" Ireland, which was in a manner agreed by the otlier Justices ; and
" yet it was denied the former day ; Yet note, that Ireland is a Realm
" of itself, and has a Parliament in itself."
Hore it may bo observod, first, th;it the reason assigned by the
Judges, why tlie statutes of England bind not ihe people of Ireland,
though specially named, contains a constitutional principle, the sine
qua of freedom. Secondly, that the people of Ireland, as subjects of
tho King, were " under the Admiralty of England as to things done
on the high sea ;" which is a strong confirmation given by the Judges
of England to the sujiposition before made, of the power of regulating
trade being formerly vested in tlie King. Thirdly, that the opinion of
the Chief Justice, and tho other Justices, such as it was, " reddendo
singula singulis, et secundum subjectam materiam," proves at most,
only that Ireland was bound by statutes regulating their trade, for
such was tlie second Henry the Sixth, ch. 4th, on which the case arose.
Fourtlily, that Brooke, a man of great eminence and dignity in the
law, appears, by his note, to have been dissatisfied with the judgment,
thougli only on a statute of regulation, for this reason of such weight
with an Englishmen~"hvca.uso Ireland is a Realm of itself, and has a
Parlianinnt witliiu itself." Fifthly, tliut the authority of the Crown,
including the regulation of the trade of Ireland, and sending writs of
errour there, were sufficient restraints to secure the obedience and sub.
ordination of tliat Kingdom. This roason scorns to have held its
ground till Lord Chief Justice Coke's time ; and though a great rever.
591
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &:c., JULY, 1774.
592
involves not in it the idea of Supreme Legislature over us.
The first is a power of a preserving " protecting" nature.
The last, as applied to America, is such a power as Mr.
Justice Blaclcsione describes in these words : " whose
" enormous weigiit spreads hon'our and destruction on all
" inferiour movements." The first is a power subject to a
constitutional check. Great Britain cannot injure us by
taking away our commerce without hurting herself imme-
diately. The last is a power without check or limit. She
might ruin us by it. The injury thereby to herself might
be remote as to be despised by her.
ence is entertained for his memory, yet it can never be aeknowlociged,
tiiat an "obiter dictum" of his, or of any other man, is a rule of law.
In Cahin's case, the Chief Justice reciting the foregoing case, says :
" HiBER-MA habet Parliamentum, et faciunt legis, et nostra statuta
non legant eoa, quia non mittunt viilites ad Parliamentum" (wliich,
" adds he," is to be understood, unless tliey bo espacially named.) And
docs the "especially naming tliem" give them a representation, or
remove tlie injustice of binding them without it ? This observation in
plain English would run thus ; " Our statutes do not bind the people
" of Ireland, when wo do not intend to bind them, because they are
" not represented in our Parliament ; but our statutes bind them when
" we intend to bind them." What is this but saying — " tliat to speak
" of their not being represented, is a mere jargon ; and the sole point
" b, whether it is our will to bind them" — or in other words — " tliat our
"statutes do not bind them, for a reason as strong as man can give,
"and so acknowledged by us to be, which yet is no reason at all : for,
" where there is no occasion for its operation it applies not ; and
" whore there is occasion it is of no force." His Lordship had just be
fore taken notice that " a writ of errour did lie in the King's Bench of
England of erroneous judgment in the King's B^'iich of Ireland;"
and perhaps that led him in the course of his argument to ima-
gine, there miglit be a like pre-eminence of the Parliament of Eng.
land over that of Ireland, That this was his reason seems certain,
l>ecause, at a meeting of Commissioners to consider of a projected
union between England and Scotland, at which the Chief Justice was
present — Moor 196, it is said, " that Parliament has power over /re/ond,
" as is proved by that a writ of errour may be brought of a judgment
" in the King's bench of Ireland." In the 4th lust., he also says, the
people of Guernsey, Jersey, and Man, are not bound by the statutes of
England, unless they are specially named. Yet whoever examines the
statutes relating to Ireland, Guernsey, Jersey, and Man, will have very
little cause to believe, that it has been thought in England, that statutes
would generally bind the people of those countries, notwithstanding
the subjection of Ireland, and the other Islands, the many distresses
of the former, and the weakness of the latter, have afforded opportu.
nities of extending such a power over them. With respect to all these
places scarce a statute can be found of any period, but for the regula.
tion of their trade. The same observation may be made as to Gas-
coigny, Guienne, and Calais. Justice Wylde, in 2 Vent 5, said : " he
" had seen a charter whereby these places were recited to be united to
" England by mutual pact. And writs of errour run there." " Wales
" was a conquered country, and the people submitted to Edward the
" First, dc alto et basso."
Whatever pretence the Chief Justice's opinion was founded on, it
has been carefully repeated in many law books since. Whether his
Lordship meant that statutes of England could bind the people of
Ireland, in taking away trials by jury — taxing them, and " in all casjs
whatsoever," or only in preserving their subordination, as by regula.
ting their trade, which was the case referred to in his comment, does
not appear. The Parliament, in declaring the dependence of Ireland,
did not venture to claim a power of binding the people of that King,
dora " in all cases whatsoever."* With respect to all these declara-
tions, however, as they are made to refer to us, we may answer as the
lion did to the man in the fable.
Much the same arbitrary construction has been made on the ques-
tion, whether a man could be tried in England, on a charge of com-
mitting treason in Ireland. In Queen Elizabeth's reign, " Gerrade,
" Chancellor of Ireland, moved that question to the counsel of the
" Queen, and it was lield by Wray, Dier, and Gerrarde, Attorney Gen.
" eral, he could not, because he was a subject of Ireland and not of
" England; and if tried in England, he could not be tried by his
" peers." — Dier, 360. Afterwards, to gratify the Queen's resentment
against some rebels, they were tried in England; and thus passion
and complaisance made very good law against reason and justice.
Having mentioned Calvin's case, it may not be improper to observe,
that if the author of " Tlie Controversy" had taken the trouble of read,
ing it, he might have found his perplexities removed on the question
that has given him so much anxiety, and brought such a load of re-
proaches on the Colonics. He is provoked at our insolence, for pre-
tending to be any thing more than aliens in England, while we deny
the power of Parliament to bind us " in all cases whatsoever." In
that case, the gentleman would have discovered, that the Judges of
England held, that a man born in Scotland, under the allegiance of
James the First, after his accession to the Throne of England, was
entitled to all the rights of a subject born in England; though the ob-
jection, that statutes of England could not bind Scotland, or a man
residing there, who held lands in England, was mentioned in the course
of the argument. The great difficulty being got over, if the gentle.
man will go a step farther, and perceive some little distinction be-
tween Colonies proceeding out of the loins of England, and the " con-
quered" countries of Ireland and Wales — the countries of Gascoigny,
Guienne, and Calais, "united by mutual pact to England," and tlio
Islands of Guernsey, Sec, " lying within the four seas, whose Sover-
eigns annexed them to England;" and will only allow the Colonists a
little more regard than is professed in law books for those countries, and
about as much as has been actually observed towards them by Parlia-
ment, he will have no further occasion to say severe things of those
who are willing to esteem him ; and then, if he can persuade liis wor-
thy countrymen to adopt his sentiments, their anger will no longer give
pain to those who almost adore them.
* Nor, to this day, Aoet Paritiitnent tax them, he. ', and, therefore, (be ioTeienc^ U
tut, that luither they uor the Chief Justice meant luch 8 power.
The power of regulation was the only band that could
have held us together, formed on one of these " original
contracts" whicii only can be a foundation of just authori-
ty. Without such a band, our general commerce with for-
eign Nations, might have been injurious and destructive to
her. Reason and duty reject such a license. This our
duty resembles that of children to a parent. The parent
has a power over them ; but they have rights that the pa-
rent cannot take away. Heaven grant that our mother
country may regard us as her children, that if, by the dis-
pensation of Providence, the time shall come when her
power increases the memoiy of former kindnesses, may
supply its decays, and her Colonies, like dutiful children,
may serve and guard their aged parent, forever revering
the arms that held them in their infancy, and the breasts
that supported their lives while they were little ones.
It seems as if the power of regulation might not inaptly
be comjiared to the prerogative of making peace, war,
treaties, or alliances, whereby " the whole* Nation are
bound against their consent ;" and yet the prerogative by
no means implies a Supreme Legislature. The language
held in " the Commentaries" on this point, is very remark-
able. " With regard to foreign concerns, the King is the
" Delegate or Re])resentative of the people; and in him,
" as in a centre, all the rays of his people are united ;f and
" the sovereign power, quoad hoc, is vested in his per-
" son. "J Will any Englishman say these expressions are
descriptive of the King's authority within the Realm ?
" Is the sovereign power within that vested in his ])erson ?
He is styled " Sovereign" indeed ; " his Realm is declared
" by many Acts of Parliament an Empire, and his Crown
" Imperial." But do these splendid appellations, the high-
est known in Europe, signify that " sovereign power is
vested in his person within the Realm ?" We have a full
answer in the Commentaries. " The meaning of the Le-
" gislature, when it uses these terms of Empire and Impe-
" rial, and applies them to the Realm and Crown of Eng-
" land, is only to assert that our King is equally sovereign
" and independent within these his Dominions ; and owes
" no kind of subjection to any Potentate upon earth." Thus
we maintain, that with regard to foreign affairs, the parent
original state '•' is the Delegate or Representative" of the
entire Dominions, " the sovereign power, quoad hoc, is
vested" in her. Her acts under this power " irrevocably
bind the whole Nation." But yet this power by no means
implies a Supreme Legislature.
The exercise of this power, by statutes, was absolutely
necessary; because it was, and could only be lodged, as
the laws of the parent state stand in the Supreme Legisla-
ture of that state, consisting of King, Lords, and Com-
mons ; and statutes are the modes by which these united
sentiments and resolutions are expressed. It is universally
acknowledged in Great Britain, that it infers no power of
taxation in King trnd Lords, that their limited authority is
used in cloathing gifts ami grants of the Commons with
the forms of law ; nor does it infer Supreme Legislature
over us, that the limited authority of King, Lords, and
Commons, is used in cloathing regulations of trade with
the form of law. The Commons joining in the law is not
material. The difference is only in the mode of assent.
Theirs is express, ours is implied, as the assent of the
" whole Nation" is in the preceding instances.
This power of regulation appears to us to have been
pure in its principle, simple in its operation, and salutary in
its effects. But for some time j)ast, we have observed,
with pain, that it bath been turned to other purposes than
it was originally designed for, and retaining its title, hath
become an engine of intolerable oppressions and grievous
taxations. The argument of an eminent Judge states the
point in a similar case, strongly for us, in these words:
" Though it be granted that the King hath the custody of
" the havens and ports of this Island, being the \ery gates
" of this Kingdom, and is trusted with the keys of these
" gates ; yet, the inference and argument tiiereupon made,
" I utterly deny. For in it there is mutatio hypothesis,
" and a transition from a thing of one nature to another ;
" as the premises are of a power only fiduciary, and in
" point of trust and government, and the conclusion infers
" a right of interest and gain. Admit the King has cus-
" todiam portuuin, yet he hath but the custody, which is a
• 1 Blackst. 232, 257. t Fol. 252. t Fol. 257.
593
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
594
" trust, and not dominium, utile. He hath power to open
" and shut, upon consideration of publick good to the peo-
" pie and state, but not to make gain and benefit by It :
" the one Is protection ; the other is expllatlon." By com-
mon law, the King may restrain a subject from going
abroad, or enjoin him by his Chancellor from proceeding at
law : But to conclude, that he may therefore take money,
not to restrain or not to enjoin, is to sell Government, trust,
and common justice.*
SURRY COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a respectable body of the Freeholders
and other Inhabitants of the County of Surry, on due no-
tice, at the Court House of the said county, the 16th day
of July, 1774,
Allen Cocke, Esquire, Moderator:
The Proceedings and Resolutions of the late Members
of the House of Burgesses, since their dissolution, respect-
ing the alarming situation of North America, were seriously
deliberated upon, and the following Resolves unanimously
agreed to:
1st. Resolved, That we acknowledge all due obedience
to his present Majesty, and will defend him with our lives
and fortunes.
2d. Resolved, That, as British subjects, who know the
invaluable blessings of their birthright, we will not submit
to the imposition of any taxes or duties, to be paid by the
inhabitants within this Dominion, by any other power than
the General Assembly, duly elected ; and that in them, and
them only, is the constitutional right of taxation vested.
3d. Resolved, That we will cheerfully join with our suf-
fering brethren of America, in the firmest bonds of union,
against exporting or importing any commodities to or from
Great Britain, till our just and legal rights are restored.
4th. Resolved, That the cause of the town of Boston
is the common cause of all British America.
5th. Resolved, That as the population of this Colony,
with freemen and useful manufacturers, is greatly obstructed
by the importation of slaves and convict servants, we will
not purchase any such slaves or servants hereafter to be
imported.
6th. Resolved, That subscriptions be opened in this
county, for the relief of our suffering brethren in the town
of Boston.-f
7lh. Resolved, That Allen Cocke and Nicholas Faiilcon,
Junior, Esquires, our late Representatives be, and they are
hereby nominated and appointed to attend the general
meeting of Deputies of other counties and corporations
within this Colony, in the City of Williamsburg, on the
first day of August next, there to concert such measures
as may be found most expedient for the general good of
the Colonies.
8th. Resolved, That the Clerk of this meeting do trans-
mit the proceedings of this day to the Printers of both
Gazettes, and request them to publish the same without
delay. James Kee, Clerk of the Meeting.
The inhabitants of all the counties of Virginia and
Maryland are subscribing with great liberality for the re-
lief of the distressed town of Boston and Charlestovm.
The inhabitants of Alexandria, we hear, in a few hours,
subscribed three hundred and fifty pounds for that noble
purpose.
Subscriptions are opened in this town for the support and
animation of the inhabitants of Boston, under their present
great conflict for the common freedom of us all, which
have already been so successful, that a vessel is now load-
ing with provisions for that place, as a testimony of the af-
fection of this people towards their persecuted brethren,
now bravely contending against " fraud, power, and the
most odious oppression," which God grant may never rise
triumphant over " right, justice, social happiness, and free-
dom."
Baltimore, Maryland, July 16, 1774.
A vessel has sailed from the Eastern Shore of this Prov-
ince, with a cargo of provisions, as a free gift to our be-
sieged brethren at Boston.X
• Rights of the people as to impositions.
t WiLLiAJisBURG, July 28, 1774. — It is with much pleasure we learn
that the County of Surry, from the highest to the lowest, are actuated
with the warmest affection towards tlie suffering town of Boston. Wo
are told, that immediately after the breaking up of the meeting of the
freeholders and others, to consult upon the most proper measures to bo
taken, upwards of one hundred and fifty barrels of Indian corn and
wheat were subscribed, and that twelve or thirteen subscription papers
are now out for that purpose. Upon a moderate computation, our cor.
respondent informs us, eleven or twelve hundred barrels of different
commodities will be produced by this county for the benefit of those
firm and intrepid .Sons of Liberty, the Bosioniam.
It would be needless to recognise the particular generosity of each
county in this Colony, as the publick must be very well acquainted,
from the many Resolves which have been published, that all Virginia
are unanimous in their endeavours to contribute whatever relief or as-
sistance may be in their power.
t Boston, August 29, 1774. — Yesterday arrived at Marllehead,
Captain Perkins, from Baltimore, with three thousand bushels of In-
diiin corn, twenty barrels of rye, and twenty-one barrels of bread, sent
by the inhabitants of that place for the benefit of the poor of Boston,
together with one thousand bushels of corn from Annapolis, sent in
the same vessel, and for the Biime benevolent purpose.
Fourth Series. 38
SUSSEX COUNTY (nEW-JERSEy) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a number of Freeholders and Inhabit-
ants of the County of Sussex, in the Province of New-
Jersey, at the Court House in Newtown, in the said county,
on Saturday, the 16th of July, A. D., 1774,
Hugh Hughes, Esquire, Chairman :
1st. Resolved, That it is our duty to render true and
faithful allegiance to George the Third, King of Great
Britain, and to support and maintain the just dependence
of his Colonies upon the Crown of Great Britain, under
the enjoyment of our constitutional rights and privileges.
2d. Resolved, That it is undoubtedly our right to be
taxed only by our own consent, given by ourselves or our
Representatives ; and that the late Acts of Parliament for
imposing taxes for the purpose of raising a revenue in
America; and the Act of Parliament for shutting up the
port of Boston, are oppressive, unconstitutional, and inju-
rious in their principles to American freedom ; and that the
Bostonians are considered by us as suffering in the general
cause of America.
3d. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting,
that firmness and unanimity in the Colonies, and an agree-
ment not to use any articles imported from Great Britain
or the East-Indies (under such restrictions as may be agreed
upon by the general Congress hereafter to be appointed
by the Colonies) may be the most effectual means of avert-
ing the dangers that are justly apprehended, and securing
the invaded rights and privileges of America.
4th. Resolved, That we will join, with the greatest
cheerfulness, the other counties of this Province, in send-
ing a Committee to meet with those from the other coun-
ties, at such time and place as they shall appoint, in order
to choose proper persons to represent this Province in a
general Congress of Deputies sent from each of the Colo-
nies.
5th. Resolved, That we will faithfully and strictly ad-
here to such regulations and restrictions as shall be agreed
upon by the Members of the said Congress, and that shall
by them be judged expedient and beneficial to the good of
the Colonies.
6th. Resolved, That the Committee hereafter named do
correspond and consult with the Committees of the other
counties in this Province, and meet with them in order to
appoint Deputies to represent this Province in general
Congress.
7th. Resolved, We do appoint the following gentlemen
our Committee, for the purpose above mentioned : Hugh
Hughes, Nathaniel Petiit, Thomas Van Home, Thomas
Anderson, Archibald Stewart, Abia Brown, John B.
Scott, Esquires, Messrs. E. Dunlap, Mark Thompson,
W. Maxwell.
FRO.M THE COMMITTEE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE
or BALTIMORE.
Boston, July IG, 1774.
Gentlemen : Your important letter of the 27th ultimo,
with the enclosures, came safe to hand, and were regarded
as " good news from a far country."
The part taken by the Province of Maryland, must
henceforth stop the mouths of those blasphemers of hu-
manity who have affected to question the existence of pub-
lick virtue. So bright an example as you have set, cannot
195
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
596
fciil to animate and encourage even the lukewarm and indif-
ferent ; more especially such honest men as wish to be as-
sured of support before they engage in so weighty an enter-
prise.
Tlie account you gave us of the spirit and magnanimity
of the people of Virginia, confirms us in the opinion we
liave ever had of that ancient Colony, of whose disinter-
ested virtue tiiis Province lias had ample experience. The
noble sacrifice you stand ready to make, of the staple com-
modity of your Province, so materially affecting the reve-
nue of Great Britain, and your generous interposition in
our favour, have our warmest acknowledgments. So much
honour, wisdom, publick and private virtue ; so much readi-
ness in every Colony, to afford every species of aid and
assistance that the suffering state requires, must evince to a
venal herd, that notwithstanding they may be utterly unac-
quainted with the meaning of the word patriotism, it has,
however, a substantial existence in North America. With
the smiles of an all-governing Providence upon the vigor-
ous efforts of our inestimable brethren at home and abroad,
we promise ourselves a final deliverance from the calamities
we are now subjected to ; and which, for our own, our
country, and posterity's political salvation, we resolve, by
God's assistance, to sustain with fortitude and patience.
We are, gentlemen, your friends and fellow-countrymen.
Signed by order,
William Cooper, Town Clerk.
YORK COrNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
On Monday, the 18th of July, the Freeholders and
other Inhabitants of York County, in Virginia, met, ac-
cording to publick notice, at the Court House, in York, to
consider what was to be done in the present distressed and
alarming situation of affairs throughout the British Colo-
nies in America,
Thomas Nelson, Jun., Esq., being chosen Moderator,
Opened the business of the Meeting with the following
Address to the people :
Friends and Countrymen : We are met to-day upon
one of the most important matters that can engage the
attention of men. You are all well acquainted with the
attacks which have been lately made by the British Par-
liament upon what is dearer to Americans than their lives
— their liberties. You have heard of the acts of oppres-
sion which have passed against a sister Colony, under
which it is now actually groaning, and you must be sen-
sible that this is only a prelude to the designs of Parliament
upon every other part of this wide extended Continent.
In this light did our late truly patriotick and houoinabie
House of Burgesses regard it, and I am not now to inform
you what has been the consequence — our Assembly has
been dissolved — our country left without law for its gov-
ernment, and without means of defending itself against an
invading enemy. In this inelancholy situation of things,
many of our late worthy Representatives convened in
Mllliamshurg, and there agreed, after they should collect
the sentiments of the people througiiout the Colony, to
meet again on the first day of August next, to concert
such measures as would be most likely to procure us a
speedy redress of our grievances, and security against them
for the time to come ; your are now called together to
deliberate upon these matters, to choose who shall repre-
sent you in the approaching important meeting, and to
furnish them with your sentiments upon those things which
are to come before them. I need not observe how much
you are concerned in the event of their proceedings. You
all know what it is to be freemen ; you know the blessed
privilege of doing what you please with your own ; and
you can guess at the misery of those who are deprived of
this right. Which of these will be your case depends
upon your present conduct. We have found already that
petitions and remonstrances are ineffectual, and it is now
time that we try other expedients. We must make those
who are endeavouring to oppress us feel the effects of their
mistaken, of their arbitrary policy; and not till then can
we expect justice from them.
From the publick papers we learn the sentiments of
many of the counties of Virginia ; and it appears that
they think it necessary for the accomplishing of their pur-
poses to drop, till they are redressed, all commercial inter-
course with Great Britain. Whether consistently with
justice, as a people in debt, we can stop our exports, is a
point which seems doubtful ; but that imports ought to be
prohibited necessity demands, and no virtue forbids. It is
not supposed that we can do this without subjecting our-
selves to many inconveniences ; but inconveniences when
opposed to a loss of freedom, are surely to be disregarded.
Besides, I am told, by men acquainted with these things,
that the goods already in the country, and those expected
in the fall, will be suflicient to supply the wants of all
Virginia for two years. In the mean time we must, if
our grievances be not redressed, turn our attention to the
breeding of sheep, the raising of flax, hemp, and cotton,
and to manufactures. It is true we must resign the hope
of making fortunes ; but to what end should we make for-
tunes, when tiiey may be taken from us at the pleasure of
others ? I hope you will take these matters into your most
serious consideration — weigh them with that attention
which n)atters of such moment merit — determine with
wisdom and moderation ; and, once detennined, let no
difficulties or dangers shake your resolutions.
It w-as then unanimously Resolved, That as the consti-
tutional Assemblies of Virginia have been prevented from
exercising their right of providing for the security of the
hberties of the people, that right again reverts to the peo-
ple, as the fountain from whence all power and legislation
flow ; a right coeval with human nature, and which they
claim from the eternal and immutable laws of Nature's God.
Resolved, also, That Dudley Digges and Thomas Nel-
son, Jun., Esquires, do attend at the City of IVilliainshurg,
on the first day of August next, in a general Convention
from the other counties in Virginia, there to exert their
utmost abilities to put a stoj) to that growing system of
Ministerial despotism which has so long threatened the
destruction of America.
And that you, our Delegates, may be made acquainted
with the sentiments of the people of this county, it is their
opinion that you proceed to choose proper persons to rep-
resent the Colony of Virginia in a general Congress of
America, to meet at such time and place as may hereafter
be agreed on.
That these Representatives be instructed to form a decla-
ration of American rights, setting forth that British Ame-
rica, and all the inhabitants thereof, shall be and remain in
due subjection to the Crown of England, and to the illus-
trious family on the Throne ; submitting by tiieirown volun-
tary act, and enjoying all the freedom and privileges of the
free people of England. That it is the first law of legis-
lation, and of the British Constitution, that no man shall
be taxed but by his own consent, expressed either by him-
self or his Representatives ; that tiie Americans cannot be
represented in the British Parliament ; and, therefore,
tliat every edict of the British Parliament imposing any tax
or custom, duty, or imposition whatsoever, on the people
of America, without their consent, is illegal, and subver-
sive of tlie first principles of the British Constitution, and
of the natural rights of men ; that it is the undoubted right
and true interest of tlie Sovereign, as supreme ruler of tl.e
whole Emjjire, to provide for the welfare of his sulijects
within the Realm at the head of the British Parliament,
and of those in America, at the head of his American
Assemblies, by laws adapted to their local situation, and
suited to the exigencies of each ; and, by that negative
with which he is invested by the Constitution, to restrain
the different States of his Executive Dominion from enact-
ing laws to destroy the freedom, and jjiejudicing the inter-
ests, of one another; that the King, in his BritiJi Parlia-
ment, shall have a supremacy for regulating the trade of
America, with this reasonable reserve, that all die British
Colonies enjoy a free trade » ith each other ; and that no
tax, duty, or imposition whatsoever, be laid by the British
Parliament, on any article which the American Colonies
are obliged to import from Great Britain only; and that
tiiis rigiit of supremacy be deemed or expressed a resigna-
tion by our own voluntary act, flowing from a ju U sen-e of tlie
protection we have hitherto received from Great Britain.
And farther, the people of this country are of opin-
ion that the Act of the British Parliament laying a duty
on tea, for the purpose of raising a revenue, to be col-
lected in America, w ilhout her consent, is an illegal tax.
597
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
598
That the Act which blocks up tlie port of Boston,
destroys her trade, and subjects her inhabitants to the
worst of inconveniences and liardships, is oppressive and
unconstitutional. That the people of Boston incurred the
displeasure of Parliament by a just defence of their liberties
and properties ; and that the cause for which they suffer
is the general cause of every British Colony in America.
That the Bill, commonly called the Murdering Bill, if
passed into an Act, is not only unconstitutional, but shock-
ing to human nature ; that its evident design is to privilege
the soldiers to commit, with impunity, the most cruel out-
rages, even against the lives of Americans, whilst it cuts
off from an accused American ever hope of being ac-
quitted.
That the most effectual means of obtaining a speedy
redress of American grievances, is to put a stop to imports
from Great Britain, with as few exceptions as possible,
until the said oppressive Acts be repealed, and American
rights established ; and that what relates to exports be left
to the determination of the Convention in August.
That industry and frugality be adopted, in their largest
extent, throughout this Colony ; and that horse racing, and
every species of expensive amusement, be laid aside, as
unsuitable to the situation of the country, and unbecoming
men who feel for its distresses.
That the first day of September next, or the time of the
general Congress, be set apart as a day of prayer and sup-
plication to the Almighty disposer of human events, to
direct the Councils of the Americans, and so to dispose of
the heart of our Sovereign, that a general harmony may be
restored to the British Empire.
That a subscription be immediately opened for the relief
of the inhabitants of Boston, under the direction of the
Deputies for this county, who are desired to promote and
encourage the same.
That the above Resolves and opinions be published in
the Virginia Gazette.
William Russell, Clerk.
FAIRFAX COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a General Meeting of the Freeholders and other In-
habitants of the County of Fairfax, at the Court House
in the Town of Alexandria, on Monday, the 18th day
of July, 1774 :
George Washington, Esquire, Chairman, and
Robert Harrison, Gentleman, Clerk.
Resolved, That this Colony and Dominion of Virginia
cannot be considered as a conquered country, and, if it was,
that the present inhabitants are the descendants, not of the
conquered, but of the conquerors. That the same was not
settled at the national expense of England, but at the
private expense of the adventurers, our ancestors, by so-
lemn compact with, and under the auspices and protection
of, the British Crown, upon which we are, in every re-
spect, as dependent as the people of Great Britain, and
in the same manner subject to all his Majesty's just, legal,
and constitutional prerogatives ; that our ancestors, when
they left their native land, and settled in America, brought
with ihem, even if the same had not been confirmed by
Charters, the civil Constitution and form of Government
of the country they came from, and were by the laws of
nature and Nations entitled to all its privileges, immunities,
and advantages, which have descended to us, their pos-
terity, and ouglit of right to be as fully enjoyed as if we
had still continued within the Realm of England.
Resolved, That the most important and valuable part
of the British Constitution, upon which its very existence
depends, is the fundamental principle of the people's being
governed by no laws to which they have not given their
consent by Representatives freely chosen by themselves,
who are affected by the laws they enact ecjually with their
constituents, to whom they are accountable, and whose
burthens they share, in which consists the safety and
happiness of the community ; for if this part of the Con-
stitution was taken away, or materially altered, the Gov-
ernment must degenerate either into an absolute and
despotick monarchy, or a tyrannical aristocracy, and the
freedom of the people be aimihilated.
Resolved, Therefore, as the inhabitants of the Ameri-
can Colonies are not, and from their situation, cannot be
represented in the British Parliament, that the Legisla-
tive power here can, of right, be exercised only by our
Provincial Assemblies, or Parliaments, subject to the
assent or negative of the British Crown, to be declared
within some proper limited time ; but as it was thought
just and reasonable that the people of Great Britain
should reap advantages from the Colonies adequate to the
protection they afforded them, the British Parliament
have claimed and exercised the power of regulating our
trade and conmierce, so as to restrain our inqiorting from
foreign countries such articles as they could furnish us
with, of their own growth and manufacture, or exporting to
foreign countries such articles and portions of our produce
as Great Britain stood in need of, for her own consump-
tion or manufacture. Such a power directed with wisdom
and moderation, seems necessary for the general good of
that great body politick of which we are a part, although in
some degree repugnant to the principles of the Constitu-
tion. Under this idea, our ancestors submitted to it, the
experience of more than a century, during the government
of his Majesty's royal predecessors, have proved its utility,
and the reciprocal benefits flowing from it produced mu-
tual uninterrupted harmony and good will between the
inhabitants of Great Britain and her Colonies, who during
that long period always considered themselves as one and
the same people ; and though such a power is capable of
abuse, and in some instances hath been stretched beyond
the original design and institution, yet to avoid strife and
contention with our fellow-subjects, and strongly impressed
with the experience of mutual benefits, we always cheer-
fully acquiesced in it while the entire regulation of our
internal policy, and giving and granting our own money,
were preserved to our own Provincial Legislatures.
Resolved, That it is the duty of these Colonies, on all
emergencies, to contribute in proportion to their abilities,
situation, and circumstances, to the necessary charge of
supporting and defending the British Empire, of which
they are a part ; that while we are treated upon an equal
footing with our fellow-subjects, the motives of self-inter-
est and preservation will be a sufficient obligation, as was
evident through the course of the last war ; and that no
argument can be fairly applied to the British Parliament's
taxing us, upon a presumption that we should refuse a just
and reasonable contribution, but will equally operate in
justification of the Executive power taxing the people of
England, upon a supposition of their Representatives
refusing to grant the necessary supplies.
Resolved, That the claim lately assumed and exercised
by the British Parliament for making all such laws as they
think fit to govern the people of these Colonies, and to
extort from us our money without our consent, is not only
diametrically contrary to the first principles of the Consti-
tution and the original compacts by which we are depend-
ent upon the British Crown and Government, but is totally
incompatible with the privileges of a free people and the
natural rights of mankind, will reiider our own Legislatures
merely nominal and nugatory, and is calculated to reduce
us from a state of freedom and happiness to slavery and
misery.
Resolved, That taxation and representation are in their
nature inseparable ; that the right of withholding, or of
giving and granting their own money, is the only effectual
security to a free people against the encroachments of
despotism and tyranny ; and that whenever they yield the
one, they must quickly fall a prey to the other.
Resolved, That the powers over the people ot America,
now claimed by the British House of Commons, in whose
election we have no share ; in whose determinations we
have no influence ; whose information must be always
defective, and often false ; who in many instances may
have a separate, and in some an opposite interest to ours;
and who are removed from those impressions of tenderness
and compassion, arising from personal intercourse and
connection, which soften the rigours of the most despotick
Governments, must, if continued, establish the most griev-
ous and intolerable species of tyranny and oppression that
ever was inflicted upon mankind.
Resolved, That it is our greatest wish and inclination,
as well as interest, to continue our connection with, and
dependence upon, the British Government ; but though
599
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Stc, JULY, 1774.
600
we are its subjects, we will use every means which Heaven
hath given us to prevent our becoming its slaves.
Resolved, That there is a premeditated design and
system formed and pursued by the British Ministry to
introduce an arbitrary Government into iiis Majesty's Ame-
rican Dominions, to uhicli end tliey are artfully prejudicing
our Sovereign and inflamin<r the minds of our fellow-sub-
jects in Great Britain, by propagating the most malevo-
lent falsehoods, particularly that there is an intention in
the American Colonies to set up for independent states,
endeavouring at the same time, by various acts of violence
and oppression, by sudden and repeated dissolutions of our
Assemblies, whenever they presume to examine the ille-
gality of Ministerial mandates, or deliberate on the violat-
ed rights of their constituents, and by breaking in upon
the American Charters, to reduce us to a state of desper-
ation, and dissolve the original compact, by which our
ancestors bound themselves and their posterity to remain
dependent upon the British Crown ; which measures,
unless effectually counteracted, will end in the ruin, both
of Great Britain and her Colonies.
Resolved, That the several Acts of Parliament for rais-
ing a revenue upon the people of America, without their
consent ; the erecting new and dangerous jurisdictions here ;
the taking away our trials by jury ; the ordering persons,
upon criminal accusations, to be tried in another country
than that in which the fact is charged to have been
committed ; the Act inflicting Ministerial vengeance upon
the town of Boston ; and the two Bills lately brought into
Parliament for abrogating the Charter of the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, and for the protection and encourage-
ment of murderers in the said Province, are part of the
abovementioned iniquitous system ; that the inhabitants of
the town of Boston are now suffering in the common cause
of all British America, and are justly entitled to its sup-
port and assistance ; and, therefore, that a subscription
ought immediately to be opened, and proper persons ap-
pointed, in every county in this Colony, to purchase pro-
visions and consign them to some gentlemen of character
in Boston, to be distributed among the poorer sort of the
people there.
Resolved, That we will cordially join with our friends
and brethren of this and the other Colonies, in such meas-
ures as shall be judged most effectual, for procuring a re-
dress of our grievances ; and that, upon obtaining such re-
dress, if the destruction of the tea at Boston be regarded as
an invasion of private property, we shall be willing to con-
tribute towards paying the East India Company the value ;
but, as we consider the said Company as the tools and in-
struments of oppression in the hands of Government, and
the cause of the present distress, it is the opinion of this
meeting, that the people of these Colonies should forbear
all further dealings with them, by refusing to purchase
their merchandise, until that peace, safety, and good order,
which they have disturbed, be perfectly restored ; and that
all tea now in this Colony, or which shall be imported into
it, shipped before the first day of September next, should
be deposited in some store-house, to be appointed by the
respective Committees of each county, until a sufficient
sum of money be raised, by subscription, to reimburse
the owners the value, and then to be publickly burnt and
destroyed ; and if the same is not paid for and destroyed
as aforesaid, that it remain in the custody of the said
Committees, at the risk of the owners, until the Act of
Parliament imposing a duty upon tea for raising a revenue
in America, be repealed ; and immediately afterwards be
delivered unto the several proprietors thereof, their agents
or attomies.
Resolved, That nothing will so much contribute to de-
feat the pernicious designs of the common enemies of Great
Britain and her Colonies, as a firm union of the latter,
who ought to regard every act of violence or oppression
inflicted upon any one of them, as aimed at all ; and to
effect this desirable purpose, that a Congress should be
appointed, to consist of Deputies from all the Colonies, to
concert a general and uniform plan for the defence and
preservation of our common rights, and continuing the con-
nection and dependence of the said Colonies upon Great
Britain, under a just, lenient, permanent, and constitutional
form of Government.
Resolved, That our most sincere and cordial thanks be
given to the patrons and friends of liberty in Great Britain,
for their spirited and patriotick conduct in support of our
constitutional rights and privileges, and their generous ef-
forts to prevent the present distress and calamity of Ame-
rica.
Resolved, That every little jarring interest and dispute
which hath ever happened between these Colonies, should
be buried in eternal oblivion ; that all manner of luxury
and extravagance ought immediately to be laid aside, as
totally inconsistent with the threatening and gloomy pros-
pect before us ; that it is the indispensable duty of all the
gentlemen and men of fortunes to set examples of temper-
ance, fortitude, frugality, and industry, and give every en-
couragement in their power, particularly by subscriptions
and premiums, to the improvement of arts and manufac-
tures in America ; that great care and attention should be
had to the cultivation of flax, cotton, and other materials for
manufactures ; and we recommend it to such of the inhabit-
ants as have large stocks of sheep, to sell to their neighbours
at a moderate price, as the most certain means of speedily
increasing our breed of sheep and quantity of wool.
Resolved, That until American grievances be redressed,
by restoration of our just rights and privileges, no goods or
merchandise whatsoever ought to be imported into this
Colony, which shall be shipped from Great Britain or Ire-
land, after the first day of September next, except linens not
exceeding fifteen pence per yard, coarse woollen cloth, not
exceeding two shillings sterling per yard ; nails, wire, and wire
cards, needles and pins, paper, saltpetre, and medicines, which
may be imported until the first day of September, 1776 ; and
if any goods or merchandise, other than those hereby ex-
cepted, should be shipped from Great Britain after the time
aforesaid, to this Colony, that the same, inmiediately upon
their arrival, should either be sent back again by the owners,
their agents or attomies, or stored and deposited in some
warehouse, to be appointed by the Committee for each re-
spective county, and there kept at the risk and charge of
the owners, to be delivered to them when a free importa-
tion of goods hither shall again take place ; and that the
merchants and venders of goods and merchandise within
this Colony ought not to take advantage of our present
distress, but continue to sell the goods and merchandise
which they now have, or which may be shipped to them
before the first day of September next, at the same rates
and prices they have been accustomed to do within one
year last past ; and if any person shall sell such goods on
any other terms than above expressed, that no inhabit-
ant of this Colony should, at any time forever thereafter,
deal with him, his agent, factor, or storekeeper, for any
commodity whatsoever.
Resolved, That it it is the opinion of this meeting, that
the merchants and venders of goods and merchandise with-
in this Colony should take an oath not to sell or dispose of
any goods or merchandise whatsoever which may be ship-
ped from Great Britain after the first day of September
next, as aforesaid, except the articles before excepted ; and
that they will, upon the receipt of such prohibited goods,
either send the same back again by the first opportunity, or
deliver them to the Committees of the respective counties,
to be deposited in some warehouse, at the risk and charge
of the owners, until they, their agents, or factors, shall be
permitted to take them away by the said Conmiittees ; and
that die names of those who refuse to take such oath,
be advertised by the respective Conunittces, in the counties
wherein they reside ; and to the end that the inhabitants
of this Colony may know what merchants and venders of
goods and merchandise have taken such oath, that the
respective Committees should grant a certificate thereof to
every such person who shall take the same.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
during our present difficulties and distress, no slaves ought
to be imported into any of the British Colonies on this Con-
tinent ; and we take this opportunity of declaring our most
earnest wisiies to see an entire stop forever put to such a
wicked, cruel, and unnatural trade.
Resolved, That no kind of lumber should be exported
from this Colony to the IVest Indies, until America be re-
stored to her constitutional rights and liberties, if tlie other
Colonies will accede to a like resolution ; and that it be
recommended to the general Congress to appoint as early
a day as possible for stopping such exports.
601
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
602
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, if
American grievances be not redressed before the first day
of November, 1775, tiiat all exports of produce from the
several Colonies to Great Britain, should cease ; and to
carry the said resolution more effectually into execution,
that we will not plant or cultivate any tobacco after the
crop now growing, provided the same measure shall be
adopted by the other Colonies on this Continent, as well as
those who have heretofore made tobacco, as those who have
not. And it is our opinion, also, if the Congress of Depu-
ties from the several Colonies shall adopt the measure of
non-exportation to Great Britain, as the people will be
thereby disabled from paying their debts, that no judgments
should be rendered by the Courts in the said Colonies, for
any debt, after information of the said measures being de-
termined upon.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that a
Solemn Covenant and Association should be entered into
by the inhabitants of all the Colonies, upon oath, that they
will not, after the time which shall be respectively agreed
on at the general Congress, export any manner of lumber
to the West Indies ; nor any of their produce to Great
Britain ; or sell or dispose of the same to any person who
shall not have entered into the said Covenant and Associa-
tion ; and also, that they will not import or receive any
goods or merchandise which shall be shipped from Great
Britain, after the first day of September next, other than
the before enumerated articles ; nor buy or purchase any
goods, except as before excepted, of any person whatso-
ever, who shall not have taken the oath herein before re-
commended to be taken by the merchants and venders of
goods; nor buy or purchase any slaves hereafter imported
into any part of this Continent, until a free exportation and
importation be again resolved on by a majority of the
Representatives or Deputies of the Colonies ; and that the
respective Committees of the counties in each Colony, so
soon as the Covenant and Association becomes general,
publish by advertisements in their several counties, a list of
tlie names of those, (if any such there be) who will not
accede thereto, that such traitors to their country may be
publickly known and detested.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
this and the other associating Colonies should break off all
trade, intercourse, and dealings, with that Colony, Prov-
ince, or town, which shall decline or refuse to agree to the
plan which shall be adopted by the general Congress.
Resolved, That should the town of Boston be forced to
submit to the late cruel and oppressive measures of Gov-
ernment, that we shall not hold the same to be binding upon
us, but will, notwithstanding, religiously maintain, and in-
violably adhere to, such measures as shall be concerted by
the general Congress, for the preservation of our lives, lib-
erties, and fortunes.
Resolved, That it be recommended to the Deputies of the
general Congress, to draw up and transmit an humble and du-
tiful Petition and Remonstrance to his Majesty, asserting in
decent firmness our just and constitutional rights and privi-
leges, lamenting the fatal necessity of being compelled to
enter into measures disgusting to his Majesty and his Par-
liament, or injurious to our fellow-subjects in Great Britain ;
declaring, in the strongest terms, our duty and affection to
his Majesty's person, family, and Government, and our de-
sire forever to continue our dependence upon Great Bri-
tain ; and most humbly conjuring and beseeching his Ma-
jesty not to reduce his faithful subjects of America to a
state of desperation, and to reflect, that from our Sovereign
there can be but one appeal. And it is the ophiion of this
meeting, that after such Petition and Remonstrance shall
have been presented to his Majesty, the same shall be
printed in the public papers in all the principal towns in
Great Britain.
Resolved. That George Washington, Esquire, and
Charles Broadwater, Gentleman, lately elected our Rep-
resentatives to serve in the General Assembly, attend the
Convention at Williamsburg, on the first day of August
next, and present these Resolves as the sense of the people
of this county upon the measures proper to be taken in the
present alarming and dangerous situation of America.
Resolved, That George Washington, Esquire, John
West, George Mason, William Rumney, William Ramsay,
George Gilpton, Robert Hanson Harrison, John Carlyk,
Robert Adam, John Dalton, Philip Alexander, James
Kirk, JVilliam Brown, Charles Broadwater, William
Payne, Martin Cockbume, Lee Massey, William Harts-
home, Thomas Triplett, Charles Alexander, Thomas Pol-
lard, Townsend Dade, Junior, Edward Payne, Henry
Gunncll, and Thomas Lewis, be a Committee for this
county ; that they, or a majority of them, on any emer-
gency, have power to call a general meeting, and to con-
cert and adopt such measures as may be thought most
expedient and necessary.
Resolved, That a copy of these Proceedings be trans-
mitted to the Printer at Williamsburg, to be published.
ASSEMBLY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
July 18, 1774, P. M. — The Representatives of the
Province having been, by virtue of the Governour's writs
to the Sheriffs of the several counties for that purpose,
directed, summoned to meet this day in Assembly ; a quo-
rum met accordingly.
Ordered, That Mr. Pawling and Mr. Hillegas wait on
the Governour, and acquaint him that the House beinw met,
pursuant to his summons, they are ready to receive any
business he may be pleased to lay before them, and request
a copy of the VVrit by which they have been convened.
The Members return and Report, they had waited on
the Governour, and delivered their Message according to
order, and that his Honour was pleased to say, he would
immediately furnish the House with a copy of the Writ
requested.
The Governour, by Mr. Secretary, sent down the said
Writ accordingly, also a written Message to the House,
with sundry Letters and Petitions from different parts of
the frontiers, concerning the present Indian disturbances,
which were in part read by order, and the said Message
follows in these words, viz :
" Gentlemen : Tlie importance of the matter I have
to lay before you, will, I am persuaded, make it unneces-
sary to apologize to you for calling you together at a sea-
son of the year of all others the most inconvenient for you
to attend to publick business.
" I am to inform you, that in the latter end of April
last, about eleven Delaware and Shawanese Indians were
barbarously murdered on the river Ohio, about ninety miles
below Pittsburgh,hy two parties of while men, said to be
Virginians. As we were at that time in a state of perfect
amity with the Western Indians, and it does not appear
that those who were killed by the above parties had given
them the least provocation, I am at a loss to conjecture
what could be the inducement to act so cruel and inhu-
man.
" As soon as the unfortunate affair was known on the
frontiers of this Province, messengers were despatched to
assure the Indians that these outrages had been committed
by wicked people, without the knowledge or countenance
of any of the English Governments, and requesting they
might not be the means of disturbing the friendship
which subsisted between us. This step had so far a good
effect as to quiet them for the present, and prevent them
coming to a resolution to enter into a general war with us.
It did not, however, restrain the particular friends and rela-
tions of the deceased, who, it seems, contrary to the advice
of their Chiefs, in a short time afterwards took their re-
venge, by murdering a number of Virginians settled to
the Westward of the river Monongahela. Alarmed at
this proceeding, the out-settlers left their habitations and fled
with their families into the interiour parts ; and the panick
soon became so universal that a great part of the West-
ern frontier of this Province was totally deserted ; and it
is impossible to say when the mischief would have stopped
had not a number of rangers been raised by the Magis-
trates and odiers, in the County of Westmoreland, who
were stationed in proper places to protect the inhabitants,
and act defensively in case of an attack. This measure
I esteemed a very salutary one, supplied the men with
arms and ammunition, and ordered them to be kept up till
the meeting of the Assembly, under a full persuasion that
you would cheerfully defray the necessary expenses attend-
ing it.
" It would be too tedious to relate the several occur-
603
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
604
rences which have happened, from time to time, since the
first act of hostility committed, but I refer you for more par-
ticular information therein to the Letters and Papers I liave
ordered the Secretary to lay before you. You will thereby
perceive that the Delawares and S/iawanesc have repeat-
edly made the strongest professions of a pacifick disposition,
and their desire that matters should be accommodated ; and
as an earnest desire of their sincerity, they not only pro-
tected the persons and goods of our traders among them
from the violence of some of their young warriors, but
actually escorted many of them back to their friends near
Pittsburgh, at the risk of their own lives. Hence, we had
great reason to believe, that by a just and discreet conduct
a rapture with them might have been avoided. But I am
sorry to inform you tiiat 1 have received intelligence, that
the very Indians, who thus generously escorted our traders
home, were, contrary to all faith, pursued on their return,
attacked, and one of them wounded by a party of Vir-
ginians, sent out for the purpose by one Conolly, a Militia
Captain, appointed by the Government of Virginia, at
Pittsburgh, who has lately taken possession of that place
under the pretence of its being out of tiie bounds of the
Province of Pennsylvania, and within the Colony of Vir-
ginia. By this unhappy step there is great reason to ap-
prehend that it will be difficult to persuade the Indians
further to confide in any overtures that can be made, or
assurances given them, and that we shall be involved in
the calamities of an Indian war. Nothing in my power
has been neglected which I thought might have a tendency
to avert so great an evil. I have wrote to Sir William
Johnson, requesting him he would interest himself on the
occasion, and use his influence with the Six Nations, to
assist in healing the breach with their Western brethren ;
and have despatched a letter to Lord Dunmore, represent-
ing the misconduct of Conolly, and the dangerous conse-
quences of his unjust and violent proceedings. What will
be the event time only can discover ; but in this dark and
uncertain state of things, I think it my duty most earnestly
to recommend it to you, to make timely and effectual pro-
vision for the security of our frontier settlements, that, in
case of a war with the savages, they may have that imme-
diate protection and assistance which they look for, and
have a right to expect, from the Government under which
they live ; and that you will also provide for the discharg-
ing such expenses as have hitherto arisen by my orders
for their defence, in which I shall readily concur with
you.
" Could you devise any other probable method, by which
this unhappy difference with the Indians could be accom-
modated, it would give me infinite satisfaction ; and nothing
could afford me more pleasure than the being instrumental
in accomplishing so desirable an end. John Penn."
July 18, 1774.
Ordered, That the foregoing Message, and the Papers
attending it, be referred to further consideration to-morrow
morning.
The House adjourned to ten o'clock to-morrow morning.
July 19, 1774. — The House met pursuant to adjourn-
ment, and resumed the consideration of the Letters and
Petitions sent down with the Governour's Message of last
night, which were severally read, and ordered to lie on the
table.
Tiie Committee of Correspondence laid before the House
sundry Letters and copies of Resolves from the Speakers
of the Assemblies of Massachusetts Bay and Rhode-Island;
also a Letter from the Committee of Correspondence for
the Colony of Virginia, with an Answer to the said
Letters from the Committee of this House, which were
read by order, and are as they severally follow, viz :
Province of Massacliusutts Bay, Juno 17, 1774.
Sir: Agreeable to the directions of the House of Rep-
resentatives of this Province, I have the honour to transmit
to you a copy of certain Resolves they entered into in
their present session,* by which you will perceive that it
is their opinion that a meeting of Committees from the
several Colonies on this Continent is highly expedient and
necessary, and that they propose that such a meeting be at
'Resolutions, June 17, 1774.
the City of Philadelphia, on the first day of September
next; and that for the |)urposes mentioned in said Resolves
they have appointed a Committee of five, on the part of
this Province, whom they have directed to repair to Phil-
adelphia, at the lime above mentioned. As this appears
to be a measure absolutely necessary for the establishment
of the rights and liberties of the Colonies upon a just and
solid foundation, and for the restoration of union and har-
mony between both countries, it is not doubted but it will
be agreed to in your Colony ; if it should, it is desired that
as early notice as possible might be transmitted to,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Thomas Cushinc, SpeaJcer.
To the Honourable Speaker of the House of Represent-
atives of Peimsylvania.
New.Port, June 20, 1774.
Sir : Agreeable to the directions of the General As-
sembly, I have the honour to enclose you a copy of certain
Resolutions entered into by them, respecting the very
alarming situation of the Colonies.*
I have also to infonn you, that upon this occasion, the
Assembly have adjourned to the fourth Monday in August
next. 1 am, with very great regard, sir, your most hum-
ble servant, Metcalf Bowler, Speaker.
To the Honourable Speaker of the House of Represent-
atives of the Province of Pennsylvania.
Williamsburg, Virginia, May 28, 1774.
Gentlemen : The enclosed papers will explain to you
our present political state here, with respect to our un-
happy dispute with our mother country. The propriety
of appointing Deputies from the several Colonies of
British America, to meet annually in general Congress,
appears to be a measure extremely important and exten-
sively useful, as it tends so effectually to obtain the united
wisdom of the whole in every case of general concern.
We are desired to obtain your sentiments on this subject,
which you will be pleased to furnish us with. Being very
desirous of communicating to you the opinions and conduct
of the late Representatives on the present posture of
American affairs, as quickly as possible, we beg leave to
refer you to a future letter, in wliich we shall more fully
express our sentiments on those subjects.
We are, with great respect, gentlemen, your most
obedient servants, Peyton Randolph,
Robert C. Nicholas,
Dudley Dicges.
To the Committee of Correspondence for Pennsylvania.
Upon motion,
Resolved, That on Thursday next this House will
resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to
consider the subject of the foregoing Lettere and Resolves.
Resolved, upon motion, That the Connnittees from the
several counties of this Province, now met on publick
affairs in the city, be admitted, if they choose it, to hear
the debates of the House on that day.
A Petition from the County of Northumberland was
presented to the House and read, setting forth. That the
Petitioners being situated on the frontiers of the Province,
in a county lately laid out, thinly inhabited, and having
within the limits of its jurisdiction a great body of intruders
from tlie Colony of Connecticut, who refuse subjection to
this Government, they find themselves unable to enforce
the laws, and bring offenders to justice, through want of a
proper publick jail ; that the unavoidable expenses of the
county having hitherto reijuired nearly the whole amount
of the county levies, the Trustees have not yet received
any money from that source, for erecting the necessary
Public Buildings, nor is it likely a sufficiency for this useful
purpose can be raised in that way for years to come —
that the Petitioners, calling to mind the indulgence of
former Assemblies to other counties of this Province in
their infancy, are encouraged to pray that so much of the
money in the Loan Ollice, appropriated to the use of the
said county, as will be sufficient to build at least a County
Jail, may be ordered to he paid into the hands of the
Trustees appointed by law to erect such building in the
said county to be immediately applied to that necessary
■Resolutions, June 15, 1774.
605
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
606
work, and that the said money be charged to the county,
and reimbursed in the usual, or any otlier way, which the
House may think proper.
Ordered to he on the table.
A iMember presented to the Chair a paper from the
Provincial Connnittee met on publick business at the Car-
penter's Hall in this city, whicii was read by order, and is
as follows, viz :
" At a Provincial Committee, composed of Deputies
from the City and County of Philadelphia, and the
Counties o( Bucks, Chester, Lancaster, York, Cumberland,
Burks, Northampton, Northumberland, and Bedford, met
at the Carpenter's Hall, on Tuesday, July 19th, 1774,
Thomas Willing, Esquire, Chairman:
" Upon motion, agreed,
" That tlie ninth Resolve agreed to unanimously by this
Provincial Committee, be copied, and sent to the honour-
able House of Assembly, viz :
" 9. Resolved, unanimously, That there is an absolute
necessity that a Congress of Deputies from the several
Colonies be immediately assembled to consult together,
and form a general plan of conduct to be observed by all
the Colonies, for the purposes of procuring relief for our
suffering brethren ; obtaining redress of our grievances ;
preventing future dissensions ; firmly establishing our
rights ; and restoring harmony between Great Britain and
her Colonies on a constitutional foundation.
" Agreed, That Isaac Howell, Joseph Hart, Francis
Richardson, Emanuel Carpenter, Joseph Donaldson,
Robert Magaw, Daniel Broadhead, John Okely, and
JVilliam Scull, be a Committee to wait upon the House
with the above Resolve, and that they be instructed tain-
form the House that the Committee are employed in
finishing their Resolves, and drawing up their sentiments
on the present situation of publick affairs, which, when
completed, will be laid before the honourable House.
" Signed by order of the Committee,
" Thomas Willing, Chairman."
The House resumed the consideration of the Govemour's
Message, which was again read by order, and after some
debate thereon,
Ordered, That Mr. Hunter and Mr. Thompson wait
on the Governour, and request he will be pleased to furnish
the House with an account of the number of men raised by
the Magistrates for the protection of the frontier inhabitants,
and an estimate of the expense that hath accrued on that
measure to the present time.
July 20, 1774. The House met pursuant to their ad-
journment. Mr. Speaker and Mr. Rhoads laid before the
House two Letters from Benjamin Franklin, Esquire,
dated London, the 6th and 26th of April last, with some
other Papers, on publick aflairs, which being severally
read were,
Ordered to lie on the table.
The Members appointed to wait on the Governour with
the Message of last night, reported that they had delivered
the same according to order; and that his Honour was
pleased to say, he had already laid before the House all
the Papers he was possessed of relating to the ranging
companies on the frontiers, but would endeavour to procure
as soon as possible, the further information requested by
the House, and lay it before such Commissioners as may
be appointed to pay the said Companies.
The House then proceeded in the consideration of the
Govemour's Message, and after some time spent therein,
adjourned to three o'clock, P. M.
The House again taking into consideration the Gov-
emour's Message and tlie Papers sent down vviili it.
Resolved, That Michael Hillegas, George Gray,
Thomas Mifflin, and Charles Humphreys, Esquires, or
any three of them, by and with tlie consent and approba-
tion of the Governour of tiiis Province for the time being,
may draw orders on the Provincial Treasurer for any sum
not exceeding two thousand pounds, to be disposed of in
paying and victualling, until the tenth day oi August neyH,
a number of rangers lately raised by tlie Magistrates of
Westmoreland County, for removing the panick into which
the inhabitants of the said county have been thrown by the
late Indian disturbances, and for other incidental expenses ;
and also in maintaining the peace and friendship subsisting
between this Province and the Indians ; the said sum to be
paid out of the money struck by virtue of the Act, entitled,
" An Act for the support of the Government of this
" Province, making the excise on wine, rum, brandy, and
" other spirits, more equal, and for preventing frauds in
" collecting and paying the said excise."
Resolved, That if, after the said tenth day of August, it
shall appear to the Governour, and the said Michael Hille-
gas, George Gray, Thomas Mijlin, and Charles Humph-
reys, necessary to employ any number of the said rangers,
this House will pass a Bill for paying and victualling them,
until the 20th of September next, provided their number
shall not exceed two hundred.
Resolved, That this House will make provision for
paying the reward of one hundred pounds to any person
who shall apprehend James Cooper and John Hinkson,
who it is said, have barbarously murdered an Indian on the
frontiers of this Province, and deliver them into the custody
of the keeper of the jail within either of the Counties of
Lancaster, York, or Cumberland, or the sum of fifty
pounds for either of them.
Resolved, That this House will, at its next sitting, pass
a bill, and present the same to the Governour for indemni-
fying the Provincial Treasurer for the payment of the said
moneys.
July 21, 1774. — ^This day the Provincial Committee,
composed of Committees from the several Committees of
the Province, waited on the House, and being admitted,
their Chairman presented at the table sundry Papers,
containing a number of Resolves on the present grievances
of the Colonies, and Instructions to their Representatives,
recommending such measures as appear to the said Com-
mittee most proper for obtaining redress ; and then with-
drawing, the said Papers were severally read, and ordered
to lie on the table for the pemsal of the Members.
The Order of Tuesday last being read,
Resolved, That this House will, to-morrow morning,
resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to
consider the several Papers before them, received from the
Speakers and Committees of Correspondence for Massa-
chusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Virginia, on the present
state of the Colonies.
July 22, 1774. — The House met pursuant to adjourn-
ment ; and the Order of yesterday being read, resolved itself
into a Committee of the whole House, upon the subject of
the several Letters and Resolves received from the Colonies
of Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Virginia, and,
after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the
Chair, and Mr. Rhoads reported from the Committee, that
tliey had considered the business before them, and having
come to a Resolve thereon, he was ordered to report the
same whenever the House shall be pleased to receive it.
Ordered, That the Resolve of the Committee be receiv-
ed immediately.
Mr. Rhoads then (according to order) reported the said
Resolve, which he first read in his place, and then delivered
at the Clerk's table, where the same was again read, by
order, and follows in these words, viz :
" The Committee of the whole House taking into their
most serious consideration the unfortunate differences which
have long subsisted between Great Britain and the Ame-
rican Colonies, and been greatly increased by the opera-
tion and effects of divers late Acts of the British Parlia-
ment :
" Resolved, n. c. d.. That diere is an absolute necessity
that a Congress of Deputies from the several Colonies be
held as soon as conveniently may be, to consult together upon
the present unhappy state of the Colonies, and to fomi and
adopt a plan for the purposes of obtaining redress o( Ame-
rican grievances, ascertaining American rights, upon the
most solid constitutional principles, and for establishing that
union and harmony between Great Britain and the Colo-
nies, which is indispensably necessary for the welfare and
happiness of both."
The House resumed the consideration of the Resolve
from the Committee of the whole House ; and after some
debate thereon, adopting and confirming the same.
607
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
608
Resolved, n. c. d., That tlie Honourable Joseph Gal-
loway, Speaker, Samuel Rhoads, Thomas Miffiin, Charles
Humphreys, John Morton, George Ross, and Edioard
Biddle, Esquii'es, be and tliey are hereby appointed a
Committee on the part of this Province, for the purposes
aforesaid, and tliat they, or any four of them, do meet such
Committees or Delegates from tiie other Colonies, as have
been or may be appointed, either by their respective
Houses of Representatives, or by Convention, or by the
Provincial or Colony Committees, at such time and place
as shall be generally agreed on by such Committees ; and
that the Speaker of this House be directed, in a letter to
the Speakers of the Houses of Representatives of the other
Colonies, to inform them of these Resolves.*
Upon motion.
Ordered, That Mr. Hillegas, Mr. Miles, Mr. Brown,
Mr. John Jacobs, Mr. Webb, Mr. Ross, Mr. Pope, and
Mr. Allen, be a Committee to prepare and bring in
draughts of Instructions for the Deputies to the ensuing
Congress ; a Circular Letter to the Speakers of the several
Colony Assemblies, and an Answer to the Governour's
Message on Indian Affairs.
July 2.3, 1774. — Mr. Speaker laid before the House a
Letter from Major Hamilton, Commanding Officer at the
Barracks of this city, which was read by order, and is as
follows :
Philadelphia, July 21, 1774.
Sir : I lake the liberty to inform you, that his Majesty's
troops under my command stand much in need of the aid
of the Legislature of this Province ; their bedding, uten-
sils, and apartments, require inspection and want repairs.
I have had the pleasure of knowing this Barrack these
seven years, and shall always be happy in declaring, that
• Philadelphia, July 23, 1774. — The Committees from the several
counties of this Province met in this City, the 15tli instant, and being
rery busy ever since in framing Instructions to the Assembly, witli
which they were psrmitted to attend the House on the 21st inst., hav-
ing previously voted three of their body, as proper persons to attend
the Congress, and represent this Province, viz : Thomas Willing, John
Dickinson, and James Wilson. Yesterday morning the Committee
were again admitted into the House, when, to their disappointment,
the matter was not taken up and debated before them ; but a Resolve
of the House was read to them which had been agreed to before their
admission, setting forth, tliat the House did vote •*»»»• persons to
attend the ensuing Congress. After which the House filled up the
blank with the names of the following persons, to appear at the Con.
gress, in behalf of this Province, viz : Joseph Galloway, Samuel Rhoads,
John Morton, Charles Humphreys, George Ross, Edward Biddle, and
Thomas Mifflin; but as yet it is not known how tlicy will be instruct,
cd by the House.
The following Piece was handed about among the Members of tha
Assembly on the evening of the 21st instant :
To the Representatives of the Province of Pennstlvania, now met in
this City:
" All numerous Assemblies, however composed, are mere mobs, and
" swayed in their debates by the least motive ; this is confirmed by
" daily experience. An absurdity strikes a member, he conveys it to
" his neighbours and the whole is infected. Separate this great body,
" and though every member be only of middling sense, it is not probable
" any thing but reason can prevail. Influence and example buing re.
" movod, good sense will also get the belter of bad. The only way of
" making people wise, is to keep them from uniting into large Assem.
" blies." — Hume.
Gentlemen : Permit a cool considerate observer of the present dis.
traded proceedings of this Province, for one moment to claim your
attention.
Let not, I bosaech you, the noise and confusion of the scene stifle the
voice of wisdom, or prevent the full display of your ancient prudence.
The call of one not less well aff"jeted to the privileges and liberties,
derived to us from our cxcallent Constitution, than the most zealous of
lier sons, of one not heated by the fjllacious spirit of a pretended
patriotism, nor, he trusts, too tamely sub.Tiissive to the Innd of oppres.
sion, solicits your most serious consideration. Let him not supplicate
in vain ! yet even on the last precipice on which the vestiges of order
and regularity shall be traced, pause, ponder, maturely deliberate, and
with every n rve of reason extended, refljct on the past, and penetrate
into the future.
You are now met in a Legislative capacity, and are to determine on a
matter the most important in itself — tlie most interesting in its conse.
qiiences, of any that ever came bjfor.! you. Nothing less is to be agi.
tilted than whether the people of the Province shall assort their rights
and privileges on constitutional grounds ; or, deviating from the long
known and securely trodden paths of prudence and regularity, wander
into the nnizy labyrinths of perplexity and disorder.
From the respective counties of tliis Province persons have been
delegated, to tike into their serious consideration the presint alarming
state of affairs; to deliberate on means the most effectual forolitaininT
redress of our grievances ; and to give such instructions to j-ou as tlioy
may judge expedient. By what legal authority th^y hav; proe;eded let
them demonstrate. Among tliem are gentlemen of the first abilities ;
of characters the most respectable ; let any of them take up the pen,
and convince you that their appointment is constitutional, or that
their proceedings have been conducted with justice or equity. A single
delegate for one of the frontier counties, has a vote in every debate
no troops have been better supplied, nor any applications
from commanding officers more politely attended to than
here; from which 1 am encouraged to hope, that the House
of Assembly will, during this sitting, order the necessary
inspection, and afford such a supply as their generosity and
judgment shall dictate. I have the honour to be, with
great respect, your most obedient humble servant,
Isaac Hamilton,
Major to his Majesty's I8th, or Royal Irish Regiment
of Foot.
To the Honourable Joseph Galloway, Esq.
Upon consideration of the foregoing Letter,
Ordered, That Mr. Hillegas and Mr. Miles be a Com-
mittee to examine into the present condition of the said
Barracks, and report thereon to the House at their next
meeting.
The Committee appointed to prepare and bring in In-
structions for the Deputies appointed to attend the ensuing
Congress ; a Circular Letter to the Speakers of the several
Assemblies of the Colonies, and an Answer to the Gover-
nour's Message, reported they had essayed a Draught for
each of those purposes, which they presented to the Chair ;
and the same being read by order, were agreed to by the
House, and are as they severally follow, viz. :
Instructions to the Committee of Assembly appointed to
attend the General Congress.
Gentlemen : The trust reposed in you is of such a na-
ture, and the modes of executing it may be so diversified in
the course of your deliberations, that it is scarcely possible
to give you particular Instructions respecting it. We shall
therefore only in general direct, that you are to meet in
Congress the Committees of the several British Colonies,
at such time and place as shall be generally agreed on, to
deemed equivalent to the whole Committee of this opulent and
populous city and county. Is this reasonable, or is it consistent with
thatjust proportion observed in limiting the number of Representatives
for the counties, which compose your House ? To hesitate on a deci.
sion of this question, betrays an unpardonable partiality, or a shameful
weakness.
This is not all, they have resolved on Instructions to be handed to
you. These Resolves have not been entered into without warm opposi.
tion, and without great division ; if they are to have any weight,
they are to supersede you ; if you are influenced by tliem, they incur
a dissolution of our Charter. The gentlemen cliosen by ballot on the
first of October, are the only persons before whom every grievance
should come ; you are the men ; you are chosen to represent us on
every occasion ; in you we have reposed the most unlimited confidence ;
no body of men are to su|>ersedo you ; you are the guardians of our
rights; we look to j'ou for protection against every encroachment
and now implore you to avert every innovation. Let us for one moment
examine how for these Resolves must be short of the general sentiments
of the people. The Committees are appointed at county meetings,
where, it is notorious, not one fourth of the freeholders attend. The
resolutions are previously drawn up by some zealous partizan, perhaps
by some fiery spirit, ambitiously solicitous of forcing himself into
publick notice ; too often by persons whose only consequence is derived
from the calamities in which their country may be involved. The
orator mounts the rostrum, and in some preconceived s])cech, height-
ened no doubt, with all the aggravations which the fertility of his genius
can suggest, exerts all the powers of elocution, to heat his audience
with that blaze of patriotism, with which he conceives himself inspir.
ed, at such a time when the passion of Liberty, implanted in every
breast, is awakened ; when the threats of tyranny, and a terrour of
slavery, are artfully set before tliem ; a measure need only be proposed
to be resolved on : and I am well convinced many an American has
given his assent to such a measure, from which a little reflection
would have made him retract with horrour.
From this fountain originates the authority of the Committees; it is
a fountain from which no legal authority can he derived ; we know
not where such precedents may terminate ; setting up a power to con.
troul you, is setting up anarchy above order — it is the bkginni.ng of
REPUBLICANISM.
Sophistry with her specious pretences may, perhaps, gloss over the
matters, but sound reason will never aid the demonstration. They are
gigantick strides to set up the resolves of the populace above the law,
and above tlie Constitution. Nip this pernicious weed in the bud, before
it has taken too deep root.
Methinks I already see a new Cassias rise, and tell your Speaker he
dilfi^rs from him in sentiment ; asserts that they only are the men made
privy to the desires and wishes of your constituents ; and that they
have a right to dictate to you what shall be done.
If these princi])les become prevalent, suffer tlio hardihood of truth,
ungracious as it may sound in their ears, to tell you that )'ou are only
mere machines, atoj; et pneterea nihil. If these measures be sanctified
by you; if a precedent bo once established, it remains only in some
future day, for some popular loader, who may dissent from you in
opinion, to raise a general clamour; collect his number; propound his
resolves ; quote this established precedent to support him ; and, in the
tone of autliority, demand entrance into the Senate. But it is not my
part to point out to you the innumoral)le inconveniences and mischiefs
with wliich this measure, if adopted, is pregnant.
Deliver down to posterity " the laws, the rights, the generous plan of
power," which your ancestors have delivered to you ; and let not the
murmurs of your children be heard, for want of foresight and pre.
caution. A Freeman.
609
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
610
consult together on the present critical and alarming situa-
tion and state of the Colonies; and that j'ou, with them,
exert your utmost endeavours to form and adopt a plan
which shall afford the best prospect of obtaining a redress of
Amtrican grievances, ascertaining the American rights, and
establishing that union and harmony which is most essen-
tial to the welfare and happiness of both countries ; and
in doing this, you are strictly charged to avoid every thing
indecent or disrespectful to the mother state. You are
also directed to make report of your proceedings to the
next Assembly. Signed by order of the House,
Joseph Galloway, Speaker.
Philadelphia, July 23, 1774.
Letter to the Speakers of the several Assemblies of the
Colonies.
Philadelphia, July 23, 1774.
Sir : By order of the House of Representatives of Penn-
sylvania, 1 have the honour to enclose a copy of certain
Resolves entered into by them, respecting the present
alarming state of the Colonies, and appointing a Commit-
tee to meet the Committees of the other Colonies in Con-
gress. I am, with great respect, sir, your most obedient
servant, Joseph Galloway, Speaker.
To the Honourable Speaker of the Assembly of the Colo-
ny of •»•»• *
Answer to the Governour's Message.
May it please your Honour : The House have taken
into their serious consideration your Message of the 18th
instant, respecting the panick into which the frontier in-
habitants have been thrown by the late murders committed
on some of the Western Indians, and their apprehensions
thence arising of an Indian war; and sensibly affected
with the unhappy situation of those inhabitants, after ma-
ture deliberation on the measures taken by the Magistrates,
and approved by your Honour, we have resolved to pay
and victual the troops raised for their relief, until the 10th
day of next month ; and if it shall then appear to the Gov-
ernour and Commissioners, that the continuance of them is
necessary, we have agreed to provide for such a number,
not exceeding two hundred, as your Honour and the Com-
missioners shall think expedient, until the 20th day of Sep-
tember next.
And as you are pleased to intimate, " that could we de-
" vise any other probable method than what was recom-
" mended in your Message, by which the unhappy differ-
" ences with the Indians can be accommodated, it would
'•' give you infinite satisfaction," we beg leave to recom-
mend to your consideration the propriety of taking the
necessary measures to renew the peace and friendship be-
tween this Province and the Indians, and to mediate the
unhappy differences between them and the Colony of Vir-
ginia, as it appears to us scarcely possible that they can
subsist, without continuing the frontiers of this Province
in their present fears and distress.
The House, with horrour, look upon the frequent murders
that have lieen of late committed on some of the Western
Indians, in and to the westward of this Province, and think
it their duty to aid Government in discouraging the perpe-
tration of such atrocious offences, not only against the au-
thority of Government, but in open violation of treaties
subsisting between this Province and those Indians ; and,
therefore, have voted the sum of one hundred pounds as a
reward for ap^jrehcnding Johti Hinkson and James Cooper,
wlio have lately, as is said, cruelly put to death Joseph
Weepy, a friendly Indian, within the bounds of this
Province.
The Resolutions the House have entered into on this
occasion, we have herewith communicated.
Signed by order of the House,
Joseph Galloway, Speaker.
July 23, 1774.
Ordered, That Mr. Ewing and Mr. Hunter wait on the
Govemour with the foregoing Answer to his Message, and
acquaint him that the House incline to adjourn to Monday
the 19th day of September next, if his Honour has no ob-
jection thereto ; and request to know at what time to-day
he will be pleased to meet the House, to enact into laws
the Bills that have received his assent.
Fourth Series.
The Members return, and report they had delivered their
Message according to order; and that his Honour was
pleased to say, he had no objection to the time of adjourn-
ment proposed by tlie House, and would be in the Council
Chamber immediately, to enact into laws the two Bills that
have been agreed on.
Ordered, Ti)at Mr. Hillegas and Mr. Miles do get the
great seal affixed to the Bills after they are passed into
laws, and deposite the same in the Rolls Office.
A Message by Mr. Secretary :
" Sir: The Govemour is in the Council Chamber, and
requires the attendance of the House."
Then, Mr. Speaker, with the whole House, waited on
his Honour, and being returned from the Council Chamber,
the Speaker resumed the Chair, and reported that they had
waited on the Govemour, and presented two Bills, entituled
" An Act to continue an Act entituled ' An Act to amend
the Act entituled • An Act to prevent the exportation of
bread and flour not merchantable ;" ' and " An Act for
" lending the sum of eight hundred pounds to the several
" and respective Counties of Bedford, Northumberland,
" and Westmoreland, for building a Court House and Prison
" in each of the said counties ;" to which Bills his Honour
had been pleased to give his assent, by enacting the same
into laws.
The House then adjourned to Monday, the 1 9th day of
September next, at four o'clock, P. M.
MONMOUTH COUNTY (neW-JERSEy) RESOLUTIONS.
On Tuesday, July 19, 1774, a majority of the Commit-
tees from the several Townships in the County of Mon-
mouth, of the Colony of New-Jersey, met according to
appointment, at the Court House at Freehold', in said
county ; and appearing to have been regularly chosen and
constituted by their respective Townships, they unan-
imously agreed upon the propriety and expediency of
electing a Committee to represent the whole county at the
approaching Provincial Convention, to be held at the City
of New-Brunswick, for the necessary purpose of consti-
tuting a Delegation from this Province, to the general
Congress of the Colonies, and for all such other important
purposes as shall hereafter be found necessary.
They, at the same time, also recorded the following
Resolutions, Determinations, and Opinions, which they
wish to be transmitted to posterity, as an ample testimony
of their loyalty to his British Majesty, of their firm at-
tachment to the principles of the glorious Revolution, and
their fixed and unalterable purpose, by every lawful means
in their power, to maintain and defend themselves in the
possession and enjoyment of those inestimable civil and
religious privileges which their forefathers, at the expense
of so much blood and treasure, have established and handed
down to them.
1. In the names and behalf of their constituents, the
good and loyal inhabitants of the County of Monmouth, in
the Colony of New-Jersey, they do cheerfully and pub-
lickly proclaim their unshaken allegiance to tiie person and
Government of his most gracious Majesty King George the
Third, now on the British Throne, and do acknowledge
themselves bound at all times, and to the utmost exertion
of their power, to maintain his dignity and lawful sovereignty
in and over all his Colonies in America ; and that it is their
most fervent desire and constant prayer that, in a Protest-
ant succession, the descendants of the illustrious House of
Hanover, may continue to sway the British sceptre to the
latest posterity.
2. They do highly esteem and prize the happiness of
being governed, and having their liberty and property
secured to them, by so excellent a system of laws as that
of Great Britain, the best doubtless in the universe ; and
they will, at all times, cheerfully obey and render every
degree of assistance in their power to the full and just exe-
cution of them. But at the same time will, with the
greatest alacrity and resolution, oppose any unwarrantable
innovation in them, or any additions to, or alterations in the
grand system which may appear iinconstitutional, and, con-
sequently, inconsistent with the liberties and privileges of
the descendants of free-born American Britons.
3. As there has been for ages past a most happy union
39
611
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
612
and uninterrupted connection between Great Britain and
her Colonies in America, tliey conceive their interests are
now become so intimately blended together, and their mu-
tual dependence upon each other to be at this time so del-
icately great, that they esteem every thing which has a
tendency to alienate affection, or disunite them in any de-
gree, higlily injurious to their common happiness, and
directly calculated to produce a Revolution likely to prove
in the end destructive to both ; they do, therefore, heartily
disclaim every idea of that spirit of independence which
has of late, by some of our mistaken brethren on each
side of the Atlantic, been so groundlessly and injuriously
held up to the attention of the Nation, as having, through
ambition, possessed the breasts of the Americans. And,
moreover, they devoutly beseech the Supreme Disposer of
all events, graciously to incline the heart of our Sovereign,
and all his Ministers, to a kind and impartial investigation of
the real sentiments and disposition of his truly loyal Ame-
rican subjects.
4. Notwithstanding many great men and able writers
have employed their talents and pens in favour of the
newly adopted mode of taxation in America, they are yet
sensible of no convictive light being thrown upon the sub-
ject ; and, therefore, although so august a body as that of
the British Parliament is now actually endeavouring to
enforce, in a military way, the execution of some distress-
ing edicts upon the capital of the Massachusetts Colony,
they do freely and solenmly declare, that in conscience they
deem them, and all others that are, or even may be, framed
upon the same principles, altogether unprecedented and
unconstitutional, utteriy inconsistent with the true original
intention of Magna Charta, subversive of the just rights
of free-born Englishmen, agreeable and satisfatory only to
the domestick and foreign enemies of our Nation, and con-
sequently pregnant with complicated ruin, and tending
directly to the dissolution and destruction of the British
Empire.
5. As they, on the one hand, firmly believe that the
inhabitants of the Massachusetts Colony in general, and
those of the town of Boston in particular, are, to all intents
and purposes, as loyal subjects as any in all his Majesty's
widely extended Dominions ; and on the other, that (al-
though the present coercive and oppressive measures
against them may have taken their rise in some part from
the grossest and most cruel misrepresentation both of their
disposition and conduct,) the blockade of that town is prin-
cipally designed to lead the way in an attempt to execute
a dreadful deep laid plan for enslaving all America. They
are, therefore, clearly of opinion, that the Bostonians are
now eminently suffering in the common cause of Ame-
rican freedom, and that their fate may probably prove de-
cisive to this very extensive Continent, and even to the
whole British Nation ; and they do verily expect that
unless some generous spirited measures for the publick
safety be speedily entered into, and steadily prosecuted,
every other Colony will soon, in turn, feel the pernicious
effects of the same detestable restrictions. Whence they
earnestly entreat every rank, denomination, society, and
profession of their brethren, that, laying aside all bigotry,
and every party disposition, they do now universally con-
cur in one generous and vigorous effort for the encourage-
ment and support of their suffering friends, and in a reso-
lute assertion of their birth-right, liberties, and privileges.
In consequence of which they may reasonably expect a
speedy repeal of all tlie arbitrary edicts respecting tiie
Massachusetts Government, and at the same time an effec-
tual preclusion of any future attempts of the kind from the
enemies of our happy Constitution, either upon them or
any of their American brethren.
6. in case it shall hereafter appear to be consistent with
the result of the deliberations of the general Congress,
that an interruption, or entire cessation, of conmiercial
intercourse with Great Britain, and even (painful as it
may be) with the Hest Indies, until said oppressive Acts
be repealed, and the liberties of America fully restored,
stated, and asserted, will on this deplorable emergency be
really necessary and conducive to the publick good ; they
promise a ready acquiescence in the measure, and will
recommend the same as far as their influence shall extend.
7. As a general Congress of Deputies from the several
American Colonies is proposed to be held at Philadelphia,
some time in September next, they declare their entire
approbation of the design, and think it the only rational
method of evading those aggravated evils which threaten
to involve the whole Continent in one general calamitous
catastrophe. They are therefore met this day, vested with
due authority, from their respective constituents, to elect a
Committee to represent this County of Monmouth in any fu-
ture necessary transactions respecting thecause of liberty, and
especially to join the Provincial Conventions oon to be held
at New-Brunsuick , for the purpose of nominating and con-
stituting a number of Delegates, who, in behalf of this Col-
ony, may steadily attend said general Congress, and faith-
fully serve the labouring cause of freedom ; and they have
consequently chosen and deputed the following gentlemen
to that important trust, viz : Edward Taylor, John Ander-
son, John Taylor, James Grover, and John Lawrence,
Esquires, Doctor JSathaniel Scudder, and Messrs. John
Burrowes, John Covenhoven, Joseph Holmes, Josiah
Holmes, and Edward Milliams; Edward Taylor, F,sq.,
being constituted Chairman, and any five of them a sufii-
cient number to transact business. And they do beseech and
entreat, instmct and enjoin them, to give their voice at said.
Provincial Convention, for no persons but such as they
in good conscience and from the best information shall
verily believe to be amply qualified for so interesting a
department ; particulariy that they be men highly approved
for integrity, honesty, and uprightness, faithfully attached
to his Majesty's person and lawful Government, well skilled
in the principles of our excellent Constitution, and steady
assertors of all our civil and religious liberties.
8. As, under die present operation of the Boston Port
Bill, thousands of our respected brethren in that town must
necessarily be reduced to great distress, they feel themselves
affected with the sincerest sympathy and most cordial com-
misseration ; and as they expect, under God, that the final
deliverance of America will be owing, in a great degree, to
a continuance of their virtuous struggle, they esteem them-
selves bound in duty and interest, to afford them every
assistance and alleviation in their power; and they do now,
in behalf of their constituents, declare their readiness to
contribute to the relief of the suffering poor in that town ;
therefore, they request the several Committees of the
counties, when met, to take into their serious consideration
the necessity and expediency of forwarding, under a sanc-
tion from them, subscriptions through every part of this
Colony, for that truly humane and laudable purpose ; and
that a proper plan be concerted for laying out the product
of such subscriptions to the best advantage, and afterwards
transmitting it to Boston in the safest and least expensive
way.
9. As we are now, by our Committees in this, in con-
junction with those of the other Colonies, about to delegate
to a number of our countrymen, a power equal to any
wherewith human nature alone was ever invested ; and as
we firmly resolve to acquiese in the issue of their delibera-
tions, we do therefore earnestly entreat them, seriously and
conscientiously to weigh the inexpressible importance of
their arduous department, and fervently to solicit that di-
rection and assistance in the discharge of their trust, which
all the powers of humanity cannot afford them ; and we
do humbly and devoutly beseech that God, in whose hand
are the hearts of all flesh, and who ruleth them at His
pleasure, graciously to infuse into the whole Congress a
spirit of true wisdom, prudence, and just moderation ; and
to direct them to such unanimous and happy conclusions,
as shall terminate in His own honour and glory ; the estab-
lishment of the Protestant succession of the illustrious
House of Hanover; the mutual weal and advantage of
Great Britain and all her Dominions, and a just and perm-
anent confirmation of the civil and religious liberties of
America. And now, lastly, under the consideration of a
bare possibility, that the enemies of our Constitution may
yet succeed in a despotick triumph over us in this age, we
do earnestly, (should that prove the case) call upon all fu-
ture generations to renew the glorious struggle for liberty,
as oft as Heaven shall afford them any probable means of
success.
May this notification, by some faithful record, be handed
down to the yet unborn descentlanis of Americans, that
nothinir but the most fatal necessity could have wrested the
present inestimable enjoyments from tlieir ancestors. Let
613
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, JULY, 1774.
614
them universally inculcate upon their beloved offspring an
investigation of those truths, respecting botli civil and re-
ligious liberty, which have been so clearly and fully stated
in this generation. May they be carefully taught in all
their schools ; and may they never rest, until, through a
Divine blessing upon their efforts, true freedom and liberty
shall reign triumphant over the whole Globe.
Signed by order of the Committees,
Edward Taylor, County Chairman.
ADDRESS OF THE JUSTICES OF THE COUNTY OF SUFFOLK
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOUR GAGE, PRESENTED
JULY 19, 1774.
May it please your Excellency :
The present term affords the earliest opportunity to the
Justices of his Majesty's Inferiour Court of Common Pleas
of the County of Suffolk, to address your Excellency on
your safe arrival and accession to the chief seat of Govern-
ment '\v. this Province.
Your Excellency's appointment at this time of difficulty
and distress, is a renewed instance of the King's great at-
tention and regard to the interest of this country and Great
Britain, when the exertion of great abilities are so neces-
sary to restore that peace and harmony which every good
man must most sincerely desire ; and we doubt not that the
exercise of the important powers you are vested with, will
discover those principles of benevolence which have ever
distinguished your Excellency in other Departments.
We assure you, sir, in our station, we shall use our best
endeavours to promote justice and a due obedience to the
laws, and to our utmost, advance the prosperity and happi-
ness of your administration. ' '
THE GOVERNOUr's ANSWER.
Gentlemen : It is with much thankfulness I receive
your Address. Your obliging congratulations on my safe
arrival, and the idea you are pleased to entertain of my
abilities, coming from gentlemen so distinguished as the
Justices of his Majesty's Inferiour Court of Common Pleas,
cannot fail of being extremely grateful to me.
The hopes you form, through me, of peace and harmo-
ny being restored betwixt Great Britain and this Province,
as it is my warmest wish, so it calls forth the exertion of
all my abilities to that effect ; and the assistance you are
pleased to promise me of using your best endeavours to
promote justice and a due obedience to the laws, must con-
tribute greatly to this desirable end.
Boston, July 19, 1774.
ADDRESS OF THE FREEHOLDERS AND TRADESMEN OF
EASTON, in THE COUNTY OF BRISTOL, TU GOVERNOUR
GAGE, PRESENTED JULY 19, 1774.
To his Excellency Thomas Gage, Esq., Captain-General
and Govemour-in-chief in and over the Province of
the Massachusetts Bay, in New England.
May it please your Excellency :
We do wait on your Excellency to pay our hearty con-
gratulations on your arrival to this Province; to acknow-
ledge our gratitude to our Sovereign, for his gracious ap-
pointment of you to the head of this Province at this very
important juncture, and to give you firm assurance that we
will do every thing in our power, in our respective stations,
to promote peace and good order in the Province.
VVe, in full confidence from the amiable character your
Excellency has obtained in your other important Depart-
ments in America, rely yon will ever delight in the pro-
moting the good of this Government.
\Ve find a peculiar difficulty in expressing the distresses
of our minds relating to the uniiappy circumstances of this
Province, and can with sincerity say, that we have no
doubt, from your well known character, that you will do all
that is in yotir power to extricate us out of our distresses, in
any way consistent with the true interest of Great Britain
and her Colonies, which we hold inse])arable ; and we do
bear our testimony against all riots, routs, combinations,
and unwarrantable resolves, which we apprehend have
been the unhappy occasion of many of our troubles ; and
as there is now circulating throughout this Province certain
inflammatory pieces, signed by order of the Committee of
Correspondence of the town of Boston, directed to the
several towns in this Province, stimulating the people to
break off all connections with Great Britain, which have
still a tendency to alienate the affections of the people of
this Province from the mother country, and create discord
and confusion, we do assure your Excellency, that we will
do every thing in our power to discountenance such pro-
ceedings, and are ready to aid the civil officers in the ex-
ecution of the good and wholesome laws, and render your
Excellency's administration successful and prosperous.
Signed by forty-six Inhabitants.
the governour's answer.
Gentlemen : I return you thanks for this obliging Ad-
dress ; and the assurance you give me of doing all in your
power, in your respective stations, to promote peace and
good order in the Province. It is the duty of my station
to use every endeavour to restore harmony between Great
Britain and her Colonies ; and it is my most ardent wish,
as an Englishman, that the union betwixt them was so
strongly cemented as never to be dissolved.
But while unwearied pains are taken to inflame the
minds of the people against the mother country, paying no
attention to truth, law, or justice, visibly with intent to
widen the breach, which might be repaired by temper, de-
cency, and moderation, so salutary a work appears unfor-
tunately at too great a distance.
Boston, July 19, 1774.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN BRISTOL,
TO HIS FRIEND IN PHILADELPHIA, DATED JULY 20,
1774.
Surrounded as I am by a thousand different businesses,
still I cannot resist the strong inclination I feel to tell you
that I am alive and well once more in Old England. For-
merly I loved the country and people, but now both ap-
pear odious to me. Their conduct towards the Americans
is horrid, cruel, and detestable. They call )'e all thieves,
pirates, and rebels ; for which, in return, I make no scruple
to call them knaves, scoundrels, and spiritless slaves.
Every day I am in the most furious quarrels in vindication
of America, that ever you saw. I wish to God that you
had a few more friends in this city. I shall, through my
zealous attachment, lose or endanger my election ; but no
matter. They already cry — no American ; no Bill-of-
Rights-man. My acquaintance tell me I am too warm;
but do you tell me, my friend, who that is made up of
American flesh and blood, can sit calm and composed to
hear his native country, with his dearest connections, ca-
lumniated, belied, and reprobated ! No ! By Heaven and
Earth I swear I never will silently put up with such ill
usage, while I have breath to speak, or hands to fight.
I am just returned from London. It is with a degree of
pleasure, I can assure you, many of the great men are
ashamed of what they have done, seriously dreading the
associations and resentment of the Virginians in particu-
lar. The revenue arising from the duties on tobacco is
mortgaged ; and a stop to their exportations would make a
glorious confusion among their High Mightinesses.
When I left America I recommended moderation, but
with concern I find that conduct will not do. Resentment
must show itself; for our Ministers wish themselves well
out of it. Firmness on the part of the Americans will en-
sure them the victory. Now is the crisis — the important
crisis of your whole lives ; you can lose nothing by a pa-
triotick stand ; you may gain every thing.
The people of this country are sunk in luxury, and wish
only to get their hands into the purses of Americans to
support them in it. They are totally indifferent about lib-
erty, and lost to every sense of honour or virtue. Open
corruption is connived at and approved; oppression, black
as hell, darkens the annals of the present times ; and Bri-
tons seem lia|)py in their supine folly and base vassalage.
If once the Americans submit, I foresee a train of evils
ready to light upon them. Taxes, impositions, and op-
pressions, witiiout moderation or end. Now is the appoint-
ed time to struggle like men for your dear inheritance ; and
there can be no doubt, but Providence and a new Padia-
ment will do you ample justice. 1 will weary Heaven with
ei5
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
616
my prayers for your success. My sincere good wishes at-
tend you and all the rest of my worthy countrymen at
Philadelphia.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM OOVERNOUR GAGE TO THE
EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Boston, July 20, 1774.
Affairs continue here much in the same situation as when
I wrote to your Lordship on the 6th instant, though I don't
find the merchants have repeated their attempt to comply
with the Port Bill, with the spirit I hoped for. Ma-
terials wanted to carry on trades, 1 am told, begin to fail ;
and the carrying molasses and rum twenty-eight miles by
land, is found not to answer as well as it was expected it
would ; but the people are kept uj) by the assurances of
assistance from the other Colonies, where their leaders have
contrived to raise a flame, which has not been a little in-
creased by letters, speeches, and paragraphs^ sent from
England.
South Carolina has sent some rice for tiie support of the
people here. 1 don't mean the Province, but some disaf-
fected persons in Charhstoivn ; and a {ew sheep, it is said,
has been sent from some other place ; but resources of this
kind are too precarious to be depended upon, and must fail
them. The great object here has been to persuade the
other Colonies to make the cause of Boston the common
cause of America; and when the Deputies for holding the
general Congress assemble, the Boston faction, it is prob-
able, will pay the rest the compliment of taking their ad-
vice ; and I understand it to be the opinion of most of the
other Colonies, that Boston should begin by indemnifying
the India Company. The virulent party at Neio-York is
routed ; and we are told tiiat Philadelphia is moderate.
I have not yet received the new Act for the better gov-
ernment of this Province, though it is printed here ; and
many tell me I must expect all the opposition to the exe-
cution of it that can be made. I hope the new Counsel-
lors and the Magistrates will be firm.
The fast day appointed by the faction, was kept in this
town on the 14th instant, as generally and punctually as if
it had been appointed by authority. I might say the same
of most other places, though it was not universal ; for in a
few places no regard was paid to it ; but the League and
Covenant has not succeeded as the faction expected.
They rely here to obtain all their ends, on the same mea-
sures as they before adopted, viz: an union of the Colo-
nies; a non-importation, if their demands are not satisfied;
the assistance of their friends in England, and a general
clamour of the merchants and manufacturers.
HANOVER COUNTY (vIRGINIa) ADDRESS.
. At a Meeting of the Freeholders of Hanover County,
at the Court House, on Wednesday, the 20th oiJuly, 1774,
the following Address was agreed to :
To John Syme and Patrick Henry, Jun., Esqrs. :
Gentlemen : You have our thanks for your patriotick,
faithful, and spirited conduct in the part you acted in the
late Assembly, as our Burgesses ; and as we are greatly
alarmed at the proceedings of the British Parliament, re-
specting the town of Boston and the Province of Massa-
chusetts Bay ; and as we understand a meeting of Dele-
gates from all the counties in this Colony, is appointed to
he held in Williamslmrg, on the first day of next month,
to deliberate on our publick affairs, we do hereby appoint
you, gentlemen, our Delegates ; and we do request you
then and there to meet, consult, and advise, touching such
matters as are most likely to effect our deliverance from the
evils which our countr)" is threatened.
The importance of those things which will ofTer them-
selves for your deliberation is exceeding great ; and when
it is considered that the effect of the measures you may
adopt will reach our latest posterity, you will excuse us for
giving you our sentiments, and pointing out some particu-
lars proper for that plan of conduct we wish you to observe.
We are freemen ; we have a right to be so, and to enjoy
all the privileges and immunities of our fellow-subjects in
England ; and while we retain a just sense of that freedom,
and those rights and privileges necessary for its safety and
security, we shall never give up the right of taxation. Let it
suffice to say, once for all, we will never be taxed but by our
own Representatives. This is the great badge of freedom,
and British America hath been hitherto distinguished by
it ; and when we see the British Parliament trampling
upon that right, and acting with determined resolution to
destroy it, we would wish to see the united wisdom and
fortitude of America collected for its defence.
The sphere of life in which we move has not afforded
us light sufficient to determine with certainty concerning
those things from which the troubles at Boston originated.
Whether the people there were warranted by justice, wheti
they destroyed the tea, we know not ; but this we know,
that the Parliament, by their proceedings, have made us
and all North America, parties in the present dispute, and
deeply interested in the event of it ; insomuch, that if our
sister Colony of Massachusetts Bay is enslaved, we cannot
long remain free.
Our minds are filled with anxiety, when we view the
friendly regards of our parent state turned into enmity ;
and those powers of Government formerly exerted for our
aid and protection, formed into dangerous efforts for our
destruction. We read our intended doom in the Boston
Port Bill ; in that for altering the mode of trial in criminal
cases ; and finally, in the Bill for altering the form of Gov-
ernment in the Massachusetts Bay. These several Acts
are replete with injustice and oppression, and strongly ex-
pressive of the future policy of Great Britain towards all
her Colonies. If a full uncontrolled operation is given to
this detestable system, in its earliest stages, it will probably
be fixed upon us forever.
Let it, therefore, be your great object to obtain a speedy
repeal of those Acts ; and for this purpose we recommend
the adoption of such measures as may produce the hearty
union of all our countrymen and sister Colonies. United
we stand ; divided we fall. To attain this wished for
union, we declare our readiness to sacrifice any lesser in-
terest arising from soil, climate, situation, or productions,
peculiar to us.
We judge it conducive to the interests of America, that
a general Congress of Deputies from all the Colonies be
held, in order to form a plan for guarding the claims of the
Colonists, and their constitutional rights, from future en-
croachment, and for the speedy relief of our suffering
brethren at Boston. For the present, we think it proper
to form a general Association against the purchase of all
articles of goods imported from Great Britain, except ne-
groes, clothes, salt, saltpetre, powder, lead, utensils and
implements for handicraft-men and manufacturers, which
cannot be had in America; books, papers, and the like
necessaries ; and not to purchase any goods or merchandise
that shall be imported from Great Britain, after a certain
day that may be agreed on for that purpose by the said
general meeting of Deputies at Williamsburg, except the
articles aforesaid, or as shall be allowed to be imported by
the said meeting ; and that we will encourage the manufac-
tures of America by every means in our power. A regard
to justice hinders us at this time from withholding our ex-
ports. Nothing but the direct necessity shall induce us to
adopt that proceeding, which we shall strive to avoid as
long as possible.
The African trade for slaves, we consider as most
dangerous to virtue and the welfare of this country ; we
therefore most earnestly wish to see it totally discouraged.
A steady loyalty to the Kings of England has ever dis-
tinguished our country ; the present slate of things here,
as well as the many instances of it to be found in our
history, leave no room to doubt it. God grant we may
never see the time when that loyalty shall be found incom-
patible with the rights of freemen. Our most ardent desire
is, that we, and our latest posterity, may continue to live
under the genuine, unaltered Constitution of England, and
be subjects, in the true spirit of that Constitution, to his
Majesty, and his illustrious House ; and may the wretches
who afiirm that we desire the contrary feel the punishment
due to falsehood and villainy.
While prudence and moderation shall guide your
Councils, we trust, gentlemen, that firmness, resolution, and
zeal, will animate you in the glorious struggle ; the arm of
power, which is now stretched forth against us, is indeed
formidable ; but we do not despair. Our cause is good ;
ef?
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
£18
and if it is served with constancy and fidelity, it cannot fail
of success. We promise you our best support, and we
will heartily join in such measures as a majority of our
countrymen shall adopt for securinir the publick liberty.
Resolved, That the above Address be transmitted to
the Printers, to be published in the Gazettes.
William Pollard, Clerk.
STAFFORD COUNXy (vIRCINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the County of Stafford, the following Address was
agreed to be presented :
To John Alexander and Charles Carter, Esqrs. :
Gentlemen : You are chosen to convey the sentiments
of the freeholders and iniiabitants of this County to a
meeting of the agents from every county in the Colony, to
be held in Williamsburg on the first day of August.
Permit us on the occasion to recommend to you a conduct
decent, thougii spirited ; animated, yet prudent.
You will declare us unanimously determined to preserve
inviolate every privilege and immunity transmitted by our
ancestors ; that we reject, with a disdain becoming the de-
scendants of Englishmen, every mode of taxation, but by
our Representatives ; that we are united in our prayers and
wishes for a speedy restoration of that harmony which for-
merly subsisted between Great Britain and her Colonies ;
but, alas ! we can but deem the prospect distant while Par-
liament continues to enslave us ; while the port of Boston,
in our sister Colony the Massachusetts Bay, is now actually
blocked up with an armed force, for having, with a becom-
ing fortitude and resolution withstood the fixure of a most
unconstitutional tax. Can we behold this attempt upon
Boston but as a prelude to what every other Colony, as
well as ourselves, are to expect ? Do not the inhabitants
of that city, the first sufferers in the cause of American
liberty, demand every assistance from our united counsels
and resolutions? We approve, we willingly accede to
the Association of our late Assembly after their dissolution.
It must affect the East India Company, whose concur-
rence with Administration in their attempts on our liberties,
ought for ever to render them odious and detestable to
every American. But while we testify our approbation of
fhose measures, we declare, at the same time, that we con-
ceive them in our opinion to be inadequate to our purpose,
and totally insufficient to procure a removal of our com-
plaints. They are not calculated to alarm the merchant
trading to America, nor will they serve to arouse the
manufacturers, from whose interest, joined to that of those
worthy personages who are friends to our liberties, from
principle, we are solely to expect redress. Let us make
it their interest, on the present occasion, to serve us.
This., we conceive, may be easily effected by a general
stoppage of all exports and imports to and from Great
Britain and the West India Islands, an occlusion of the
Courts of Justice, but in criminal cases, breaches of the
peace, and matters of record. These matters we request
you to recommend to the meeting, as well by your votes,
as every other method in your power.
John Washington, Samuel Selden,
TowNSHEND Dade,
Richard Fowke,
W. G. Stewart,
William Mountjoy,
Traverse Daniel,
John James,
Resolved, That an exemption from Parliamentary taxa-
tion is the clear and undoubted right of the American
Colonies ; that this right hath been uniformly claimed and
allowed by the King and Parliament of Great Britain,
from the first settlement of America, and that an attempt
to deprive them of this right is both contrary to the laws
and Constitution of England, and would reduce the Ameri-
cans to a slavery the most deplorable and ignominious.
Resolved, That to surrender the inestimable and un-
questioned right which the people of America have to be
taxed by their Representatives only, would be a total
departure from the dignity of human nature, and would
argue such a baseness of soul, as must render them un-
worthy of the name of British subjects.
Yelverton Peyton,
William Garrard,
William Brent,
Robert Stith,
Thomas Mountjoy.
Resolved, That though the members of this meeting do
most ardently wish to see restored the good old system of
tenderness and protection on the part of the mother
country, and love and respect on the part of the Colonies,
they are, nevertheless, firmly and seriously resolved to do
whatever shall be necessary for the support of the just and
equitable claim of a distinct legislation in the Colonies.
Resolved, That every encroachment made by British.
Pailiament on the rights of any one of his Majesty's Colo-
nies or Plantations in America, ought to be looked upon as
an infringement upon the just rights and inherent privileges
of the whole.
Resolved, That the only sure and effectual measure to
preserve America, and disarm the hand of oppression, will
be to put an entire and immediate stop to all intercourse of
trade with Great Britain and the West Indies, and also
to the exportation of wheat, flour, provisions, and lumber,
to any part of Europe.
Resolved, That the people of this Colony ought not to
have any communication in the way of trade, or otherwise,
with any Colony or Island in North America, who refuse
to unite with them in stopping all trade with Great Britain
and the West Indies, as mentioned above.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
the Courts of Justice in this Colony ought to decline
trying any civil causes until the grievances of America
are redressed.
Resolved, That it is the unanimous opinion of this
meeting, and is now earnestly recommended to the late
Representatives, that they will, when the sense of the
counties can be collected, appoint a meeting at the Falls of
James River, or some other convenient place, to fix upon
a plan for carrying into execution the measures proposed
by the people ; and it is hoped that Deputies from the mer-
chants will attend.
Resolved, That a Committee be appointed of the
following persons:
John Alexander,
Charles Carter,
Jolm Washington,
Townelwnd Dade,
William Hooe,
Robert Washington,
Henry Fitzhugh,
Francis Thornton,
Gerrard Hooe,
Nath. Washington,
Robert Stith,
Henry Fitzhugh, Jun.,
Lawrence Washington
L. Washington, Jun.,
William Fitzhugh,
John Stuart,
Alvin Moxly,
Andrew Grant,
Rev. William Stuart,
Wm. Gibbon Stuart,
John Wadrop,
Baldwin Dade,
Thomas Bunbury,
Thos. Bunbury, Jun.,
Housin Hooe,
Chandler Fowke,
Richard Fowke,
Thomas Massey,
Robert Yates,
Charles Massey,
Peter Hansborough,
Seymour Hooo,
Nehemiah Mason,
Sigismund Massey,
Samuel Selden,
Gowry Waugh,
John Fitzhugh,
Thomas Fitzhugh,
Henry Fitzhugh, Jun.,
William Garrard,
William Mountjoy,
Peter Daniel,
Traverse Daniel,
Thomas Mountjoy,
Wm. Mountjoy, Jan.,
John Mountjoy,
AUin Waller,
John Waller,
Yelverton Peyton,
John Browne,
Rev. Clement Brooke,
Elijah Thrailkill,
George Brent,
William Brent,
Robert Brent,
John Moncure,
John Bronaugh,
Baily Washington,
John James,
William Adic,
Richard Hewette,
Elias Hoar,
John Ralls,
Thomas Ludwell Lee,
Robert Knox,
John Grigg,
John Withers,
James Withers,
John Murray.
Resolved, That ten of the Committee, with the Mod-
erator, be sufficient for transacting business.
Resolved, That it is the duty of this Colony to con-
tribute as far as their power extends to the rehef of the
inhabitants of Boston, who are now, by the hard hand of
oppression, marked out as the victims of Ministerial wrath,
for their spirited exertions in the great cause of American
freedom, and that subscriptions be immediately set on foot
for their relief, under the conduct of the Committee.
Resolved, That John Alexander and Charles Carter,
gentlemen, be chosen to attend the General Meeting in
M^'illiamshurg, on the first day of August, to transact
business for the inhabitants of Stafford County.
William Garrard, Clerk.
WILMINGTON (nOKTH CAROLINa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a General Meeting of the Inhabitants of the District
of Wilmington, in the Province of North Carolina, held
at the town of Wilmington, July 21, 1774 :
William Hooper, Esq., Chairman.
Resolved, That Colonel James Moore, John Ancrum,
Frederick Jones, Samuel Ashe, Robert Howe, Robert
Hogg, Francis Clayton, znd Archibald Machine, Esqrs.,
be a Committee to prepare a Circular Letter to the several
619
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Stc, JULY, 1774.
620
counties of this Province, expressive of the sense of the
inhahitiints of this District, with respect to the several Acts
of Parliament lately made for the oppression of our sister
Colony of tlie Massachusitts Bay, for having exerted itself
in defence of the constitutional rights of America.
Resolved, That it will be higlily ex|)edient that the
several counties of tliis Province should send Deputies to
attend a general meeting at Johnston Court House, on the
20th day of August next, tlien and there to debate upon
the present alarming state of British America, and in con-
cert with the otlier Colonies, to adopt and prosecute such
measures as will most eflectually tend to avert tlie miseries
that threaten us.
Resolved, That we are of opinion, in order to effect an
uniform plan for the conduct of all North America, that it
will be necessary that a gvineral Congress be held, and that
Deputies should there be present from the several Colonies,
fully informed of the sent'unents of those in whose behalf
they appear, that such regulations may then be made as
will tend most effectually to produce an alteration in the
British policy, and to bring about a change honourable and
beneficial to all America.
Resolved, That we have the most grateful sense of the
spirited conduct of Maryland, Virginia, and all the other
Northern Provinces, and also the Province of South Car-
olina, upon this interesting occasion, and will, with our
purses and persons, concur with them in all legal measures
that may be conceived by the Colonies in general as most
expedient in order to bring about the end which we earn-
estly wish for.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
Philadelj)hia will be the most proper place for holding the
American Congress, and the 20th day of September the
m*jst suitable time ; but in this we submit our own to the
general convenience of the other Colonies.
Resolved, That we consider the cause of the town of
Boston as the common cause of British America, and the
inhabitants thereof as suffering in the defence of the rights of
tlie Colonies in general ; and that therefore we have, in pro-
portion to our abilities, sent a supply of provisions for the
indigent inhabitants of that place, thereby to express our
sympathy in their sufferings, and as an earnest of our sincere
intentions to contribute, by every means in our power, to
alienate their distress, and to induce them to maintain,
with prudence and firmness, the glorious cause in which
they are at present embarked.*
CIRCULAR LETTER FROM THE WILMINGTON COMMITTEE
TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF THE SEVERAL COUNTIES OF
THE PROVINCE OF NORTH CAROLINA.
Gentlemen : At this conjuncture of British politicks,
when the liberty and property of iVortA ^menVfln subjects
are at stake, when the schemes of a designing Minister are
so far matured to action, that the port of Boston is shut
up, that the charter of Massachusetts Bay is cruelly in-
fringed, and its Government converted into one nearly
military, to be silent would be insidious.
To avoid such an imputation to this part of the Province,
we, the subscribers, appointed a Committee of Correspond-
ence for the town and District of Wilmington, at a most
respectable meeting of the freeholders of this district, by
their express command, take this earliest opportunity of
acquainting you with their resolutions, a copy of which we
now enclose you, and request that you would send the
Members, already by you elected, to represent you in
General Assembly, or such other persons whom you shall
approve of, to appear as your Deputies at the Court House
of Johnston County, on the 20th day of August next,
possessed of the sentiments of those in whose behalf they
attend, and with full power to express it as obligatory on
tlie future conduct of the inhabitants of tliis Province ; and
then and there to consult and determine what may be
necessary to the general welfare of America, and of this
Province. We at the same time take the liberty to inform
you that there has been set on foot a subscription for the
• Wilmington, July 27 — In a former pap.ir we observed a subscrip.
tion had bjcn oponod licrj in bjlialf of such people in Boston as ar3
deprived, by tlie stoppaga wantonly put to the trade of tlint place, of
tb*> usual moans of subsisting thciiisolvcs and families; we now ob.
••rve, with particular pleasure, that Bi;veral widow ladies of this town
hare contributed very liberally to that benuvolcnt design.
relief of the poor artizans and labourers of the town of
Boston, precluded by one of forementioned measures of
the British Minister from following their respective occu-
pations, and we have reason to congratulate ourselves upon
the generous contribution of the inhabitants, which has put
it in our power to load a vessel with provisions, which will
sail this week for the port of Salem.
We rely upon your sending an immediate answer to
these our proposals, and wishing you success in all your
efforts for the support of the constitutional liberties of
America, permit us to subscribe ourselves, Sic.
THE BRITISH AMERICAN, NO. VIII.
Williamsburg, Va., July 21, 1774.
Friends, Fellow-citizens, and Countrymen :
You are now to consider the Second Plan proposed :
That you shall immediately stop all exports and imports
to and from Great Britain and the IVest India Islands,
till the Tea and Boston Acts are repealed. This plan
is recommended to you by men who profess themselves
resolutely determined to oppose the arbitrary proceedings
of the British Parliament, but at the same time wish you
to adopt moderate measures ; and I am convinced they
mean well, and are so heartily in earnest in their profes-
sions and their wishes, that if they can be convinced that
the plan they propose will be the least effectual to avoid
the jurisdiction claimed by the British Parliament, and the
most violent and dangerous measure which can be adopted,
I have no doubt but they will readily give it up. It will
not only be justifiable but highly commendable in you to
lessen your imports from Great Britain, by confining
yourselves to such articles as are absolutely necessary, and
which you cannot manufacture yourselves ; because unless
you use the utmost frugality, the great balance which you
already owe to the British merchants will be constantly
increasing till you become bankrupts ; but to deny your-
selves the common necessaries or even the conveniences,
of life, whilst you are able to pay for them, in order to
break off all connections with, and to distress. Great Bri-
tain, is surely no moderate measure. That you have been
cruelly treated is certain ; but in resenting that treatment
you ought to distinguish between your friends and your
enemies, and not, drawcansir like, destroy all you meet.
The manufacturers of Britain never injured you, and pro-
bably dislike the measures of Administration as much as
you do. It will be cruel in you to endeavour to star\e
them and their families for an insult to which they were in
no way accessary. But it is said that if this plan is adopt-
ed, the want of bread will lay them under tiie necessity of
taking up arms, and of forcing a repeal of the Acts you
complain of. Not to mention that a measure whose most
distant prospect of success arises from forcing these inno-
cent people into actual rebellion, and introducing all the
horrours of a civil war in Britain, can never be deemed a
moderate one, it would be highly dislionourable in you,
instead of drawing your own swords, and facing your
oppressors, like a brave people struggling for liberty,
meanly (to take the advantage of their necessities) to
force a number of starving wretches to expose themselves
for your sakes to dangers you are afraid to encounter your-
selves ; and your conduct would certainly be very incon-
sistent in daring to refuse submission to British nobles,
whilst, conscious of your own degeneracy and cowardice,
you meanly trusted tlie preservation of your liberty to the
bravery of British Mechanicks, whose secret wishes to
restrain your manufacture?, whose honest contempt of
your shameful conduct, and whose pressing necessities for
bread, would iiiore probably induce them to enlist as sol-
diei-s to enslave than protect you. IJut consider a little
further how fur this scheme is practicable ; imagine your-
selves in the situation you shortly will be after you have
adopted it. The want of salt will be a small inconven-
ience, but hickory ashes, though a poor substitute, may
supply the place of it as well to you as it formerly did
to the native Indians, and the live stock witii which you
will abound, when you no longer export provisions, will in
a great mcaHue render it unnecessary, by enabling you to
kill fresh meat every day. Nails, without slitting mills,
will be made with great difficulty, but logged cabins may
be built without them ; clothes for yourselves and negroes
621
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
622
are not worth thinking of, because you may confine your-
selves and them to your houses in cold weather, and as you
are to export nothing, the summer season will afford you
time amply sufficient to raise provisions for your own use,
and to lay in fuel for the winter. It is true your stocks
may suffer a little in the winter, but this inconvenience may
be remedied, in a great measure, by providing such large
quantities of provender for them in the summer as to suffiir
it to be exposed to them to go to, whenever they please, in
weather too cold for naked men to distribute it to them.
Elegancies, and even luxuries, which many of you, by
having been long accustomed to, now consider as the con-
veniences, if not the necessaries of life, may be resigned as
bnubles, beneath the consideration of men who either
desire or deserve to be free. The ladies, indeed, will be
subjected to many disagreeable hardships, but their gener-
ous souls will submit to every inconvenience rather than
see their posterity enslaved ; and the great leisure you will
have from contracting the cultivation of your lands will
enable you to extend your manufactures till you can sup-
ply yourselves with every convenience, with every ele-
gance, that rational men can desire. But till you can
greatly improve your present manufactures, you will allow,
my countrymen, that your situations will be rather uncom-
fortable. Are you certain that all America will cheerfully
submit to this situation ? Did those who signed the Asso-
ciation in the days of the Stamp Act, religiously adhere to
it ? That there are some f.w refined souls in every Colony,
perhaps in every county of each Colony, that will sacrifice
their own private interest, subject themselves to every
inconvenience, and deny themselves almost the common
necessaries of life, to promote the publick good and to
preserve the liberties of their country, I have no doubt;
because history furnishes instances that such disinterested,
such heroick characters, have existed, and I believe the
inhabitants of America are possessed of as much virtue as
those of other Nations ; but to imagine that all, or even a
majority, of the inhabitants of a country, are possessed of
such exalted ideas of patriotism, is a romantick supposition,
which never has, nor I fear, never will be warranted by
tlie history of any Nation whatever. Nor can we flatter
ourselves that this angelick exertion of virtue will be gene-
ral in America when we consider that many of her pres-
ent inhabitants are, like birds of passage, settled only for
a time, for the purposes of raising fortunes by trade,
whose ultimate view is to return, with the fortunes they
acquire, to the connections they have left behind them in
Britain, and that there are others whose daily bread depends
upon the continuance of the laws we complain of. These
two sets of men, so far from observing such an Association,
will use every artifice to evade it themselves, and try every
stratagem to tempt the vain, to deceive the unwary, and to
prevail upon the lukewarm, to desert the common cause ;
and a general defection from the plan, when once adopted,
can answer no other end than that of rendering you con-
temptible.
But even supposing that all America should unite, as
one man, in attempting this measure, the British aristoc-
racy will never suffer you to carry it into execution ; for,
let it be remembered, that one of the rights they claim is
that of restraining your manufactures ; and when you
openly avow a design of purchasing no more of their
manufactures they will immediately enforce that right of
restraining you from making any of your own. But, sure-
ly, say the proposers of this plan, they cannot force us to
purchase from them whether we will or not. Very true ;
but if you refuse to do so they will endeavour to prevent
you from purchasing those articles in any other market,
and from making them yourselves. But, say the pro-
posed of this plan, they have no right to do this. Very
true : nor have they any right to make any kind of laws
to govern you. But they will endeavour to shew you that
they have the power of doing it ; and though right and
power are two distinct things, you may as well acknow-
ledge the right, as to submit to the power, of legislation ;
and if you submit to the laws already made, you will soon
have others, equally arbitrary, imposed upon you for re-
straining your manufactures. For my own part, 1 shall
not be at all surprised if the very next session should
furnish us with Acts of Parliament enacting, " that your
"smiths' shops shall be destroyed as nuisances; tanning
" your own hides be declared a misdemeanor ; combing
" your own wool be punished with fine and imprisonment ;
" spinning your own flax subject you to the pillory ; mak-
" ing your own shoes be made felony, without benefit of
'• clergy ; fabricating your own hats incur a premunire ;
" weaving any kind of cloth be deemed an overt act of
" high treason ; fashioning a canoe be chastised as an insult
" upon the British flag ; building a boat be constituted an
" unpardonable act of rebellion ; launching a ship be consi-
" dered as an actual declaration of war ; trials by juries be
" exploded, as dangerous appeals to the people, who are
'•■ not to be trusted ; new Courts of Admiralty be erected
" in their room, whose judges shall hold their commissions
" during pleasure, and be stimulated to enforce those Acts,
" by sharing in the forfeitures and confiscations occasioned
" by their own judgments ; and to extinguish every spark of
" publick spirit, and to prevent a possibility of redress, your
" Assemblies will be dissolved, and the people no longer
" permitted to elect Representatives, to urge their grievan-
" ces, or to utter their complaints." Do not, my country-
men, be so blind to your own welfare, as to imagine 1 am
jesting upon this serious occasion, or that I am supj)osing
Acts of Parliament which can never exist. Reflect upon
the different Acts for preventing slitting mills ; for erecting
Courts of Admiralty for recovering the inland forfeitures
imposed by the Stamp Act ; for suspending the Legisla-
ture of New-York ; for shutting up the port of Boston;
for altering the Charter of New England, which was more
solemnly granted by Majesty than their own Magna Charta ;
for screening the murtherers of the Americans ; and the
joint address, from both Houses of Parliament to his Ma-
jesty, to transport the Americans themselves, to be impri-
soned and ruined, if not butchered in England; and
you will be convinced that the cases I have supposed are
by no means chimerical, and that there is no act of intem-
perance, injustice, or despotism, which the British aristoc-
racy will not attempt, to restrain America from manufac-
turing, the moment you declare your intention of doing so.
To enter, therefore, into Associations against importing
British manulactures, any farther than a rational attention
to your circumstances, is surely no moderate measure, but
must, at last, end in a humiliating submission, or oblige
you to have recourse to that force which the proposers of
this plan wish to avoid.
Let us now consider whether an Association against
exporting your commodities would not be attended with
still worse consequences. This plan, if it mean any thing,
is to distress Great Britain. But surely you cannot more
effectually do this, than by lessening your imports, and
increasing your exports, as much as possible ; for by sel-
ling your commodities to the British merchants, and by
taking none of theirs in exchange, you will increase your
own wealth by exhausting that of Britain. But it is
objected, we are at present largely indebted to the British
Merchants. The more incumbent it is upon you to export
all the commodities you can, to pay them as soon as possi-
ble ; for you ought to have more gratitude than to attempt
to ruin the families of those who have been kind enough
to furnish you not only with the elegancies, but the neces-
saries of life. Common honesty requires that you should
pay your debts, and if you should refuse to do so, not only
the persons injured, but all mankind, will judge unfavour-
ably of you, and declare, that instead of bravely contend-
ing for your liberties, you are knavishly endeavouring to
cheat your creditors. Such a national breach of faith will
unite all Europe against you, as a flagitious race of mortals,
who do not deserve to be free ; who ought to be consider-
ed as the pests of human society, and as such, forced into
submission, if not extirpated.
For God's sake, my countrymen, let your conduct be
such that you shall be thought worthy of that freedom you
contend for, and do not render yourselves the objects of
contempt and abhorrence; for if you should even establish
your liberty, in opposition to the united efforts of all
Europe to reduce you, it may never be in your power to
manifest your honest intentions of making retribution.
Many of you and your creditors may be dead before the
dispute is decided, and the very withholding the sums you
owe, for a short period, from men in trade, may irretriev^
ably reduce the survivors and their families to ruin, and
American become as proverbially infamous as punic faith.
623
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
624
But it is said, that by witlilioklins; your tobacco you will
immediately make the Minister sensible of his lolly, in the
instant effect it will have upon the revenue. But when
you consider that the tax ujjon tobacco is finally paid by
tlie British inhabitants who consume it, and consetjuenlly
is actually raised in England, and if the tax ceases upon
this luxury, the same sum may be raised by layinji it on
some other ; and that by doing so, the subjects of Britain
will pay HO more than they do at present ; or, in other
words, the same sum of money may be still raised by
altering only ithe mode of raising it ; the inconvenience
will not be so great as is at first sight imagined ; and even
supposing it otlierwise, by giving this temporary shock to
Adminiotration, may you not fix a lasting inconvenience
upon yourselves ? Accustomed to the use of that com-
modity, when they are no longer supplied by you, may not
tlie inhabitant of Britain look out for a supply of it from
some other quarter? And may you not lose that valuable
branch of trade altogether ? If there is no danger of this,
or if the loss of it should be thought not worth regretting,
at least confine your plan of non-importation to tobacco
only, or, what will be still wiser, determine to make no
more of it till the points you contend for are established.
But to injure yourselves by devoting your wheat and corn
to be destroyed by the vveavils and other vermin, in your
own useless barns, will be indiscreet ; to starve your fellow-
subjects and fellow-sufferers of the West Indies will be
inhuman ; and to increase the wealth of Great Britain by
raising to an exorbitant height the price of her wheat and
provisions in those foreign markets which you at present
supply, will be downright madness to think of. Upon the
whole, policy, humanity, a just regard for your national
character, gratitude, and common honesty, all forbid you to
adopt the second plan proposed, as it would most certainly
end in a scandalous and unpitied submission, or introduce
a civil war, aggravated with all the inconveniences attend-
ing a good cause turned into a bad one by rash, indiscreet,
and unjustifiable measures. Jf we are obliged to stniggle
for our liberty with arms in our hands, let us not unnerve
the sinews of war. If we are at last forced, though un-
willingly, to draw the sword, let us do it in a just cause ;
let us be careful that we are not tlie aggressors, let us point
our resentment against our oppressors; but let us not
wound the bosoms of our friends ; let us conduct ourselves
in such a manner as to raise the prayers of the righteous
for our success, and if we do fall, let us fall revered and
lamented, but not execrated and despised by all mankind.
But I am far from thinking that you are yet in this desper-
ate situation, and am not without hopes that you may still
establish your liberty without having recourse to the deci-
sion of the sword. But to avoid this, it will be absolutely
necessary to convince your oppressors that you dare to do
it rather than be enslaved. The measures to be taken, in
order to convince them, naturally lead me to the consider-
ation of the third plan proposed, which, I confess, appears
to me the most constitutional, the most rational, the most
moderate, and the most effectual measure you can pursue;
and to prove that it is so shall be the subject of my next.
I shall conclude this with one remark, which I submit to
the serious attention of my countrymen. You may re-
member that the second plan proposed came first recom-
mended to you from your friends on the otiier side the
Atlantic. Now, though many of the inhabitants of Great
Britain think that the British Parliament have no right to
tax you, and sincerely disapprove the hostile and violent
measures pursued by them against you, yet there is not
one man of them who does not insist that you ought to
submit to the supreme legislation of the British Parlia-
ment, and therefore would wish you to avoid every mea-
sure of contesting with success the supremacy they claim
of restraining your manufactures, and of securing to them-
selves the whole profit of your labours. Hence they
will never advise you to adopt any other than tempor-
izing measures, to avoid the evil of a present oppression,
without considering liiat to admit the dependence, must
one time or other necessarily end in dcsjiotism to them, and
slavery to you. Again, the British people are of two fac-
tions, the first consists of a majority of the two Houses of
Parliament, and composes the aristocracy ; these are called
the 17IS. The second consists of the minority of those
Houses, and are called the vuts. Most of whom would be
willing to be taken into the aristocracy, and become ins if
they could ; and whenever they are, would be as violent
against you as their brethren. With this view the outs now
pretend to be your friends, and advise you to adojit mea-
sures that would do, what? Settle the dispute at once ?
By no means ; for that would lessen their own consequence.
But such as may subject the ins to temporary inconveni-
ences, and oblige them to admit some of the outs to share
with them in the emoluments of Administration ; listen
therefore to them with a suspicious ear; " Hear each man's
censure, but reserve your judgment," and constantly re-
volve in your minds these truths : that American liberty
can only be preserved by American virtue, and that if you
determine to dare to be free, you will be so.
NEW-JERSEY RESOLUTIONS.
At a General Meeting of the Committees of the several
Counties in the Province of Netv-Jersey, at New-Bruns-
uick, on Thursday, the 21st July; and continued to the
Saturday following : — Present seventy-two Members.
Stephen Chane, Esquire, in the Chair,
The Committees taking into their serious consideration
the dangerous and destiTictive nature of sundry Acts of the
British Parliament, with respect to the fundamental
liberties of the American Colonies, conceive it their indis-
pensable duty to bear their open testimony against them,
and to concur with the other Colonies in prosecuting all
legal and necessary measures, for obtaining their speedy
repeal. Therefore, we unanimously agree m the following
sentiments and Resolutions :
1st. We think it necessary to declare, that the inhabitants
of this Province, (and we are confident the people of
America in general) are, and ever have been, firm and
unshaken in their loyalty to his Majesty King George the
Third ; fast friends to the Revolution settlement : and that
they detest all thoughts of an independence on tlie Crown
of Great Britain : Accordingly we do, in the most sincere
and solemn manner, recognize and acknowledge his Ma-
jesty King George the Third to be our lawful and rightful
Sovereign, to whom under his royal protection in our fun-
damemal rights and privileges, we owe, and will render all
due faith and allegiance.
2d. We think ourselves warranted from the principles
of our excellent Constitution, to affirm that the claim of
the British Parliament, (in which we neither are, nor can
be represented) to make laws, which shall be binding on
the King's American subjects, " in all cases whatsoever."
and particularly for imposing taxes for the purpose of
raising a revenue in America, is unconstitutional and op-
pressive ; and which we think ourselves bound in duty to
ourselves and our posterity, by all constitutional means in
our power, to oppose.
3d. We think the several late Acts of Parliament for
shulting up the port of Boston ; invading the Charter
riglits of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay : and sub-
jecting supposed offenders, to be sent for trial to odier
Colonies, or to Great Britain ; the sending over an armed
force to carry the same into effect, and thereby reducing
many thousands of innocent and loyal inhabitants to ])ovcrty
and distress ; are not only subversive of tiie undoubted
rights of his Majesty's American subjects, hut also repug-
nant to the common principles of humanity and justice.
These procedings. so violent in themselves, and so truly
alarming to the other Colonies, (many cf which are
equally exposed to Ministerial vengeance,) render it the
indis[)ensable duty of all, heartily to unite in the most
proper measures, to procure redress for their ojipressed
countrymen, now suflering in the common cause ; and for
the re-establishment of the constitutional rights of America
on a solid and permanent foundation.
4ih. To effect this important purpose, we conceive the
most eligible method is, to appoint a General Congress of
Commissioners of the respective Colonies ; who siiall be
empowered mutually to pledge, each to the rest, the
publick honour and faith of their constituent Colonies,
firmly and inviolably to adhere to the determinations of the
said Congress.
5th. Resolved, Tliat we do earnestly recommend a
general non-importation and a non-consumption agreement
625
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
626
to be entered into at such time, and regulated in such
manner, as to the Congress shall appear most advisable.
6th. Resolved, That it appears to us, to be a duty in-
cumbent on the good people of this Province, to afford
some immediate relief to the many suffering inhabitants of
the town of Boston. Therefore, the several County Com-
mittees do now engage to set on foot, and promote collec-
tions, without delay, either by subscriptions or otherwise,
tliroughout their respective counties: and that they will
remit the moneys arising from the said subscriptions, or
any other benefactions, that may be voluntarily made by
tiie inhabitants, either to Boston, or into the hands of
James JSeihon, John Dennis, William Ouke, Abraham
Hunt, Sainuel Tuclicr, Dr. Isaac Smith, Grant Gibbon,
Thomas Sinnicks, and John Carey, whom we do hereby
appoint a Committee for forwarding the same to Boston,
in such way and manner as they shall be advised will best
answer the benevolent purpose designed.
7ih. Resolved, That the grateful acknowledgments of
this body are due to the noble and worthy patrons of con-
stitutional liberty, in the British Senate, for their laudable
efforts to avert the storm they beheld impending over a
much injured Colony, and in support of the just rights of
the King's subjects in America.
8th. Resolved, That James Kinsey, William Living-
ston, John Dehart, Stephen Crane, and Richard Smith,
Esquires, or such of them as shall attend, be the Dele-
gates to represent this Province in the General Continental
Congress, to be held at the City of Philadelphia, on or
about the first o( September next, to meet, consult, and advise
with the Deputies from the other Colonies ; and to deter-
mine upon all such prudent and lawful measures as may be
judged most expedient for the Colonies immediately and
unitedly to adopt, in order to obtain relief for an oppressed
peo|)!e, and the redress of our general grievances.
Signed by order,
Jonathan D. Sergeant, Clerk.
of July, 1774, in the fourteenth year of the reign of our
Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the Grace of God,
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender
of the Faith, Uc. Thomas Gage.
By his Excellency's command,
Thomas Flucker, Secretary.
God save the King.
MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
By the Governour. — A Proclamation
For the encouragement of Piety and Virtue, and for
preventing and punishing of Vice, Profanity, and
Immorality.
In humble imitation of the laudable example of our
most gracious Sovereign, George the Third, who, in the
first year of his reign, was pleased to issue his Royal
Proclamation for the encouragement of Piety and Virtue,
and for preventing of Vice and Immorality, in which he
declares his Royal purpose to punish all persons guilty
thereof, and upon all occasions to bestow marks of his
Royal favour on persons distinguished for their Piety and
Virtue, I therefore, by and with the advice of his Ma-
jesty's Council, publish this Proclamation, exhorting all his
Majesty's subjects to avoid all Hypocrisy, Sedition, Licen-
tiousness, and all other innnoralities, and to have a grateful
sense of all God's mercies, making the divine laws the
rule of their conduct.
I therefore command all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, and
other officers, to use their utmost endeavoure to enforce the
laws for promoting Religion and Virtue, and restraining all
Vice and Sedition ; and I earnestly recommend to all
Ministers of the Gospel, that they be vigilant and active in
inculcating a due submission to the laws of God and man ;
and I exhort all the people of this Province, by every
means in their power, to contribute what they can towards
a general reformation of manners, restitution of peace and
good order, and a proper subjection to the laws, as they
expect the blessing of Heaven.
And I do therefore declare that in the disposal of the
offices of honour and trust, witliin this Province, the sup-
porters of true Religion and good Government, shall be con-
sidered as the fittest objects of such appointments.
And 1 hereby requ're die Justices of Assize and Justices
of the Peace in this Province, to give strict charge to the
Grand Jurors for the prosecution of offenders against the
laws ; and that, in their several Courts, they cause this
Proclamation to be publickly read, immediately before the
charge is given.
Given at the Council Chamber in Salem, the 21st day
Fourth Series. 40
TO the worthy inhabitants of the town of BOSTON.
Rhode Island, July 21, 1774.
My Dear Brethren : The manly firmness with which
you sustain every kind of Ministerial abuse, injury, and
oppression, and support the glorious cause of liberty, re-
flects the highest honour upon the town. The few, very
few amongst you, who have adopted the principles of
slavery, serve, like the shade in a picture, to exhibit your
virtues in a more striking point of light. Unhappy men, I
sincerely pity them, that they should have so little sense of
the dignity of human nature ; so hltle sense of their duty
to God, as to wish to reduce rational beings, formed after
his divine image, to a state of brutish or worse than brutish
servitude ; that they should be so dead to all the feelings
of humanity, publick spirit, and universal benevolence, as
to prefer the sordid pleasure of being upper slaves to
foreign tyrants, and under them tyrannizing over their
country, to the God-like satisfaction of saving that country.
How wretchedly these men mistake happiness ! All the
riches and honour in the world cannot give any pleasure in
the least degree equal to the sincere heart-felt joy which
the patriot feels in the consciousness of having supported
the dignity, the freedom, and happiness of his country.
The attempt made by these men to annihilate your Com-
mittee of Correspondence was very natural. The robber
does not wish to see our property entirely secured. An ene-
my, about to invade a foreign country, does not wish to see
the coast well guarded and the country universally alarmed.
LTpon the same principles these men wish the dissolution
of the Committee. "They know that a design was formed
to rob the Americans of their property ; they hoped to
share largely in the general plunder ; but they now see
that by the vigilance, wisdom, and fidelity, of the several
Committees of Correspondence, the people are universally
apprized of their danger, and will soon enter into such
measures for the common security as will infallibly blast
all their unjust expectations ; and this is the true source of
all the abuse thrown upon your Committee. But Oh, ye
worthy few ! continue to treat all their attempts with the
neglect which they deserve. Thus the generous mastiff
looks down with pity and contempt upon the little noisy,
impertinent curs, which bark at him as he walks the stieets.
Your faithful services have endeared you to the wise and
good in every Colony. Continue your indefatigable
labours in the common cause, and you will soon see the
happy success of them in the salvation of your country.
The tools of power, and their connections, I imagine, are
dail}' persuading you, my brethren, to submit to the
Ministry. They pretend to pity your distresses, and assure
you that the only way for you to get relief, is the making
compensation for the tea, and submitting to the Revenue
Acts. But did ever a man preserve his money by
delivering up his purse to the highwayman who dared to
demand it ? Is it the way to preserve life, to throw away
our arms and present our naked bosoms to the murderer's
sword ?
The town of Boston has been resembled to Carthage,
and threatened with the same fate by a Member of Parlia-
ment. The execution of the sentence is already begun.
It may not be amiss, then, to turn to the history of that
people. There had been two long and very bloody wars
between Rome and that city. The Romans were victo-
rious. But the Carthagenians having, in a few years, al-
most recovered their former state of wealth and power, the
Romans looked upon them with a jealous eye, and took
every opportunity, (unless by an open war.) to depress
them. The Carthagenians, dreading a war, and hoping,
by a proper submission, to conciliate the Roman affection,
sent Ambassadors to Rome, with orders to declare that they
entirely abandoned themselves, and all they possessed, to
the discretion of the Romans. The Senate of Rome, in
return, granted them their liberty ; the exercise of their
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CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
628
own laws, all their territories and possessions, as private
persons, or as a Republick, on condition that, in thirty days,
they should send three hundred hostai^es to Lilybirum, and
do what the Consuls should order them. This cruel order
was submitted to. The hostages were immediately sent.
They were the flower and hopes of tlie most noble fami-
lies of Carthage. Upon their departure nothing was heard
but the most dismal cries and groans ; the whole city was
in tears ; and the mothers of these devoted youth tore their
hair and beat their breasts in all the agonies of grief and
despair. They fastened tiieir arms around their lovely off-
spring, and could not be separated from them but by force.
This cruel sacrifice, I should think, would have melted the
Romans into compassion ; but it had no such effect. Am-
bition and tyranny are incapable of any Immane or tender
feeling. The Deputies, therefore, attended the Roman
camp, and told the Consuls they were come in the name
of the Senate of Carthage, to receive their orders, which
they were ready to obey in all things. The Consul praised
their good dispoMtion and ready obedience, and ordered
them to deliver up all tlieir arms. This fatal order was
complied with, and an in6nite number of weapons of all
kinds, and a fine fleet of ships, accordingly delivered up.
Would any thing less than the entire destruction of Car-
thage have satisfied the Romans, they would now have
been perfectly content. They had wholly disarmed the
Carthageniana, and got all the noble youth hostages, as a
security for their quiet submission ; but all this did not sa-
tisfy them. The Consul sternly told them that the Senate
of Rome had determined to destroy Carthage ; that they
must quit their city and remove to some other part of their
territory, four leagues from the sea. This they refused to
do. The Romans therefore attacked their city, which,
notwithstanding its defenceless state, bravely sustained a
most terrible siege three whole years. Had the Carthagt-
nians preserved their youth, the navy, and their arms ; had
they united their neighbouring nations against the common
oppressor, and immediately prepared for their defence, they
might, perhaps, have defeated the Romans, and preserved
their city entirely, or at least for many years longer. But
they, by imprudent submissions, put themselves wholly in
the power of the enemy ; and the consequences were, the
miserable death of several hundred thousand people, and
the utter destruction of their city ! Take warning, rny
dear countrymen, by this terrible example.
What would the Minister have, if not the good of the
Nation ? You have invariably promoted it from the first
foundation of the Colony. In war you have bravely de-
fended yourselves and the neighbouring Colonies. You
have taken a glorious part in several foreign expeditions.
You have even, by your conquests, given peace to Europe.
Besides these important advantages, the Nation has re-
ceived millions of the profits of your commerce ; every
thing more than a bare subsistence, which you could gather
from all quarters of the globe, being by you remitted to
Great Britain for her manufactures. What would he have
more ? He tells you plainly that your liberty, your lives,
and property, must be laid at his feet. But, my brethren,
suffer every thing, even the horrours of civil war, sooner
than make the vile submission. Should you agree to pay for
the tea,something more would be demanded. Should that be
complied with, something further would still be demanded.
In short, nothing will satisfy him but destroying the town, or
reducing it to a poor fishing village. A plan hath been formed
and steadily pursued, for changing the free Constitution of
Britain into an absolute Monarchy. Luxury, bribery, and
corruption, have given the Minister the absolute command
of England and Ireland. The only remaining obstacle to
his unlimited power, is the brave resistance made by the
Americans. You are among the first of those Sons of
Freedom, who have bravely stemmed the torrent of tyran-
ny. You have penetrated and exposed the mischievous
designs of the Ministry. You have pointed out proper
measures to defeat those execrable designs, and entered into
those measures with spirit. This, and not the destruction
of the tea, hath brought down the vengeance of the Min-
istry upon you. They have left you no alteniative, but to
give up your liberties, and hold your lives and property as
slaves, by their mere arbitrary will and pleasure ; or nobly
determine to maintain those just rights and privileges, which,
by the laws of God and your country, you are entitled to.
You will never hesitate one moment. I am sure, my gen-
erous countrymen, you were born and nurtured in the
arms of Freedom. You were never yet conquered by any
power on earth. You have vast and sure resources. The
Colonies, now heartily united, consider your cause as their
own. They will soon enter into spirited and effectual mea-
sures for your relief. A great part of the people of Eng-
land and Ireland will support you ; and the distress in
which the Nation will soon be involved, by the ill conduct of
the Minister, will soon compel him to change his measures,
or sink under the resentment of an injured people. Spurn,
therefore, from your presence and councils forever, those who
dare to propose the giving up our liberties ; continue bravely
to bear up under your present distress; persevere in the
glorious cause in which we are engaged : it is the cause of
our King, our country, and of God himself. He conduct-
ed your fathers to America ; planted and preserved them
in the wilderness, that they might worship him in a manner
acceptable to him. You have always maintained the publick
(and I hope private) worship of God. You and almost
all America have lately addressed him in a most solemn
manner. He hath often delivered us when all human help
failed. Witness the destruction of the French fleet at
Chebucta. He is the same gracious and all-powerful Being.
Let us, my brethren, put our trust in him ; for in the Lord
Jehovah is everlasting strength. Let the priests and min-
isters of the Lord weep between the porcli and the altar ;
and let them and all of us, most devoutly, say, " Spare thy
people, O Lord, and give not thine heritage to repraach ;"
and we may rely upon it that he will, in due time, deliver
us from all our enemies, and continue us a great, a free, and
a happy people.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON TO A GENTLEMAN
IN PHILADELPHIA, DATED JULY 23, 1774.
I have been with Doctor Franklin. I find the storm
against him has much abated ; though I believe he has not
in the least remitted his attention to the interests of his
much injured country. However quiet in appearance, I
am very anxious to hear what reception the latter wanton
strokes of Government here have met with in America,
particularly that detestable Quebec Bill, which is so evi-
dently intended as a bridle on the Northern Colonies.
That Act is looked upon in the most unfavourable light
here of any of them ; as, for want of making proper dis-
tinctions, the violent proceedings of the Boston mob are
too generally deemed a sufficient justification of the others,
and have afforded the Ministry a pretence, which, I am
persuaded, they much wished for, of introducing an armed
force into America, and such other measures as are un-
doubtedly aimed at establishing the right of taxation in the
legislation here ; and if not firmly opposed, will certainly
do it through America. Of what importance, then, is the
present conduct of America 1 If the people here are not
made to feel the importance, all is over in that way. The
late measures will be looked on as justified by their success ;
and the venal crew, at present termed the Representatives
of Britain, will probably be again generally returned at the
general election next spring, to finish the remains of Ame-
rican liberty. Here, indeed, there is but little more than
the form of it ; where, by exorbitant taxes, the very means
are afforded their rulers of riveting their chains, by giving
the constitutional sanction. I never felt a stronger attach-
ment to our own cause, than since my arrival here, and ar-
dently wish that such counsels may prevail, as, without in-
troducing anarchy, may preserve our just rights.
I find here many who warmly interest themselves in our
favour; and entertain a hope, that when luxury and cor-
ruption shall gain an entire conquest over virtue and liber-
ty, in this once happy Kingdom, they or their descendants
may find an asylum in America, where the genius of Liberty
shall reign triumphant.
A few days ago I spent an hour or two very agreeably
with Granville Sharp, Esquire, to whom I had been intro-
duced. He appears to me to be a very uncommon charac-
ter, and exceedingly assiduous in the application of uncom-
mon talents for the benefit of his fellow creatures. He
tells me he has now in the press, an Examination into the
Rights of the Colonies, which are so flagrantly infringed
by the late Acts of Parliament. He is warmly on our
629
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
680
side; and as his pieces trace the arguments ah origine, by
wliich he has answered all the arguments commonly ad-
duced against us, I am in hopes it will have a good effect.
He holds a place in the Ordnance, which tliis publication may
probably cost him ; but he appears to prefer the discharge
of duty to every other consideration. One such advocate,
acting from principle, is preferable to the loudest brawler
of the venal tribe. Sir Henry Banks is dead, and suc-
ceeded in the Aldermanship by Haley, a New Eng-
land merchant, brother-in-law to Wilkes. It is proposed
to make him Representative of London in Parliament, in
the room of Trecothick, whose state of health will not ad-
mit of his continuance in that station.
Doctor Franklin was obliging enough to call on me this
afternoon. From what he communicated I find that the
intention of taxing all America is openly avowed by the
Ministry. They have already begun, by high duties on
spirits in Canada, and have ordered a regiment to be raised
there ; determining, as the Doctor well expressed it, not
only to rivet their chains, but make them pay for the iron
to do it with.
GOVERNOUR GAGE TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.
Salem, July 23, 1774.
Sir: I enclose you two affidavits, of Mr. Green and
Mr. Scott, taken before two Justices of the Peace and
Quorum of the town of Boston, touching a very extraor-
dinary treatment that Mr. Green met with at Windham and
Norwich, in the Colony of Connecticut; and as that gen-
tleman is an inhabitant of this Province, I thing it my duty
to interest myself in his behalf, and to transmit you the said
affidavits, in the assurance that you will exert yourself to
obtain him satisfaction.
You are sensible that people capable of such conduct as
those mentioned in the affidavits are accused of, must be a
disgrace to every society ; and I make no doubt, from a
principle of justice, as well as the honour and reputation of
the Colony under your command, that you will order the
accused persons to be apprehended and brought to trial.
I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
Thomas Gage.
Honourable Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., Govemour of the
Colony of Connecticut.
I, Cahb Scott, of lawful age, testify and declare, that
being lately on a journey through Connecticut, attending
upon Mr. Storer, of Boston, who was in company witli
Mr. Francis Green, we put up at Mr. Carey's Tavern,
at Windham, on Monday evening, the fourth day of July
current ; that soon after a man inquired of me whether
Mr. Green, who was at that time there, was not one of
those that signed for the Govemour of Boston. I referred
him to Mr. Green himself for an answer. That between
nine and ten o'clock that evening, a great number of per-
sons assembled in a tumultuous manner round Mr. Carey's
Tavern, often demanding Mr. Green; that a number kept
a little distance on a plat of grass before the Tavern, and
after about an hour or two many of them pressed suddenly
into the house in a boisterous manner, and %vent into the
room to Mr. Green, demanding if his name was Francis
Green ; he answered in the affirmative, and demanded one
of their names, who told him, but I cannot recollect it.
Some one of them told him thereupon, that they would
now give him leave to tarry there till six o'clock next
morning, but if he was not then gone to beware of the
consequences, or words to that purpose ; they then dis-
persed, it being about eleven o'clock. The next morning
at six o'clock, the Meeting House bell was rung, and a
cannon, placed before the Tavern door, was fired, and the
people again surrounded the house, and I heard several of
them say, '' It is full time he was gone." Many of them
went into the Tavern, and up stairs into Mr. Green's bed-
chamber, and demanded his immediate departure from that
town, in opposition to Mr. Carey's orders, who forbade
them behaving in such a mobbish manner in his house. I,
the deponent, remaining below, heard many loud words
pass between Mr. Green and some of those who went up,
but could not distinguish what was said ; at length they
came down and remained in and about the house until Mr.
Green's departure. Further, as I returned to Windham after
Mr. Green had left the town, 1 was there informed that an
express was sent from thence to Norwich to excite the
people there to mob Mr. Green ; and the same afternoon
Mr. Storer and myself having overtaken Mr. Green at
Lebanon, we proceeded ; and arriving the next morning at
Lothrop's Tavern, at Norwich, stopped there. Mr. Storer
and Mr. Green went from thence to Mr. Huntington's
house. While I was taking care of the horses I perceived a
man run into the Meeting House, and heard the bell ring,
and soon after saw several men appear on the plain ; one
of whom fired a gun, upon which a number of people
assembled and proceeded in a body to Mr. Gales' s shop,
where they all held up their hands in a swearing posture ;
and, I understood, took some oath. From thence they all
went to Lothrop's Tavern and inquired for Mr. Green ;
being informed he was at Mr. Huntington's house, they
went there, and remained some time about the house, but
after some short time part of them returned, and as they
passed me some of them said, " Let us go and fetch
the cart;" and soon after the rest came also.
In a few minutes Mr. Storer and Mr. Green came from
Mr. Huntington's house and went into the Tavern, where
breakfast was ordered ; immediately a number came with
a single horse cart, and asked where Mr. Green was ?
others answered, he's in the Tavern. They then called
out, " The time is up, out with him, fetch him out," or in
other words to the same effect. The next thing I per-
ceived was that the people burst into the Tavern with
great violence, and entered the room where Mr. Green was,
where they remained a minute or two, then came out in a
body bringing Mr. Green with them, and keeping close about
him, went between the cart and his carriage, at the same
time I heard the people say, "Into the cart with him, into the
cart with him ;"' then I perceived the people to close in
and surround Mr. Green, and some appearance of a bustle,
but being at a little distance, and the crowd very thick, I
could not well see what was going on, but heard one among
them say, " If he will go in his own carriage let him," or
to that purpose ; they then cleared the way a little and
obliged Mr. Green to get into his curricle ; some of them
struck the carriage, the horses set off, they beat the drum,
the crowd shouted and huzzad, and, following Mr. Green,
they pelted him for a considerable distance through the
town with much rage and violence. Caleb Scott.
Suffolk, ss.
Caleb Scott, before named, personally appearing, maketh
solemn oath to the truth of the foregoing Deposition by
him subscribed ; taken at the special request of Mr.
Francis Green, in perpetuam rci memoriam,
Boston, July 20, 1774.
Before us, Edmund Quincy,
Belcher Noyes,
Justices of the Peace and of the Quorum.
I, Francis Green, of Boston, do testify and declare,
that I arrived at Windham, in the Colony of Connecticut,
on Monday afternoon, the 4th instant ; that on the same
evening four men who called themselves Hczekiah Bissell,
Benjamin Lothrop, Timothy Larrabee, and EUnezer
Backus, did, in a formal manner, apply to me to know my
name, and whether I had signed an Address to Govemour
Hutchinson; and, upon being answered, did then insist on
my departing thence, and forthwith quitting that town;
intimating that it would be dangerous for me not to comply
with their demands. Upon my positive refusal they went
off, and soon afterwards a tumultuous assembly of men
appeared about the house, and I was informed demanded
me. They remained about the door and windows about
an hour ; then a party of them entered the house, and one,
calling himself Nathaniel Warren, demanding me, ac-
quainted me that leave was given for me to remain there
until six o'clock the next morning, but no longer, intimat-
ing (in words which I do not exactly recollect) that it
would be attended with disagreeable consequences if I
should. That about six o'clock the next morning the
Meeting House bell was rung as if for fire, a cannon was
fired near the Tavern door, and a number of men then
again appeared round the house, some of them repeatedly
entered the same, came into my bed-chamber, and, in an
631
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
682
insolent manner, again demanded my immediate departure,
threatening to seize me with my papers, bundles, &;c., and
to carry me off by force, aithougli I often told them I was
there with intent to collect debts, he, and that they inter-
nipted me in my necessary business. One of them said
it was fool-hardy to sport with life ; others swore I should
immediately depart, and threw out many threatening insin-
uations of what I might expect if I did not leave that town
without delay. Tliey continued in and about die house
until I set out. Upon the road through Lebanon to Nor-
toich, I was informed that an express was sent from Wind-
ham to Norwich to excite the people there also to oppose
my remaining there. I arrived at Norwich on Wednesday
morning, the 6th instant, at about seven o'clock, and being
(in company with Mr. Ebenezer Storcr, of Boston,) at the
house of Samuel Huntington, Esquire, heard the Meeting
House bell ring, a gun fire, a dnmi beat, and saw numbers
of men assemble on the adjacent plain, part of whom came
into the house and room 1 was in ; one of them, calling
himself by the name of Joshua Huntington, demanded
my name, which being informed, he told me lie w'as de-
puted, or authorized by the people to let me know that they
insisted on my quitting that town in fifteen minutes, which
I refused to do. I then called upon Samuel Huntington,
Esquire, and demanded of him, as a Magistrate, protection
from the violence of the people, but received none ; soon
after this I proceeded to the Tavern, near where the mob
was waiting ; I went in, and in a few minutes a number of
them rushed in and filled the room where I was, calling
out, " Out with him, out with him," and laid hold of me ; I
demanded their names ; one replied (who seized me) my
name is Simeon Huntington ; they then crowded me out of
the house, and when on the outside I perceived a cart
standing nigh my chaise. Some of the people who now
became very clamorous, seized me again, and called out,
" Into the cart, into the cart with him," but soon desisted,
and then forced me to get into my own carriage, which one
of them then struck and set the horses going ; upon which
they set up a loud shout and huzza, beat their drum, and
following near half a mile, pelted me with great rage and
violence, and thus obstructed me in my business, to my
great injury, and endangered my life.
Francis Green.
Suffolk, ss.
Francis Green, before named, personally appearing,
maketh solemn oath to the truth of the foregoing Deposi-
tion by him subscribed, taken at his special request, in per-
petuam rei memoriam,
Boston, July 20, 1774.
Before us, Edmund Quinct,
Belcher Notes,
Justices of the Peace and of the Quorum.
N. B. A Memorandum of several who were witnesses
of the transactions of the people at Windham and Nor-
urich, viz :
Mr. Carey, the Tavemkeeper at Windham, Stephen
Babcock, Esquire, of Stonington, who was at Windham,
Mr. Aplin, a Lawyer, and Mr. William Russell, Merchant,
both of Providence, who were at Windham. Mr. Lothrop,
Tavemkeeper at Norwich. Mr. Ebenezer Storer, of
Boston, who was m company with Mr. Green almost the
whole time.
HEZEKIAH BISSELL, AND OTHERS, TO GOVERNOUR TRUM-
BULL.
Windliam, August 5, 1774.
To HIS Honour the Governour: Sir, We are in-
formed that Governour Gage, by a late letter, has informed
your Honour that on, or about, the 4th of July last, one
Francis Green, of Boston, was much abused in the towns
of Windham, and Norwich ; that said Green was greatly
insulted, his life endangered, and he drove out of those
towns by force, and prevented transacting his lawful busi-
ness ; and that so far as any of the inhabitants of JVindham
were concerned, that we, the subscribers, were the principal
trespassers ; and requesting your Honour to direct that we
be prosecuted, that Green may recover his damages ; and
that Governour Gage, has enclosed sundry affidavits to
prove the charge. That your Honour has received a let-
ter of the above import we have no doubt, and how far
your Honour will consider yourself obliged, as Gorernour
of this Colony, to interpose your special authority in such
kind of personal private trespasses as are hinted at, it is
not for us to say. We doubt not but your Honour will
treat the matter with the greatest prudence and propriety,
and that as this case does not concern Government any
more than any other private quarrel does, we doubt not
but that it will be treated as other cases have been.
We are willing and desirous, and always have been, to
pay all possible respect to the laws, and to the Governour
of this Colony ; but we must beg your Honour's pardon if
we go too far, when we say, that it appears to us, that the
message is an insult on the Colony, its laws, and courts, if
not upon the Governour thereof. It seems to us that the
Governours of Boston consider themselves of late as
proper complaining officers ; and that their informations
carry such authority with them, as will justify those they
complain to, in trying, condemning, and executing unheard,
all that they shall complain of.
Why did not his Excellency direct Mr. Green to insti-
tute a suit here against those who he supposed had injured
him ? It could not be he supposed that justice could not
be had in our Courts in this Colony ; if so, how did he
expect that your Honour would procure justice to be done
in the case ? Would he expect it by some decree of your
Honour in favour of Green, and against us ? If so, we
know your Honour has too sacred a regard for the laws and
the rights of the subjects, to make such a decree. If he
did not expect that, why did he trouble your Honour
about it, especially that part which relates to Mr. Green's
personal damages ? Surely Governour Gage must know
that if Mr. Green has any demands for damages that he
must recover them by a personal action; in which either
his pei-sonal presence, or power of attorney would be
necessary. We well know that the law is the subject's
birth-right, and if Mr. Green is desirous of satisfaction that
way we are willing to meet him on that ground, and are
willing to indemnify him against all insults while necessari-
ly in this town for that purpose. We know that the law is
open and justice impartially administered, and should be
extremely sorry that its due course should be obstructed, or
esteemed to be so, by any either in or out of the Colony.
But we must again beg your Honour's pardon for making
the above remarks ; and nothing but an inviolable attachment
to our just rights and privileges could have induced us to
have given your Honour this trouble ; and the necessity of
the case also obliges us to ask leave to give your Honour
ashort state of the facts in the case, as they truly were :
It so happened that said Green came into this town at the
time mentioned, a little before sunsetting ; the people were
soon apprized of his coming, and that he was one of those
who signed the Address to Governour Hutchinson ; and it
is well known that Governour Hutchinson is considered by
all the Colonies as the principal agent who procured the
Act for blocking up the port of Boston, and the other dis-
tressing Acts, and that it is the general sense of the whole
Continent that those Acts are unconstitutional and oppres-
sive, and those who signed the Address are considered as
returning their thanks to Governour Hutchinson, for his
involving this country in such a distressed situation (or
condition) to which it is now reduced ; it was therefore
soon agreed that Mr. Green's personal presence was disa-
greeable ; however, to touch his person or property none in
the town of Windham shewed the least inclination, as we
know of; but, in order to quiet the people on one side, and
secure Mr. Green on the other, we were requested to wait
on him and let him know that his continuance in the town
was disagreeable, and that the people desired him to depart
soon. Accordingly we waited on him as he was walking
abroad, and informed him that we desired a short interview
with him ; upon which, he went to his lodgings, and
went with us into his room, where we informed him in as
genteel a manner as we were capable, of the temper of the
people towards him, and requested him to depart the town
as soon as he conveniently could. On which Mr. Green
rose up both in haste and anger, and said what he had done
was right and justifiable ; that he had no reason to repent
of his subscribing, &.C.; that he had been used to such
attacks before, and was not easily intimidated ; we told him
that it was not our business to intimidate him, but only to
let him know the sentiments of the people, and to request
633
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JULY, 1774.
634
him in their name to depart soon ; he said he should not,
nor would not till his business was done, which would not
be till next day towards night, or the morning after ; we
then told him, we had delivered our message, and would
infonn the people of what he had determined, and accord-
ingly did ; which was in no measure satisfactory to them ;
but as he was a stranger to the roads from town, and it
being then towards dark, all agreed it would not be well to
request him to depart that evening; and thereupon the
people appointed Mr. Warren and two others to wait on
Mr. Green, and let him know that they requested him to
depart the town by six o'clock next morning. Mr Warren,
&ic., went to Mr. Green's lodgings, and by his liberty
were admitted into his apartment, where they acquainted
him with the desire of the people, and then left him to
take his rest.
About seven o'clock the next morning Mr. Green not
being gone, the bell was rung by somebody, unknown to
us ; and a small piece was fired by two boys (or youths)
without our privity or consent; after that several waited on
Mr. Green and desired him to depart, and we cannot say
but some person might tell him that he should go ; but no
violence was offered to his person or property, or even
threatened as we know of; nor can he prove his accusa-
tion. And we really believe, and doubt not but we can
abundantly prove, that the transactions of those particular
persons accused tended to preserve the peace, and had
that effect, and, sure we are, were done with that design.
As to the intelligence going to Norwich we are not
accountable for that. It went by a Norwich man who
was occasionally then at Windham.
And upon the whole, sir, we are only desirous of that
defence which the law gives us, and are willing Mr. Green
should have the same privilege, and in the most frank and
open manner,
We beg leave to subscribe your Honour's most obedient
subjects, and very humble servants,
Hezekiah Bissell, Timothy Larrabee,
Benjamin Lothrop, Ebenezer Backus.
GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL TO GOVERNOUR GAGE.
Lebanon, August 10, 1774.
Sir : I have the honour to receive your letter of the
20th of May last, and the pleasure to congratulate you
that his Majesty hath judged fit to order you to return to
your command of his forces in North America, and also to
appoint you to be Governour-in-chief of his Province of
the Massachusetts Bay.
I do assure your Excellency of my readiness to co-ope-
rate with you in all matters that concern the good of his
Majesty's service, and the welfare, freedom, and happiness
of his subjects.
I have also received your other letter of the 23d of
July last, enclosing two affidavits, of Mr. Green, and Mr.
Scott, touching the treatment the former met with in
Windham and Norwich, in this Colony. At your request
I have inquired concerning the same ; and find that others,
well knowing in the affair, do put a very different face and
colour on those transactions.
A King's Attorney, and other informing officers are
appointed in each county to inquire after, and Courts of
Justice instituted to hear and try all informations made of,
the breaches of law which happen therein, and all other
causes for damages which are duly brought before them :
full and ample provision is made by law for the punishment
of such as are found guilty of the breach of it ; and for
the redress of injuries done to the person or property of
any one who brings his suit, and prosecutes the same to
effect. Mr. Green hath good right to take benefit thereof,
and undoubtedly will obtain the satisfaction his cause may
appear to merit. I am, sir, your most obedient humble
servant, Jonathan Trumbull.
His Excellency Thomas Gage, Esq.
the Massachusetts Bay Government, and have come to
some very indecent resolutions, to call them no worse, and,
according to custom, have been very busy in sending hand-
bills, letters, and publick invitations, &;c., &.C., to stir up
the people here to concur with them, and follow their ex-
ample, and a meeting is to be on Wednesday next. There
are, my Lord, here, as well as every where else, malecon-
tents and Liberty people, and I will not answer for their
conduct, whether it may not be ungrateful and improper;
but as soon as they have come to any resolutions or deter-
minations, I shall not fail to acquaint your Lordship there-
with.
ELIZABETH CITTT COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the County of Elizabeth City, and Town of Hampton,
assembled at the Court House the 25th day oi July, 1774,
to consider of Instructions to our late Members, or to those
pei-sons who shall be chosen our Representatives at the
ensuing election,
Henry King, Esq., being chosen Moderator, and
Mr. Robert Bright, Clerk,
The following Resolves were agreed to :
Resolved, That the people of this county and town are
strongly attached, from principle and education, to his pre-
sent Majesty King George the Third and his family, and
they will, with their lives and fortunes, stand by and defend
his sacred person. Crown, and dignity.
Resolved, That the Representatives of this Colony have,
and ever ought to have, the sole right of taxing the inhab-
itants of this Colony ; and that the assuming of such a
power by the present or any other Parliament of Great
Britain, should ever be considered as a strong proof of
that despotick tyranny which so strongly marks the pre-
sent Administration, and which dictated those late cruel
and oppressive Acts, depriving the good people of the
Massachusetts Bay of their dearest and most invaluable
rights.
Resolved, That our late patriotick Members, or such
persons as may be chosen our Representatives at the ensu-
ing election, be requested to attend the general meeting at
Williamsburg, the first of August next, and that they be
directed to concur with the Deputies from the other counties
in the most spirited measures that may be adopted upon
this occasion, so truly alarming and interesting to the
Colonies.
Resolved, That if a non-importation and exportation
agreement should be thought necessary, that our Members
be directed to agree thereto.
Resolved, That it is the sense of this meeting that a
non-importation and exportation agreement is necessary.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
any merchant or dealer who advances the price of his
goods upon a non-importation agreement, ought to be
deemed an enemy to his countrj' ; and we do most solemnly
promise to consider him as such, and to withhold all com-
mercial intercourse with him.
Resolved, That this meeting highly approve of the
glowing zeal of the sister Colonies upon this trying occa-
sion, and heartily sympathize with their persecuted brethren
and fellow-subjects, the people of Boston.
Resolved, That a subscription for the relief of the
unhappy poor of Boston ought to be encouraged by all
charitable and humane people, and that the Moderator be
directed to solicit contributions for that purpose.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
our said Members concur with the Members of the other
counties, on the first day of August next, in the choice of
proper persons to represent the Colony of Virginia at a
general Congress.
Resolved, That the Clerk of this meeting do transmit a
copy of these proceedings to the Printers to be published
in their Gazettes. Robert Bright, Clerk.
extract of A LETTER FROM SIR JAMES WRIGHT TO THE
EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED SAVANNAH, IN GEORGIA,
JULY 25, 1774.
Our neighbours in Carolina are in gieat wrath about
the Acts of Parliament which have been passed relative to
New-Jersey, July 25, 1 774.
It seems now to be a matter past doubt that there will be
a general Congress of Delegates from the several British
Colonies in America : a very important Assembly it will
be. The weal of America, yea, and of Britain too, will
685
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, iic, JULY, 1774.
636
very much depend upon their proceedings. Never in this
country has more depended upon an assembly of men,
than depends upon this. Liberty or oppression, if not
abject slavery, depends upon the turn that things shall
now take. The contest between Britain and the Colonies
runs high. Matters are now come to a crisis. Soinelhing
must be done by America ; and nothing considerable can
be done till there is a general Congress. The eyes of all
America will be upon this Assembly. The Provinces are
ripe fordoing something ; they want to know what. How
much depends upon the wisdom and integrity of these
Delegates! How fatal to us all, if, by any means, they
give a wrong turn to our affairs! If they should not agree,
so that the Colonies might unite in some jiroper measure,
America is undone ; or at least thrown into the utmost
confusion.
It should not be deemed arrogance or presumption, for
any person, in a modest and rational manner, to suggest
what is thought proper to be done at the general Congress.
On the contrary it is very desirable that numbers from
various parts of our land would impartially offer their
sentiments on this head. The Delegates must certainly
desire to know the mind of the country in general. No
rational man will think himself so well acquainted with
our affairs as that he cannot have a more full and belter
view of them. No liuman mind is capable of taking in all
things. We by degrees obtain the knowledge which we
have. No Delegate, before he meet the rest, sliould liiink
he knows the state and interest of all the Provinces so fully
and clearly as that he cannot know them better. No Del-
egate should go with a full persuasion that he has so formed
the proper plan of proceeding, as that he will by no means
alter. Every wise man will alter for the better as he sees
opportunity. Yet, 'tis very desirable that every Mer-ber
of that important Assembly should have as general and
complete a view of our affairs, and what is proper to be done,
as he possibly can before he meets in general Congress ;
and, for this reason, tlie more there is suggested in our
publick papers the better, if it is done in a becoming
manner.
The Delegates should go to the Congress with hearts
deeply affected with the weight and vast importance of
their business ; with a proper concern, if not anxiety of
mind, considering how much is depending, and liovv difficult
it may be to determine matters in the best manner. Every
wise man will have a modest diffidence as to his own abil-
ities in managing such arduous affairs. In tiiis view let it
not be thought amiss, if I say they should go to the great
Congress with a proper dependence on the Fatlier of
Lights and Mercies, who gives wisdom liberally to those
who ask him. And no doubt many will pray for them.
When the Delegates are met several things will lie
before them, as matters of consideration, inquiry, or debate.
Some of these will be matters of great importance, others of
less. One important inquiry, no doubt, will be, in what man-
ner shall we make our application to Great Britain ? Shall
we petition as humble supplicants ? Or shall we insist on
things as our right ? Shall we apply for all that we deem our
rights and privileges ? Or only for relief in tiiose matters
that now press us ? Shall our application be made by this
general Congress ? Or shall this Assembly only point
out and advise what the several Provincial Assemblies or
Houses of Burgesses shall apply for ?
Another considerable head of inquiry respects our trade.
Shall we stop importation only, or shall we cease exportation
also? Shall this extend only to Great Britain and Ire-
land, or shall it comprehend the West India Islands ? At
what time shall this cessation begin ? Shall we stop trade
till we obtain what we think reasonable, and which will
secure us for time to come ; or shall it be only till we obtain
rehef in those particulars which now immediately oppress
us ? Shall we first apply for relief and wait for an answer
before we stop trade, or shall we stop trade while we are
making application ?
'Tis the general voice of tlie Colonies that we cannot
submit to be taxed by the British Parliament ; but we by
no means refuse to bear our proper, a reasonable part of
onr publick expenses. [We ourselves being sole judges of
the propriety and reasonableness of all requisitions that
may be made, and of the mode of levying and applying all
we shall think proper to raise.] If we can iiave all our
natural privileges of trade, we are willing to bear our pro-
per part of the burden of expenses. We are willing to
let Britain know this ; we ought now to express our
readiness to it. Therefore another important inquiry may
be, in what manner shall we pay our part of the publick
national expense ? This matter once settled, and our pro-
per privileges and natural rights of trade secured, then
peace, most agreeable peace, is establislied between Britain
and the Colonies. Jealousies will be then removed, and
cordial friendship continue. The modier country and her
offspring Colonies will then go on to prosper, and numer-
ous blessings attend them both. 'Tis true this matter
cannot be settled by the Congress, because it will be a
work of time, and must be by mutual agreement between
Britain and the Colonies. Yet it may be highly expedi-
ent for the Congress to consider this matter, and propose
what may be proper for the several Provincial Assemblies
to offer or comply with. The several Provinces ought to
be agreed in this matter ; and they cannot so well agree as
by a general Congress.
Another inquiry among the Delegates no doubt will be,
whether we shall offer to pay for the tea that has been
destroyed ? This should be freely and calmly debated.
What will be proper in point of equity? What may
be proper in point of prudence or expediency ? What
consequences will they in Britain draw from our offering
to pay for it ? In point of equity, the following queries
may take place. Was the Act of Parliament that brought
the tea here an unconstitutional Act, tending to produce
the pernicious consequences that have flowed from it ?
Was the East India Company previously warned by sev-
eral Members of Parliament, and told they would suffer
loss by sending their tea here ? Has not that unconstitu-
tional Act of Parliament, and the East India Company's
conduct, been the proper and unavoidable cause of ten
times more damage to America than the East India Com-
pany have sustained? If the Company must be made
whole, is it not as reasonable that the expense should lie
upon Britain as America, since a British Act was the
faulty cause of it ; and the destruction of the tea was not
the act of America, nor of particular cities, as such, but
of mobs ?
Some queries of less importance may respect the mode
of the Delegates proceeding among themselves. Shall the
Congress be open to all that can see or hear, or shall the
Delegates be by themselves ? Shall they allow their debates
to be taken down in short-hand ? Shall they keep minutes
of their proceedings and votes, to be afterwards printed,
as is done in Provincial Assemblies, that the Colonies mav
know how each Member stood affected and voted ?
The Delegates from the Provinces ought to be the most
hearty friends of America, men that will give up their own
private interest for the publick good, when these two come
in competition. He that will not do this is no real friend
to the publick. This important Assembly will be in danger
from false or pretended friends. There are a few in almost
every Province, who, from one reason or other, would be
glad to bring America to submit to the Ministerial, uncon-
stitutional, measures which we are now threatened with.
If any of these persons, under disguise, should be sent to
the Congress (as possil'ly some may) they will, under show
of friendship, try to embarrass and confound the measures
proposed. They will act as Ilushai did with Absalom.
It may be difficult sometimes, in the Congress, to know
whether a man opposes a proposition from a true regard to
the good of his country, according to his view of things,
or whether he does it to undermine the whole design.
The members of this important Assembly should not be
too jealous of each other : that will destroy free debate.
They must receive and treat one another as open hearted
friends ; but not be so off" their guard as if they were cer-
tain there was no enemy among them.
Considering the vast importance of this Congress, the
long train of most interesting consequences that may follow
from their advice or determinations ; considering the need
they have of wisdom, as well as integrity, it might be pro-
per for the several Provinces to observe a day of fasting
and prayer about the time that the Delegates meet ; and if
the Provinces as such do not, yet it may be proper for as
many persons, or societies as can, to do it.
There are two reasons why this may be proper : First,
637
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
eas
Because human wisdom comes down from the Father of
Lights and Mercies, and human determinations are over-
ruled by the great God, who is a prayei-iiearing God. A
greater statesman and politician than will meet in this
Convention has left us this observation : " There are many
" devices in the heart of man, but the counsel of the Lord
*' that shall stand." Secondly, In a political view such a
day of fasting would win people's attention to the impor-
tance of the intended Congress, and fit them to receive and
be ready to act upon the determination of that important
Assembly.
If what I have offered should induce any friends of
America to offer their sentiments upon the forementioned
queries, or others of the like nature, and be a means,
tJiough in the least degree, to assist any of the Delegates
at the intended Convention, it will be a sufficient compen-
sation for what I have here done.
BOSTON TOWN MEETING.
At a Town Meeting in Boston, on Tuesday, July 26th,
the methods proposed for employing such as are out of busi-
ness by the operation of the Port Bill, were approved. A
Circular Letter to the other towns, relative to the Bills for
vacating our Charter, was reported and accepted by the
town. The meeting stands adjourned to Tuesday, the 9th
day of August. The following is the form of the Notifi-
cation for the above meeting :
Notification. — Agreeable to the order of the town at
their last meeting, the freeholders and other inhabitants of
the town of Boston, legally qualified, rateable at twenty
pounds estate, to a single rate, (besides the poll) are hereby
notified to meet at Faneuil Hall, on Tuesday, the 26th day
of July, instant, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, then and
there to determine on the expediency of appointing a Com-
mittee of seven, by ballot, for the purpose of considering
of proper measures to be adopted for the common safety,
during those exigencies of our publick affairs, which may
reasonably be expected, when the Acts of the British Par-
liament, altering the course of justice, and annihilating our
free Constitution, shall be enforced in the Province. The
Committee to make report; to consider of what measures
are right and proper for the town to adopt at this time, rel-
ative to the building one or more houses ; building one of
more vessels ; repairing or paving the publick streets ; erect-
ing or enlarging wharves on the town's land ; or any other
publick work, (to be carried on by moneys arising from
voluntary donations.) for the employment of the poor of
the town of Boston, at this time of general calamity ; to
consider whether the town will sell any, and what part,
of the real estate belonging to the town, lying within the
limits thereof; to consider what further measures are
proper to be taken upon the present exigency of our pub-
lick affairs, more especially relative to the late edict of a
British Parliament, for blocking up the harbour of Boston,
and annihilating the trade of this town ; and to act upon
such other matters as may properly come before them.
By order of the Selectmen,
William Cooper, Toion ClerJc.
Boston. July 23, 1774.
N. B. Such tradesmen and others, inhabitants of this town,
as are under necessity for want of employment in their sev-
eral occupations, by the Act of Parliament, called the Bos-
ton Port Bill, are desired to bring in their names to the
Committee appointed to consider of ways and means for
their employment or relief, who will attend for that purpose
at Faneuil Hall, on every day, {Lordh day excepted,) be-
tween the 1st and 10th day of August next, from three
to seven o'clock in the afternoon.
ALBEMARLE COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders of the County of
Albemarle, assembled in their collective body, at the
Court House of the said County, on the 26th of July,
1774:
Resolved, That the inhabitants of the several States of
British America are subject to the laws which they
adopted at their first settlement, and to such others as have
been since made by their respective Legislatures, duly
constituted and appointed with their own consent. That
no other Legislature whatever can rightfully exercise
authority over them ; and that these privileges they hold
as the common rights of mankind, confirmed by the politi-
cal Constitutions they have respectively assumed, and also
by several Charters of compact from the Crown.
Resolved, That these their natural and legal rights have
in frequent instances been invaded by the Parliament of
Great Britain, and particularly that they were so by an
Act lately passed to take away the trade of the inhabitants
of the town of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts
Bay; that all such assumptions of unlawful power arc
dangerous to the rights of the British Empire in general,
and should be considered as its common cause, and that we
will ever be ready to join with our fellow-subjects in every
part of the same, in executing all those rightful powers
which God has given us, for the re-establishing and
guarantying such their constitutional rights, when, where,
and by whomsoever invaded.
It is the opinion of this meeting, that the most eligible
means of effecting these purposes, will be to put an im-
mediate stop to all imports from Great Britain, (cotton,
osnabrigs, striped duffil, medicines, gunpowder, lead,
books and printed papers, the necessary tools and imple-
ments for the handicraft arts and manufactures excepted,
for a limited term,) and to all exports thereto, after the first
day of October, which shall be in the year of our Lord,
1775 ; and immediately to discontinue all commercial in-
tercourse with every part of the British Empire which
shall not in like manner break off their commerce with
Great Britain.
It is the opinion of this meeting, that we immediately
cease to import all commodities from every part of the
world, which are subjected by the British Parliament to
the payment of duties in America.
It is the opinion of this meeting, that these measures
should be pursued until a repeal be obtained of the Act for
blocking up the harbour of Boston ; of the Acts prohibiting
or restraining internal manufactures in America ; of the
Acts imposing on any commodities duties to be paid in
America ; and of the Act laying restrictions on the Ameri-
can trade ; and that on such repeal it will be reasonable to
grant to our brethren of Great Britain such privileges in
commerce as may amply compensate their fraternal assist-
ance, past and future.
Resolved, However, that this meeting do submit these
their opinions to the Convention of Deputies from the
several counties of this Colony, and appointed to be held
at Williamsburg on the first day of August next, and also
to the general Congress of Deputies from the several
American States, when and wheresoever held ; and that
they will concur in these or any other measures which such
Convention or such Congress shall adopt as most expedient
for the American good ; and we do appoint Thomas
Jefferson and John Walker our Deputies to act for this
county at the said Convention, and instruct them to
conform themselves to these our Resolutions and Opinions.
EXTRACT or A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLE GOVER-
NOUR GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED SA-
LEM, JULY 27, 1774.
I left Boston the 21st instant, to meet the Council at
Salem, for the issuing of money to pay debts incurred ; and
yesterday morning received a printed notification of a town
meeting to be held that day at Boston, of which I send
your Lordship a copy.
In my letter, No. 6, I express an expectation of opposi-
tion to the Act expected for the better government of the
Province ; and the notification for a town meeting seems to
be a prelude to it. Whatever the opposition is, I will do
my best to defeat it, and take every step I can to enforce
the law.
CharUstown, South Carolina, August 1, 1774.
A General Meeting of the inhabitants of the Colony of
Georgia, was held at the Exchange in Savannah, on
Wednesday last, July 27th. L^pwards of an hundred from
one Parish, came resolved on an agreement, not to import
or use British manufactures, till America shall be restored
to her constitutional rights. There is to be another
639
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JULY, 1774.
640
meeting in Savannah, on the 10th instant, of a Convention
of Committees chosen hy tlie different Parishes, when it is
believed proper resolutions will be entered into, and
perhaps Deputies may also be appointed to represent that
Colony at the intended Congress.*
Letters from the If est India Islands show that they are
much alarmed with apprehensions that the British Colo-
nies on this Continent will discontinue to supply them with
provisions ; and that they will rather withliold their exports
10 Great Britain, than perish with hunger or eat each
other, t
which may be concluded upon at the said general meeting,
as best to be adopted for restoring harmony between the
mother country and her Colonies.
6thly. Ordered, That these Resolves be forthwith
printed. John Powell, Clerk.
ACCOMACK COUNTY (vIRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of a very resjiectable body of tlie Free-
holders and other Inhabitants of the County of Accomack,
at the Court House, July 27, 1774,
James Henry, Esq., in the Chair :
The meeting taking into their serious consideration the
present critical and alarming situation of this country, re-
specting her present disputes with Great Britain, do
unanimously Resolve as follows :
1st. That we do owe, and will pay, due allegiance to his
Majesty King George the Third.
'2dly. That all his Majesty's subjects in America, are,
by birth-right, entitled to all the rights and immunities of
British born subjects ; one of which, and of the greatest
importance is, that no tax, aid, tallage, or other imposition,
shall be laid upon them but by their own consent, by their
Representatives.
ydly. That the town of Boston, in our sister Colony, is
row suffering in the common cause of American liberty.
4thly. That the powers claimed by the British Parlia-
ment, and now carrying into execution against the town of
Boston, are fundamentally wrong, and cannot be admitted
without the utter destruction of American liberty, and are
intended to operate equally against the rights and liberties
of the other Colonies.
5thly. That the inhabitants of this county, confiding in
the prudence and abilities of their Representatives, who
are to meet their brethren at Williamiburg, on the 1st day
of Aug-ust next, will cheerfully submit to any measures
• A number of respectable Freeholders and Inhabitants met at the
Watch-house, in Satannah, on the 27th of Jtili). John Glenn, Esq.,
was chosan Chairman.
Sundry Letters and Resolutions received from the Committees of Cor.
respondence at Boston, Philadelphia, Annapolis, Williamsport, North
Carolina, and Charlestown, wero presented and r^ad. A motion was
made, that a Committee be appointed to draw up Resolutions to be
entered into by the inhabitants of this Province, nearly similirto those
of the Northern Provinces. A debate arose therson, and the motion
was carried by a large majority. It was resolved that the following
gentlemen should constitute that Committee, v\z : John Glenn, John
Smith, Joseph Clay, John Houstoun, Noble Wimberly Jones, Lyman
Hall, William Young, Edward Telfair, Samuel Farley, George
Walton, Joseph Habersham, Jonathan Bryan, Jonathan Cochran,
George Mcintosh, Sutton Bankes, William Gibbons, Benjamin Andrew,
John Winn, John Stirk, Archibald Bullock, James Screven, David
Zubly, Henry Davis Bourquin, Elisha Butler, William Baker, Par.
vienus Way, John Baker, John Mann, John Benejield, John Stacey,
and John Morel. Several gentlemen objected to Resolutions being
immediately entered into, as tlie inhabitants of the distant Parishes
niiglit not have had sufHciont notice of their objects. It was therefore
resolved, that the meeting bo adjourned until the 10th of August;
and that the Chairman should, in the mean time, write to the different
Parishes and Districts upon the subject, that it was expected they
would send Deputies to join the Committees at that time ; and that the
number of Deputies be proportioned to tlie Representatives usually sent
to the General Assembly. It was also resolved, that the Resolutions
agreed upon and entered into at the next meeting, by a majority of the
said Committee then met, should be deemed the sense of the inhab-
itants of this Province. — M'Call.
t The following is written by Colonel Samuel Martin, the father of
his Excellency Josiaii Martin, Esq., Governour of North Carolina,
a most sensible, venerable, and universallij belored gentleman, a native
of Antigua, sincerely attached to the liberty of his country, and an
ornament to human nature :
" I was surprised to see in your Papers, the arcount of the late Con-
vention at Boston, wliicli beg.^n with a devout prayer to God, but was
followed by impious Resolutions, of starving tlie British Sugar Colo-
nics, 80 inonsistenl with the natural benevolence due to our fellow-
creatures, which is a leading principle of Christianity ; for, to love, and
do good to each other, is the great characleristick of the Disciples of
Jesus Christ, or the mark of distinction between Christians and
Heathens. Are not such Resolutions, after solemn addresses to the
Throne of Mercy, a in ckery of God ? Beware my brother Colonists,
least such a flagrant impiety may not draw down the judgments in-
stead of the blessings of Heaven.
" But how do the inhabitants of tlie Sugar Colonies deserve the resent.
meat of Boston and the other American Colonies ? Is it because they
PRINCESS ANNE COUNTY (viRGINl.\) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the County of Princess Anne, on due notice given by
one of the late Representatives, held at the Court House
of the said county, on Wednesday, tlie 27th day of Jitly,
1774, they, after choosing
Anthony Lawson, Esquire, Moderator,
Came to the following Resolutions, viz :
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that it
is an absolute right inherent in every British American
subject, to have and enjoy such freedoms and privileges as
belong to the free people of England ; and that he cannot
be taxed but by his own consent, or Representative.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
every attempt to impose taxes by any other authority, is a
tyrannical exertion of power, and a violation of the consti-
tutional and just rights and liberties of the subject ; and that
the Acts for blocking up the harbour of Boston; for alter-
ing the chartered Constitution of the Massachusetts Bay ;
and for the suppression of riots and tumults, are cruel and
oppressive invasions of the natural rights of the people of
the said Province, as men, and of their constitutional rights
as English subjects.
Resolved, That the town of Boston and Province of
Massachusetts Bay, are now sufi'ering in the common cause
of America, as the said Acts would lay a foundation for
the utter destruction of the rights and liberties of the sub-
jects of British America.
Resolved, That our Burgesses be hereby instructed to
use their utmost endeavours at the ensuing Congress at
Williamsburg, to procure a general Association for stop-
ping all importation from, and exportation to, Great Bri-
tain, except such articles as shall he there agreed upon, as
the most effectual means to obtain redress ; the non-impor-
tatiou and non-exportation to take place on such future day
have not entered into the same resentment against the mother country?
Alas! what avails the resentment of such small communitios if
inclined to it. Every British subject must see tlio absurdity of a
former wicked Minister, who first adopted the plan of taxing the Col-
onies by a Legislature, in which tliey have no Ro))resentativos : it is
contrary to the fundamental principles of the British Constitution.
Yet that very Legislature repealed all the Tax Acts of America, except
a very small tax upon tea, which was retained, not with views of in.
creasing the Revenue, but as a mark of the dependency of the Col.
onies upon the mother country ; and I dare say thit power of the
British Legislature to impose rational taxes upon the Colonies, will
never be exerted against tlicm ; yet this single instance is to be
lamented, because it is contrary to the ancient rights of all the
Colonies, where Legislatures were established by lawful authority,
from their first settlement ; and in those Legislatures of each Island
and Province, the peojile had their Representatives according to the
fundamental Constitution of the British Government ; for that very
reason it is a point to be lamented, and indeed oppos 'd, with t!ie
moderation of good subjects: not with rage and popular fury, kindle
by a few firebrands.
" But what hath the Sugar Colonies to do with all this combustion 7
Must they bo starved for what they cannot remedy? An hard
measure indeed, to be inflicted by our brethren and fellow Christians
of North America. Yet to be dreaded from those, who for many years
have treated their sister Colonies, the Sugar IsLinds, as aliens ; for
they sell their produce among them for gold and silver, which they
lay out for the like produce of the French, Dutch, and Danish IsUnds,
by a clandestine trade, contrary to the laws of commerce, to the great
injury of all fair traders, and of the British Sugar Colonies.
" But is this principle of smuggling consistent with reason or Chris-
tianity? Surely not, for next to our duty to God, it is our duty to
promote the great good and happiness of that society whereof we are
members: and whatever smugglers may think of such an unjust
practice, they must give a severe account of it at the great tribunal of
Heaven. I hope private gain cannot justify publick injury.
" But it is said if the British Sugiir Colonies arR to be st irvod, what
will the North Americans do with their own produce ? To this they
have a pat and ready answer, that they can dispose of their jiroduce to
all the foreign Nations of Europe and America. Are they sure of
this ? Are they sure that the Navy of Britain will not have orders to
make captures of all their vessels found laden with foreign manufac-
tures and production? even at the entrance of their own ports.
Surely this is a vuin expectation, absolutely inconsistent with common
sense, and thorcforo I beg leave to advise our brethren of North
America to treat all their sister Colonies with a benignity well becoming
such near relations, who give freights to many of the largest ships of
Boston, to the great emolument of that city, and its Province ; for
which and many other benefits, by way of requital, the Sugar Col-
onies are to be starved — Heu pietas, heu priaca fides .'"
641
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JULY, 1774.
642
as may be agreed on by the general Congress of Deputies
from the several Colonies.
Resolved, That our Burgesses be instructed to vote
against every motion or proposal for clogging the usual im-
ports from, and exports to, the West Indies.
Resolved, That our Burgesses be instructed to oppose
the importation of slaves and convicts, as injurious to this
Colony, by preventing the population of it by freemen and
useful manufacturers.
Resolved, That it be recommended to our Burgesses to
vote for tlie encouragement of raising sheep, hemp, flax,
and cotton.
Resolved, That our Burgesses be hereby instructed to
endeavour to procure a general Association against trading
and dealing witli every Colony, Province, County, or Town,
that shall refuse to come into the general plan which may
be adopted by the several Colonies and Provinces on the
Continent.
Resolved, That our Burgesses be hereby instructed to
use their utmost endeavours that subscriptions be opened in
the several counties of this Colony, for the relief of the
cruelly oppressed and distressed inhabitants of the town of
Boston.
Resolved, Tiiat our Burgesses do meet the first day of
August, in Williamslrurg, to consult upon the most proper
means for carrying these or any other Resolves which may
be judged more expedient, into execution.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the
general plan adopted at tiie ensuing Congress, ought to be
strictly adhered to by the whole Colony ; and that this
meeting will faithfully adopt such measures as may be then
agreed upon.
Resolved, That the above Resolutions be printed, for the
perusal of the freeholders and inhabitants of this County.
Thomas Abbott, Clerk.
and freedom of America ; and, let me add, that, if the
Deputies of the several Provinces, when convened in Con-
gress, do not, one and all, firmly resolve to establish through
every county and townsliip in their respective Provinces, a
solemn League and Covenant, and under the obligation of
an oath or affirmation, not to purchase or use the manufac-
tures of tiiis country, (save what are collected already
within the Provinces,) and, if possible, not to export any
provisions to the H'eit India Islands ; and, at the same
time, they do not religiously resolve to meet again in Con-
gress every six months, for the purpose of forming a suit-
able plan for the permanent security of American rights
and freedom ; I say, if these things are not done ; and if
they do not determine faithfully to stand by each other
until every Act passed this session is reversed ; and until
all their just rights and privileges are fully recognised and
established by this Legislature, our children will be irreme-
diably deprived of that inheritance of liberty which our
fathers carefully and piously transmitted to us.
•EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED IN PHILADELPHIA,
DATED LONDON, JULY 27, 1774.
With respect to politicks, it is not necessary, in this ad-
vanced part of the season, to write much. The Resolu-
tions o{ Philadelphia, and those o[ Maryland and Virginia,
I must, however, tell you, are esteemed both by the Court
and the merchants of the city, as very inoffensive, and as
the mere ebullitions of a set of angry men, whose force
was spent the day they were made ; and the proposed Con-
gress is spoken of, and really considered, both by Adminis-
tration and ail the merchants of the city, as a sciieme that
will produce no sort of security to the liberty of the Colo-
nies, nor trouble to Administration ; and it is under this
general apprehension that the stocks continue so uncom-
monly higli as they are at present, and have been for some
time past. Mr. Hutchinson is in good health, and appa-
rent high spirits. He is much quoted by Administration ;
and they are assured by him that their proper and spirited
measures will un(|uestionably excite a perfect submission in
all parts of America. Depend on it, that it is only such
parricides as Mr. Hutchinson, &ic., that support the despo-
tick and destructive schemes and wishes of the enemies of
America; and it is from their infamous suggestions that
Administration is taught to laugh at your proposed Con-
gress, as they are assured by them, and from both New-
York and Philadelphia, tliat it will produce nothing more
than a remonstrance or petition of right, (which by-the-by
it is already determined not to receive,) and that you are
so attached to your private interests, you will never stop
either imports or exports. The honest hearted Americans,
at present in this city, are daily botli at Court and in Lon-
don ridiculed, on account of the high sounding declarations
of patriotism, made, as it is said, by the cowardly Ameri-
cans ; and are hourly mortified with the detestable opinions
of Hutchinson, and other natives of America, being plea-
singly repeated and relied on. But, for my part, however
1 am perpetually insulted wit!) the prostituted sentiments
of these men, I persuade myself your countrymen are not
so contaminated with the vices and effeminacy of this Na-
tion, not to see that this is the important crisis when they
ought to make a solemn, sullen, united, and invincible stand
against the cruel, tyrannick, and ruinous system of policy
adopted and exercising by this Legislature against the rights
Fourth Series. 41
TO THE INHABITANTS OF NEW-JERSEY.
New-Jersey, July 27, 1774.
Friends and Countrymen:
We are involved in a dispute with the mother country
that is of the most serious nature. It is now brought to a
crisis, and upon our conduct, at this time, every thing will
depend.
If we calmly view the controversy, we shall find that
both sides are wrong ; the Parliament, in carrying their
authority of right of taxation farther than is consistent with
the rights of the Colonists ; the Colonists too far, in deny-
ing all authority of Parliament. To draw the line is diffi-
cult; but yet, I apprehend, a calm, prudent, and steady
perseverance in what is right, not making extravagant and
improper demands, will bring about a reconcihatiou. We
have lost the distinction between internal and external taxa-
tion, and absurdly call every impost upon trade a taxation;
but if we would restore woids to their proper meaning, we
should find that taxes are certain portions of our estates
taken from us by tlie legislative authority, for the publick
service, and are to be paid whether we will or not ; that, on
the other hand, duties are certain rates set on certain arti-
cles of merchandise, for the discouragement of foreign
manufactures that interfere with our own, or on articles of
luxury; and are either intended as prohibitions of those
articles, and therefore laid high, or are set so low as to raise
a revenue to the state, and are levied only on the consumer;
so that, under this species of taxation, every person con-
tributes as he pleases, but none are compelled ; hence, a
wide difference in the taxes, if we may, with propriety,
call the last by that name.
The duty on tea has raised this mighty contest, foment-
ed, I fear, by men whose interest it is to discourage the
trade with Britain for this article of luxury, because it
will deprive them of their enormous gains in their trade
with the Dutch, to whom they make no scruple to pay du-
ties, though their consciences will not permit them to pay
any to the state that protects them, even while they are
carrying on their destructive commerce.
Let us, my countrymen, be steady in our duty to Great
Britain, and, at tlie same time that we carefully guard our
liberties, let us not deny the authority of Parliament, where
it alone can have jurisdiction, and thereby break that bond
of union which has made the Empire we belong to so great
and glorious. In short, while we contend for our rights,
let us not attempt to deprive them of theirs, by denying
tliat we are bound by the Acts of the British Legislature,
in laying duties upon any foreign articles imported to us ;
we, in fact, declare an independency inconsistent with our
interest, and with every idea of a Colony, which in itself
carries the idea of dependence. Instead, therefore, my
countrymen, of persisting in the absurd denial of the au-
thority of Great Britain, in imposing any duties upon tea,
or other articles of luxury and foreign produce, let us en-
deavour to draw a line which will put an end to the present,
and prevent future, contests between us and the mother
country.
We' are a part of a very great and powerful Empire ;
and though, from our great distance from the mother coun-
try, we cannot be represented in Parliament, arid have
643
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JULY, 1774.
644
therefore a representation of our own ; yet, this doth not
destroy or take away all autiiorlty of the mother country,
but only abridges its power in such instances wherein, from
the nature of the thing, it cannot be a complete judge.
Hence, it follows naturally, that it would be improper for
Parliament to tax our estates, because they cannot know
what sums we are able to pay, nor in what mode it would
be proper to raise it ; and therefore this should be left to
our own Representatives. So, on the other iiand, our ju-
risdictions are limited, and we cannot regulate trade or
extend our authority to any matter out of our Colonies.
Indeed, if we could, we should, from our situations, the
different geniuses of the people of these Colonies, and
many other things, never be able to pass laws that would
be uniform, (which they ought to be,) but our different in-
terests would lead us to different regulations, inconsistent
with the central good ; our laws would clash, and be often
repugnant to those of the mother country. Hence, it fol-
lows, that the restraining and regulating trade by prohibi-
tions, by duties, &c., must rest with the mother country,
where only a universal and superintendent power can be
lodged.
This then being a true state of our situation, instead of
denying all authority in Parliament, let us contend warmly
that our estates should be taxed only by our Representa-
tives in General Assembly ; let us acknowledge that, as
parts of one great Empire, we are ready to support and
maintain it, by contributing our portion to the national ex-
pense ; but that our own Rejiresentatives are the only judges
of the mode of laying and raising the taxes for this pur-
pose. That, on the other hand. Parliament, from the na-
ture and necessity of the thing, must and ought to have
the right of regulating and restraining trade, and laying
such duties, (let it be for revenue or what it will) on arti-
cles of luxury and foreign growth and manufactures. With
these sentiments, let us guard against the madness of some
men, who are inflaming our minds and hurrying us into an
open rupture with our mother country. Let us, instead of
denying the authority in the mother country, instruct our
Representatives in General Assembly, and those who shall
meet in the intended general Congress, to use every means
in their power to conciliate this dangerous controversy ; to
procure an exemption of our effects from Parliamentary
taxation, and leave Parliament to a full exercise of their
power as to laying duties and restraints on trade.
Should we thus distinguish between internal and external
taxation, and speedily make the proposal, so just and reason-
able a request we have the greatest reason to believe will not
be denied. On the contrary, we may safely presume, that
his Majesty and his Ministers, as well as Parliament, will
hearken to the justice of our request, and readily accept of
our proposals.
On the other hand think, my countrymen, of th^ danger
attending an obstinate perseverance, in so generally deny-
ing the authority of Parliament ; that, with the confusion
it has and will introduce, we may, in the heat and hurry of
our spirits, inflamed by men who, perhaps, are without
consequence, but in times of tumult and disorder, be in-
volved in the horrours of a civil war, and to the ruin of
our liberty, be compelled to submit by force.
BUCKINGHAM COUNTY (viRGINIa) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants
of the County of Buckingham, at the Court House, the
28th of July, 1774, they took under their consideration the
truly alarming state of the several British Colonies from
sundry Acts of Parhament, which if carried into execution
must reduce the whole to an abject state of slavery, at
which time they came to the following Resolutions :
Resolved, That we will, at the risk of our lives and
fortunes, defend his Majesty's right and title to the Crown
of Great Britain and his American Dominions, against
all and every person whatsoever, and that we do acknowl-
edge and profess all due obedience to him.
Resolved, That we will not pay any tax that is or may
be laid on any commodity whatsoever, which shall be laid
by the Parliament of Great Britain for the purpose of
raising a revenue in America ; our own Legislature, with
the consent of his Majesty, being only legally vested with
a power of laying taxes on the inliabitants of this Colony.
Resolved, That the Act of Parliament for blocking up
the harbour of Boston ; also one other Act for carrying per-
sons to Great Britain or elsewhere to be tried for offences;
as also the Act for depriving our sister Colony of Massachu-
setts Bay of their Charter, are unjust, arbitrary, and uncon-
stitutional ; and that we consider an attack on the liberties
of one of our sister Colonies as an attack on the whole
of British America.
Resolved, That manufactories ought to be encouraged
in this and every other Colony, and that after a short time
all importations from Great Britain ought to be prohibited
unless the several Acts of Parliaiuent depriving our sister
Colony of Massachusetts Bay of their liberties be repealed ;
as also all such other Acts of the British Pailiament as
are or may be intended for laying any tax on articles im-
ported into this or any of the Colonies for the purpose of
raising a revenue in America, be likewise repealed.
Resolved, That the Representatives for this county be
directed to meet the Representatives of the other counties
in this Colony, in Williamsburg, the first day of August
next, to consult and advise on the best and most efltctual
means for preserving American liberty, and that they use
their best endeavours that proper persons be appointed
on the part of this Colony to meet such persons as may be
appointed by the other Colonies, to consult and advise on
proper measures for the good of the whole, with all and
every of which our desire is, a strict union may be estab-
lished, as the only sure and effectual means of defeating
the evil intentions of a corrupt majority in the House of
Commons.
Resolved, That these Resolutions be sent to the publick
Printer, and that she be requested to publish the same.
John Nicholas, Moderator.
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Thursday, 28th
of July, 1774,
Present : The Honourable John Pcnn, Esquire, Gov-
ernour, Benjamin Chew, James Tilghman, Andrew Allen,
Esquires.
The Secretary having, by the direction of the Govem-
our, prepared a draft of a Proclamation, offering a reward,
pursuant to the request of the Assembly, for apprehending
the persons said to have murdered Joseph Weepey, a Dela-
ware Indian, laid the same before the Board, which was
approved and ordered to be published, and printed copies
thereof sent to Westmoreland. The Proclamation follows
in these words, viz :
By the Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Govemour and
Commander-in-chief of the Province of Pennsylva-
nia, ow<Z CoM/Utc« o/New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex,
on Delaware :
A proclamation.
Whereas I liave received information that, some time in
May last, a certain friendly Indian man, called Joseph
Weepey, was barbarously murdered in the County of West-
moreland: And whereas there is great reason to believe
that John Hinlcson and James Cooper, of the same county,
were concerned in the perpetration of the said murder.
And whereas, it is at all times, but more especially in the
present situation of our affairs with the Western Indian
Nations, of the utmost consequence to the peace of the
Province, that the perpetrators of such atrocious offences,
not only against the authority of Government, but indirect
violation of the treaties with those Indians, should be
brought to condign and exemplary punishment, I have,
therefore, thought fit, with the advice of the Council, to
issue this Proclamation : And do hereby strictly charge
and command all judges, justices, sheriffs, constables, and
other officers, as well as all other his Majesty's liege
subjects within this Province, to make diligent search and
inquiry after the said John Ilinkson and James Cooper,
and to use all lawful means for ap])rehending and securing
them, that they may be proceeded against according to law.
And I do hereby promise and engage, that the publick
reward of one hundred pounds shall be paid to any person
or persons who shall apprehend the said John Ilinkson and
James Cooper, and deliver them into the custody of the
645
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
646
keeper of the jail of either of the Counties of Lancaster,
York, or Cumberland, or the sum of fifty pounds for either
of tliem.
Given under my hand and the great seal of the said
Province, at Philadelphia, the twenty-eighth day oi July,
in the fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign, and in the
year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-
four. John Penn.
By his Honour's command,
Joseph Shippen, Jun., Secretary.
God save the King.
The Governour laid before the Board a Letter he received
from Colonel Guy Johnson, dated 22d July, 1774, which
follows in these words, viz :
Guy Park, July 22, 1774.
Sir : Your despatch of the 28th ultimo, to Sir fVil-
liain Johnson, arrived when that worthy man was, through
the fatigues occasioned by the late general Congress,
(which is just ended) very much indisposed ; he neverthe-
less continued all that day to do business with them, but in
the evening was seized with a relapse, which carried him
off in a fit that night.* As it was a very critical period,
and that he had strongly recommended me for liis successor
to his Majesty's Ministers, I continued to conduct the busi-
ness of the Congress at the earnest entreaty of the Indians,
and brought it, I think, to a happy termination, and have
now received his Excellency General Gage's appointment
to the Superintendency till his Majesty's final pleasure is
* On iVfonday evening, lltli of July, 1774, departed this life, at
Johnson Hall, in his sixtieth year, to tlie inexpressible concern of his
family, and the infinite loss of the publick, particularly at this critical
juncture, the Honourable Sir William Johnson, Bart., his Majesty's
Superintendent of Indian AfFdirs, and one of the oldest Council of this
Province. Ho had long laboured under a complication of disorders,
the consequences of his former fatigues and severe services in defence
of the country in general, and this Province in particular. Still per-
sisting in the exertion of all his faculties, and at the expense of health,
ease, and domestick concerns, discharging the laborious duties of a most
troublesome and difficult department, he, though much indisposed, at-
tended and transacted business with the Six Nations, who came lately
to Johnson Hall on account of tlie murders committed by some of the
frontier inhabitants of Virginia. The fatigue and hurry of spirits oc.
casioned by tlie difficulties he found in accommodating these affairs,
at last obliged him to retire to his room, wliere he was immediately
seized witli a violent attack, wliich carried him oiF in an hour's time.
The impartial publick well know and enjoy the fruits of his distin-
guished services, whilst crowds have experienced his benevolence and
private bounty ; and his united talents as a deftsnder and improver of
this country, will cvar preserve his name amongst the most dis-
tinguished personages o^ the age he lived in. In 1737 he came from
Ireland under the auspices of his uncle, Sir Peter Warren, and lived
many years in the Indians country, where he learned tlieir language
and gained tlieir afFjction by his great generosity and humanity. In
1755, he stood fortli in the defence of tliis Province, then in the most
imminent danger from the rapid progress of the French arms, and with
a force, consisting entirely of Provincials, totally routed the army of
Baron Dieskau ; that victory proved highly acceptable to his Sovereign,
who created him a Baronet ; and he was rewarded by the Parliament
of Great Britain with a present of five thousand pounds sterling. In
1758, he, by an intimate acquaintance with tlie genius and temper of
the Indian tribes, who had been debauched by France from the interest
of Great Britain, effected a reconciliation with fifteen different Nations
of that people, which paved the way for the future success of our arms
in Canada. In 1759, he defeated the French Army, destined for the
relief of JVifl^aca, under M. D'Aubry, presently after which the garri-
son surrendered that important post to the besiegers. These glories
were obtained by dint of innate courage and natural sagacity, without
the help of a military education ; and what remarkably enhances those
endowments, is the circumstance of his having taken in both actions,
the commanders of the enemy. In 1760, he assisted at the taking of
Montreal, and tlie conquest of the French Empire in that part of the
Continent. Since which, he has acted at the head of the Indian De-
partment, over whom he early acquired, and constantly maintained, a
surprising ascendency, by the influence and authority of his justice,
benevolence, and integrity. In short, our gracious Sovereign never
sustained a heavier loss, in the demise of any subject, than of Sir
William Johnson, whose character was a combination of good qualities,
and whose memory will bo highly revered to the end of time.
His remains were decently interred in the church of his own build-
ing, at Johnstown, on Wednesday, the 13th, attended by upwards of
two thousand people, in the following order ;
The Clergy. J, Duncan, Esquire ; Captain Chapman ; P. Living,
tion. Esquire; Judge Jones; G.Banyar, Esquire; R. Morris, Esquire;
Major Edmonston ; Governour Franklin ; supporters of tlie pall.
Chief Mourners, Sir John Johnson, Baronet, Colonels D. Claus and
G. Johnson, John Dease, Esquir-. The Physicians ; J'amily ; Mohawks ;
Conajoharifs ; High Sheriff, followed by above two thousand persons
from the neighbouring country. The Chiefs and Warriors of the ISix
Nations, who then attended the Congress.
Where it was interred, and a suitable discourse delivered by the
Reverend Mr. Stewart, Missionary to the Mohawks at Fort Hunter.
The Indians exhibited on the occasion of Sir William Johnson's
death, the most extraordinary signs of distress and sincere afiliction,
that ever were before observed among that people.
known. I enlarged during the Conference on the unhappy
situation of your frontiers, and represented it as the duty of
the Six Nations to bring those they call their dependants
to reason. They have accordingly agreed to send Deputies
from each Nation to the Southward, who will set out to-
morrow, but they complain very much of the ill treatment
they receive from the frontier people of Virginia, k,c.,
and of their encroachments, and demand redress.
The hurry in which the late sudden accident has engaged
me, and the number of despatches I must now necessarily
make up for the post, who is waiting, will not permit me
to be more particular at present, but you may be assured,
sir, that whilst I have any thing to do in these affairs, I
sliall use my utmost endeavours for the peace and happi-
ness of your Province, and, from true personal regard, shall
always be glad to serve or oblige you, as I am, with real
esteem, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
G. Johnson.
P. S. I have taken the liberty to enclose a letter to Mr.
McKec, on occasion of the present troubles as I understand
there is no post to Fort Pitt, and that it might meet with
great delay. I shall be glad to have any furtlier infonna-
tion respecting your frontiers.
The Council then advised the Governour to write an
Answer to the above Letter by the next post, and also to
write Lord Dartmouth by the first packet, informing him
of the publick occurrences here since he wrote him last, and
transmit him copies of the Governour's Message to the As-
sembly ; their Answer ; Resolves ; and the Resolves of the
Committee of all the counties lately met in this city ; and
also the Instructions drawn up by them to the Assembly,
respecting the conduct of the Delegates to be named by the
House to attend the general Congress of Delegates from
all the Colonies, proposed to be held at this city in Sep-
tember next.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK.
Boston, July 28, 1774.
All our Governours' operations are still at a stand, as
the Cerberus, ship of war, has not yet made her appearance
with the further intentions of Pariiament in regard to this
truly distressed country ; for she is charged with the two
Acts passed on the 20th of May, respecting the proposed
future government and administration of justice in this
Province ; that vessel was to leave England on the 25th of
May. The Addressers of Mr. Hutchinson, and the pro-
testers against our publick measures lead a devil of a life ;
in the country the people will not grind their corn, and in
town they refuse to purchase from, and sell to, them.
The Governour expects hourly the arrival of the fifty-ninth
regiment, with a company of artillery from Halifax ; his
Excellency has expressed much surprise on finding the
transports, which sailed long since from hence, to take on
board the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, had not effected an
arrival at New- Yorh ; surely the old Wentworth Indiaman
has not played the Navy Commissioners a trick, and, by a
sacrifice to Neptune, proved a hard bargain to Government.
Our inhabitants endure their distressed situation with
great temper.* The letters of sympathy which they have
received from the other Colonies, with assurances of joining
in a general delegation to the Grand Congress at Philadel-
phia, fortify their distracted spirits, and encourage them
* Boston, July 21, 1774. The firmness and unanimity of the people
to defend their invaluable rights, notwithstanding the restlessness of a
little selfish faction, does this Province honour. At a meeting of sixty
gentlemen. Deputies of the several towns in the County of Berkshire, a
number of judicious, spirited Resolves were passed, and a non-con.
sumption agreement agreed upon to encourage our own manufactures,
and a subscription for the Boston sufferers, by the Port Act. The ac-
counts from Connecticut are most encouraging, and the firmness, ac-
tivity, and generosity of the other Colonies, is astonishing to the enemies
of Arnerican freedom. Courage, Americans, and with the help of God,
the slavery intended for us may be warded off, and our tranquillity re-
established.
July 28. Every part of this extensive Continent, so far as we have
yet heard, appear to be deeply interested in the fate of this unhappy
town. Many and great are the donations we have already received,
and many mora we have good reason to expect. The cry of hunger is
not so groat as was at first expected. Even our poorest people have
not suffered for the want of bread. May that Being who hath the
hearts of all men in his hands, and who tumeth them as he pleaseth,
still dispose our sympathizing brethren to continue their benefactionsj
till we are happily relieved from our present difficulties.
647
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, JULY, 1774.
648
to look up for efFeciual relief from the event of measures
to be concerted by the united wisdom of many sage, dis-
creet, and intelligent counsellors. Tiie gentlemen ap-
pointed our Delegates will prejiare to set out in three
weeks time ; and as they carry with them ample abilities
to describe our situation, and to rouse the attention of all
America to our sufteriugs, we doubt not their complaints
will be heard, and their proposals to that Assembly sup-
ported with all the sensibility and fervour which will
doubtless prevail at that solemn Assembly.
TO THE GENTLEMEN 01" THE GENERA!. CONVENTION OF
VIRGINIA.
Williamsburg, July 28, 1774.
You are now to meet on one of tlie most important
matters that ever engaged the Councils of America ; you
are all well acquainted with the natural and constitutional
rights of your country. The resolves from your different
counties would reflect honour on the ancient Grecian or
Roman states. But in what maimer to oppose the grow-
ing system of oppression which hangs over you, and to
secure your rights for the future, is the important question
to come before you. Permit a fellow-subject to offer you
his sentiments.
It is proposed that you shall immediately put a stop to
all exports and imports to and from Great Britain. We
will consider those two points separately.
By stopping your exports you will distress yourselves
without one good consequence attending it. You will
lessen the revenue it is true ; but as that revenue arises
from the duty which is paid by the consumer in Britain,
the Ministry will only alter the mode of taxation and laugh
at your folly. It is alleged too, that you are considerably
in debt to the British Nation. If that is the case, let us
not meanly take advantage of the times, and give room for
our enemies to declare that we are a set of men void of
publick faith, who do not deserve the freedom we are con-
tending for. Policy, justice, and proper regard for our
national character, all forbid you to adopt this plan. If
we are obliged at last to struggle for our liberties, with
arms in our hands, let us not stain the purity of our cause
with the least tincture of injustice. Let us excite the
prayers of the righteous for our success ; and if we do fall
let us fall revered and lamented.
The other position is, that you should immediately stop
all imports from Great Britain; let us examine into the
consequence of this step.
We will suppose that all ^menc« will unite in this mea-
sure. You must then depend on your own manufactures
for the mere necessaries of life. But this you will be pre-
vented from carrying into execution, for, as soon as you
have openly avowed your design of purchasing no more of
the British manufactures, the Ministry will immediately
enforce that right which they claim from regulating the
trade, of restraining you from making any of your own.
It will be made treason and rebellion for any man to
manufacture the produce of his own estate ; it will be made
treason and rebellion not to import from Great Britain ;
nay, it has already been done by Governour Gage's tyran-
nical Proclamation, which you have all seen. This mea-
sure will only protract the evil a little while, and increase
the weight of your calamities ; such are the fruits of allow-
ing a supremacy for regulating the trade.
Let us then, my countrymen, throw aside all temporizino-
methods ; let us assert our liberties witli a spirit becoming
men who are deserving of them ; let us authorize tiie gen-
eral Congress of America to lay our claims before the
Nation, and demand a ratification of them from the King
m his British Parliament — claims so just and so similar to
their own, that a brave and generous Nation cannot with-
hold their consent. But if this, through the corrupt influ-
ence of the Ministry, siiould be denied us, we shall be
prepared for the alternative. Let us then protest against
the authority of Parliament in every case whatever ; let us
forbid our magistrates to be governed by their Acts, on
pain of incurring the just indignation of an injured peo-
ple ; and, above all, let us remember, in limes of necessity
that with the sword our forefathers obtained their consti-
tutional rights, and by the sword it is our duty to defend
them.
THE BRITISH AMERICAN, NO. IX.
WilUamsburg, Va., July 28, 1774.
Friends, Fellow-citizens, and Countrymen:
I have observed in quarrels between two men, where
each has been satisfied of the others' bravery, tiiey have
generally compromised their difference upon honourable
terms ; but where tiie person injured, under pretence of
trymg moderate measures, hath by this method of asking
satisfaction, given his adversary reason to suspect his cour-
age, a scandalous submission, or the duel, he wished to
avoid, has been the consequence. Tlie same passions
which produce this effect between two men will operate
equally upon two states, who are but a collection of indi-
viduals. It is my firm opinion, that if the British aristoc-
racy were once convinced that you were determined to risk
your lives and fortunes rather than submit to the legislation
of a British Parliament, they would relinquish so despotick
a measure rather than force you to draw the sword ; if
you convince them that you are determined to go even
those lengths rather than submit, and nothing but a persua-
sion that you dare not do so hath induced them to proceed
so far as they have done. But supposing it was otherwise,
it is high time that the dispute between Britain and Amc-
rica should be brought to some fixed point, which being once
determined, either one way or the other, may remove all
future contests; for if you look no farther than the present
moment, and only endeavour to obtain a repeal of any par-
ticular Act of Parliament you complain of, you will no
sooner baffle oppression in one shape, than, Proteus like, it
will attack you in another equally formidable. Jealousies,
complaints, murmurs, and dissensions will eternally subsist ;
reciprocal provocations will totally destroy all harmony be-
twixt the inhabitants of the two countries ; and implacable
resentment end in mutual attempts to ruin, if not to extir-
pate, each other. What then, my countrymen, is it you
demand? The answer is obvious. A right of exemption
from the legislation of the British Parliament. If you are
determined to enforce this right lay the axe at the root of
the evil, boldly avow those intentions to the world, and pur-
sue the proper measures to transmit that right to your pos-
terity.
Of the three plans proposed the first appears too weak
and timid ; the second too violent, rash, and dishonour-
able to be adopted ; then consider coolly the third plan
proposed : that you shall absolutely determine at once
that you will not in future suffer any Act of the British
Parliament, made since the fourth of James the First, to
be executed in the Colonies ; that if any judge of any
court whatever shall presume to pronounce any judgment
to enforce such Act of Parliament, he shall incur the
resentment of an injured people, and be treated as an
enemy to America ; that the judgment so pronounced by
him shall be absolutely void ; and that you will, at the risk
of your lives and fortunes, support every person injured by
such judgments in repelling the execution of them by force.
It is objected that this measure strikes at the Navigation
Acts, which we have long submitted to. The very objec-
tion evinces the folly of trusting the decision of this dis-
pute to posterity, who, familiarized to opfiression, will
never resist it, and who, by long use, will be accustomed
to look upon every badge of slavery with as little horrour
as we do upon the Navigation Acts, which ought certainly
to be considered as impositions of the strong upon the
weak, and as such ought to be resisted as much as any of
the other Acts we complain of; nor will this dispute ever
be ended till, by refusing submission to them, we remove
so dangerous a precedent. But it is said to be reasonable
that your trade should be secured to Great Britain : I
own I cannot see the force of this argument ; for why
should not Britons on this have as good a right to extend
their trade to every corner of the globe as those on the
other side of the Atlantic 1 Is it material to the Empire
of Great Britain in what part of her Dominions the wealth
of her subjects lie, since it will finally centre in her happy
Island ? Bristol, Liverpool, and Whitehaven would esteem
it an intollerable hardship to be obliged to lade or unlade all
their ships at the port ai London, m A though they are not
obliged to do this, their wealth finally centres in that city as
the metropolis of the Kingdom ; so if America was indulged
in an unlimited trade it would be highly advantageous to
Britain, as all the profits of such a trade must finally
649
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, JULY, 1774.
650
centre in that Island. It hatli been justly observed, " that
" natural inclination leads every man to the cultivation of
*' the soil, and the extensive Continent of America will
" enable her inhabitants to indulge that inclinalion for cen-
" turies to come ; notliing but oppression can ever induce
" them to turn their thoughts towards manufactures whilst
" the produce of their fields can supply them with those
" manufactures." Long custom, added to their natural
connections with their modier country, will lead them to
prefer those of Britain to any others ; and the certain
market they would meet with there, together with the
danger they will run in trading with a foreign Power, who
in case of a war may cancel all the debts due to them, will
induce them to supply Britain with all the rough material
she can manufacture, and to trade wiih other Nations for
such only as would be superfluous to her. But it is object-
ed that America would supply foreign Powers with tobacco,
and Britain would lose that valuable branch of trade. To
this I answer, that her own interest would induce America
first to supply Britain with as much of that commodity
as she wanted for home consumption ; because so much
would bring abetter price from thence than from any other
market. The revenue of Britain would not therefore be
affected ; and, with regard to the superfluity. Great Britain
could never be said to lose those profits which any of her
subjects gained, because the wealth would finally centre in
the capital of the Empire. The happy temperature of
her climate would invite the indolent, the residence of her
Monarch would draw the ambitious, the grandeur of her
metropolis would attract the vain and curious, and the re-
finements of her pleasures would induce the luxurious of
her extensive Empire to spend all their superfluous wealth
in a city where they could indulge every wish of their
hearts; not to mention the vast superiority Great Britain
would have over the Colonies by all the Officers of Gov-
ernment in them being appointed, the Government directed,
and even the Legislature controlled, (in the exercise of the
King's negative) by the British Councils. But it is ob-
jected, that if America were indulged with this extension
of irade, still she would not contribute to the support of
Government, unless compelled to it by a British Parlia-
ment. Either this objection is true or false. Suppose it true.
If all the wealth arising from the trade and labours of the
Americans finally centres in Britain, it is as immaterial to
the state whether America actually pays the taxes herself
or enables others to do it, as it is whether the publican or
tallow-chandler pay their taxes to the exciseman, who pays
them into the Exchequer, or whether they pay them into
the Exchequer themselves. But 1 deny the objection to
be true. The Assemblies of the Colonies of America,
when proper requisitions have been made of them as a free
people, who had a right to exercise their judgment upon
the expediency of the requisitions, have never refused to
contribute to the utmost of their power towards supporting
the dignity of the British Empire ; nor can the British
aristocracy produce a single instance of any one Colony's
having refused to grant supplies when their Sovereign bath
requested them, but such where their Governours, instead of
requesting those supplies with a respect due to free people,
have insolently demanded them, with threats in case of
refusal ; or when, in the Proprietary Colonies, their propri-
etors have refused to pass any Supply Bills, by which his
large estate in the Province would be obliged to contribute
any thing towards warding off the common danger, and
then, by the address of his Governour, Administration hath
been abused with a belief that disloyalty in the people to
their Sovereign occasioned the want of those supplies,
which were really withheld by the avarice of the propri-
etor. In the last war, when the usual requisitions were
made, the Assemblies, fond of demonstrating their loyalty
to their Sovereign, and their regard for the dignity of the
British Empire, exerted themselves so much beyond their
ability, that the Parliament of Great Britain thought it
but just to repay them what they had actually contri-
buted more than their proportion. Have they ever since
been asked to contribute and refused ? Why then distrust
them now ? Or why run the risk of destroying the goose
to get at that wealth which will be at the service of their
Sovereign whenever he asks for it in the usual way ? But
it is objected, that die last war was undertaken solely on
account of America, and therefore she was more materially-
interested in its success than any of the inhabitants of
Britain. The event has proved the very reverse. Each
Colony possessed of more lands than their inhabitants could
cultivate, were really prejudiced by Great Britain's extend-
ing her Dominion in America. Their lands fell immedi-
ately fifty per cent, in their value by the emigration of their
inhabitants to the new conquered Colonies ; the manufac-
tuies from Britain came much higher than formerly, by the
great demand for them to supply their new acquired sub-
jects ; their exports to Britain were reduced in their price
on account of the additional ones from the new Dominions;
and, to crown all, the British aristocracy having no longer
a foreign rival to fear in America to check their aspiring
views, employed their victorious arms to destroy the rights
of those subjects who had assisted them in obtaining the
victories which now enable them to attempt to enslave you,
with even a shadow of success. But if custom hath so
far habituated you to these unjust laws that you are willing,
for the sake of peace, to meet your mother country more
than half way, upon her agreeing to repeal those Acts,
together with every precedent of legislation, do you, on
your parts, agree to secure the trade of the Colonies to
Great Britain be re-enacting the laws of navigation in
your own respective Assemblies, which, when they have
obtained the Royal assent, will be eternally binding on
you ? But never consent to submit to those laws as the
Acts of a British Parliament.
It is objected, that the third plan proposed is too violent
and illegal to be adopted. Let us consider whether it is
so ; and here permit me to make a few distinctions which
are supported by those laws of England, which our ances-
tors, when they, with leave of their Sovereign, settled
America, imported with them.
When a Judge pronounces an erroneous judgment, in a
cause properly ivithin his jurisdiction, he is not answer-
able as a criminal for such an crrour in judgment, because
no man is infallible, and corruption is not presumed. The
judgment so pronounced by him, though erroneous, is not
absolutely void, but avoidable, and till it is regularly re-
versed, by a superiour Court of Judicature, it is to be
considered as a judgment ; may as such be enforced, but
cannot be legally resisted.
If a Judge pronounces judgment in a cause in which he
has no jurisdiction, or if a man constitutes himself a
Judge, or is by others, ivho have no right to do so, ille-
gally constituted a Judge, and as such presumes to enforce
such usurjjed jurisdiction, even though the judgment is a
just one, he is answerable for the consequences. The
judgment thus pronounced by him, though a just one, is
absolutely void, and as such may be legally resisted. The
Judge and every person concerned in endeavouring to en-
force such a judgment, are trespassers ; and if any person
should be killed in resisting such judgment, the Judge who
pronounced the sentence, if present at the execution, and
all his assistants, are answerable for the m,urder.
The Courts of Admiralty, at the time our ancestors
settled America, had no jurisdiction of any offence com-
mitted in any river or bay where the land could be seen
across from one side to the other ; and if they presumed
to usurp such jurisdiction, by seizing any vessel in such
places, they, and all acting under them, were trespassers ;
their judgments were absolutely void, and by the statute
of second Henry the Fourth, chapter eleven, they were
liable for double damages.
The King cannot create any new offence, which was not
so at the common law, or alter the mode of trial of those
already created in Britain, ivithout the consent of his
British Parliament, or, in other words, ivithout the consent
of the Representatives of the people, who are to be judged
for such offences, and affected by such trials ; and if he
should, such trials would be illegal; the judgments abso-
lutely void ; the persons injured by them may not only
maintain an action against, and indict as trespassers, the
persons vjho attempt to enforce such illegal and void judg-
ments, but may resist them by force, and if in such resist-
ance they kill the trespassers, it will not be murder,
because, say the books, the persons slain were tres-
passers, covering their violence with a show of justice; he
who kills them is indulged by the law, and those who
engage in such unlawful actions must abide by the event,
at their peril.
651
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
652
For authorities in support of the doctrines I iiave thus
laid down, I refer my reader to 10 Co. Rep. 76 and 77 ;
1 Salk. 201. 2 Mod. 30, 196; Bolls. Abr. Tit. Escape,
809. pi. 45; Cro. James 314, Cro. Car. 395; 2 .Sid.
125; 1 Lev. 95; Hob. 261 ; Holt, Rep. 186; 1 Hawk.
pi. cr. cliap. 28, sec. 5 and 6. cliap. 29, sec. 8. cliap. 31 ,
sec. 46. chap. 32, sec. 54, 57, 58, 59, and 60 ; 2 Hawk.
pi. cr. chap. 50, sec. 3, 4 ; Inst. 87, 97, 98, 121, 134, to
142, 213, and 248 ; and a great multitude of precedents in
those boolcs referred to. From tliese doctrines and au-
thorities I draw the following inferences :
First, That the jurisdiction exercised by the Courts of
Admiralty in the bays and rivers in America being given,
the very offences of which they talie cognizance being
created, and tlie modes of trial being altered from the
common law, since the settlement of the Colonies by the
British Parliament, in which the inhabitants of the Col-
onies are not represented, the judgments given by those
Courts are absolutely void ; tliat the persons injured by
them have a right to recover double damages of, and to
indict the persons who enforce them, and to resist them
with force, and if in such resistance tlie trespassers are
killed, it will not be murder ; but on the other hand, if the
persons resisting are killed, all actually present in counte-
nancing and enforcing such judgments will be guilty of
murder.
Secondly, That as Acts of the British Parliament made
since the settlement of A7nerica, (in which the inhabitants
of America neither are or can be represented) cannot be
binding upon the Americans, who have no share in framing
them, the subject matter of such Acts of Parliament can
never come within the jurisdiction of any Court of Judica-
ture in America, and consequently any judgment given by
an American Court of Judicature, to enforce sucii Acts of
Parliament, are absolutely void, and may be legally re-
sisted.
Thus, my countrymen, the dispute finally terminates in
this single question : whether the British Parliament, in
which you are not represented, have a right to make laws
to bind you or not ? If they have, all opposition is illegal ;
but if they have not, you may, without infringing the laws
of your country, declare that you will not submit to any
Act of Parliament made since your ancestors, with tiie
leave of their Sovereign, settled in America, and deter-
mine to punish any Judge who shall dare to enforce such ;
for the man who as a Judge usurps a jurisdiction he has no
right to, and under colour of a law, no way obligatory on
you, attempts to wrest your property from you, is to be
considered as a plunderer and robber, and you have as
good a right to repel by force the execution of his judg-
ments, as you have to resist the higiiwayman who attacks
you in the main road ; the thief who breaks into your
house ; the bailiff who, by virtue of an execution against
your estate, attempts to imprison your person, or the
Gascon who would enforce an edict of the French Parlia-
ment. A just apprehension of personal danger, and the
dread of immediate punishment, acts so powerfully upon
the human mind, that I can readily imagine a regard for
their personal safety would induce, and a dread of danger
would intimidate, all the Judges in the Colonies from en-
forcing Acts of Parliament of which they can have no legal
jurisdiction. Thus your very Resolutions would, in many
of the Colonies, end the dispute ; for Acts of Parliament,
which no Judge would dare to enforce obedience to could
never injure you. But if, contrary to expectation, the
Judges should still presume to proceed, I would not advise
you to confine yourselves to resolutions only, or even to a
bare resistance of the execution of their judgments, but by
pursuing active measures, convince them you are in earnest,
and make examples of the offending Judi^es.
Be not alarmed, my countrymen, it is not my intention
to advise you to proceed to extremities, and hang up these
Judges at once ; for if the laws of your country can be duly
enforced, the authorities I have cited prove that private
actions brought by the parties injured, the presentment of
Grand, and the verdicts of Petit Juries, will be amply
sufficient to enable you to punish legally any Judge, who
by arrogating to himself an illegal jurisdiction, shall
presume to invade himself, or instigate others to invade,
the property, restrain the liberty, or destroy the lives of his
fellow-subjects. It is objected, that Administration will
exert its influence over all your Courts of justice to stifle
such suits and prosecutions, or, at least, to prevent them
from being carried into execution ; to this I answer, that
when violent and unconstitutional measures are taken to
overturn the laws of, or to impede the course of justice in,
any country, the first law of nature gives the people a
right of preserving the one, and of enforcing the other ;
therefore, if your natural and political liberty should be
thus trampled on, and your property should be thus ille-
gally invaded, you will be strictly justifiable in recurring to
force, and in proceeding to the last extreme ; and to
sacrifice to your just resentment three or four, or even
three or four dozen unconstitutional and corrupt Judges in
each Colony, will be a more moderate measure than that
of entering into associations to starve twenty thousand of
your innocent manufacturing fellow-subjects in Britain, or
that of breaking oil' all connections with the mother country,
and by that means reducing yourselves to the necessity of
slaughtering some thousands of the British soldiers, or of
exposing the lives of all America in a bad cause ; for such
it would be esteemed if you act dishonourably in withhold-
ing their debts from your creditors. Upon the whole, my
advice to you, my countrymen, is, that you send Deputies
from every Colony in America to form a general Con-
gress.* Let them be instructed to enter into the firmest
resolutions of not submitting to any Acts of the British
Parliament, made since the fourth oi^ James the First (when
your ancestors, with the leave of their Sovereign, made the
first effectual settlement in America, and by doing so,
could be no longer subject to the legislation of a British
Parliament, in which they could not be represented,) and
of punishing any person who shall presume for the future
to enforce such Acts of Parliament in America. Let
them draw up, and transmit to England, an address to
your gracious Sovereign, expressive of the most affectionate
loyalty to his person, of their readiness to grant him sup-
plies for the benefit of the whole Empire, to the utmost of
their abilities, whenever he shall request it of his respective
American Assemblies ; but assuring him of their deter-
mined resolution to sacrifice their lives, and every thing
that is valuable to them, rather than submit to the legisla-
tion of a British Parliament ; and that as no evil can be
so dreadful to them as a humiliating subjection to their fel-
low-subjects, the Lords and Commons of England, that if
his Majesty, deaf to these their reiterated complaints,
should persist in permitting such Acts of Pariiament to be
enforced in America, liis subjects of that great Continent,
though struck with horrour at the idea of disloyalty to his
sacred person, are, though reluctantly, firmly determined
to break off all connections with Great Britain, and trust
to that God who hath told them that the race is not always
to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, to support their
endeavours in preserving that liberty they received from
their British ancestors. It is objected, that though this
plan may be of service to the other Colonies, it will ad-
minister no relief to the town of Boston, who is now suf-
fering in the common cause : to this I answer, that a par-
ticular emergency requires a special remedy. So far as
relates to the removal of the seat of Government, 1 think
resistance would be illegal, it being the undoubted preroga-
tive of the Crown to fix, or to remove the seat of Govern-
ment of any particular Colony, to whatever place the King
pleases within that Colony ; and though this prerogative
may be exercised oppressively, still the subject nmst
submit. He may petition, but Majesty only can redress
the grievance.
But the stopping up the port oi Boston, and prohibiting
the owners from using their own wharves, under colour of
Acts of Parliament, which the inhabitants, or their Repre-
sentatives, had no share in framing, is such an illegal stretch
of power, such a despotick invasion of property, that may
be legally resisted, and ought not to be submitted to ;
indeed, 1 look upon it as little less than a declaration of
war, which would justify all America in running immedi-
ately to arms, to repel so hostile an attack upon their
• I would advise that Fredericktotcn in Maryland, or Winchester in
Virginia, should be fixed upon as proper for the mcetinif ol' this Con.
gress, as no sliips of war could bombard either of those towns, and the
number of export riflemen in those parts would be able to prevent any
unwelcome visitors from interrupting the Congress ; and though it is
to be hoped that no such thing will be attempted, a discreet caution
will do no harm.
653
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
654
liberties. But still, my countrymen, I would wish to see
you adopt constitutional measures of redress. Let sub-
scriptions be opened in every town and county on the Con-
tinent of America, to supply the inhabitants of the town of
Boston liberally with every necessary. Let every supply
of fresh provisions and other necessaries be withiield from
t;he Navy and Army employed in the detestable service of
endeavouring to enslave their brethren and fellow-subjects.
Let every Colony in particular, and all America in general
Congress, protest against the illegality of the measures,
and resolve to support every person who shall infringe or
oppose it. Let vessels attempt togo in and out of the port
of Boston as usual, as if no such Act of Parliament existed.
If the ships of war should seize them, or the soldiers
obstruct any man in the use of his wharf, prosecute in the
Courts of law every officer, either of the army or navy,
for acting so illegally, and every Judge who shall presume
to condemn the vessels seized. Let the expense of such
prosecutions be defrayed, and the losses of private men
made good, by the general contributions of all America.
If any violent measures are taken by the tools of the
British aristocracy to impede the course of justice, recur
to the first law of nature, and repel the aggressors ; and
though the inhabitants of Neiv England are sufficiently
numerous to repel any illegal force which can be raised
upon such an occasion, yet, in order to make it one general
act of all America, let each Colony send a quota of men
to perform this service, and let the respective quotas be
settled in the general Congress.
These measures will, in my opinion, be the most moder-
ate, the most constitutional, and the most effectual, you can
pursue, and will, I doubt not, add such weight to your Ad-
dress to the Throne, that the British aristocracy, convinced
that you are in earnest, will listen to reasonable terms of
accommodation ; and you, by preserving your own liberty,
be such a constant check to their ambitious designs as will
restrain them within the bounds of moderation, even in
Britain; and by restoring your Sovereign to his necessary
weight in the National Councils, prevent Great Britain
from becoming a prey to those aristocratical vultures which
are endeavouring to destroy her very vitals. But, if de-
based by corruption, prostituted by venality, and lost to all
sense of shame, Britain, like a contented fond wanton, loves
and caresses the ravishers who have debauched and undone
her, should attempt to sacrifice her American oflspring to
their ambition, and, regardless of your complaints, deter-
mine to enforce the legislation of a British Parliament in
America ; or, in other words, if all your efforts are ineffec-
tual to save your mother country, and she must sink, you
must then take care not to sink with her ; but, by preserv-
ing your own liberty, prepare an asylum in America for
such of the inhabitants of Britain who still desire or de-
serve to be free. You must then, and not till then, break
off all connections with Great Britain ; you must stop
your imports and exports to and from thence ; you must
banish every custom-house officer from amongst you ; you
must invite all other Nations of the world to supply you
with necessaries, by giving them liberty to trade with you,
duty free ; you must proclaim universal freedom through-
out America; you must draw your swords in a just cause,
and rely upon that God who assists the righteous, to sup-
port your endeavours to preserve that liberty he gave, and
the love of which he hath implanted in your hearts, as es-
sential to your nature. But these are measures which the
British aristocracy, when they reflect upon those conse-
quences of a war with the Colonies, which I enlarged upon
in a former letter, * will never force you into. They are
• As the lett r here alluded to was published many years ago, like
this, in a newspaper, and, in all human probability, hath been long
consigned to oblivion, it may not be amiss to give the following extract
from it :
" If Great Britain should ever determine to enslave America, it is
more than probable that she would have more difficulties to on.
counter than she at present apprehends. Suppose the Americans,
alarmed at the approaching danger, should discreetly determine to
retreat to a considerable distance from navigation, and carry off their
provisions and live stock of every kind with them, would troops who
had been confined to a close ship, upon salt provisions, for near tlireo
months ; without fresh provisions ; without horses to draw their ar.
lillery, be in a very proper condition to pursue them ? If they did,
would not tlie scurvy, the unwholesomeness of the climate, and the
many disorders incident to America, which attack the Europeans
with double force upon their first arrival, render the success of such
an expedition impracticable, and enable the Americans to preserve
measures which nothing but necessity can justify ; mea-
sures too delicate to be enlarged upon, and measures which
I touch with a trembling hand, because though they will,
they must effectually preserve the liberty of America, they
will probably occasion the destruction of Britain; and
though she has treated us unnaturally, and, I will add,
ungratefully, she is our mother country still, and as such I
would wish to preserve her.
And now, my friends, fellow-citizens, and countrymen,
to convince you that I am in earnest in the advice I have
given you, notwithstanding the personal danger I expose
myself to in so doing; notwithstanding the threats thrown
out by the British aristocracy, of punishing in England
those who shall dare to oppose them in America; yet, be-
cause I do not wish to survive the liberty of my country
one single moment : because I am detennined to risk my
all in supporting that liberty, and because I think it in some
measure dishonourable to skulk under a borrowed name
upon such an occasion as this, I am neither afraid or
ashamed to avow, that the Letters signed by A British
American, were written by the hand, and flowed from the
heart of Thomson Mason.
TO THE people OF PENNSYLVANIA.
It must afford singular pleasure to every lover of liberty
and his country, to observe the unanimity of sentiment
with respect to the present system of American Govern-
ment. That the Parliament of Great Britain has no
right to tax the unrepresented Americans, is now become
a fixed and settled principle, in which the zealous and the
moderate equally agree. But the modes of resistance to
this claim are various, according to the different informa-
tions, conceptions, ideas, and I fear, the different interests
of those who may be affected by that which shall be finally
adopted. There are some who go yet farther, and think
the payment of the tea destroyed at Boston should pre-
cede all farther opposing measures on the part of America,
I incline to think the number of these to be but few. —
But as it has been the subject of publick discussion, in the
town of Boston, and may have more advocates than I am
aware of, I shall submit the following reasons against it, to
the judgment of my fellow-citizens.
As a sacrifice to peace, I am persuaded no one would
object; but as an act of justice, necessarily or properly pre-
their liberty, without imbruing their hands in blood ? Is it reason-
able to suppose that three millions of British subjects would tamely
submit to slavery, without striking a single blow ? Would not their
knowledge of the country enable them to attack with advantage ?
Would not the consideration, that they were fighting pro oris et focis,
add enthusiasm to their courage ? Inured to the climate, and well sup-
plied with provisions, would not they be better able to undergo the
fatigues of such a war, than their invaders ? If the British troops,
with all the assistance and supplies of necessary refreshments which
they received from their American friends last war, thought an Ameri-
can campaign the severest they had ever experienced, what must such
a campaign be without such assistance and supplies ? Could Great
Britain spare even 50,000 men, to reduce a people actuated with sen.
timents of liberty, and possessed of British freedom, of twenty time?
their number, would those troops engage with alacrity in such a cause?
Would not some murmurings of humanity whisper to their consciences
that they were butchering their fellow-subjects for showing themselves
worthy of the race from whence they sprung, and for acting the same
laudable part which they themselves would do under a like oppression ?
Wlien the sluices of their trade were stopped, and all communication
with her Colonies broke off, could she long support the expense of such
an armament ? Is she well assured that the other Powers of Europe
would stand idle, and calmly see her trampling upon the rights of man-
kind ? Would not the generous design of preventing so execrable a
purpose, furnish them with a just pretext for interposing in support of
the injured rights of the Colonies ? And might not Britain, whilst
she was endeavouring to enforce slavery with fire and sword, in Ame-
rica, fall an easy prey to the first invader, and thus involve herself in
the ruin she designed for others ? But suppose Britain was able to
crush America with the smallest exertion of her force, and to extirpate
its present inhabitants, without losing the life of a single man sent
against it, would such a conquest redound either to her honour or ad-
vantage ? Would not tlie life of every American spent upon such an
occasion, bo really a loss to Britain, by lessening tlie export of her
manufiictures, and the import of rough materials, which furnish her
with the means of extending her trade to every corner of the Globe ?
What niiglity advantage would she reap from an uncultivated desert ?
Would it be easy for her to persuade her other subjects to supply the
place of the slaughtered, with such an example of tlie perfidy, cruelty,
and ingratitude of their mother country before their eyes ? Does she
think tliat the extirpation of liberty would be a spur to industry, or
that slavery has such charms as to contribute to the increase of the
Colonies? Should the Northern endeavour to deprive the Western
counties of England of their rights, and a civil war ensue, would the
conflict be advantageous even to the conquerors ? These are consider,
ations which must and will have weight with the British Parliament,
and restrain tliem from entering into a war with the Colonies,"
655
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, JULY, 1774.
656
ced'mg a virtuous struggle for constitutional liberty, I can
by no means agree to it. In order to form a just idea of
this subject, let us reflect what was our situation, and the
end proposed by this complicated manceuvre of politicks
and private interest. America had been struggling for tliree
years against an Act imposing duties upon pa|)er, glass, tea,
painters' colours, &:c., for tiie purpose of raising a revenue.
At the expiration of that time Parliament thought proper
to repeal it in part, but kept the duty on tea expressly as a
precedent for future taxation. The same reason operated
on both sides, though in a different manner. If Parliament
was so tenacious of the precedent to keep uj) tiie claim on
the Colonies, it was equally incumbent on tiiem to refuse their
submission ; for on this the virtue of the precedent depend-
ed. Hence proceeded the resolution of not imjjorting tiiis
article while subject to this duty, that we miglit not only
address our arguments to the understanding, but the feeling
of our fellow-subjects in Britain. Thus far there was a
general concurrence of sentiment and action : for the
code of hiws had not tlien appeared by which tliese Asso-
ciations are found to be treasonable ; tiiis discovery has
been reserved for the profound researches and ingenuity of
the present Governour of Massachusetts Bay. Tliis union,
that resolution, and these principles, can only be justified
by the injustice of the law, and it repugnancy to our
natural and acquired rights. But when the operation of this
agreement began to be felt by the accumulation of tea at
the India House, and the distresses of the Company unit-
ed, have forced a repeal ; a sort of truce was clapped up
between the Minister and the Company, at the ex|)ense of
America. Having laid that powerful body at his feet, by
overturning their whole system, they became his willing
instruments to overturn the fair fabrick of liberty in this
country. If it is said they sent it under the sanction of an
Act of Parliament, I would ask, does this country acknow-
ledge the right of Parliament to sanctify a measure funda-
mentally unjust ? If it does, how came we to oppose the
first Act? Allow this power to Parliament, and it will
apply equally to the Stamp Act, the Tea Act, or any other
as well as the one under our consideration. But it is said
to be private property, sent by English subjects to English
subjects, and therefore under the implicit confidence and
faith subsisting between them, which should have been its
protection. If it was private property, it was certainly
sent hither for publick purposes ; and whether political or
commercial motives predominated the consequences to this
country were the same ; by receiving it, we established tlie
precedent for which the Minister contended ; by rejecting
it, we destroyed its authority.
.Nor will the advocates for the Enst India Company
draw any advantage from the presumptive security of tiieir
wares, since this presumption must arise from tiie purity
of their intentions, and tiieir ignorance of the circumstan-
ces and danger. One depends upon tlie other. Now we
have the most unquestionable evidence, that the Company
vviis fully apprized of the sense of America on this sub-
ject. In the first place it is not to be supposed they could
be ignorant of all the publications respecting it, and the
resolution existing in this country not to import their tea
under the duty, while they were sinking under the distresses
it had occasioned. But we have positive proof from the
refusals of our captains and owners of vessels to receive it
on freight, and assigning the reason. If this was not suffi-
cient, Governour Johnston declared in Parliament, that
boll) by letter and verbally, he pointed out to the India
Company, the impropriety of the measure, the circum-
stance, and the danger. What tye of faith or confidence
could ensure the property of an English subject, knowing-
ly employed as an instrument to subjugate another, equally
free with himself A fair and candid attention to facts, I
think, must produce the fullest conviction that they sent
the tea in direct opposition to tlie known sense of this
country, well informed as to the risk, which was consi-
dered in this expected profit, and therefore cannot, under
an idea of justice, have any right to compensation.
If we are right in opposing the Act, surely we must be
riglit in opposing the means, by which that Act is to be
executed : admit the principle, the practice is fairly justifi-
able from it. Let us not be misled by names ; if payment
is an Act of justice, it must be founded in this case on a
supposition of injury done, of which the party has a right
to complain. But here the injury was done to the Ameri-
cans ; the greatest injury the citizen of a free country can
feel ; while he is struggling lor liberty, a third person inter-
poses, makes himself a party in the dispute, his weapon is
broke, or destroyed in the conflict — will not the justice of
his receiving compensation for it, depend upon the proprie-
ty of his interposition, his knowledge of the circumstances,
and consequences to the person he opposed. I will propose
a case by which this question may be decided, by the
appeal to every man's own judgment and conscience.
Suppose two persons fighting, a third person either puts a
sword into the hand of one or applies it himself for his
assistance — the sword is broke by hhn who it was designed
to injure ; as a juryman or referee, would you think the
officious interposer entitled to a satisfaction ? The justice
of such a demand, in the case of the tea, must certainly
depend on the original question of right in laying the duty ;
for no one can, wiili reason, claim protection wiiile he is
trespassing on the right of others, or assisting those who do ;
his security must depend upon the rectitude and probity of
his conduct; and he may be ratlier said to have forfeited his
riglit of property, who makes it an instmment of op])ression
toothers, than to have any warrant for its protection. Those
who have hastily taken up this notion, I apprehend, do not
see that it would, by fair argument, lead to a renunciation
of the American cause.
But I diink there are other reasons equally cogent, which
shew that such a payment at present is neitlier founded on
the princi|)les of policy, expediency or reason — it is not pol-
itick. The cause of Boston is a common cause, or the other
Colonies have no reason to espouse it. A payment of the
tea would be setting a precedent for New- York, Charles-
town, and Fhitadelphia, who are equally exposed to the like
claims, though in different degrees, and probably subject the
latter to the payment of the damages of the malt-ship sent
from hence in 1767. This, I apprehend under the present
circumstances of the people of Boston, would be going too
far without the concurrence and advice of those Colonies
at least. But the cause is of such vast importance to all
America, that no step of such moment should be taken by
a single Province, much less a town, but by the united
wisdom of America in Congress alone. However, it may
be smoothed over under the specious names of compensa-
tion and justice, it may be allowed to be a jiariial com-
pliance with the most cruel Act which ever disgraced the
annals of history ; and can have but little merit, w hen we
consider the time and force which extorts it. Besides, can
we suppose the unfeeling and implacable author will put
any other construction upon it, than as a step of submis-
sion, which may be improved into total subjection ; the
very idea of which will strengthen his heart, hands, and
party, to go on and complete his pernicious work. It is
not expedient, or to be reasonably expected at present,
because if done in the fullest extent, they are as far from
relief as ever. The advocates for this opinion seem to
overlook those clauses in the Act of Parliament, which
prolong the sufterings of Boston not only till satisfaction is
made for the tea, but until his Majesty shall adjudge that
due obedience to the laws has taken place, and the reve-
nues may be duly collected ; that is, in other words, till
they have surrendered these inestimable rights, which
stamp value and dignity on our existence. Some are so
weak as to argue, tliat if this compensation is made there
is no doubt but relief would be granted. Let such consi-
der the hostile views with which their present Governour
came among them, his correspondent conduct, and thence
judge how little favour they may expect from him. But I
will suppose him the reverse of what he appears — and
that he might be disposed to forward the certificate. L^nless
he could go faither than certifying the payment of the tea,
of what effect would it be? This is not the mini.^lerial
object, if it was, the ofTers made in England would not
have been rejected. Those therefore who support this
opinion must either mean, that they should go farther in
their submission, and make the grand sacrifice of all, give
the Altai slab to the liberties of America, or snip them-
selves of a large sum of money, at a time when the hand
of necessity is pressing them down to the lowest ebb of
want and distress, and this without the least prospect of
being restored, to their former condition. Is it expected
from the wretched debtor, when unable to prevail upon his
657
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., JULY, 1774.
658
relentless creditor, that he should put his purse into his
hand, and then resign himself to the miseries of a jail.
Yet this is what rigorous justice might demand, though
reason and the law of self-preservation would authorize a
repeal. — This has some resemblance to the present state
of Boston.
I hope my countrymen will not be deceived by preten-
ces of regard to justice, which too often serve as a cover
for other views. That the tea will eventually be paid for,
I believe there is little doubt, but let this compensation be
made, as all others have been heretofore, when the griev-
ance that created the loss ceased. There is not an argu-
ment offered for the payment of the tea, but what will
operate equally for the payment of the stamped paper,
which was never paid for to this hour ; and let it also be
remembered, that all the compensation made for damage
done to individuals on that occasion, were after the Act
was repealed. No person then thought that previous satis-
faction was an act of justice, policy, or expedience. We
have former experience for our guide, and I think it is
not difficult to foresee, that hasty concessions of this na-
ture, while our grievances continue, will defect the best
concerted plan we may form for relief. It will afford such
encouragement to every enterprising adventurer, who may
clioose to join in the attack upon American liberty, by
securing his property from risk, as ought to deter us
from hasty conclusions on a matter which may have such
serious consequences. Instead of being the first act on
the part of America, I cannot but think the interest of
America, and particularly of the unhappy sufferers at
Boston, require that it should be the last. But there is a
debt of justice and honour of which I will beg leave to
recommend my worthy fellow-citizens, not doubting but at
a proper time it will meet with due attention. Those
gentlemen who sacrificed their interest to the publick call,
who permitted their goods to return in the tea-ship, and
thereby may have saved this city from the calamities of
Boston, though at a loss to themselves, surely deserve
something more solid than thanks for so self-denying an
instance of publick virtue and regard to their fellow-citi-
zens.
LETTER FROM THE COMMITTEE OF CORIlfisPONDENCE OF
NEW-JERSEY, TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPOND-
<■ ENCE OF BOSTON.
} Elizabethtown, New Jersey, July 28, 1774.
Gentlemen : The arbitrary and cniel oppression under
which your Metropolis now labours, from the suspension of
commerce, must inevitably reduce multitudes to inexpressi-
ble difficulty and distress. Suffering in a glorious and
common cause, sympathy and resentment, with peculiar
energy, fill the breasts of your anxious countrymen. As
the King of Kings and the Ruler of Princes seems, in a
remarkable manner, to be inspiring these Colonies with a
spirit of union, to confound the counsels of your unrighteous
oppressors, and with a spirit of humanity and benevolence
towards an innocent and oppressed people ; so, we trust,
he will also inspire your town with patience, resignation,
and fortitude, until this great calamity shall be overpast.
We have the pleasure to acquaint you, that, on the 21st
instant, at the city of New-Brumivick, the Province of
New-Jersey, with singular unanimity, seventy-two Dele-
gates from the several counties, and a majority of the House
of Representatives present and approving, entered into
similar resolutions with the other Colonies; elected five
Deputies for the proposed Congress, and the County Com-
mittees then agreed to promote collections in their respec-
tive counties, for the relief of such of the unhappy inhabit-
ants of the town of Boston as may now be reduced to
extremity and want. To accomplish this purpose with the
more acceptation to yourselves, we, the Committee of Cor-
respondence for the Eastern Division, request that, by the
return of the post, you would be pleased to advise us in
what way we can best answer your present necessities ;
whether cash remitted, or what articles of provision, or
other necessaries, we can furnish from hence, would be
most agreeable ; and which we hope we shall be able to
forward to Boston very soon after your advice shall be re-
ceived. We doubt not gentlemen are devising every pos-
sible method for the employment of those who, by their
Fourth Series. 42
deplorable situation, are cut off from all former means of
subsistence.
We are, gentlemen, your very humble servants.
By order, William P. Smith, Chairman.
A brief Examination 0/ American Grievances; being
the heads of a Speech at the General Meeting at
Lewestown, on Delaware, July 28, 1774.
A gentleman introduced the business of the Assembly,
by an encomium on the happiness of the English Consti-
tution, and went on to show that the American Colonies
brought all British liberties with them, as appears by their
Charters, the nature of their emigration, and many publick
declarations at that time made, and since. That the Colo-
nies were pleased and happy in their union, commerce, and'
mutual assistance given to and received from the mother
country, even while almost the whole fruits of their labour
and industry ever returned to Britain, to her strength and
aggrandizement. That they have been, and still are, the
most loyal and dutiful of all his Majesty's subjects, and the
most closely attached to his present Royal family. That
they have always granted their aids of money and men,
when their Sovereign constitutionally demanded them of
their Assemblies, and even seasonably and beyond their
proportion ; so that, in the last war, a considerable sum was
refunded to this little Colony on Delaware, as well as others.
That the present undeserved frowns of the parent state
most probably arise from the base calumnies, wicked insin-
uations, and most false misrepresentations of the Bernards,
Hutchinsons, Olivers, and such other malicious enemies^
of the real interest of Britain and America, who have
absurdly, as well as wickedly, represented the Colonies as
rebellious, independent, &ic. That hence, for about ten
years past, the conduct of the British Ministry, and a ma-
jority of Parliament, seems to be one continual plan to rob
us of our dearest liberties. That, if America be enslaved,
the freedom of Britain will not long survive that wretched
crisis. That the impositions and oppressions of the most
loyal Americans are already become very numerous and
very grievous.
He then went on to enumerate and explain as many as
he could recollect, after laying down these principles, viz :
That " all lawful civil Governments must be wholly em-
ployed to preserve the lives, liberties, and properties of
the subject."
" No Englishman is bound to any laws to which he has
not consented by himself, or his own chosen Represent-
atives."
" A man has no property in that of which he may be
rightfully dispossessed at the pleasure of another."
" Britons only can give their own money."
" No man can tax us but ourselves, while we enjoy the
British Constitution."
He went on to show, that from these principles, well
known to every freeman, the following will appear, to say
the least, lawless usurpations, viz :
1st. Restraining the Colonists from manufacturing their
own iron, by erecting slitting mills, &ic.
2d. Restraining the transportation, and thus the manu-
facturing, hats of our own peltry, &c.
3d. The grievous oppression of preventing farmers to
carry their own wool even across a ferry, though the rivers,
waters, havens, he, are given us by our Charters.
4th. The changing the boundaries of Colonies, and
obliging men to live under Constitutions to which they
never consented, as part of Massachusetts Bay joined to
New- Hampshire.
5th. The suspending the Legislative powers of New-
York, by an Act of Parliament, until they should quarter
troops sent to raise an illegal tribute by military execution.
6th. The memorable and detestable Stamp Act.
7th. The Parliamentary claim to make laws " binding us
in all cases whatsoever," consequently, to regulate our in-
ternal police, give, take away, change, and infringe, our
Constitutions and Charters, for which we have the most
solemn faith of the Crown and Nation for their inviolable
security.
8tli. Their assuming to lay sundry taxes upon us, though
self-taxation is the basis of English freedom. At the dis-
tance of three thousand miles, the Parliament arbitrarily
659
CORRESPONDE\CE, PKOCEEDJNGS, &c., JULY, 1771.
660
demands tlie strings of every Americnn's purse, though
ignorant of us and our ability, &ic., though lliey are not
included in the same tax nor ever were cliosen for our
Representatives.
9tli. Their denying us the right to give our own money
to our own King, on iiis legal demand ; a right which Un-
ions, from earliesc histories, have enjoyed, and to se(uiro
vvliich they have often spent nmch blood and treasure.
lOtii. Their laying a tax on paper, glass, painters' co-
lours, and tea.
II th. And though this, with the Stamp Act, were re-
j)ealed by non-imporialion, the American virtue, and the
influence of our friends, yet, a tax on tea was and is con-
tinued, as the badge of our slavery.
l^th. The mean stratagem, unwortiiy the Representa-
tives of a free and great JNation, of attempting to enslave
us, by pretending a favour to the East India Company,
whicii Americans bravely rejected and dibconcerted.
13th. Finding stratagem would not prevail, they have
thrown off the nuisk, and are now dragooning us into a sur-
render of our rights by the last Bills, and wreaking their
unjust vengeance on those wlw cannot submit to their im-
positions.
14tl). Maintaining a standing army in times of peace,
al)ove the control of the civil powers, at Boston, Sic,
whicii no Briton can submit to.
15th. Extending the obsolete Act of Henry the Eighth,
to drag Americans to Britain to be tried, contrary to our
birth-right privilege of juries of our own neighbourhood.
How shocking to humanity to see a fleet and army on the
Act for preserving dockyards, &ic., solemnly stationed to
take any poor man, on suspicion of his being one of the
justly exasperated mob who injured the iiaspce schooner,
to be sent in irons in a man-of-war — worse than a Popish
inquisition, three thousand miles, to be tried by partial
judges, and ruined, if innocent, at last.
16lh. The wresting Castle JFilliam out of the hands of
the owners, though the principal fortress where their prop-
erty and stores were deposited, and putting it into the hands
of those who yet unjustly detain it, over whom the civil
powers have no control, at a time when the military threat-
ened the slaughter of the inhabitants.
17th. The rewarding and advancing Captain Preston,
for the very reason of his murdering some young men at
Boston.
18ih. Fleets and armies sent, to enable the Commis-
sioners of the Customs, authorized by Parliament, in viola-
tion of all English liberty, to plunder freemen's houses,
cellars, trunks, bed-chambers, he. ; and if they murder
men, by a late Bill, they may not be tried in America, and
the poor relations cannot prosecute on the other side of the
Atlantic ; tlius, the blood of our poor innocents may cry,
indeed, to God from the earth ; but, from civil Govern-
ment, there can be no justice.
19th. The grievous partiality of those who have made
their own judges independent even of the demesne of the
Crown, yet have sent Judges, a Governour, and Attoniey
General, during pleasure only, under no ties to the country,
but biased to the Ministry, by whom tliey are supported by
a lax unconstitutionally squeezed from Ameiicans. Their
circumstances tend to make them, like Judge Jefries, the
cruel instruments of tyranny and injustice.
20ih. Ungratefully disheartening us, and adding insult
to injury ; quartering insolent troops upon us, to provoke
the mjured to mobs; and sending over men of the worst
characters for Governours, Judges, and officers, to some
Colonies ; refusing to hear any complaints of mal-adminis-
tralion ; forgetting all our merit, though the most firmly of
all his Majesty's subjects attached to the principles of tiie
Revolution ; supporting one-third of tiio Nation, and in-
creasing her naval power and grandeur, and profusely
spending our blood and treasures in all the wars of Bri-
tain, iiC.
21 St. Another distressing grievance, is, that the British
Ministry receive no information of the state of the Prov-
inces, unless from their very enemies, the Governours,
Judges, and officers, while cries and petitions of the injured
and oppressed Colonies, even from general Congresses and
Assembles, will not be favoured with a hearing, and by
them kept back from the ear of our Sovereign ; while the
betrayers of the union and happiness both of Britain and
America are heard, supported, and rewarded by the Ad-
ministration, for all their false and malevolent dissimula-
tions.
2'2d. Though in all Nations the persons of Ambassadors
are sacred or inviolable, the virulent torrent of abuse pre-
meditated and prepared, and poured out in a most scurrilous
manner, even in the House of Lords, by the approbation of
a majority of then, against Doctor Benjamin Franklin,
the known Agent of our Colonies ; though his age, office,
abilities, and character, (as a philosopher and politician,
well known in all Europe,) might have exempted him from
abuse, even among the rudest companies. His offence,
strange to relate, was discovering to his country their false
accusers.
23d. The conferring honours, preferments, and lucrative
posts, generally, on those imhappy wretches, who appear
the sole cause of ail the dissensions in Britain, and her
unjust measures against her loyal sons, as Bernard, baronet,
&ic., he, many of whom, if justice could be brought to lier
ancient channels, would justly forfeit their devoted heads.
24th. And now, to complete our slavery by violence,
which could not be done by fraud, the Boston Port Bill is
executed on Boston; that ancient, loyal, and flourishing
city blockaded by a fleet and army, without ever hearing
them, or even tiieir agent, one word in their defence.
25th. By our last accounts another Bill lias passed the
lower House, which is designed to indemnify the oflicers of
the customs, navy, and army, and all their wretched assist-
ants, in destroying our rights, from all the barbarities, ra-
pines, and nmrders they may commit against that brave,
loyal, and patient people of Boston.
2Gth. And, finally, to show us that the stipulated faith
of the Crown, during the reign of his present Majesty, is
good for nothing at all ; and to convince us that we have
nothing that we may call our own, even Charters and Con-
stitutions themselves, another Bill has also passed that
House, to ciiange, infringe, and destroy all that was worthy
their care in the solemn Charter of the Massachusetts
Bay. The same Parliament, on tiic same principles, with
equal right, may vacate the right to any man's house, plan-
tation, deed of his lands, &,c., whenever he may happen
to displease any Minister of State, or any of his tools, from
a Bernard and Hutchinson, to the most infamous informer
and tide-waiter."
27th. Hence, on the whole, we have gradually lost om*
free Constitution, English liberties, and Charters, and are
really under military government, a state to be deprecated
by all good men ; so that, if we say a word against a Tea
Tax, a Boston Port Bill, or any arbitrary and tyrannical im-
position, we may expect, like Boston, to have our estates,
trade, deeds, &c., taken away, and dragoons sent to insult
us ; and if they murder us, they are not amenable under
our laws. Our circumstances bear some resemblance to
the time when they were forcing Bishops on Scotland, when
every common soldier, in the reign of Charles the Second,
was witness, judge, and jury himself; and, on asking two
or three questions, might shoot down any person he met.
Here is a dreadful catalogue indeed ! And I doubt not,
said he, there are many more which have escaped my
memory. O that our gracious Sovereign woidd condescend
to read the catalogue, and spend one hour apart from Lord
North and the other authors of our calamities, to meditate
upon them ! Sure his humane heart would bleed for the
distresses of his reign, and he would vow redress to his
loving and oppressed subjects. Any one of these twenty-
seven grievous impositions would have driven a people
careless of loyalty, j)atriotism, prudence, and fortitude, into
actual rebellion, to take arms in defence of such invaluable
privileges. But, in defiance of all the wliispers of our
enemies, though we love liberty, we love Britain too, and
earnestly desire to continue the most inviolable union, con-
nection, and harmony, with the land of our fatiiers. Though
we are now alxjve five millions, (and at our present rate of
population will soon double that number,) if we were now
united we need not dread, under the conduct of tliat gra-
cious and Almighty Being who hears the cries of oppressed
innocence, any single Prince or Empire on earth ; but were
we ten thousand times so many more, we would still revere,
love, and support our mother, Britain, &tc., while she will
treat us as children and friends.
He concluded his address, by showing the necessity and
661
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, JULY, 1774.
662
expediency of a general Congress, to cultivate or restore
our friendsliip with Britain, he, as well as to agree on a
necessary non-importation Covenant ; which Congress, he
showed, ought to be continued in all future times. He
hoped, amidst their important affairs, they would fall on
some honourable and safe expedient to put an end to our
African slavery, so dishonourable to us, and so provoking
to the most benevolent Parent of the Universe ; that this,
with our luxury and irreligion, are probably the remote
causes of our present alarming situation.
EXTRACT OP A LETTER FROM DEPUTY COVERNOUB PENN,
TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Philadelphia, July 30, 1774.
My Lord : I beg leave now to acquaint your Lordship
that a meeting of Deputies from the several counties of
this Province was held in this city on the 15th of this
month, to consider of the most proper measures to be taken
in the present differences between Great Britain and the
Colonies. The principal business done at this Convention
was forming a set of resolves, and preparing a draught of
instructions to their Representatives, which they laid before
the Assembly, and immediately afterwards published them.
I herewith send your Lordship the newspaper containing
those resolves and instructions, as also the resolutions of the
Assembly thereupon, by which your Lordship will perceive
that the steps taken by the Assembly are rather a check
than an encouragement to the proceedings of the Com-
mittee, and this I was well assured would be the case.
I am with great respect, &c., John Penn.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK,
DATED LONDON, JULY 30, 1774.
It is the prevailing opinion here that the Colonies mean
nothing, as the arts of Administration must eventually
divide you.
The large orders for goods, and the long delay of
measures of resistance, give your best friends some appre-
hension, that you will lose tlie only moment which you
can ever have to save America from ignominious slavery.
The idea of your being stronger, and this country weaker,
may be very true in fact, but not true in point of political
strength. Your enemies have been imprudent enough to
alarm you now — they may grow wiser hereafter — spin the
snare with some art, and forever enslave you, by imper-
ceptible steps. You will find it the language of Adminis-
tration, their emissaries and subservient merchants, with
whom you correspond, that if America will be quiet for
the present, all will be right again. If you trust such
promises you are utterly undone, and deserve the chains
of tyrants. 1 should think myself entitled to drive you
like negroes or beasts of burden, if you act so weak, so
contemptible a part — 'lis the characteristick of the present
Ministry to lie and betray — 'tis the very system of the
Cabinet — 'tis the rule by which my Lord Bute has undone
the first men in this country, and with them, this unfortu-
nate Kingdom.
I have a thousand reasons to wish that your opposition
may be an early one, as well as vigorous — the day of grace
is now — it will be soon over.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A OKNTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK,
DATED LONDON, JULY .30, 1774.
We are all in high expectations of the event of the late
measures (adopted respecting Boston, which carry with
tliem rather the harsh and rigid aspect of power, than that
of paternal affection, which wishes to reclaim while it
chastises. The Crown lias for a long time past been
gaining power at tiie expense of the liberties of the people,
by a gradual system of corruption, which the people them-
selves have not virtue enough to counteract. But now
tlie strides towards despotism are enormous. I wish the
Americans may be able to fall upon some prudent and
effectual measures in the present important crisis. But I
fear the greatest difficulty, will be in the want of an union
and confidence among themselves in the different Colonies,
without which any expedients they may think proper to
adopt will, 1 fear, avail little. , ■■ii;. i!j<.i.i ■, •• v)'
EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN IN NEW-YORK,
DATED LONDON, JULY 30, 1774.
I enclose you a Bill, which will soon be a law, and
which speaks the intentions of Administration stronger
than I can. It is a model for jjll America, and certainly
there is a full purpose here of executing it, if we do not,
by a firm union and opposition, withstand it. A general
suspension of commerce, till our grievances are redressed,
is the only measure which is at once safe and sure. The
question is now become of such pregnancy and magnitude,
that your proceedings ought to be conducted with the
greatest deliberation and gravity. It is no common issue
that we are trying, as it involves the fate of uncomputed
millions.
The Ministry flatter themselves, that the terrour of their
measures will make all America silent and submissive.
Even Lord Mansfield ventured to declare in the House of
Lords that all the Colonies would return to obedience (his
phrase for slavery) sine cade. If I mistake not, he will
find it difficult to keep this country quiet, under the distress
a non-importation agreement will occasion. That is our
strong hold, which 1 trust in God we shall never abandon.
Mr. Rigby, who is at the head of the Bedford people,
and Sir Gilbert Elliot, who presides in the Royal junto,
both declared in the House of Commons, that as soon as
America was reduced to order, it was intended to tax
them. You may depend upon this as a fact.
It is the opinion of your best friends here, that you
should put a total stop to all commerce with this country,
both exports and imports. Some would carry it so far as
to stop all provisions and lumber from being sent to the
West Indies. The few absolute necessaries a hardy
people can want, who are contending for the dearest of all
earthly blessings, their liberty, may be easily had from St.
Eustatia, the French West Jndies, or some part of Europe.
Keep all the money you have, and pay no debts here.
At the same time, by a judicious manifesto, address the
British merchants, manufacturers, and your brethren in
England, stating modestly your grievances, pointing out
the mode of redress, and complaining of the grievous ne-
cessity you are driven to. All the Colonies, it is expected,
will unite ; for which end a Congress should be held as
soon as possible. You may rely on it as a most certain
truth, that Fhiladelphia, next to Boston, is to feel the
severe rods of chastisement, if those now applied to Boston
are patiently submitted to.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR
BULL TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED CHARLES-
TOWN, JULY 31, 1774.
I had expectations that the measures taken by the Parlia-
ment relative to Boston would have had some happy
effect towards composing the disturbances in this Province,
which seemed to have subsided a little last winter, but it
has taken a contrary turn. Their own apprehensions and
thoughts, confirmed by the resolutions and correspondence
from other Colonics, have raised an universal spirit of
jealousy against Great i?ri7«in, and of unanimity towards
each other; I say universal, my Lord, for few who think
otherwise are hardy enough to avow it publickly.
The general claim is exemption from taxation, but by
their own Representatives, as co-essential with the British,
(their own) Constitution. Some who do not enter so deep
into principles, are alarmed at the consequence of a ready
acquiescence under taxation by the Parliament, as they
ap|)rehend that then all the variety of ways and means of
raising money in Great Britain will soon be put in prac-
tice liero, and applied to purposes not merely American.
Such arguments as the last are easily understood and
felt by every man, and catches like wild-fire among the
multitude. They are deaf to the argument on the other
side of the question, though obvious to a man of considera-
tion, that in every Empire an absolute power must ne-
cessarily be lodged somewhere, over all the parts and
members thereof, which, in Great Britain, is in the King
and his Parliament. But liberty or slavery, in their
greatest latitude, is the alternative generally held forth in
their popular meetings, for little attention or jiatience is
shown to those who attempt to state things in a different
liilht
663
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, AUGUST, 1774.
664
Your Lordship has doubtless been infoiraed of the pro-
posal from Boston, tliat there should be a Congress of
Commiltees from every Province, to consider of what was
proper to be done by them in this crisis. Accordingly on
the sixth instant a great concourse of people assembled in
Charlestown, in order to choose a Committee of five men
for South Carolina. 1 enclose 'Timothy s Gazette, which
publishes the result thereof.
1 beg your Lordship's permission to observe, and I do it
with great concern, that this spirit of opposition to taxa-
tion and its consequences, is so violent and so universal
throughout America, that 1 am apprehensive it will not be
soon or easily appeased. The general voice speaks dis-
content, and sometimes in a tone of despair, as delerniined
to stop all exports to, and imports from, Great Britain,
and even to silence the Courts of law, foreseeing, but re-
gardless of the ruin that must attend themselves in that
case ; content to change a comfortable for a parsimonious
life, to be satisfied with the few wants of nature, if by their
suflerings they can bring Great Britain to feel.
This^is the language of the most violent ; others think it
is going too far ; and the most violent too often prevail
over the n)oderate. When men shall in general lay aside
the hopes of getting riches, and abandon the employment
of agriculture, commerce, and mechanick labour, what turn
their leisure time, under such circumstances, may take, I
submit to your Lordship's knowledge of history, and of he
human mind. Such sudden and great changes in the
manners of an extended thriving people, among whom the
Gazettes are filled with such variety of articles for luxury,
is scarce credible, though possible, but the continuance of
it is very improbable. The first account of the result of
the Congress at Philadelphia may reach your Lordship
the beginning of November. I think it my duty to make
this true and feithful representation of the disposition and
temper of the people, how disagreeable it may however
appear, and to confide in the Royal wisdom for the
remedy.
Captain Maitland, who on the 18th instant, had brought
in several chests of tea for merchants in this town, which
he had promised the General Committee, as it is called, to
destroy or carry back, and taken in his load of rice in the
mean time, gave great offence to the Committee and the
people, as the tea was that day landed by the Custom-
House Officers and lodged in the King's store house.
Several hundred men went with great threats in quest of
him in the evening, but as they entered his ship on one
side, he went off" from the other, and took shelter on board
his Majesty's ship Glasgow, then in Rebellion Road, and
next morning his ship was removed from the wharf by
Captain Maltby's assistance. Another parcel of tea, since
arrived, by consent of the Committee, is lodged in the
King's stores in the same predicament. Although Captain
Maitland sails first, yet, as his ship is heavy laden, I think
my account of these matters will reach your Lordship
soonest by the packet, he.
DELAWARE CONVENTION.
Attgmt 1, 1774, P. M. — The Representatives of the
Freemen of the Government of the Counties of New-
Castle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware, met at New-
Castle, in pursuance of Circular Letters from the Speaker
of the House, who was requested to write and forward the
same to the several Members of Assembly, by the Com-
mittees of Correspondence for the several counties aforesaid,
chosen and appointed for that among other purposes by the
Freeholders and Freemen of the said counties respectively.
Present :
For the County of New-Castle. — Thomas McKean,
John Evans, John M'Kinly, James Latimer, George
Read, Alexander Porter.
For the County of Kent. — Charles Ridgely, William
Killen, Cesar Rodney, Thomas Collins.
For the County o/ Sussex. — Thomas Robinson, Levin
Crapper, Boaz Manlove, John Wiltbank, Stephen Town-
send.
Who immediately proceeded to the choice of a Chair-
man, and Cjesar Rodney, Esquire, was chosen Chairman,
nemine contradicente, and David Thompson, Esquire,
Gerk.
The Resolves of the several Committees appointed by
the inhabitants of these Counties respectively, were read,
and follow in these words, to wit :
" At a General Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabit-
ants of the County of New- Castle, on Delaware, at New-
Castle, the 29th of June, 1774, Thomas M'Kean, Esq.,
Chairman :
"■ Resolved, 1. That the Act of Parliament for shutting
up the port oi Boston is unconstitutional, oppressive to the
inhabitants of that town, dangerous to the liberties of the
British Colonies, and that, therefore, we consider our
brethren at Boston as suffering in the common cause of
America.
"2. That a Congress of Deputies from the several
Colonies in North America is the most probable and pro-
per mode of procuring relief for our sufiering brethren,
obtaining redress for American grievances, securing our
rights and liberties, and re-establishing peace and harmony
between Great Britain and these Colonies on a constitu-
tional foundation.
" 3. That a respectable Committee be immediately ap-
pointed for the County of New-Castle, to correspond with
the sister Colonies, and with the other counties in this
Government, in order that all may unite in promoting and
endeavouring to obtain the great and valuable ends men-
tioned in the foregoing Resolution.
" 4. That the most eligible mode of appointing Depu-
ties would be by the Representatives of the people of this
Government met in their legislative capacity ; but as the
House of Assembly have adjourned themselves to the 30th
day of September next ; and it is not expected his Honour
our Governour will call them by writs of summons on this
occasion, having refused to do the like in his other Prov-
ince of Pennsylvania ; therefore, that the Speaker of the
Honourable House of Assembly be desired by tlie Com-
mittee now to be appointed to write to the several Members
of Assembly, requesting them to convene at New-Castle,
on any day not later than the first of August next, to take
into their most serious consideration our very alarming sit-
uation, and to appoint Deputies to attend at the general
Congress for the Colonies, at such time and place as sliall
be generally agreed on.
" 5. That the Committee now to be chosen consist of
thirteen persons, to wit: Thomas M'Kean, John Evans,
John MKinly, James Latimer, George Read, Alexander
Porter, Samuel Patterson, Nicholas Van Dyke, Thomas
Cooch, Job Harvy, George Monro, Samuel Piatt, and
Richard Cantwell, and that any seven of them may act.
" 6. That the said Committee immediately set on foot
a subscription for the relief of such poor inhabitants of the
town of Boston as may be deprived of the means of sub-
sistence by the Act of Pariiament, commonly styled the
Boston Port Bill ; the money arising from such subscrip-
tions to be laid out as the Committee shall think will best
answer the ends proposed.
" 7. That the inhabitants of this county will adopt and
carry into execution all and singular such peaceable and
constitutional measures as shall be agreed on by a majority
of tlie Colonies by their Deputies at the intended Con-
gress ; and will have no trade, commerce, or dealings
whatsoever, with any Province, city, or town, in the
British Colonies on this Continent, (if any such should
be) or with any individual therein, who shall refuse to
adopt the same, until the before mentioned Act of Pariia-
ment, and two Bills respecting the Province of Massachu-
setts Bay, depending in Pariiament (if passed into Acts)
are repealed. Signed by order,
" David Thompson, Clerk."
" The Freeholders and other Inhabitants of Kent County,
on Delaware, now assembled at the Court House in the
Town of Dover, this 20th day of July, Anno Domini
1774. taking into their most serious consideration sundry
Acts of the British Parliament, in which their power and
right to impose duties and taxes on his Majesty's subjects
in the British Colonies and Plantations in America, for
the purpose of raising a revenue, are declared, attempted
to be exercised, and in various ways enforced and carried
into execution ; more especially the Act depriving the great
and lately flourishing town of Boston of all Uade what-
665
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
666
soever, by shutting up their port and harbour with a form-
idable fleet and army :
"Resolved, ncm'mc contradicente, 1. Tiiat we do ac-
knowledge, recognize, and most expressly declare, his
Majesty King George the Third to be lawful and rightful
King of Great Britain, and all other his Dominions and
Countries ; and that it is the indispensable duty of the peo-
ple of tins country, as being part of his Majesty's Domin-
ions, always to bear faithful and true allegiance to his Ma-
jesty, and him to defend to the utmost of their power,
against all attempts upon his person. Crown, or dignity.
'■ Resolved, ncmine contradicenle, 2. That the Act of
Parliament for shutting up the port of Boston, is unconsti-
tutional, oppressive to the inhabitants of that town, dan-
gerous to the liberties of the British Colonies, and that,
therefore, we consider our brethren at Boston as suffering
in the common cause of America.
" Resolved, nemine contradicente, -3. That a Congress of
Deputies from the several Colonies in North America is
tlie most probable and proper mode of procuring relief for
our suffering brethren, obtaining redress of American griev-
ances, securing our rights and liberties, and re-establishing
harmony between Great Britain and these Colonies on a
constitutional foundation.
" Resolved, nemine contradicente, 4. That a respectable
Committee be immediately appointed for the County of
Kent, to correspond with the Committees of the sister
Colonies, and the other counties in the Government, in
order that all may unite in promoting and endeavouring to
obtain the great and valuable end mentioned in the fore-
going Resolution.
'' Resolved, nemine contradicente, 5. That the Speaker
of the Honourable House of Assembly be desired by the
Committee now to be appointed, togetiier with the Com-
mittees of the other counties of this Government, to write
to the several Members of Assembly, requesting them to
convene at New-Castle as soon as possible, to take into
their most serious consideration our very alarming situation,
and to appoint Deputies to attend at a general Congress for
the Colonies at such time and place as shall be generally
agreed on.
" Resolved, nemine contradicente, 6. That the Committee
now to be appointed consist of thirteen persons, to wit :
Charles Ridgely, William Killen, Casar Rodney, John
Haslet, John Clarice, Thomas Collins, Esquires, Jacob
Stout, Esquire, James Sykes, Esquire, James WeUs,Thomas
Rodney, Richard Basset, Esquire, Richard Lockwood,
Esquire, and Zadock Cropper, Esquire, and that any
seven of them may act.
" Resolved, nemine contradicente, 7. That the said
Committee immediately set on foot a subscription for the
reUef of such poor inhabitants of the town of Boston as
may be deprived of the means of sustenance by the Act
of Parliament commonly called the Boston Port Bill ; the
money arising from such subscription to be laid out as the
Committee shall think will best answer the ends proposed.
" Resolved, nemine contradicente, 8. That the inhabit-
ants of this county do agree with their brethren of New-
Castle County, in adopting and carrying into execution all
and singular, such peaceable and constitutional measures as
shall be agreed on by a majority of the Colonies by their
Deputies at the intended Congress, and will have no trade,
commerce, or deaUngs whatsoever, with that Province, city,
or town, on this Continent, (if any such should be) or with
any individual therein, who shall refuse to adopt the same,
until the before mentioned Act of Parliament, and two
Bills respecting the Province of Massachusetts Bay, de-
pending in Parliament (if passed into Acts) are repealed.
" Resolved, nemine contradicente, 9. That this Com-
mittee embrace this publick opportunity to testify their
gratitude and most cordial thanks to the patrons and friends
of liberty in Great Britain, for their patriotick effoi'ts to
prevent the jiresent calamity of America.
'• Signed by order, Mark M'Call, Clerk."
" At a General Meeting of the Freeholders and other
Inhabitants of the County of Sussex, on Delaware, at the
Court House in Lewestown, on Saturday, the 23d of July,
1774:
" This Assembly taking into their very serious consider-
ation the present critical situation of American affairs ; of
the exclusive right of the Colonists of imposing taxes upon
tiieraselves ; of the invasion of that right by the statute of
sixth George the Third, chapter twelve, by which statute,
and sundry others, the Parliament of Great Britain have
assumed the power of making laws to bind the Colonies
without their consent, either by themselves or by their
Representatives ; a recent instance of which is exhibited
in a late statute commonly called the Boston Port Bill ;
Therefore, in order to collect the voice and sentiments of
this Assembly, the following Articles were proposed, voted,
and agreed to:
" 1. That the inhabitants of this county do owe and will
pay due allegiance to his Majesty King George the Third.
" 2. That it is the inherent right of British subjects to
be taxed by their own consent, or by Representatives
chosen by themselves only ; and that every Act of the
British Parliament respecting the internal police of North
America is unconstitutional, and an invasion of our just
rights and privileges.
" 3. That the late Act of Parliament, inflicting pains and
penalties on the town of Boston, by blocking up their
harbour, is a precedent justly alarming to the British Col-
onies in America, and entirely inconsistent with, and sub-
versive of, their constitutional rights and liberties.
'• 4. That a Congress of Deputies from the several
Colonies in North America is the most probable and
proper mode of obtaining a redress of American grievances,
securing our rights and liberties, and re-establishing
peace and harmony between Great Britain and these
Colonies on a constitutional foundation.
" 5. That the Inhabitants of this county will adopt and
carry into execution all and singular such peaceable and
constitutional measures as shall be agreed on by a majority
of the Colonies by their Deputies at the intended Con-
gress.
" 6. That the Speaker of the honourable House of As-
sembly of this Government be desired to write to the
several Members in this county, requesting them to convene
at New- Castle on or before the 1st of August next, to ap-
point Dejjuties to attend at a general Congress for the
Colonies, at such time and place as shall be generally
agreed on.
" 7. That it is our opinion that it would conduce to the
restoration of the liberties ot America should the Colonies
enter into a joint agreement not to import any article of
British manufactory, or carry on any branch of trade,
unless under such restrictions as may be agreed upon by
the Congress.
" 8. That the Committee, hereinafter appointed, are
hereby desired to receive the subscriptions of such chari-
table persons in this county who shall incline to contribute
towards the distressed and suffering inhabitants of the
town of Boston ; and that the money raised by such sub-
scriptions be disposed of by the said Committee for the use
of the said inhabitants, whom we consider as suffering in the
common cause of America.
" 9. That the Committee now to be chosen consist of
thirteen persons, to wit : Thomas Robinson, Levin Crap-
per, Boaz Manlove, Benjamin Burton, and John Wilt-
bank, Esquires, and Stephen Townsend, Gentleman, the
Representatives of this county ; and David Hall, Esquire,
the Reverend Matthew Wilson, Jacob Moore, Esquire,
Mr. John Clowes, Daniel Nunez, Esquire, John Rodney,
Esquire, and Mr. William Peery, wIkj, or any seven of
them, being duly notified, are to meet and correspond with
the other Provinces and counties of this Government, and
to give instructions to our Deputies for the intended Con-
gress when chosen, in order that all may unite in promoting
and endeavouring to attain the great and valuable ends
mentioned in the foregoing Resolutions."
Then the Convention adjourned till to-morrow morning,
nine o'clock.
August 2, A. M. — The Convention met according to
adjournment.
And several Letters from the respective Committees of
Correspondence of the Province of Massachusetts Bay,
the Dominion of Virginia, the Colonies of Rhode Island,
South Carolina, and Maryland, being read, and the Con-
vention taking the same into consideration, together with
667
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, AUGUST, 1774.
668
the proceedings of the freemen of the counties aforesaid,
unanimously entered into the following Resolution, to wit :
We the Representatives aforesaid, by virtue of the pow-
er delegated to us as aforesaid, taking into our most serious
consideration the several Acts of the British Parliament
for restraining manufactures in his Majesty's Plantations
and Colonies in North America ; for taking away the
property of the Colonists without their participation or
consent ; for the introduction of the arbitrary powers of
the excise into the Customs here ; for the making all rev-
enue causes triable without Jury, and under the decision
of a single dependent Judge ; for the trial in England of
persons accused of capital crimes committed in the Col-
onies ; for shutting up the port of Boston ; for new model-
ling the Government of Massachusetts Bay ; and the ope-
ration of the same on the properly, liberty, and lives of the
Colonists ; and also considering that the most eligible mode
of determining upon the premises, and of endeavouring to
procure relief and redress of our grievances, would have
been by us assembled in a legislative capacity ; but as the
House had adjourned to the 30th day of September next,
and it is not to be expected his Honour the Governour
would call us by WTits of summons on this occasion, having
refused to do the like in his other Province of Penn-
sylvania, the next and most proper method of answer-
ing the expectations and desires of our constituents, and
of contributing our aid to the general cause of America,
is to appoint Commissioners or Deputies on behalf of the
people of this Government, to meet and act with those ap-
pointed by the other Provinces in general Congress. And
we do therefore unanimously nominate and appoint Civsar
Rodney, Thomas M'Kcan, and George Read, Esquires,
or any two of them, Deputies on the part and behalf of this
Government in a general Continental Congress proposed to
be held at the City of Philadelphia on the first Monday
in September next, or at any other time and place that may
be generally agreed on ; then and there to consult and
advise with the Deputies from the other Colonies, and to
determine upon all such prudent and lawful measures as
may be judged most expedient for the Colonies immediately
and unitedly to adopt, in order to obtain relief for an op-
pressed people, and the redress of our general grievances.
Signed by order of tlie Convention,
C^sAR Rodney, Chairman.
At the Meeting of the Convention of the Representatives
of the Freemen of the Government of the Counties of
New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware, on the
2d day of August, 1774, A. M., it was unanimously re-
solved to instruct the Deputies then appointed in behalf of
the people of the said Government to attend the general
Congress that they do endeavour to prevail with the
Deputies of the other Colonies and Provinces at the
general Congress, to adopt the following or similar Reso-
lutions :
1 . In the first place, that we most solemnly and sincerely
promise and declare that we do and will bear faith and
true allegiance to his most sacred Majesty King George
the Third, our most gracious Sovereign and rightful liege
Lord ; that we will, upon true revolution principles, and
to the utmost of our power, support and defend the Pro-
testant succession as established in the illustrious House of
Hanover; and it is our most earnest desire that the con-
nection which subsists between Great Britain and her
Colonies, whereby they are made one people, may continue
to the latest period of time.
2. That the subjects of his Majesty in the British
American Colonies have had and of right ought to have
and enjoy all the liberties, privileges, and immunities of
free and natural born subjects within any of his Majesty's
Dominions, as full and amply as if they and every one of
them were born within the Realm of England; that they
have a property in their own estates, and are to be taxed
by their own consent only, given in person or by their
Representatives, and are not to be disseized of their liber-
ties and free customs, sentenced or condemned, but by
lawful judgment of their peers.
3. That the only lawful Representatives of the freemen
in the several Colonies are persons they elect to serve as
Members of the General Assembly thereof; and that it is
the just right and privilege of the said freemen to be gov-
erned by laws made by their General Assembly in the
article of taxation and internal police.
4. That all trials for treason, misprision of treason, or for
any felony or crime whatsoever, committed and done in
the said Colonies, ought of right to be had and conducted
in his Majesty's Courts held within the same, according to
the fixed and known course of proceeding ; and that the
seizing any person or persons suspected of any crime
whatsoever, committed in them, and sending such person
or persons to places beyond the seas to be tried, is highly
derogatory of the rights of British subjects, as thereby the
inestimable privilege of being tried by a Jury from the
vicinage, as well as the liberty of summoning and produc-
ing witnesses on such trials, will be taken away from the
party accused.
5. That all Acts and Proceedings of the British Parlia-
ment for prohibiting and restraining American manufac-
tures ; imposing taxes on the British Colonies ; extending
the powers of Custom-House Officers and Admiralty Courts
here, beyond their ancient limits ; and seizing and sending
persons suspected of committing treason or misprision of
treason in these Colonies to England for trial, are unwar-
rantable assumptions of power ; unconstitutional, and de
structive of British liberty.
6. That the successive Acts of Parliament made in the
last session, for inflicting pains and penalties on the town
of Boston, by shutting up their port and blocking up their
harbour ; for altering the administration of justice in certain
criminal cases within tlie Province of Massachusetts Bay ;
and for new modelling the Constitution of that Province,
established by Royal Charter, are in the highest degree
arbitrary in their principles, unparalleled in their rigour,
oppressive in their operation, and subversive of every idea
of justice and freedom.
7. That it is the indispensable duty of all the Colonies,
not only to alleviate the unexampled distresses of our
brethren of Massachusetts Bay, who are suffering in the
common cause of America, but to assist them by all lawful
means in removing their grievances, and for re-establishing
their constitutional rights, as well as those of all America,
on a solid and permanent foundation.
8. That it is our fixed, determined, and unalterable reso-
lution, by all lawful ways and means in our power, to
maintain, defend, and preserve our before mentioned rights
and liberties, and that we will transmit them entire and in-
violate to our posterity ; and further, that we will adopt and
faithfully carry into execution all and singular such peace-
able and constitutional measures as have been agreed on by
tliis Congress.
9. That we are unfeignedly thankful to those truly
noble, honourable,, and patriotick advocates in Great
Britain, who have so generously and powerfully, though
unsuccessfully, espoused and defended the cause of Ameri-
ca, both in and out of Parliament ; that we still feel the
warmest affection for our brethren in the parent state ; and
that it is our opinion, as it is our hope, that the cool and
dispassionate among our fellow-subjects in Great Britain
will applaud our measures, and co-operate with us in every
manly struggle for the preservation of those our rights,
with which their own are so intimately connected.
And further, we do earnestly recommend it to our said
Deputies to use their utmost endeavours to prevail with the
Deputies from the other Colonies to frame decent and
becoming petitions to his most gracious Majesty, and to both
Houses of Parliament, for the redress of all our grievances,
and to agree to a non-importation of goods from, and non-
exportation to, Great Britain, until relief shall be obtained.
Notwithstanding any thing herein before mentioned, it
is not our meaning that by these Instructions our said
Deputies should be restrained from agreeing to any
measures that shall be approved by the Congress.
Signed by the unanimous order of the Convention,
C.5SAR Rodney, Chairman.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED AT NEW-YORK, FROM
LONDON, DATED AUGUST 1, 1774.
Since my last I have procured the Act of Parliament
mentioned there, which enacts, that " after July 1, 1774,
" persons shipping tools or utensils used in the cotton, wool,
669
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, AUGUST, 1774.
670
" and silk manufactories, in order to export the same, to
" forfeit all such tools, &,c., and £200. Officers are au-
" thorized to seize all such tools, &.C., on hoard the vessels,
" which may be publickly sold ; one moiety to his Majesty,
" the other to the officer. Master of a ship permitting
" such tools or utensils to be exported, forfeits £200. If
" the ship belongs to his Majesty, the Captain forfeits £200
" and his commission. Officers of the Customs allowing
" an entry outward of such prohibited utensils, to forfeit
" £200 and his office." Since the passing of this Act, I
find tiiere is no probability of passing an entry for any more
wool cards, &.C., for America.
Boston, August 1, 1774.
More than sixty days have expired since Boston, by a
late edict of the British Parliament, has been besieged by
a British fleet and army, and its trade annihilated. The
inhabitants now receive that insult and damage, which was
never experienced in the hottest wars we have been en-
gaged in with France, Spain, and their allies, the savages
of the American woods. The particulars of the siege, and
the manoeuvres of our enemies, may in future be told by
some able historian. Suffice it at present to inform the
world, that though wood and provisions have been allowed
by said Port Act, the introduction of these articles has been
attended with such loss of time and unnecessary charges, as
greatly to raise the price of fuel upon the poor inhabitants.
No wood can now be brought from the rivers and bays in-
cluded in our harbour, upon which we depended for a con-
siderable part of our supply. No goods of any kind are
suffered to be water borne within a circle of sixty miles.
No timber, boards, shingles, bricks, lime, sand, &.C., &.C., are
to be transported from one wharf to another ; and so even
the tradesmen, not immediately dependent upon shipping,
are thrown out of business. No barrels of liquors, bread,
flour, &,c., are suffered to be brought a few rods in our row-
boats, or across our shortest ferries ; and even the vessels
on the stocks, which have for some time past been ready
for launching, cannot be put into the water without their
being exposed to a threatened seizure. Neither is the dried
table fish and oil, the charity of our Marblehead friends;
nor rice, the generous presents of the Carolinians; nor
even house-sand, to be brought us by water, but must be
encumbered with the great charge of land carriage of about
thirty miles. We are also cut off from the advantage and
profit of supplying, as usual, an extent of sea coast on the
North and South, of more than one hundred leagues, even
with i?n<wA merchandises. And when any of these hard-
ships and distresses are mentioned to those insolents in
office, the Commissioners and their understrappers, we are
told it was the design of the Act, and it is not their intent
to lessen these difficulties. This is the treatment meted
out by a British Minister to a town and Province, by whose
exertions in a late war the strong fortress of Louisburg was
taken, which purchased the peace of Europe, and deliver-
ed Britons from their terrible apprehensions of an invasion
by French flat-bottomed boats. What further cruelties we
are to suffer, we know not ; but whether America, or even
this single town, is in this way to be brought to the feet of
Lord North, with the full surrender of their inestimable
rights and liberties, time only can determine.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR
COLDEN TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED NEW-
YORK, AUGUST 2, 1774.
In my letter, No. 3, I submitted to your Lordship my
opinion, that Government here cannot prevent the frequent
meetings of the people, which have become common every
where ; and I am now convinced, that if Government had
interfered, the most violent men would have gained great
advantage, and would have prevented the acquiescence in
tlie nomination of moderate men, which has now taken
place, to meet at the general Congress of Deputies from
all the Colonies, proposed to be held at Philadelphia next
month.
The meeting of the Delegates, I am of opinion, cannot
be prevented ; if they pursue only such prudent measures
as are calculated to remove the destructive dissensions
which subsist between Great Britain and her Colonies,
the meeting, though illegal, it may be hoped will produce
some good.
Great pains have been taken in the several counties of
this Province, to induce the people to enter into resolves,
and to send Committees to join the City Committee ; but
they have only prevailed in Suffolk County, in the east
end of Long Island, which was settled from Connecticut,
and the inhabitants still retain great similarity of manners
and sentiments.
From a view of the numerous resolves of the people in
all the Colonies, which appear in every newspaper, your
Lordship might be led to think a stupid fatal hardiness in-
toxicated the whole. But there are every where many
people who are seriously alarmed at the critical posture of
the contention between Great Britain and her Colonies.
They look forward with the deepest anxiety, and would
rejoice in any prudent plan for restoring harmony and se-
curity. Could it be thought consistent with the wisdom of
Parliament, to lay aside the right of raising money on the
subjects in America, and in lieu thereof, that the several
American Assemblies should grant and secure to the Crown
a sufficient and permanent supply to pay all the officers and
ordinary expenses of Government, they are of opinion this
would be a ground-work upon which a happy reconciliation
might be effected — the dependence of the Colonies on
Great Britain secured — Government maintained, and this
destructive contest amicably terminated. For this pur-
pose, they hope an address to his Majesty will be formed
at the general Congress.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN WILMING-
TON, NORTH CAROLINA, TO HIS FRIEND IN BOSTON,
DATED AUGUST 2, 1774.
As to publick matters I shall likewise please you, when
I inform you that a patriotick spirit possesses every bosom,
which all ranks of persons seem emulous to express, by
actions as well as by words. Even those few from whom
another conduct was expected, have surprised the world by
a zeal for the service of their suffering brethren in Boston,
and a liberality in contributing to their relief, which, till
this occasion gave them an opportunity of displaying, scarce
any body supposed them capable of. A subscription having
been set on foot for the support of the Bostoniaiis, (suffer-
ing nobly in the common cause of America,) a very few
days, from a few individuals, produced as much as loaded
the vessel by which this letter comes ; and by this time, I
have no doubt, enough is collected to load another. Nor
is this all ; for there is apparent in almost every individual
a proper sense of the injury done to the Colonies, in the
tendency of those oppressive Acts of Parliament, and a
determined spirit of opposition and resentment worthy of
a human bosom in the great cause of liberty.
A numerous and respectable meeting of the six counties
in the District of Wilmington, has been had, and they have,
without one dissenting voice, resolved upon pursuing every
legal and rightful measure to aid and assist their sister Col-
ony of the Massachusetts Bay to the utmost of their power ;
and have sent expresses to every county in the Province,
strictly recommending a subscription in each of them for
the same purpose. A general meeting of all the Members
of the Assembly is to be held in a few days, at Johnson
Court House, to elect Delegates to attend the general
Congress at Philadelphia, the first Monday in September.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED AT BOSTON, FROM WIL-
MINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA, DATED AUGUST 3, 1774.
No sooner was a subscription put about for the relief of
our suffering brethren in Boston, than in a few days, I am
told, two thousand pounds, our currency, was raised ; and
it is expected something very considerable will be contrib-
uted at Newbem and Edenton, for the same noble purpose,
as subscriptions are set on foot in every county in the Prov-
ince. You will receive this by Mr. Parker Qtnnce, who
generously made an offer of his vessel to carry a load of
provisions to Boston, freight free ; and what redounds to
the honour of the tars, the master and mariners navigate
her without receiving one farthing wages. It is supposed
Lord North will hang himself in his rope of sand.
671
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, AUGUST, 1774.
672
SOUTH CAROLINA ASSEMBLY.
The Commons House of Assembly met agreeably to
the Lieutenant Governour's prorogation, on Tuesday, the
2d day of August, 1774, at eight o'clock in the morning;
and Messrs. Heyioard and Cattell were ordered to " v\ait
" on the Lieutenant Governour, and acquaint his Honour
" that the House had met." The said gentlemen being
returned, Mr. Hcyicard reported to the House, that Mr.
Caitdl and himself had waited on the Lieutenant Gover-
nour with the INIessage they had in charge ; and that his
Honour was pleased to say he would be in the Council
Chamber immediately, when he would send a Message to
this House.
Colonel Powell, Chairman of the late general meeting,
acquainted the House, " That, during the recess of tiiis
" House, namely, on the 6th, 7th, and 8th days of July last,
" at a general meeting of tiie inhabitants of this Colony,
" they having under consideration the Acts of Parliament
" lately passed with regard to (he port of Boston and Col-
" ony of Massachusetts Bay, as well as other American
" grievances, had nominated and appointed the Honourable
" Henry Middleton, John ButlcJge, Thoinas Lynch,
" Christopher Gadsden, and Edward Rutledgc, Esquires,
" Deputies on the part and behalf of this Colony, to meet
" the Deputies of the other Colonies of jV'ortA America in
" general Congress, the first Monday in September next, at
" Philadelphia, or at any other time or place that may be
" generally agreed on ; there to consider the Acts lately
'•' passed, and Bills depending in Parliament, with regard
" to the port o{ Boston and Colony of Massachusetts Bay ;
" which Acts and Bills, in the precedent and consequences,
" affect the whole Continent of America ; also, the griev-
" ances under which America labours, by reason of the
" several Acts of Parliament that impose taxes or duties
" for raising a revenue, and lay unnecessary restraints and
" burthens on trade ; and of the Statutes, Parliamentary
" Acts, and Royal Instructions, which make an invidious
" distinction between his Majesty's subjects in Great Bri-
'' tain and America; with full power and authority to con-
" cert, agree to, and effectually prosecute, such legal mea-
" sures as, in the opinion of the said Deputies, and of the
" Deputies so to be assembled, shall be most likely to ob-
" tain a repeal of the said Acts, and a redress of tliose
'•' grievances."
And thereupon moved, that this House do resolve to re-
cognize, ratify, and confirm the said appointment of the
Deputies, for the purposes aforesaid ; and, that this House
do also resolve to provide a sum, not exceeding one thou-
sand five hundred pounds sterling, to defray the expense
which the said Deputies will be at on the said service.
Resolved, neminc contradicentc, That this House do
recognise, ratify, and confirm, the appointment of the said
Deputies, for the purposes mentioned in the said motion.
Resolved, nemine contradicente. That this House will
make provision to pay to any person or persons who will
advance to the said Henry Middleton, John Rutlcdge,
Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, and Edivard Rut-
ledge, Esquires, the sum of one thousand five hundred
pounds sterling, (for the purposes aforesaid,) together with
full interest from the day the said one thousand five hun-
dred pounds sterling shall be advanced, until it be repaid to
the person or persons advancing the same.
The House also sent the following Message to the Lieu-
tenant Governour, by Mr. Bee and Captain Scott :
" May it please your Honour :
'' Tliis House, considering the precarious situation of
this Colony in regard to Indian affairs, and the necessity
there may be for the inhabitants of the back parts to arm
themselves for their protection and defence against that
cruel people, in case of a rupture with them ; and being
informed that many of the poor settlers are unprovided with
arms and ammunition, do desire your Honour will be
pleased to order a jjropcr quantity of arms and ammunition
to be distributed to such persons us may be thought to stand
most in need of such assistance ; such arms and ammu-
nition to be purchased by the Commissary General ; and
that this House will make provision to pay the expense of
the same.
" By order of the'House,
" Rawlins Lowndes, Spealcer."
At half past eight o'clock a Message was received from
Lieutenant Governour William Bull, by the Master in
Chancery, notifying that the Lieutenant Governour was m
the Council Chamber, where he required the immediate
attendance of the House.
And accordingly, Mr. Speaker, with the House, went to
attend the Lieutenant Governour in the Council Chamber,
wliere his Honour was pleased to prorogue the General
Assembly to Tmsday, the 6th day of September next.
Charlestown, South Carolina, August 3, 1774.
The General Assembly of this Province having been
prorogued, to Tuesday last, the 2d instant, the Members
of the Honourable the Commons House assembled on ac-
count of the excessive heat of the weather at this season
so early as eight o'clock in the morning, when they recog-
nised and agreed to the several resolutions unanimously
entered into by the inhabitants of this Colony, at the gen-
eral meeting i)eld at the Exchange, in tliis town, on the
6th, 7th, and 8th days of July last, and voted the sum of
£1500 sterling, for defraying the expenses of the five
Delegates chosen at the said general meeting, on the part
and behalf of tliis Colony, to join the Delegates of the
other Colonies on this Continent in general Congress. The
House had also prepared a message to his Honour the
Lieutenant Governour, desiring in case of any alarm on
the frontiers, from the Indians, that he would order the
inhabitants there to be supplied with arms and ammunition,
and that the House would defray the expense thereof;
but before the said message could be engrossed, (at half
past eight) the Lieutenant Governour was pleased to com-
mand their attendance in the Council Chamber, and addres-
sing himself to the Council (which then consisted of only
the Honourable Mr. Erving, v.'ho had been sworn in and
taken his seat the Thursday preceding) and to the Speak-
er and Connnons House, prorogued the General Assem-
bly to Tuesday, the 6th day of September next.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR
BULL TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED CHARLES-
TOWN, AUGUST 3, 1774.
It having been expected that I should prorogue the
General Assembly yesterday, at the usual time, about ten
or eleven o'clock ; the Assembly privately and punctually
met at eight o'clock in the morning, and made an House,
which was very uncommon. They had not been assem-
bled five minutes before 1 was apprized of it. I immedi-
ately went to the Council Chamber, in order to prorouge
them, and waited a few minutes for one or two of the
Council to be present. As soon as I sent for the Assembly
they attended, and I prorogued them to the 6th of Septein-
her. But their business having been ready prepared, in
which they were all previously agreed, it required only a
few minutes to pass through the forms of the House. They
came to two resolutions, one approving and confirming
the election of the five persons, chosen on the 6th of last
month, to assist at the Congress of the several Provinces,
and the other, that they would provide for the expense of
tlieir voyage. 1 returned to my own house again in less
than twenty minutes past eight. Your Lordship will see
by this instance with what perseverance, secrecy and
unanimity, they form and conduct their designs ; how obe-
dient the body is to the heads, and how faithful in their
secrets.
EARL or DARTMOUTH TO LIEUTENANT GOV. COLDEN.
Whitehall, August 3, 1774.
Sir : I send you enclosed an Order of his Majesty in
Council, on the 6th of last month, disallowing an Act
passed in New-Yorlc, in February 1773, which you will
not fail to make publick in the manner usual upon such
occasions ; and that you may know the reasons which
induce the disallowance of the said Act, I enclose for your
private information, a copy of the Representation of the
Board of Trade thereupon. I am, sir, your most obedient
humble servant, Dartmouth.
Lieutenant Governour Golden.
673
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, AUGUST, 1774.
674
REPRESENTATION OF THE BOARD Or TRADE.
To the King's most Excellent Majesty :
May it please your Majesty: We Iiave had under
our consideraiion two Acts passed in your Majesty's
Province of New- York, in February 1773, entitled, " An
" Act to continue and amend an Act entitled ' An Act for
" the more effectual Punishment of persons who shall be
" guilty of any of the trespasses therein mentioned,' in the
"cities of Neic-York and Albany, and township of
" Schenectady" and " An Act for Naturalizing the seve-
" ral persons therein named."
We have likewise referred these Acts to Richard Jack-
ton, Esq., one of your Majesty's Council at law, for his
opinion thereupon, who has reported to us in the case of
the former of these laws, that he conceives it to be impro-
per, in that it provides for a purgation by oath in a crimi-
nal matter, which is at once contrary to the genius of the
laws of this country, and cannot but prove too frequently
an irresistible temptation to perjury.
This objection, which Mr. Jackson has stated to the Act
in question, appears to us to have such weight, and the
consequences to which a regulation of this sort would most
probably lead, ought with such caution to be avoided, that
although the Act is for the continuance of an useful law,
Set we think it our duty humbly to recommend to your
lajesty to signify your royal disallowance of this Act.
The second Act is for the naturalization of sundry per-
sons therein named.
The practice of naturalizing aliens by Acts of Assem-
bly in your Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in North
America and the West Indies having been specially pro-
hibited by an additional instruction from your Majesty, for-
bidding your Majesty's Governours to give assent to any
Bill or Bills for such purpose, this Act falls under the same
description with others, which by your Majesty's Order in
Council, have been disallowed, and which by the instruction
above mentioned, in future are prohibited ; but as it was
passed previous to your Majesty's said instruction, and has
already had its effect, we must submit to your Majesty,
whether under these circumstances it will be necessary for
your Majesty to signify your royal disallovi^ance of this
Act. All which is most humbly submitted.
Dartmouth, Bamber Gascoyne,
SoAME Jenyns, Robert Spencer,
Whitshed Keene,
Wliite Hall, May 12, 1774.
order in council.
At the Court at St. James's the 6th day of July, 1774,
Present : The King's Most Excellent Majesty, Duke of
(^ueensberry. Lord Chamberlain, Earl of Suffolk, Earl of
Hillsborough, Viscount Falmouth, Lord Hyde, Sir Jeffery
Amherst :
Whereas, by commission under the great seal of Great
Britain the Governour, Council, ancl Assembly of his
Majesty's Colony of Neto- York are authorized and em-
powered to make, constitute, and ordain Laws, Statutes,
and Ordinances, for the public peace, welfare, and good
government of the said Colony ; which Laws, Statutes,
and Ordinances, are to be as near as conveniently may be
agreeable to the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom, and
are to be transmitted for his Majesty's Royal approbation
or disallowance ; and whereas, in pursuance of the said
powers, an Act was passed in February 1773, and trans-
mitted, entitled as follows, viz :
" An Act to continue and amend an Act. entitled, ' An
" Act for the more effectual Punishment of persons who
" shall be guilty of any of the trespasses therein men-
" tioned,' in the cities of Nciv-York and Albany, and
" township of Schenectady."
Which Act, together with a Representation from the
Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations thereupon,
having been referred to the consideration of a Committee
of the Lords of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy
Council, the said Lords of the Committee did this day
report as their opinion that the said Act ought to be disal-
lowed. His Majesty taking the same into consideration,
was pleased with the advice of his Privy Council to declare
his disallowance of the said Act ; and pursuant to his
Majesty's royal pleasure thereupon expressed, the said Act
Fourth Series.
is hereby disallowed, declared void, and of none effect,
whereof the Governour or Commander-in-chief, of his
Majesty's said Colony of New-York for the time being,
and all others whom it may concern, are to take notice and
govern themselves accordingly. W. Blair.
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Thursday, 4lh
August, 1774,
Present : The Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Gov-
ernour, Benjamin Chew, James Tilghman, Andrew Allen,
Esquires.
The Governour laid before the Board two Letters which
he received within these three days from Captain St. Clair,
at Ligonier, dated the 22d and 26th July, with sundry
papers enclosed relative to Indian and other affairs in
frestmoreland. And tl>e same being read and considered,
the Council advised the Governour to order a town to be
immediately laid out in the Proprietary Manor at Kitta-
ning, for the accommodation of the traders and other
inhabitants of Pittsburgh, whom, by Captain St. Clair's
advices would be under the necessity of removing from
that town on account of the oppressive proceedings of the
Virginians.
It appearing also by the intelligence contained in the
above mentioned letters that though the disposition of the
Shawanese and Delaware tribes of Indians towards the
people of this Province, were entirely pacifick, the former
tribe had separated themselves from the latter, and were
removed to the Lower Shawanese Towns, on the Scioto,
in order to prepare themselves for war against the people
of Virginia, who seemed determined to pursue hostile
measures with those Indians. It was the opinion of the
Council that it would be proper for this Government im-
mediately to despatch Messages to both those tribes, ex-
pressing our great concern at the late disturbances and the
friendly disposition of this Government towards them, and
earnestly advising the Shawanese to a reconciliation with
the Virginians; and that a Letter be also wrote to the
Earl of Dunmore, recommending to him to accommodate
the unhappy differences between the Colony of Virginia
and the Indians.
Mr. Tilghman and Mr. Allen were appointed a Com-
mittee to prepare draughts of the above Letter and Mes-
sasres.
Memorandum, August 6, 1774.
The Governour this day despatched, by the express from
Ligonier, a Letter to Captain St. Clair, and enclosed
therein two separate Messages, to the Shawanese and Del-
avares, on the Ohio, which had been prepared by the
Committee of Council appointed to draught them, which
Letter and Messages follow in these words, viz :
letter TROM the governour to captain ST. CLAIR.
Philidclphia, August 6, 1774.
Sir: I have received your letters of the 22d and 26lh
ultimo, enclosing several depositions and letters relative to
the present situation of affairs in Westmoreland.
As I find by all the intelligence you have from time to
time communicated to me, that the Shawanese as well as
Delawares have discovered a strong aversion to entering
into a war with Virginia or this Province, and on the con-
trary have given repeated proofs of their sincere disposi-
tion to live in peace and harmony with both Colonies, I
have, with the advice of my Council, thought it expedient
to send messages to those tribes, expressing the great con-
cern of this Government at the late unfortunate disturban-
ces between them and some of his Majesty's subjects belong-
ing to the Colony of Virginia; at the same time declaring
our resolution to preserve the treaties of peace and friend-
ship subsisting between us inviolate, and earnestly advising
the Shawanese not to strike the people of Virginia, as
they, as well as the people of this Province, are all subjects
of one and the same great King, who will be as much
offended at an injury committed against any one part of
his subjects as another, but to exert their best endeavours
to settle the differences that have arisen between the Fiir-
43
675
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
676
ginians and tliem, and to continue to live in friendship with
all his Majesty's subjects.
As to the proposal of engaging the service of the Del-
awares to protect our frontiers, I would only just observe
that it is a matter in tlie present situation of Indian
affairs too delicate for me to intermeddle with.
Since my last letter to you I have considered of what
you mentioned in a former letter, and now repeat respect-
ing the establishment of some place of security for carrying
on the Indian trade, as you say that Pittsburgh will cer-
tainly be abandoned by all our people ; and I am now to
acquaint you that I a|)prove of the measure of laying out
a town in the Proprietary Manor at Kiltaning to accom-
modate the traders and the other inhabitants who may
choose to reside there ; and therefore enclose you an
order for that purpose. But I cannot, without the concur-
rence of the Assembly, give any directions for erecting a
stockade, or any other work, for the security of the place,
which may incur an expense to the Province.
With respect to the continuance of the two hundred
rangers in the service, it must altogetiier depend upon the
intelligence we receive of the situation of our affairs with
the Indians. At present I think it very improper to dis-
charge them ; and it is not improbable that if the commotions
between the Virginians and Indians should not soon be at
an end, it may be necessary to keep them on foot for the
protection of our people till the meeting of the Assembly
on the 19th of September.
I herewith send to your care the messages above men-
tioned, with a belt of wampum accompanying each, and
desire you will engage some trusty intelligent person to
carry them and interpret the messages to the Indians. A
young man of the name of J5/Zio<<, who has been trading at
the Shataanese Towns and lately came from thence, has
offered his services to carry any messages from Govern-
ment to the Indians, and may probably be a very proper
person to employ on this occasion. He was to leave this
place yesterday on his return to Westmoreland. I should
be glad to have his deposition taken as to what he knows
respecting the late disturbances between the Virginians
and the Indians, from the beginning of them.
You hint something in your last letter about making
presents to the Indians, but, though such a step at some
future convenient time might be very useful and proper, I
am of opinion it would be very unadvisable under the pre-
sent circumstances.
I am, with great regard, sir, your most obedient humble
servant, John Penn.
To Arthur St. Clair, Esq., Ligonier.
By the Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Govemour and
Commander-in-chief of the Province of Pennsylva-
nia and Counties ojf New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex,
on Delaware.
A Message to the Chiefs and Warriors of the Shawanese
Indians.
Brethren, when I heard that you had taken care of our
traders, and had sent some of your young men to conduct
them home in safety, it made my heart glad, because I was
satisfied that you kept fast hold of the chain of friendship
which was made between our forefathers, and renewed by
us, and you may be assured that I shall always remember
this instance of your kindness, and that I shall hold fast that
end of the chain which is in my hands so long as you hold
yours. But, brethren, it gives me great concern, and my
heart is grieved, to hear of the difference between you and
our brothers, the people of Virginia. If any of the wicked
people of Virginia have murdered any of your people,
you should complain of it to the Govemour, and he will
have them punished. You should not in such cases take
revenge upon innocent people who have never hurt you.
It is a very wicked thing to kill innocent people because
some of their countrymen have been wicked and killed
some of you.
Brethren, if you continue to act in this manner, the peo-
ple of Virginia must do the same thing by you, and then
there will be nothing but war between you. Consider,
brethren, that the people of Virginia are like tlie leaves
upon the trees, very numerous, and you are but few, and
although you should kill ten of their people for one that
they kill of yours, they will at last wear you out and
destroy you. They are able to send a great army in your
country and destroy your towns and your corn, and either
kill your wives and children or drive them away. Besides,
brethren, the Virginians, as well as our people and you,
are the children of the great King who lives beyond the
great water, and if his children fall out, and go to war
among themselves, and some of them are wicked and will
not make peace with the others, lie will be very angry and
punish those who are in fault. Therefore, brethren, let
me advise you to forget and forgive what is past, and to
send to the Govemour of Virginia and offer to make peace.
1 shall write to the Govemour of Virginia and endeavour
to persuade him to join with you in mending the chain of
friendship between you which has been broken, and to
make it so strong that it may never be broke again. And
I hope, brethren, if he be willing to do this good thing,
that you will be of the same mind, and then we shall all
live together like friends and brothers. {A Belt.)
Given under my hand and the lesser seal of the said
Province, at Philadelphia, the sixth day of August, in
tlie year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
seventy-four. John Penn.
By the Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Govemour and
Commander-in-chief of the Province of Pennsylvania
and Counties of New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on
Delaware.
A Message to the Chiefs and Warriors of the Delaware
Indians.
Brethren, I was grieved at my heart wiien I heard that
some of our foolish young men had killed our brother,
Joseph Weepy, and that the Virginians had killed some
of your people below Fort Pitt. I was fearful that you
would suffer your young men to take revenge upon our
innocent people. But when I heard that you had a good
heart, and viewed these things in their proper light, and
that you remembered the chain of friendship made by our
forefathers, and would not take revenge upon us for what
the Virginians or some of our foolish young men had
done, it gave me the greatest satisfaction, and made my
mind easy.
Brethren, you may depend that so long as you are in-
clined to peace and friendship you shall find me in the same
mind ; for why should we fall out and go to nmrdering one
another for what our foolish young people do, and what
neither of us approve of? In such cases let us endeavour
to find out such foolish young men and punish them for
their wickedness. I have offered a reward of fifty pounds
a piece for those two wicked people who, it is said, mur-
dered Joseph Weepy, and if they can be taken I shall do
every thing in my power to have them punished.
I am very sorry to hear that your grandchildren, the
Shawanese, have a difference with our brothers, the Vir-
ginians, and I wish I could make them friends. I shall
write to the Govemour of Virginia, and recommend it to
him to endeavour to make peace with them ; and I would
advise you to go to the Shawanese to persuade them to forget
every thing that is past, and make up all their differences
with the people of Virginia, so that we may all live to-
gether in peace and quietness, like friends and brothers,
for what can they get by being at war with one another.
Whoever of them gets the best both will be very much
hurt.
Brethren, I live a great way from you, and have a great
deal of business to do with my people at home, otherwise
I would go to see you, and shake hands with you, and
smoke a pipe with you under the tree of peace, as we and
our forefathers used to do. By all means, brethren, be
strong, and keep fast hold of one end of the Covenant
chain, and you may be assured 1 will keep fast hold of the
other, and when any of our people are so wicked as to
kill any of yours, or do you any harm, let me know it,
and I will do every thing in my power to have justice done.
{A Belt.)
Given under my hand and the lesser seal of the said
Province, at Philadelphia, the sixth day of August, in
the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
seventy -four. John Penn.
677
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
678
CORRESPONDENCE LAID BEFORE THE COUNCIL.
AKTHUU ST. CLAIR TO GOVEKNOUK PENN.
Ligonior, July 22, 1774.
Sir : For some days by past, we had a flying report
that some people were killed upon Dunkard Creek, on
the 15th instant, but that a story of that kind should come
so slowly through a country exceedingly on the alarm,
induced me to give no credit to it, and to endeavour to pre-
vent its gaining credit in the country. I considered it as
raised on purpose to prevent the execution of ConoUy's
orders to Cresap, not to annoy the Indians, which I knew
had been given, but it was put beyond a doubt yesterday
by letters irom Mr. Mounhy, Mr. Mackay,a.nA the enclosed
deposition.
Mr. Mackay writes me the friends of Pennsylvania are
determined to abandon Pittsburgh, and to erect a small
stockade somewhere lower down the road, (I suppose
about Turtle Creek, where he has a fine plantation,) to
secure their cattle and effects till they see futher what is to
be done.
I had a letter from Conolly yesterday in a style of
faniiharity I should not have expected, but in itself a very
extraordinary one. If you should think it worth while to
look over it I have enclosed it, and a copy of my answer.
I am still sanguine enough to hope this Province will
escape the mischief of a war, as all the operations of the
Indians are evidently aimed at the Virginians, and seem
designed to show them how much they despised the notion
of their carrying the war into their own country. They
have, however, a number of men at Wheeling, and Conolly
was to march this day to reinforce them. One of his
parties who had crossed to the Indian side fell in with the
last of our trader's peltry, escorted by some Delawares ;
they took the trader and the Indians prisoners, and carried
them to the mouth of Beaver Creek, where their Captain
{Hogeland) lay. He was excessively enraged to see them
alive, and they were kept all night in that state of suspense,
that every moment would be their last ; in the morning,
however, they discharged them on the trader's giving a
bond of five hundred pounds to satisfy Captain Conolly
that the Indians were Delawares. 1 took the trader's
deposition of it when last at Pittsburgh, which I also en-
close. I was very ill of a bilious fever when I wrote last,
but am happily recovering. I cannot well recollect what I
wrote as it was not copied, it being Sunday, and my clerk
abroad ; but unless matters are likely to be soon settled
about Pittsburgh, it will be absolutely necessary to erect
a town at Kittaning, the trade must else take its course
by the Lakes, which will carry it quite away from this
Province ; and the communication with Philadelphia will
in time become very easy that way, and may now be
done with very little land carriage. There is an old trad-
ing path from thence to Frankstown, on the Juniata, and
another to the head of the West Branch of Susquehanna.
I have distributed the arms all over the country in as equal
proportions as possible.
I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant, Ab. St. Clair.
P. S. Captain Crawford, the President of our Court,
seems to be the most active Virginia officer in their service.
He is now down the river at the head of a number of men,
which is his second expedition. I don't know how gentle-
men account for these things to themselves.
the mouth of Little Beaver Creek, where the party lay ;
which the said Wilson objected to, alleging that it was too
hard treatment to have his horses and loads taken that way.
But Captain Flenegan then appearing, seemed to agree
that horses and loads, and the Indians also, might pass on,
so that the said Wilson would himself go along with him
where the party lay ; to which a man, who had the ap-
pearance of a Sergeant, most obstinately objected, and
said that it was Captain Hogeland's orders not to let any
Indians pass, upon which Captain Flenegan agreed to
take three of the Indians prisoners and said Wilson to
where the party lay, and to let Killbuck and his little son
pass on with the horses ; said Wilson going along with the
party until they came to the mouth of Little Beaver
Creek, where the main body lay ; although Flenegan said
that it was Captain Hogeland's orders that no Indian of any
Nation should be spared, and that if any white men should
presume to interpose in their behalf they also should share
the same fate. On their arrival there they were accosted
by Captain Hogeland, who asked what was the reason his
orders were disobeyed, and why they did not do as he
had desired them to do. Upon which Flenegan replied
and told him that the white man now along with them told
him they were Delawares. Upon which Hogeland told
him that the white man was a liar, and that he should have
done as he had desired him, and that if he had been there
himself he should not have spared any. After some time
they were confined until next morning, and, upon said Wilson
giving them his bond for five hundred pounds in security
that he would satisfy Captain Conolly that these three men
now along with him were Delawares, to which the said
Wilson agreed, they were all dismissed.
Sworn at Pittsburgh, in the county aforesaid, before me,
July 13, 1774, Ar. St. Clair.
JOHN CONOLLY TO ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.
Fort Dunraore, July 19, 1774.
Dear Sir : A report which has too generally prevailed
in this quarter, of the pacifick disposition of the Indians has
unluckily thrown the inhabitants into supineness and neg-
lect, the effects of which have been dismally experienced
on the 13tli instant, upon Dunkard Creek, where six un-
fortunate people were murdered by a party of thirty-five
Indians. I have also received a letter from Colonel
Lewis, acquainting me that the Shawanese had attacked a
body of men near his house, and had killed one and
wounded another. Whatever may be said of the cause
urging the Indians to these steps it will be little to the
advantage of the suffering people. Some immediate steps
most undoubtedly ought to be pursued to check their inso-
lent impetuosity, or the country in general will be sacrificed
to their revenge. The people of the frontiers want noth-
ing but the countenance of Government to execute every
desirable purpose, and your Province appearing backward
at this critical juncture, will most undoubtedly be highly
displeasing to all the Western settlers. I am determined
no longer to be a dupe to their amicable professions, but,
on the contrary, shall pursue every measure to offend them.
Whether I may have the friendly assistance or not of the
neighbouring country will, I expect, depend much on your
just representation of matters.
I am, dear sir, your most obedient,
John Conollt.
deposition of WILLIAM WILSON.
Personally appeared before me, Arthur St. Clair, one
of his Majesty's Justices for Westmoreland County, Wil-
liam Wilson, who, being duly sworn according to law,
deposeth and saith, that on the 5th instant the said Wil-
son was bringing up a quantity of skins to this place, and
having some Delaware Indians in company with him, he
was met, about four miles beyond Big Beaver Creek, by
about twenty men, commanded by Sergeant Steel, who
desired to know whether there were any Shawanese in com-
pany or not, or if he had not a Shawanese woman with him ;
to which the said Wilson replied in the negative. Ser-
geant Steel here said that his orders were to take both
white men and Indians, horses and skins, and take all to
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO JOHN CONOLLY.
Ligonier, July 22, 1774.
Sir: I received your favour of the 19th, yesterday, by
Doctor McKenzie, and am extremely sorry for the mis-
fortunes that have happened upon Dunkard Creek.
It is very true the assigning this or that cause for the
inroads the Indians are frequently making, will be of no
manner of advantage to the sufferers: but I think the
security into which the people had fallen, arose not so
much from an idea of the pacifick disposition of the Indians,
as that the great armed force sent down the river would
effectually cover them. In that expectation they were cer-
tainly wrong — it was an effect which could never follow
from such a cause. I agree with you something ought to
be done to prevent the depredations they may still make
679
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, AUGUST, 1774.
680
uj)on the inhabitants ; that is, ample reparation ought to be
made them for tlie injuries they iiave already sustained, and
an honest, open intercourse e-itablislied witli them for the
future. This 1 imagine would be found a more cheap,
easy, and expeditious manner of re-establishing the peace
of this country than any oflensive measures whatsoever,
for be assured the rest of the Nations will not set tamely by
and see a people, who have long been aiming at taking
the lead amongst themselves, cut off, or even much dis-
tressed by the English.
The Councils of this Province will, I hope, continue to
be founded in justice, whether that may be disj)leasing to
the Western settlers or not ; but you are certainly wrong
to imagine my representations have any influence in the
matter. I shall however, represent matters as they occur
to those in Government, in the light they appear to me,
as I have done hitherto, and have uniformly declared that
1 saw not the least probability of war, unless the Vir-
ginians forced it on. The different manceuvres up and
down and across the river, have now probably brought that
event about, and who may see the end, God only knows.
I am, sir, your humble servant, Ar. St. Claih.
Captain ConoUy.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO COVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, July 26, 1774.
Sir : I have enclosed a letter 1 received last night from
Mr. Mackay of Pittsburgh, together with the speeches and
intelligence brought by White Eyes, and a deposition re-
specting some Indians having been seen in the country. I
thought them of consequence to be quickly communicated
to you, and have forwarded them by express, as it was
quite uncertain when a private opportunity might offer.
All prospect of accommodation with the Shawanese and
Virginians is certainly over for some time; but yet, it
does not appear they have any hostile intentions against
this Province. The engaging the service of the Dela-
tvares to protect our frontiers, would undoubtedly be good
policy if it did not cost too dear. I am afraid however,
they will be very craving, but as they have offered it, it
should not be altogether overlooked, at the same time their
friendship should be secured on as easy terms as possible.
I doubt, with the utmost prudence that can be exerted,
but these Indian disturbances will occasion a very heavy
expense to this Province. The necessity of establishing
some place of security for the trade, (if it is considered as
advisable to carry it on at all) is increasing daily. A small
parcel of goods which Mr. Spear has sent to one of the
Delaware Towns, has enraged the Commandant at Pitts-
burgh to an exceeding degree, and he threatens " the
" persons who carried them shall be tried for their lives on
" their return." I mentioned the Kittaning ; it is certainly
a proper place, both on account of some natural advanta-
ges of situation with regard to the interiour part of the
country, and that its being in one of your manors, the
settlers would have an opportunity of procuring lots on easy
terms, at the same time it would not be foreign to your in-
terest. 1 find, however, they, the traders at Pittsburgh,
would wish to fix upon some place nearer that town, for
which I can see no reason, unless they imagine the pro-
perty they leave behind them will be more under their eye,
or which, I think more probable, Mr. Croghan directs them
to some spot where he has a right, and which may serve
his interest ; for though I believe he is zealous in the
service of the publick at present, he will never lose sight of
his own particular interest. If they do remove, I will en-
deavour to persuade them to the Kittaning at once ; but
if they are unwilling your ordering a town to be laid out
there, and a small stockade to be built, will effectually
determine them before they have gone far in another
settlement.
Captain White Eyes and John Montaur are preparing a
party to join die Virginia militia if ihey cross the river to
attack the Lower Shawanese ; and I have been solicited
to order some of the rangers to join them. This I have
positively refused, and have sent orders to the person in-
tended, on no account whatever to attempt to pass eitlier
of the rivers. So far from joining the Virginians, who
have taken such pains to involve the country in war, it
would, in my idea, be not improper that the Shawanese
should know this Government is at peace with them, and
will continue so, provided they do not infringe it them-
selves, and that a boundary be given them ; the doing
mischief on the east side of which, would be considered as
a declaration of war and bring all the weight of this Gov-
ernment upon them.
We begin to be impatient with respect to the rangers ;
their second month is just expiring ; but whilst the country
is in such commotion, and the harvest not yet got hi,
they cannot be dismissed. I have not the least fears about
the expense, and the Associators may safely depend on the
generosity of the Government, more especially as they
have such assurances from your Honour of your approba-
tion of the measure, and your assistance towards relieving
them from the expense.
I am, sir, your Honour's most obedient and most humble
servant, Ar. St. Clair.
P. S. If you should think proper lo allow some presents to
be made the Indiaris, I would be very glad the sum were
specified. I am very little acquainted with Indian affairs,
and I do not trust Mr. Croghan too mucli ; he has been
used to make expenses, and would not be very sparing
when he thought he had the purse of a Province to make
free with, and too great parsimony might spoil all. 1 have
agreed with the express for six shillings a day.
Mr. Croghan says he expects some of the Six Nationt
to join White Eyes' s party.
DEPOSITION OF DAVID GRIFFEY.
Westmoreland County, to wit:
The examination of David Griffty, of Struby's Foot, in
the county aforesaid, taken on oath before me, Andrew
McFarlane, Esquire, one of his Majesty's Justices of the
Peace for the said county, this 24th day of July, in the
year of our Lord 1774, who deposelh and saiih, that on
Saturday, the 23d day of this present month, between the
hours of eleven and two of the same day, at a place called
the Dividing Ridge, between Brush Creek and Seweekly,
about four miles southwest of Ilanna's Town, about the dis-
tance of one hundred and fifty yards, I saw five Indians
with their guns over their shoulders, quite naked all but
their breechclouts, marching towards Hanva's Town, and
further saith not. his
David i^ Griffey.
mark.
Taken, made, and signed the day and year above
written, before me, An. McFarlane.
INDIAN MESSAGES AND INTELLIGENCE ENCLOSED IN AR-
THUR ST. CLAIr's LETTER OF JULY 26, 1774.
Pittsburgh, July 23, 1774.
We are glad to hear from you the good speeches which
you have now spoke to us, and it also gave us great
pleasure to hear from our brethren of Pennsylvania, when
they reminded us of that ancient friendship made by our
wise forefathers, which they have at this time handed to us,
desiring us to take fast hold of it.
Brethren, Sir William Johnson, with our uncles, the
Five Nations, the Wyandots, and all the several tribes of
Cherokees, and Southern Indians, have spoke to us of
peace and friendship ; and you, our brethren of Virginia,
have likewise desired us to be strong in holding fast the
chain of friendship ; and w'e now tell you that we strictly
observe to do it. And now, brethren, 1 inform you that we
will sit still here at our towns Kakelellnmapcking, Gnad-
denhutten, and Tiipickcovg upon the Muskins:um, to hold
fast that chain of friendship between you and us.
Brethren, you desired us that the road between us and
you might be kept clear and open, that the traders might
pass and repass safe, which we also have done, and we
wish that it may continue further. We desire therefore,
that you will not suffer your foolish young peo])le to lie on
the road to watch and frighten our people, by pointing their
guns at them when they come to trade witli you ; for some
of our people have been so scared that they came home
and alarmed our towns, as if the white people would kill
all the Indians, whether they were friends or enemies.
(^A string of white wampum.)
681
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
682
Brethren of Virginia, we now see you and the Shmca-
nese in grips with each otiier ready to strike, and we do
not know what to say between you further ; you will be the
best judges yourselves of what is to follow, as we can do
no more to reconcile you. But in the struggle between
you when you have thrown down tlie Shaivancse, breth-
ren, we desire you to look no further, nor set down there,
but return to the Kcnhawa or South side of the Ohio,
the place that you there rise from ; and when you have so
concluded this dispute, brethren, we will expect to hear
from you, that we may acquaint all other Nations of it,
whom we assure you will not put their hands to it, but
hope that you will be strong bretliren, and renew the an-
cient friendship with all other Nations, when you have
ended your dispute with these people. (^A string of black
wampum.)
Intelligence received from Captain Wliite Eyes :
On my return to Newcomer's Town with the speeches
you charged me with, I found that several parties of
Shawanese had set out to war against you, contrary to their
promise before to the Chiefs of the Dclawares, who desired
uie to return and inform you of it, as it would be to no
purpose to treat further with them upon friendly terms, but
tiiat they should be informed of your speeches ; they came
forwarded by two of your people.
Brethren, we have now to acquaint you that the Shawa-
nese are all gone from Wagetomica to assemble them-
selves at the Lower Towns ; if there was one yet remain-
ing we would tell you. But as this is not the case, and
some of our people may be yet on their way up from
amongst them, we would have you consider and cross to
them from the mouth of the Big Kenhawa, as our
women and children may now be frightened when you
come near them, and the Shaioanese are all gone.
Brethren, one of the Shawanese that has headed a party
against you, has sent us word that he was going to strike
you, and when he had done it, he would then blaze a road
from the place he would do the mischief to Newcomer's
Town, by which he would see whether the peace was so
strong between the whites and the Delawares as they pre-
tended. Keesmatela has likewise sent us word that he
now saw his grandfathers the Delawares had thrown them
away, for which reason they were now rising to go away,
tliough, he said, he was sure no other Nation had done it,
and that it had been an ancient custom with their Nation,
tliat when they left any place in the manner they were
doing, whoever remained behind them, they always turned
about and struck them.
Brethren, the day we got into Newcomer's Town a
party was discovered, whose intentions were to come to
Fort Pitt to put Colonel Croghan and Alexander McKee,
with Guyasutha to death, and also waylay us, which we
passed ; as by killing us, they say, no more news will be
carried between the white people and the Indians. I
could inform you of a great deal more, but these are the
most material occurrences and facts which you may depend
upon.
My brother is lately come from the Wabash Indians,
who told him they would expect to hear the truths of the
accounts from that quarter, on his return : and I have sent
a message by him to them, desiring them not to listen to
the Shawanese, who would only endeavour to draw them
into troubles and leave them by themselves, which had
been their constant practice.
Mr. Croghan addressed Captain Wliite Eyes as his par-
ticular friend:
Brother, 1 now speak to you as a friend to both parties,
your Nation and the English, and not by any particular
authority, and 1 am convinced from the speeches you have
now delivered, that your Nation has the sincerest intentions
of preserving entire that friendship subsisting between you
and us ; and 1 observe from your intelligence that the
Shawanese are withdrawn from one of their towns in your
neighbourhood, which is an evident proof that they do not
mean to be friends with you or us ; therefore, brothers, I
would have you consider well whether you would not in
the present circumstance think it prudent for some of your
people to accompany ours when they go to chastise the
Shawanese, in order to enable them to make a proper dis-
tinction between our friends and our enemies.
Captain White Eyes' s Answer to Colonel Croghan :
I am glad to hear you, and I will consider what you
have said, but cannot immediately return you an answer.
1 will send your Message to our Chiefs at Kaskaskia, and
as soon as I have their sentiments and advice will speak to
you, which I expect in two days, in the mean time you
may be assured that their sentiments will not deviate from
that strict friendship subsisting between^us.
a:NEAS MACKAY TO ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.
Pittsburgh, July 25, 1774.
Dear Sir: The last accounts brought in here from the
Indian country by Captain White Eyes I have transmitted
to you yesterday by express. I have there informed you
that you should be furnished with White Eyes's speech as
soon as it could be procured from Captain McKee, from
whom we have since obtained a copy, which will be
delivered to you by Richard Butler, who is kind enough
to go to Ligonier at the request of Messrs. Spear, Smith,
and myself, as well with these papers, as consult you about
other matters that we are all equally interested in. You
know Mr. Butler to be both a man of sense and a faithful
Pcnnsylvanian ; therefore his reports are to be depended
on. We are of opinion that it is absolutely necessary that
immediate application should be made to Government in
favour of the Delawares, that some steps may be taken to
reward the fidelity of that people, especially such of them
as will undertake to reconnoitre and guard the frontiers of
this Province, which they say they will do, from the hostile
designs of the Shawanese ; and as by that means they will
be prevented from following their own occupations, it would
be no more than right to supply all their necessary wants,
while they continue to deserve it so well at our hands.
There is nothing but the dread my family are in of the
Indians approaching this place in my absence that would
prevent my going in person to see you at this time in your
present dangerous indisposition. I hope to hear by the
bearer on his return of your getting the better of your dis-
order, and till then I remain, dear sir, your most obedient
servant, .^neas Mackay.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, August 8, 1774.
Sir : I am just returned from Pittsburgh, where the
Pipe, Guyasutha, and the White Mingo are arrived, and
bring favourable accounts from the Indian Nations about
the Lakes. They say they are all disposed to continue in
friendship with the English: but the Wyandots, the Hu-
rons, and the Tawas have been waivering. The Shawanese
had applied to them, and it was so long that they heard
nothing from our people, that they were inclined to assist
them, but these Chiefs have persuaded them to sit still,
and to send to the Wabash Indians to be quiet likewise ;
so that it is probable they arrived amongst them in a favour-
able time.
SDme Deputies from the Six Nations are also arrived.
They have brought a very large belt to Mr. Croghan and
Mr. McKee, informing them of the death of Sir William
Johnson, and of their intentions, notwithstanding, to adhere
firmly to tiie treaties subsisting betwixt the English and
them, and to endeavour to retain the other Nations in peace.
They also have sent a beh by these Deputies to the Dela-
wares, and to the Wabash Confederacy, recommending it to
them to remain in peace, and to inform them that though
their great friend is dead, the Council fire, kindled by the
English and them, continues to bum as bright as ever : such
is their mode of expression. From these circumstances it is
to be hoped that the fracas with the Shawanese will blow
over without any very bad consequences, though that de-
pends upon others, which must be brought about in a very
little time, as four hundred of the Virginians are marched to
destroy Wagetomica, the town the Shawanese lately aban-
doned. Should these meet with any check, which is not
improbable, some of the Western Nations will certainly
join them ; but if they return without, and are satisfied with
destroying that town, matters may probably be made up ;
but 1 doubt they will not stop there, as you will see by the
enclosed copy of a letter from Lord Dunmore to Mr. Con-
oily, which accidentally fell into my hands, that his Lord-
683
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, AUGUST, 1774.
684
ship is very full of cliactising them ; and the 25lli of next
month is fixed for attacking the Great Shawancse Town, on
Scioto. Your Honour will please to take notice, that the
hint 1 gave you before, of a design to interrupt the trade
of this Province, however improbable it might appear, was
not without some foundation.
Mr. Ilanna returned from Philadelphia yesterday, and
gives an account that the Assembly have provided lor the
men that were raised for the defence of this county to the
10th instant, or longer, if necessary, and that he himself is
appointed senior Captain, ab initio, Mr. Cavet the next,
and a number of others who have never served an hour.
The last part of his intelligence I gave no credit to, as he
has no commission, nor any letters from any person about
Government; and I do imagine, that as the command of
them had been originally committed to me, your Honour
would not place him therein to supersede me, without giv-
ing me some intimation of it. Nor is it reasonable that
these men should take rank of the officers who have, iu
former wars, faithfully, as I am told, served this Govern-
ment. Trifling as this affair is, it is likely to create much
uneasiness ; but I am certain your Honour will not allow
those who have done no service, to rob those who have of
their just reward ; besides, the Association are bound to pay
those they employed. I must own I have been remiss, in
not fully informing your Honour who they were ; but I beg
your Honour to reflect upon the severe sickness I have just
passed through. Some of them, had there been the least
prospect of its being a permanent ail'air, I should not have
recommended to your Honour ; but we were under the ne-
cessity of employing such people as had influence amongst
the mob and could get the men ; and you will please to con-
sider that it is by such arts that they must still be managed,
as there are no laws by which obedience or discipline can
be enforced. I have told Mr. Hanim peremptorily, that
I should retain the direction of the troops till I had your
Honour's orders to the contrary ; and I fondly hope this
explanation will not disoblige you.
Notwithstanding what I said to Mr. Smith, on the subject
of joining the Virginians, he thought proper to join a small
party of Delawares and Mingoes, with eight men, in the
character of volunteers, and proceeded to H heeling. The
Virginia detachment had marched two days before they
arrived ; and Captain Crawford, who commands them,
(the President of our Court.) told him it would fatigue
them too much to overtake the party, and that they had
better return, which accordingly they did ; and by what I
learn from him, they seemed equally jealous both of him
and the Indians.
I can recollect nothing else at present, and your Honour
may probably think I might have spared a great part of
what is already written. I have the honour to be, sir, your
Honour's most obedient and most humble servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonior, August 25, 1774.
Sir : Agreeable to your request I now enclose you the
depositions of some of the inhabitants of Pittsburgh, re-
specting the treatment they have met with from the Vir-
ginia officers. Not any of the persons who saw the Shaw-
anese after they had been fired upon on their return, are
now there, so that I would not inquire into tliat circum-
stance.
The message to the Delawares, with the belt of wam-
pum, I delivered to some of their principal Chiefs, at Mr.
Croghan's, on Sunday last. Mr. Croghan and Mr. McKee
were of opinion it would, perhaps, be taken ill by the Six
JS'ations that they were not included. I therefore took the
liberty to add them in the address to the message, and had
a fair copy made out and given to them with a belt. —
They were received seemingly with great satisfaction by
both, and they declared the firmest purposes of remaining
in peace themselves, and restoring it between the people
of Virginia and the Shawanese. At the same time I ac-
quainted them with your orders for erecting a trading place
at the Kittaning, for which they are very thankful, as
they are in want of many things already, and cannot come
to Pittsburgh and purchase ; and a number of them will
probably be there on Monday next, which is the time I
have appointed for laying out the town. Mr. Spear and
Mr. Butler set out this day with their goods and other
effects.
Instead of sending the message to the Shaivanese by a
white man, I procured the Pipe, a faithful and sensible Del-
aware Chief, to go and acquaint them with the message his
Nation had received from your Honour ; that you had re-
commended it to them to speak to the Shawanese not to
strike the Virginians, and that he had seen a message and
belt for them, which, if they were well disposed, some of
their people might come and receive it at Appleby. I
thought this the most advisable way, as the people at the
fort are extremely jealous of any person going amongst
them, and had threatened the young men you mention to
go with them ; and some proposals of accommodation, I
understand, have been made them by Mr. Conolly, to
which, if they should not listen, they would be very apt to
allege it was owing to their hearing from this Province.
It is impossible to tell what will be the consequence of
the Virginia operations. I still hope they will not be able
to bring on a war. I think Lord Dunmore must soon see
the necessity of peace. The season is now far advanced,
and the country is exhausted of provisions. Should another
body of men be drawn together, they could not be sup-
ported ; and I believe their last exploit has not given them
much stomach for another. There was, indeed, such con-
fusion amongst the troops, and dissension amongst the offi-
cers, that had they met with any number of the enemy,
they must certainly have been cut off. Preparations, how-
ever, are making, and his Lordship is hourly exjiected.
The iOth of August, which was the time your Honour
fixed for keeping up the rangers, was passed before your
letter reached me ; but as you were pleased to say their
standing till the 19th of September, would depend on what
intelligence you might receive from Captain Thomson and
myself, we thought it best to continue them, being both of
opinion diat, at this time, it was very necessary, it being, in
some measure, the crisis of the dispute with the Shawanese ;
and that great numbers of people are now gone down to
bring back their families, which they removed when they
thought themselves in more immediate danger.
I am sorry I troubled your Honour with my foolish griev-
ances. I hope I shall always feel the spirit of the station
I may be called to act in ; but particular circumstances, I
believe, had, in that case, set it rather too much on edge.
I will not often offend in the same manner. I must do Mr.
Cavet the justice to say he is a very good man, and would
fill that or most other places with reputation.
An express arrived a day or two ago from Detroit. Mr.
Conolly had applied to the Commanding Officer at that
post to stop the trade with the Shaivanese ; but this he re-
fuses, both as they have no prospect of war, and that for
such a step he must have the orders of the Commander-in-
chief at least. He says all the Indians in that country
seem to be peaceably disposed. A letter by the same mes-
senger, from a merchant at Detroit to a merchant at Pitts-
burgh, gives a quite contradictory account of matters ; says
the Indians in that country will all join the Shawanese ;
that some of them have come in from the frontiers of Vir-
ginia, and have brought scalps ; that the general rendez-
vous is appointed on the Wabash, and that they expect
but a very short time to have any intercourse with them,
and desires him to write to Simons at Lancaster not to send
the goods he had ordered.
This moment I have heard from Pittsburgh that Mr.
Spear's and Mr. Butler's goods, that were going to Apple-
by, are seized by Mr. Conolly' s orders ; and that Mr. But-
ler, with three young men, his assistants, are in confinement
in the common guard-house ; and that a woman who kept
house for Mr. Butler, has been drummed all round the
town, for the great crime of going to see him in his distress.
This is a degree of tyranny and oppression beyond every
thing that has yet happened. I siiall be able to give you a
more circumstantial account to-morrow, when Captain
Thomson will be here, who, I understand, was present
when it happened. It will oblige me to put off my journey
to Appleby, as all my stores, provisions, &,c., were with
Mr. Butler's goods. I have the honour to be, sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant,
Ar. St. Claib.
The Honourable John Penn, Esq.
685
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
686
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, August 27, 1774.
Sir : The very extraordinary news from Fort Pitt, that
I mentioned in my letter of the 25th, proves too true.
Captain Thomson was there, and informs me that Mr. But-
ler was not only made a prisoner, but treated with every
instance of insult and abuse. The crime it seems they are
charged with, is a suspicion of trading with the enemy
Indians ; but for this there cannot be the least foundation,
as their destination was no secret ; and I had given publick
notice, in writing, of the design of laying out a town up the
river, and the time when. It seems this is the act of Cap-
tain Aston, Conolly being gone to meet Lord Dunmore ;
but in tnitli it is the act of Mr. Campbell, who is their
Counsel General, and whose plan tiie removing any of the
trade from Pittsburgh broke in upon. Captain Thomson
offered any security they pleased to demand, but they would
accept of none, and for some time would not permit any of
their acquaintance to visit them ; and jostled Mr. Smith and
Mr. McKay out of the fort in the most insulting manner
imaginable. The treatment these people have met with for
a length of time, has been sufficient to break their spirit ;
but it has not succeeded ; and those at that place who are
friends of this Province, will meet me at Appleby to-mor-
row, and are making up another cargo, that they may have
something to keep the Indians easy that will be there.
I am, sir, your very humble and most obedient servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
Williamsburg, Va., August 4, 1774.
The time has at length arrived when American liberty
must either be settled on a firm basis by the virtue and
publick spirit of her sons, or sink under the despotism now
suspended over her. The Colonies will no doubt look
upon the violent and arbitrary proceedings of the British
Parliament, with regard to the Bostonians, as levelled at the
liberty of America in general, and unite their utmost
endeavours by all means in their power to prevent the ruin
they are threatened with. We shall deceive ourselves if
we think Great Britain, (as the present Ministry call
themselves) will easily be brought to recede from her
claims of domination over us. The Parliamentary farce
will not be ended till the virtue of America, and the cries
of the British merchants and manufacturers, drive the
present actors off the stage.
In this contention we must expect our courage and forti-
tude will be put to a severe trial ; and, if they are not
genuine, will not stand the test. But as our ancestors have
liberally shed their blood to secure to us the rights we now
contend for, surely every power of manhood will be exert-
ad by us to deliver the depositum, sacred and inviolate, to
our posterity. Let no man despair of success in so just a
cause. Situated as we are, if we be united, and dare be
free, no power on earth can make us slaves.
That our adversaries are powerful we fatally know ; but,
in a measure so wickedly destructive of the constitutional
rights of British subjects, they cannot be united. But
should they be so, are they more powerful than the Span-
iards, or we less so than the LTnited Provinces were at the
time the contest arose between those two Nations on the
subject of liberty ? Philip the Second, at the head of the
most powerful Empire in Europe, with the best disciplined
troops, headed by one of the ablest Generals then known
in the world, and supported by the riches of America,
after a bloody war which lasted half a century, was not
able to subvert the liberty of the poor, and till then, incon-
siderable, but virtuous Hollanders. The example of our
ancestors, in the last century, affords a noble proof of firm-
ness and patriotick virtue. In the reign of the first Charles,
they evidently demonstrated, that though Englishmen may
bear much, yet when they find a determined resolution in
Administration to persevere in measures totally destructive
to their dearest rights, they will rouse at last, and when
that period arrives, no force can withstand — no chicanery
elude, their fury ; and the more they have suffered, the
greater will be the sacrifice they demand. Tiie posterity of
James the Second, fugitives in a strange land, still lament
the dire effects of his encroachments on English liberty.
The spirit of liberty, when conducted by publick virtue,
is invincible. It may be cramped and kept down by
external violence, but so long as the morals of a people
remain uncorrupted, it cannot be totally extinguished.
Oppression will only increase its elastick force ; and when
roused to iiction by some daring Chief — some great good
man, it will burst forth, like fired gunpowder, and destroy
all before it. Of this truth the English history affords the
clearest demonstrations, through many of the brightest
periods. We are the sons of those brave men, and let us
now prove ourselves worthy of our glorious ancestors.
Britain itself will applaud our virtue. The friends of
liberty there will rejoice to acknowledge us their brethren
and fellow-subjects ; for it cannot be possible that a race
of heroes and patriots should in so short a time degenerate
into a band of robbers.
We need not on the present occasion shed our blood to
secure our rights, though if necessary, let us not spare it ;
the purchase is more than equal to the price. Let us not
buy their commodities ; let us stop all exports from this
country to that till they do us justice. We have the means
of subsistence within ourselves. Nature's wants are but
few ; our imaginary ones have their foundation in luxury.
Let us encourage our own manufactures by proper sub-
scriptions in each county ; and by wearing them ourselves,
convince our enemies, (for so I must call those who endea-
vour to enslave us,) that we can and will subsist without
them. Let gentlemen of the first rank and fortune amongst
us set the example ; they will be cheerfully and eagerly
followed by the inferiour classes. This will give weight
to our remonstrances ; and when the great disposer of all
things, the Ruler of Princes, shall in his mercy open the
eyes of our oppressors, and direct their Councils to the
pursuit of equity and right reason, then, and not till then,
let us meet and embrace them with open arms : we will
again be their children when they will deign to be our
parents.
VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
At a very full Meeting of Delegates from the different
Counties in the Colony and Dominion of Virginia, begun
in Williamsburg the first day of August, in the year of
our Lord 1774, and continued by several adjournments to
Saturday, the 6th of the same month, the following Asso-
ciation was unanimously resolved upon, and agreed to :
We, his Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Dele-
gates of the freeholders of Virginia, deputed to represent
them at a general meeting in the City of Williamsburg,
avowing our inviolable and unshaken fidelity and attach-
ment to our most gracious Sovereign ; our regard and affec-
tion for all our friends and fellow-subjects in Great Britain
and elsewhere ; protesting against every act or thing which
may have the most distant tendency to interrupt or in any
wise disturb his Majesty's peace, and the good order of
Government within this his ancient Colony, which we are
resolved to maintain and defend at the risk of our lives and
fortunes ; but, at the same time, affected with the deepest
anxiety and most alarming apprehensions of those griev-
ances and distresses by which his Majesty's American
subjects are oppressed ; and having taken under our most
serious deliberation the state of the whole Continent, find
that the present unhappy situation of our affairs is chiefly
occasioned by certain ill advised regulations, as well of our
trade, as internal polity, introduced by several unconstitu-
tional Acts of the British Parliament, and, at length, at-
tempted to be enforced by the hand of power.
Solely influenced by these important and weighty con-
siderations, we think it an indispensable duty which we
owe to our country, ourselves, and latest posterity, to guard
against such dangerous and extensive mischiefs, by every
just and proper means.
If, by the measures adopted, some unhappy consequen-
ces and inconveniences should be derived to our fellow-
subjects, whom we wish not to injure in the smallest
degree, we hope, and flatter ourselves, that they will Tm-
pute them to their real cause, the hard necessity to which
we are driven.
That the good people of this Colony may on so trying
an occasion continue steadfastly directed to their mo3t es-
683
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
684
ship is very full of cliactising them ; and the 25ih of next
month is fixed for attacking the Great S/iawanese Town, on
Scioto. Your Honour will please to take notice, that the
hint 1 gave you before, of a design to interrupt the trade
of this Province, however improbable it might appear, was
not without some foundation.
Mr. Hanna returned from Philadelphia yesterday, and
gives an account that the Assembly have provided lor the
inen that were raised for the defence of this county to the
10th instant, or longer, if necessary, and that he himself is
appointed senior Captain, ab initio, Mr. Cavct the next,
and a number of others who have never served an hour.
The last part of his intelligence 1 gave no credit to, as he
has no commission, nor any letters from any person about
Government; and I do imagine, that as the command of
them had been originally committed to me, your Honour
would not place him therein to supersede me, without giv-
ing me some intimation of it. Nor is it reasonable that
these men should take rank of the officers who have, in
former wars, faithfully, as I am told, served this Govern-
ment. Trilling as this affair is, it is likely to create much
uneasiness ; but I am certain your Honour will not allow
tliose who have done no service, to rob those who have of
their just reward ; besides, the Association are bound to pay
those they employed. I must own I have been remiss, in
not fully informing your Honour who they were ; but 1 lieg
your Honour to reflect upon the severe sickness I have just
passed through. Some of them, had there been the least
prospect of its being a permanent affair, I should not have
recommended to your Honour ; but we were under the ne-
cessity of employing such people as had influence amongst
the mob and could get the men ; and you will please to con-
sider that it is by such arts that they must still be managed,
as there are no laws by which obedience or discipline can
be enforced. I have told Mr. Hanna peremptorily, that
1 should retain the direction of the troops till 1 had your
Honour's orders to the contrary ; and I fondly hope this
explanation will not disoblige you.
Notwithstanding what I said to Mr. Smith, on the subject
of joining the Virginians, he thought proper to join a small
party of Delaivares and Mingoes, with eight men, in the
character of volunteers, and proceeded to H heeling. The
Virginia detachment had marched two days before they
arrived ; and Captain Crawford, who commands them,
(the President of our Court,) told him it would fatigue
them too much to overtake the party, and that they had
better return, which accordingly they did ; and by what I
learn from him, they seemed equally jealous both of him
and the Indians.
I can recollect nothing else at present, and your Honour
may probably think I might have spared a great part of
what is already written. I have the honour to be, sir, your
Honour's most obedient and most humble servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, August 25, 1774.
Sir : Agreeable to your request I now enclose you the
depositions of some of the inhabitants of Pittsburgh, re-
specting the treatment they have met with from the Vir-
ginia officers. Not any of the persons who saw the Shaw-
anese after they had been fired upon on their return, are
now there, so that I would not inquire into diat circum-
stance.
The message to the Delaivares, with the belt of wam-
pum, 1 delivered to some of their principal Chiefs, at Mr.
Croghan's, on Sunday last. Mr. Croghan and Mr. McKcc
were of opinion it would, perhaps, be taken ill by the Six
^'ations that they were not included. I therefore took the
liberty to add them in the address to the message, and had
a fair copy made out and given to them with a belt. —
They were received seemingly with great satisfaction by
both, and they declared the firmest purposes of remaining
in peace themselves, and restoring it between the people
of Virginia and the Shawanese. At tiie same time I ac-
quainted them with your orders for erecting a trading place
at the Kittaning, for which they are very thankful, as
they are in want of many things already, and cannot come
to Pittsburgh and purchase ; and a number of them will
probably be there on Monday next, which is the time I
have appointed for laying out the town, Mr. Spear and
Mr. Butler set out this day with tlieir goods and other
effects.
Instead of sending the message to the Shaxvanese by a
white man, I procured the Pipe, a faithful and sensible Del-
aware Chief, to go and acquaint them with the message his
Nation had received from your Honour ; that you had re-
commended it to them to speak to the Shawanese not to
strike the Virginians, and that he had seen a message and
belt for them, which, if they were well disposed, some of
their people might come and receive it at Appleby. I
thought this the most advisable way, as the people at the
fort are extremely jealous of any person going amongst
them, and had threatened the young men you mention to
go with them ; and some proposals of accommodation, I
understand, have been made them by Mr. Conolly, to
which, if they should not listen, they would be very apt to
allege it w as owing to their hearing from this Province.
It is impossible to tell what will be the consequence of
the Virginia operations. I still ho|)e they will not be able
to bring on a war. I think Lord Dunmore must soon see
the necessity of peace. The season is now far advanced,
and the country is exhausted of provisions. Should another
body of men be drawn together, they could not be sup-
ported ; and I believe their last exploit has not given them
much stomach for another. There was, indeed, such con-
fusion amongst the troops, and dissension amongst the offi-
cers, that had they met with any number of the enemy,
they must certainly have been cut off. Preparations, how-
ever, are making, and his Lordship is hourly expected.
The 10th of August, which was the time your Honour
fixed for keeping up the rangers, was passed before your
letter reached me ; but as you were pleased to say their
standing till the 19th o{ September, would depend on what
intelligence you might receive from Captain Thomson and
myself, we thought it best to continue them, being both of
opinion diat, at this time, it was very necessary, it being, in
some measure, the crisis of the dispute with the Shawanese ;
and that great numbers of people are now gone down to
bring back their families, which they removed when they
thought themselves in more immediate danger.
I am sorry I troubled your Honour with my foolish griev-
ances. I hope I shall always feel the spirit of the station
I may be called to act in ; but particular circumstances, I
believe, had, in that case, set it rather too much on edge.
I will not often offend in the same manner. I must do Mr.
Cavet the justice to say he is a very good man, and would
fill diat or most other places with reputation.
An express arrived a day or two ago from Detroit. Mr.
Conolly had applied to the Commanding Officer at that
post to stop the trade with the Shawanese ; but this he re-
fuses, both as they have no prospect of war, and that for
such a step he must have the orders of the Commander-in-
chief at least. He says all the Indians in that country
seem to be peaceably disposed. A letter by the same mes-
senger, from a merchant at Detroit to a merchant at Pitts-
burgh, gives a quite contradictory account of matters ; says
the Indians in that country will all join the Shawanese ;
that some of them have come in from the frontiers of FtV-
^n«a, and have brought scalps; that the general rendez-
vous is appointed on the Wabash, and that they expect
but a very short time to have any intercourse with them,
and desires him to write to Simo7is at Lancaster not to send
the goods he had ordered.
This moment I have heard from Pittsburgh that Mr.
Spear^s and Mr. Butler's goods, that were going to Apple-
by, are seized by Mr. Conolly's orders ; and that Mr. But-
ler, with three young men, his assistants, are in confinement
in the common guard-house ; and that a woman who kept
house for Mr. Butler, has been drummed all round the
town, for the great crime of going to see him in his distress.
This is a degree of tyranny and oppression beyond every
thing that has yet happened. I shall be able to give you a
more circumstantial account to-morrow, when Captain
Thomson will be here, who, 1 understand, was present
when it happened. It will oblige me to put off my journey
to Appleby, as all my stores, provisions, &.C., were with
Mr. Butler's goods. I have the honour to be, sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant,
Ar. St. Claib.
The Honourable John Penn, Esq.
685
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
686
ARTHUR ST. CLAIR TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Ligonier, August 97, 1774.
Sir : The very extraordinary news from Fort Pitt, that
I mentioned in my letter of the 25th, proves too true.
Captain Thomson was there, and informs me that Mr. But-
ler was not only made a prisoner, but treated with every
instance of insult and abuse. The crime it seems they are
charged with, is a suspicion of trading with the enemy
Indians ; but for this there cannot be the least foundation,
as their destination was no secret ; and I had given publick
notice, in writing, of the design of laying out a town up the
river, and the time when. It seems this is the act of Cap-
tain Aston, ConoUy being gone to meet Lord Diinmore ;
but in tnith it is the act of Mr. Campbell, who is their
Counsel General, and whose plan the removing any of the
trade from Pittsburgh broke in upon. Captain Thomson
offered any security they pleased to demand, but they would
accept of none, and for some time would not permit any of
their acquaintance to visit them ; and jostled Mr. Smith and
Mr. McKay out of the fort in the most insulting manner
imaginable. The treatment these people have met with for
a length of time, has been sufficient to break their spirit ;
but it has not succeeded ; and those at that place who are
friends of this Province, will meet me at Appleby to-mor-
row, and are making up another cargo, that they may have
something to keep the Indians easy that will be there.
I am, sir, your very humble and most obedient servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
Williamsburg, Va., August 4, 1774.
The time has at length arrived when American liberty
must either be settled on a firm basis by the virtue and
publick spirit of her sons, or sink under the despotism now
suspended over her. The Colonies will no doubt look
upon the violent and arbitrary proceedings of the British
Parliament, with regard to the Bostonians, as levelled at the
liberty of America in general, and unite their utmost
endeavours by all means in their power to prevent the ruin
they are threatened with. We shall deceive ourselves if
we think Great Britain, (as the present Ministry call
themselves) will easily be brought to recede from her
claims of domination over us. The Parliamentary farce
will not be ended till the virtue of America, and the cries
of the British merchants and manufacturers, drive the
present actors off the stage.
In this contention we must expect our courage and forti-
tude will be put to a severe trial ; and, if they are not
genuine, will not stand the test. But as our ancestors have
liberally shed their blood to secure to us the rights we now
contend for, surely every power of manhood will be exert-
gd by us to deliver the depositum, sacred and inviolate, to
our posterity. Let no man despair of success in so just a
cause. Situated as we are, if we be united, and dare be
free, no power on earth can make us slaves.
That our adversaries are powerful we fatally know ; but,
in a measure so wickedly destructive of the constitutional
rights of British subjects, they cannot be united. But
should they be so, are they more powerful than the Span-
iards, or we less so than the United Provinces were at the
time the contest arose between those two Nations on the
subject of liberty ? Philip the Second, at the head of the
most powerful Empire in Europe, with the best disciplined
troops, headed by one of the ablest Generals then known
in the world, and supported by the riches of America,
after a bloody war which lasted half a century, was not
able to subvert the liberty of the poor, and till then, incon-
siderable, but virtuous Hollanders. The example of our
ancestors, in the last century, affords a noble proof of firm-
ness and patriotick virtue. In the reign of the first Charles,
they evidently demonstrated, that though Englishmen may
bear much, yet when they find a determined resolution in
Administration to persevere in measures totally destructive
to their dearest rights, they will rouse at last, and when
that period arrives, no force can withstand — no chicanery
elude, their fury ; and the more they have suffered, the
greater will be the sacrifice they demand. The posterity of
James the Second, fugitives in a strange land, still lament
the dire effects of his encroachments on English liberty.
The spirit of liberty, when conducted by publick virtue,
is invincible. It may be cramped and kept down by
external violence, but so long as the morals of a people
remain uncorrupted, it cannot be totally extinguished.
Oppression will only increase its elastick force ; and when
roused to action by some daring Chief — some great good
man, it will burst forth, like fired gunpowder, and destroy
all before it. Of this truth the English history affords the
clearest demonstrations, through many of the brightest
periods. We are the sons of those brave men, and let us
now prove ourselves worthy of our glorious ancestors.
Britain itself will applaud our virtue. The friends of
liberty there will rejoice to acknowledge us their brethren
and fellow-subjects ; for it cannot be possible that a race
of heroes and patriots should in so short a time degenerate
into a band of robbers.
We need not on the present occasion shed our blood to
secure our rights, though if necessary, let us not spare it ;
the purchase is more than equal to the price. Let us not
buy their commodities ; let us stop all exports from this
country to that till they do us justice. We have the means
of subsistence within ourselves. Nature's wants are but
few ; our imaginary ones have their foundation in luxury.
Let us encourage our own manufactures by proper sub-
scriptions in each county ; and by wearing them ourselves,
convince our enemies, (for so I must call those who endea-
vour to enslave us,) that we can and will subsist without
them. Let gentlemen of the first rank and fortune amongst
us set the example ; they will be cheerfully and eagerly
followed by the inferiour classes. This will give weight
to our remonstrances ; and when the great disposer of all
things, the Ruler of Princes, shall in his mercy open the
eyes of our oppressors, and direct their Councils to the
pursuit of equity and right reason, then, and not till then,
let us meet and embrace them with open arms : we will
again be their children when they will deign to be our
parents.
VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
At a very full Meeting of Delegates from the different
Counties in the Colony and Dominion of Virginia, begun
in Williamsburg the first day of August, in the year of
our Lord 1774, and continued by several adjournments to
Saturday, the 6th of the same month, the following Asso-
ciation was unanimously resolved upon, and agreed to :
We, his Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Dele-
gates of the freeholders of Virginia, deputed to represent
them at a general meeting in the City of Williamsburg,
avowing our inviolable and unshaken fidelity and attach-
ment to our most gracious Sovereign ; our regard and affec-
tion for all our friends and fellow-subjects in Great Britain
and elsewhere ; protesting against every act or thing which
may have the most distant tendency to interrupt or in any
wise disturb his Majesty's peace, and the good order of
Government within this his ancient Colony, which we are
resolved to maintain and defend at the risk of our lives and
fortunes ; but, at the same time, affected with the deepest
anxiety and most alarming apprehensions of those griev-
ances and distresses by which his Majesty's American
subjects are oppressed ; and having taken under our most
serious deliberation the state of the whole Continent, find
that the present unhappy situation of our affairs is chiefly
occasioned by certain ill advised regulations, as well of our
trade, as internal polity, introduced by several unconstitu-
tional Acts of the British Parliament, and, at length, at-
tempted to be enforced by the hand of power.
Solely influenced by these important and weighty con-
siderations, we think it an indispensable duty which we
owe to our country, ourselves, and latest posterity, to guard
against such dangerous and extensive mischiefs, by every
just and proper means.
If, by the measures adopted, some unhappy consequen-
ces and inconveniences should be derived to our fellow-
subjects, whom we wish not to injure in the smallest
degree, we hope, and flatter ourselves, that they will Tm-
pute them to their real cause, the hard necessity to which
we are driven.
That the good people of this Colony may on so trying
an occasion continue steadfastly directed to their moot as-
687
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
688
sential interests, in hopes that they will be influenced and
stimulated by our example, to the greatest industry, tiie
strictest economy and iVugality, and the exertion of every
publick virtue ; persuaded that the merchants, manufactur-
ers, and other inliabitants of Great Britain, and above
all, that the British Parliament will be convinced how
much the true interest of the Kingdom must depend on the
restoration and continuance of that mutual friendship and
cordiality which so happily subsisted between us, we
have, unanimously, and with one voice, entered into the
following Resolutions and Association, which we do oblige
ourselves by those sacred ties of honour and love to our
country, strictly to observe ; and farther declare, before
God and the world, that we will religiously adhere to and
keep the same inviolate in every particular, until redress
of all such. American grievances as ijiay be defined and
settled at the general Congress of Delegates from the dif-
ferent Colonies shall be fully obtained, or until this Asso-
ciation shall be abrogated or altered by a general meeting
of the Deputies of this Colony to be convened as is herein
after directed. And we do, with the greatest earnestness,
recommend this our Association to all gentlemen, mer-
chants, traders, and other inhabitants of this Colony, hoping
that they will cheerfully and cordially accede thereto:
1st. We do hereby resolve and declare, that we will
not, either directly or indirectly, after the first day of No-
vember next, import from Great Britain any goods,
wares, or merchandises whatever, medicines excepted ; nor
will we, after that day, import any British manufactures,
either from the West Indies or any other place ; nor any
article whatever which we shall know, or have reason to
believe, was broujflit into such countries from Great
Britain; nor will we purchase any such articles so im-
ported of any person or persons whatsoever, except such
as are now in the country, or such as may arrive on or
before the first day of November, in consequence of orders
already given, and which cannot now be countermanded in
time.
2d. We will neither ourselves import, nor purchase any
slave or slaves imported by any other person, after the
first day of November next, either from Africa, the West
Indies, or any other place.
3d. Considering the article of tea as the detestable in-
strument which laid the foundation of the present suflerings
of our distressed friends in the town of Boston, we view it
with horrour ; and therefore resolve, that we will not from
this day, either import tea of any kind whatever; nor will
we use, or suffer even such of it as is now on hand to be
used in any of our families.
4th. If the inhabitants of the town of Boston, or any
other Colony, should by violence or dire necessity be
compelled to pay the East India Company for destroying
any tea which they have lately by their agents unjustly at-
tempted to force into the Colonies, we will not directly or
indirectly import or purchase any British East India com-
modity whatever, till the Company, or some other person
on their behalf, shall refund and fully restore to the owners
all such sum or sums of money as may be so extorted.
5th. We do resolve, that unless American grievances
are redressed before the 10th day of August, 1775, we
will not after that day, directly or indirectly, export tobacco,
or any other article whatever to Great Britain ; nor will
we sell any such articles as we think can be exported to
Great Britain with a prospect of gain to any person or
persons whatever, with a design of putlinii; it into his or
tlieir power to export the same to Great Britain, either
on our own, his, or their account. And tliat tliis resolu-
tion may be the more effectually carried into execution,
we do hereby recommend it to tiie inliabitants of this Colo-
ny to refrain from the cultivation of tobacco as much as
conveniently may be ; and in lieu thereof, that tliey will, as
we resolve to do, apply their attention and industry to the
cultivation of all such articles as may form a proper basis
for manufactures of all sorts, which we will ciidcavonr to
encourage throughout this Colony, to the utmost of our
abilities.
6th. We will endeavour to improve our breed of sheep,
and increase their number to the utmost extent ; and to
this end we will be as sparing as we conveniently can, in
killing of sheep, especially those of the most profitable
kind ; and if we should at any time he overstocked, or can
conveniently spare any, we will dispose of them to our
neighbours, especially the poorer sort of people, upon
moderate terms.
7th. Resolved, That the merchants and other venders
of goods and merchandises within this Colony ought not to
take advantage of the scarcity of goods that may be occa-
sioned by this Association, but that they ought to sell the
same at the rates they have been accustomed to for twelve
months last past ; and if they shall sell any such goods on
higher terms, or shall in any manner, or by any devise
whatever, violate or depart from this resolution, we w^ill not,
and are of opinion that no inhabitant of this Colony ought,
at any time thereafter, to deal with any such person, their
factors or agents, for any commodity whatever ; and it is
recommended to the Deputies of the several counties, that
Committees be chosen in each county by such persons as
accede to this Association, to take effectual care that these
Resolves be properly observed, and for corresponding occa-
sionally with the general Committee of Correspondence in
the City of Williamsburg, provided, that if exchange
should rise, such advance may be made in the prices of
goods as shall be ai)proved by the Committee of each
county.
8th. In order the better to distinguish such worthy mer-
chants and traders who are well-wishers of this Colony,
from those who may attempt, through motives of self-inter-
est, to obstruct our views, we do hereby resolve that we
will not, after the first day of November next, deal with any
merchant or trader wiio will not sign this Association ; nor
until he hath obtained a certificate of his having done so
from the County Committee, or any three members thereof.
And if any merciiant, trader, or other person, shall imjiort
any goods or merchandise after the first day of November,
contrary to this Association, we give it as our opinion that
such goods and merchandise should be either forthwith re-
shipped, or delivered up to the County Committee, to be
stored at the risk of the importer, unless such importer shall
give a proper assurance to the said Comniitlee, that such
goods or merchandises shall not be sold within this Colony
during the continuance of this Association ; and if such im-
porter shall refuse to comply with one or the other of these
terms, upon application and due caution given to him or
her by the said Committee, or any three members thereof,
such Committee is required to publish the tiTith of the case
in the Gazettes, and in the county where he or she resides;
and we '.\ ill thereafter consider such person or pereons as in-
imical to this country, and break off every connection and
all dealings with them.
9th. Resolved, That if any person or persons shall ex-
port tobacco, or any other commodity, to Great Britain,
after the 10th day of August, 1775, contrary to this As-
sociation, we shall hold ourselves obliged to consider such
person or persons as inimical to the community, and as an
approver of American grievances ; and give it as our opin-
ion that the publick should be advised of his or their con-
duct, as in the eighth article is desired.
10th. Being fully persuaded that the united wisdom of
the general Congress may improve these our endeavours to
preserve the rights and liberties of British America, we
decline enlarging at present; but do hereby resolve that
we will conform to and strictly observe, all such alterations
or additions assented to by the Delegates for this Colony,
as they may judge it necessary to adopt, after the same shall
be published and made known to us.
11th. Resohcd, That we think ourselves called upon,
by every princijile of humanity and brotherly affection, to
extend the utmost and speediest relief to our distressed fel-
low-subjects in the town of Boston ; and, therefore, most
earnestly reconimcnd it to all tlie inhabitants of this Colony
to make such liberal contributions as they can afford, to be
collected and remitted to Boston, in such manner as majr
best answer so desirable a purpose.
12th. And lastly. Resolved, That the Moderator of this
meeting, and, in case of his death, Robert Carter Nicholas,
Esquire, be empowered, on any future occasion that may,
in his opinion, require it, convene the several Delegates
of this Colony, at such time and place as he may judge
proper ; and in case of the death or absence of any Dele-
gate, it is recommended that another be chosen in his place.
689
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
690
Listruciions for the Deputies appointed to meet in General
Congress on the part of this Colony.
The unhappy disputes between Great Britain and her
American Colonies, wliich began about the third year of
the reign of his present Majesty, and since continually in-
creasing, have proceeded to lengths so dangerous and alarm-
ing, as to excite just apprehensions in the minds of his
Majesty's faithful subjects of this Colony, that they are in
danger of being deprived of their natural, ancient, constitu-
tional, and chartered rights, have compelled them to take
the same into their most serious consideration ; and being
deprived of their usual and accustomed mode of making
known their grievances, have appointed us their Represent-
atives to consider what is proper to be done in this danger-
ous crisis of American affairs.
It being our opinion that the united wisdom of North
America should be collected in a general Congress of all
the Colonies, we have appointed the Honourable Peyton
Randolph, Esquire, Richard Henry Lee, George Wash-
ington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Har-
rison, and Edmund Pendleton, Esquires, Deputies to repre-
sent this Colony in the said Congress, to be held at Phila-
delphia, on the first Monday in September next. And that
they may be the better informed of our sentiments touching
the conduct we wish them to observe on this important oc-
casion, we desire that they will express, in the first place,
our faith and true allegiance to his Majesty King George
the Third, our lawful and rightful Sovereign ; and that we
are determined, with our lives and fortunes, to support him
in the legal exercise of all his just rights and prerogatives ;
and however misrepresented, we sincerely approve of a
constitutional connection with Great Britain, and wish most
ardently a return of that intercourse of affection and com-
mercial connection that formerly united both countries,
which can only be effected by a removal of those causes
of discontent which have of late unhappily divided us.
It cannot admit of a doubt, but that British subjects in
America are entitled to the same rights and privileges as
their fellow-subjects possess in Britain ; and, therefore,
that the power assumed by the British Parliament, to bind
America by their statutes, in all cases whatsoever, is un-
constitutional, and the source of these unhappy differences.
The end of Government would be defeated by the Bri-
tish Parliament exercising a power over the lives, the pro-
perty, and the liberty of American subjects, who are not,
and from their local circumstances cannot, be there repre-
sented. Of this nature we consider the several Acts of
Parliament for raising a revenue in America ; for the ex-
tending the jurisdiction of the Courts of Admiralty ; for
seizing American subjects, and transporting them to Britain
to be tried for crimes committed in America ; and the sev-
eral late oppressive Acts respecting the town of Boston and
Province of the Massachusetts Bay.
The original Constitution of the American Colonies
possessing their Assemblies with the sole right of directing
their internal polity, it is absolutely destructive of the end
of their institution that their Legislatures should be sus-
pended, or prevented, by hasty dissolutions, from exercising
their Legislative powers.
Wanting the protection of Britain, we have long ac-
quiesced in their Acts of Navigation restrictive of our
commerce, which we consider as an ample recompense for
such protection ; but as those Acts derive their efficacy
from that foundation alone, we have reason to expect they
will be restrained so as to produce the reasonable purposes
of Britain, and not be injurious to us.
To obtain redress of these grievances, without which the
people of America can neither be safe, free, nor happy,
they were willing to undergo tiie great inconvenience that
will bo derived to them from stopping all imports whatso-
ever from Great Britain, after the first day of November
next, and also to cease exjiorting any commodity whatso-
ever to the same place, after the 10th day of August, 1775.
The earnest desire we have to make as quick and full pay-
ment as possible of our debts to Great Britain, and to
avoid the heavy injury that would arise to this country from
an earlier adoption of the non-exportation plan, after the
people have already applied so much of their labour to the
perfecting of the present crop, by which means they have
been prevented from pursuing other methods of clothing
and supporting their families, have rendered it necessary to
restrain you in this article of non-exportation; but it is our
desire that you cordially co-operate with our sister Colo-
nies in general Congress, in such other just and proper me-
thods as they or the majority shall deem necessary for the
accomplishment of these valuable ends.
The Proclamation issued by General Gnge, in the Gov-
ernment of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, de-
claring it treason for the inhabitants of that Province to
assemble themselves to consider of their grievances, and
form Associations for their common conduct on the occa-
sion ; and requiring the Civil Magistrates and officers to
apprehend all such persons, to be tried for their supposed
offences, is the most alarming process that ever appeared in
a British Government ; that the said General Gage hath
thereby assumed and taken upon himself powers denied by
the Constitution to our legal Sovereign ; that he, not having
condescended to disclose by what authority he exercises
such extensive and unheard of powers, we are at a loss to
determine whether he intends to justify himself as the Rep-
resentative of the King, or as the Commander-in-chief of
his Majesty's forces in America. If he considers himself
as acting in the character of his Majesty's Representative,
we would remind him that the statute, twenty-fifth, Ed-
ward the Third, has expressed and defined all treasonable
offences, and that the Legislature of Great Britain hath
declared that no offence shall be construed to be treason
but such as is pointed out by that statute, and that this was
done to take out of the hands of tyrannical Kings and of
weak and wicked Ministers that deadly weapon which
constructive treason had furnished them with, and which
had drawn blood of the best and most honest men in the
Kingdom ; and that the King of Great Britain hath no
right, by his Proclamation, to subject his people to impri-
sonment, pains, and penalties.
That if the said General Gage conceives he is empow-
ered to act in this manner, as the Commander-in-chief of
his Majesty's forces in America, this odious and illegal
Proclamation must be considered as a plain and full decla-
ration that this despotick viceroy will be bound by no law,
nor regard the constitutional rights of his Majesty's subjects,
whenever they interfere with the plan he has formed for
oppressing the good people of the Massachusetts Bay ;
and, therefore, that the executing, or attempting to execute,
such Proclamation, will justify resistance and reprisal.
A summary view of the rights of British America,
set forth in some Resolutions intended for the inspection
of the present Delegates of the people of Virginia,
now in Convention.*
Resolved, That it be an instruction to the said Deputies,
when assembled in general Congress whh the Deputies of
the other States of British America, to propose to the
said Congress that an humble and dutiful Address be pre-
sented to his Majesty, begging leave to lay before him, as
Chief Magistrate of the British Empire, the united com-
plaints of his Majesty's subjects in America — complaints
which are excited by many unwarrantable encroachments
and usurpations, attempted to be made by the Legislature of
one part of the Empire, upon those rights which God and
the laws have given equally and independently to all. To
present to his Majesty that these his States have often
individually made humble application to his Imperial
• Before I left home to attend the Convention, I prepared what I
thought might be given, in instruction, to the Delegates who should be
appointed to attend the general Congress proposed. Tiiey were drawn
in haste, with a number of blanks, with some uncertainties and inac-
curacies of historical facts, wliich I neglected at the moment, knowing
they could bo readily corrected at the meeting. I set out on my jour-
ney, but was taken sick on the road and was unable to proceed. I
therefore sent on, by express, two copies, one under cover to Patrick
Henry, the other to Peyton Randolph, who I knew would be in the Con-
vention ; of the former no more was ever heard or known. Mr. Henry
probably thought it too bold, as a first measure, as a majority of the
Members did. On the other copy being laid on the table of the Con.
vention by Peyton Randolph, as the proposition of a Member who was
prevented from attendance by sickness on the road, tamer sentiments
were preferred, and, I believe, wisely preferred ; the leap, I proposed,
being, too long as yet, for the mass of our citizens. The distance between
these and the Instructions actually adopted is of some curiosity, how-
ever, as it shows the inequality of pace with which wo moved, and the
prudence required to keep front and rear together — Jefferson.
Fourth Series.
44
691
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
692
Throne to obtain, through its intervention, some redress
of their injured rights, to none of which was ever even an
answer condescended ; liumbly to hope that this their joint
Address, penned in tlie language of truth, and divested of
those expressions of servility which would persuade his
Majesty that we are asking favours, and not rights, shall
obtain from his Majesty a more respectful acceptance.
And this his Majesty will think we have reason to expect
when he reflects that he is no more tiian the Chief Oiiicer
of tlie people, appointed by the laws, and circumscrib-
ed with definitive power, to assist in working the great
machine of Government, erected for their use, and conse-
quently subject to their superintendence. And in order
that these our rights, as well as the invasions of them,
may be laid more fully before his Majesty, to take a view
of them from the origin and first settlement of these
countries.
To remind him that our ancestors, before their emigra-
tion to America, were the free inhabitants of the British
Dominions in Europe, and possessed a right which nature
has given to all men, of departing from the country in
which chance, not choice, has placed them, of going in
quest of new habitations, and of their establisiiing new
societies under such laws and regulations as to them shall
seem most likely to promote publick happiness. That
their Saxon ancestors had, under this universal law, in like
manner left their native wilds and woods in the North of
Europe, had possessed themselves of tiie Isle of Britain,
tlien less charged with inhabitants, and had established
there that system of laws which has so long been the glory
and protection of tiiat country. Nor was ever any claim
of superiority or dependence asserted over them by that
mother country from which they had migrated ; and were
such a claim made, it is believed that his Majesty's subjects
in Great Britain have too firm a feeling of the rights de-
rived to them from their ancestors, to bow down the sov-
ereignty of their state before such visionary pretensions.
And it is thought that no circumstance has occurred to
distinguish materially the British from the Saxon emigra-
tion. America was conquered and her settlements made,
and firmly established, at the expense of individuals, and
not of the British publick. Their own blood was spilt in
acquiring lands for their settlement ; their own fortunes ex-
pended in making that settlement effectual ; for themselves
they fought, for themselves they conquered, and for them-
selves alone they have right to hold. Not a shilling was
ever issued from the publick treasures of his Majesty, or his
ancestors for their assistance, till of very late times, after
the Colonies had become established upon a firm and perm-
anent footing. That then, indeed, having become valu-
able to Great Britain for her commercial purposes, his
Parliament was pleased to lend them assistance against an
enemy who would fain have drawn to herself the benefits
of their commerce, to the great aggrandizement of herself
and danger of Great Britain. Such assistance and in
such circumstances, they had often before given to Portu-
gal, and other allied states, with whom they carry on a
commercial intercourse ; yet these States never supposed,
that by calling in her aid they thereby submitted tiiemselves
to her sovereignty. Had such terms been proposed, they
would have rejected them with disdain, and trusted for
better to the moderation of their enemies, or to a vioforous
exertion of their own force. We do not, however, mean
to underrate those aids, which to us were doubtless valu-
able, on whatever principles granted ; but we would show
that they cannot give a title to that authority which the
British Parliament would arrogate over us, and that they
may amply be repaid by our giving to the inhabitants of
Great Britain, such exclusive privileges in trade as may
be advantageous to them, and at the same time not too
restrictive to ourselves. That settlements having been
tlius effected in the wilds of America, the emigrants thoun-ht
proper to adopt that system of laws under which they had
hitherto lived in the mother country, and to continue their
union with her by submitting themselves to the same com-
mon Sovereign, who was thereby made the central link
connecting the several parts of the Empire thus newly
multiplied.
But that not long were they permitted, however far
they thought themselves removed from the hand of oppres-
sion, to hold undisturbed the rights thus acquired at the
hazard of their lives, and loss of their fortunes. A family
of Princes was then on the British Throne, whose trea-
sonable crimes against their people brought on them after-
wards the exertion of tiiose sacred and sovereign rights of
punishment, reserved in the hands of the people for cases
of extreme necessity, and judged by the Constitution un-
safe to be delegated to any other judicature. While every
day brought forth some new and unjustifiable exertion of
power over their subjects on that side of tiie water, it was
not to be expected that those here, much less able at that
time, to oppose the designs of despotism, should be ex-
empted from injury.
Accordingly that country, which had been acquired by
the lives, tlie labours, and the fortunes of individual adven-
turers, was by these Princes, at several times, parted out
and distributed among tlie favourites and * followers of
their fortunes, and, by an assumed r'.glit of the Crown
alone, were erected into distinct and independent Govern-
ments; a measure which it is believed his Majesty's pru-
dence and understanding would prevent him from imitating
at this day, as no exercise of such power, of dividing and
dismembering a country, lias ever occurred in his Majesty's
Realm of England, though now of very ancient standing ;
nor could it be justified or acquiesced under there, or in
any other part of his Majesty's Empire.
That the exercise of a free trade with all parts of the
world, possessed by the American Colonists, as of natural
right, and which no law of their own had taken away or
abridged, was next the object of unjust encroachment.
Some of the Colonies having thought proper to continue the
Administration of their Government in the name and under
the authority of his Majesty King Charles the First, whom
notwithstanding his late deposition by the Commonwealth
of England, they continued in the sovereignty of their state;
the Parliament for the Commonwealth took the same in high
offence, and assumed upon themselves the power of prohib-
iting their trade with all other parts of the world, except
the Island of Great Britain. This arbitrary act, however,
they soon recalled, and by solemn treaty, entered into on the
12th day oi March, 1651, between the said Commonwealth,
by their Commissioners, and the Colony of Virginia, by
their House of Burgesses, it was expressly stipulated by
the eighth article of the said treaty, that they should
have " free trade as the people of England do enjoy, to
" all places and with all Nations, according to the laws of
" that Commonwealth." But that upon the restoration of
his Majesty King Charles the Second, their rights of free
commerce fell once more a victim to arbitrary power ; and
by several Actsf of his reign, as well as of some of his
successors, the trade of the Colonies were laid under such
restrictions as show what hopes they might fonn from the
justice of a British Parliament, were its uncontrolled
power admitted over these States. History has informed
us that bodies of men, as well as individuals, are suscept-
ible of the spirit of tyranny. A view of these Acts of Par-
liament for the regulation, as it has been affectedly called,
of the American trade, if all other evidence were removed
out of the case, would undeniably evince the truth of this
observation. Besides the duties they impose on our arti-
cles of export and import, they prohibit our going to any
markets northward of Cape Eivisterre, in the Kingdom of
Spain, for the sale of commodities which Great Britain
will not take from us, and for tiie purchase of others with
which she cannot su|)ply us. and that for no other than the
arbitrary purposes of purchasing for themselves, by a sac-
rifice of our rigiits and interests, certain privileges in their
* In 1632 Maryland was granted to Lord Baltimore ; 33 Charles II.
Pennsylvania to Penn. The Province of Carolina was, in the year
16G3, granted by letters patent of his Maj'sty Kini Chnrlea II., in the
fifteenth y"ar of liis roign, in propriety, unto the lliglit Honourable
Edward, Earl of Clarendon, George, Duke of Albemarle, William,
E irl of Craven, John, Lord Berkelij, Anihonij, Lord Axhley, Sir George
Carteret, .Sir John Colleton, Kniglit and IJjronet, and Sir William
Berkeli/, Knight; by which letters patent ths \a\vs of England were
to be in force in Carolina. But the Lords Proprietors had power, with
the consent of the inhabitants, to make bye-laws for the better gov-
ernment of the said Province ; so that no money could be recovered,
or l;iw made, without the consent of the inhabitants or their Repre.
sentatives.
1 12 CAarics II. chap. 18. 15 CAaWes II. chip. 11. 2a Charlet 11.
chap. 7. 7 and 8 William III. chap. 22. 11 William III. 6 Anne,
chap. 37. 6 George II. chap. 13.
693
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
694
commerce with an allied state, who in confidence that their
exclusive trade with America will be continued, while the
principles and power of the British Parliament be the
same, have indulged themselves in every exorbitance,
which their avarice could dictate, or ournecessities extort;
have raised their commodities called for in America to the
double and treble of what they sold for before such exclu-
sive privileges were given them, and of what better com-
modities of the same kind would cost us elsewhere, and at
the same time give us much less for what we carry thither,
tlian might be had at more convenient ports. That these
Acts prohibit us from carrying, in quest of other purchasers,
tiie surplus of our tobaccoes remaining after the consump-
tion of Great Britain is supplied ; so that we must leave
tliem with the British merchant for whatever he will please
to allow us, to be by him re-shipped to foreign markets,
where he will reap the benefits of making sales of them for
full value. That to heighten still the idea of Parliament-
ary justice, and to show with what moderation they are
like to exercise power, where themselves are to feel no
part of its weight, we take leave to mention to his iVIa-
jesty certain other Acts of Parliament, by which they would
prohibit us from manufacturing for our own use the articles
we raise on our own lands, with our own labour.
By an Act * passed in the fifth year of the reign of his
late iNIajesty King George the Second, an American sub-
ject is forbidden to make a hat for himself of the fur which
he has taken perhaps on his own soil ; an instance of des-
potism to which no parallel can be produced in the most
ai'bitrary ages of British history. By one other Actf
passed in the twenty-third year of the same reign, the iron
which we make we are forbidden to manufacture, and
heavy as that article is, and necessary in every branch of
husbandry, besides commission and insurance, we are to
pay freight for it to Great Britain, and freight for it back
again, for the purpose of supporting not men, but machines,
in the Island of Great Britain. In the same spirit of equal
and impartial legislation is to be viewed the Act of Parha-
ment, J passed in the fifth year of the same reign, by which
American lands are made subject to the demands ol' British
creditors, while their own lands were still continued un-
answerable for their debts ; from which one of these con-
clusions must necessarily follow, either that justice is not
the same in America as in Britain, or else that the British
Parliament pay less regard to it here than there. But that
we do not point out to his Majesty the injustice of these
Acts, with intent to rest on that principle the cause of that
nullity ; but to show that experience confirms the propriety
of those political principles which exempt us from the
jurisdiction of the British Parliament. The true ground
on which we declare these Acts void is, that the British
Parliament has no right to exercise authority over us.
That these exercises of usurped power have not been
confined to instances alone in which themselves were in-
terested, but they have also intermeddled with the regula-
tion of the internal affairs of the Colonies. The Act of
the ninth of Anne, for establishing a Post Office in Ameri-
ca, seems to have had little connection with British con-
venience, except that of accommodating his Majesty's
Ministers and favourites with the sale of lucrative and easy
offices.
That thus we have hastened through the reigns which
preceded his Majesty's, during which the violations of our
right were less alarming, because repeated at more distant
intervals than that rapid and bold succession of injuries
which is likely to distinguish the present from all other
periods oi American story. Scarcely have our minds been
able to emerge from the astonishment into which one stroke
of Parliamentary thunder has involved us, before another
more heavy and more alarming is fallen on us. Single
acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinion
of a day ; but a series of oppressions begun at a distin-
guished period, and pursued unalterably through every
change of Ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate and
systematical plan of reducing us to slavery.
That the Act || passeil in the fourth year of his Majes-
ty's reign, cnlitled, " An Act for granting certain duties in
" the British Colonics and Plantations in America, &,c."
One other Act '5> passed in the fifth year of his reign, en-
• 5 Oeorge 11. + 23 George II. chap. 29. J 5 George II. chap. 70.
II 4 George III. chap. 15. ^ 5 George III. chap. 12.
titled, " An Act for granting and applying certain stamp
"duties and other duties in the British Colonies and
" Plantations in America, &,c." One other Act* passed
in the sixth year of his reign, entitled, " An Act for the
"better securing the dependency of his Majesty's Domin-
" ions in America upon the Crown and Parliament of Great
"Britain;'" and one other Actf passed in the seventh
year of his reign, entitled, " An Act for granting duties
on paper, tea, he," form that connected chain of Par-
liamentary usurpation, which has already been the subject
of frequent applications to his Majesty, and the Houses
of Lords and Commons of Great Britain ; and no answers
having been yet condescended to any of these, we shall
not trouble his Majesty with a repetition of the matters
they contained.
But that one other Act, f passed in the same seventh
year of his reign, having been a peculiar attempt, must ever
require peculiar mention ; it is entitled, " An Act for sus-
pending the Legislature of New- York." One free and
independent Legislature hereby takes upon itself to sus-
pend the powers of another, free and independent as itself;
thus exhibiting a phenomenon unknown in nature, the
creator and creature of its own power. Not only the princi-
ples of common sense, but the common feelings of human
nature, must be surrendered up before his Majesty's sub-
jects here can be persuaded to believe that they hold tlieir
political existence at the will of a British Parliament.
Shall these Governments be dissolved, their property anni-
hilated, and their people reduced to a state of nature, at
the imperious breath of a body of men, whom they never
saw, in whom they never confided, and over whom they
have no powers of punishment or removal, let their crimes
against tlie American publick be ever so great ? Can any
one reason be assigned why one hundred and sixty thou-
sand electors in the Island of Great Britain shall give law
to four millions in the States ot America, every individual
of whom is equal to every individual of them in virtue, in
understanding, and in bodily strength ? Were this to be
admitted, instead of being a free people, as we have
hitherto supposed, and mean to continue ourselves, we
should suddenly be found the slaves, not of one, but of
one hundred and sixty thousand tyrants, distinguished too,
from all others, by this singular circumstance, that they
are removed from the reach of fear, the only restraining
motive which may hold the hand of a tyrant.
That by " An Act || to discontinue in such manner and
" for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and
" discharging, lading or shipping of goods, wares, and mer-
" chandise, at the town and within the harbour of Boston,
" in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in North
" America," which was passed at the last session of the
British Parliament, a large and populous town, whose
trade was their sole subsistence, was deprived of that trade,
and involved in utter ruin. Let us for a while suppose the
question of right suspended, in order to examine this Act
on principles of justice. An Act of Parliament had been
passed, imposing duties on teas, to be paid in America,
against which Act the Americans had protested as inau-
thoritative. The East India Company, who till that time
had never sent a pound of tea to America on their own ac-
count step forth on that occasion, the assertors of Parliamen-
tary right, and send hither many ship loads of that obnox-
ious commodity. The masters of their several vessels, how-
ever, on their arrival in America, wisely attended to admo-
nition and returned with their cargoes. In the Province
of New England alone, the remonstrances of the people
were disregarded, and a compliance, after being many days
waited for, was flatly refused. Whether in this the master
of the vessel was governed by his obstinacy, or his instruc-
tions, let those who know, say. There are extraordinary
situations which require extraordinary interpositions. An
exasperated jieople who feel that they possess power, are
not easily restrained within limits strictly regular. A
number of them assembled in the town of Boston, threw
the tea into the ocean, and dispersed, without doing any
other act of violence. If in this they did wrong, they
were known, and amenable to the laws of the land, against
which it could not be objected that they ever had, in any
instance been obstructed or diverted from their regular
• 6 George III. chap. 19.
t 7 George III. chap. 59.
1 7 George III.
0 14 George III.
695
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, AUGUST, 1774.
696
course in favour of popular offenders. Tliey should there-
fore not have been distrusted on this occasion. But that
ill-fated Colony had formerly been hold in their enmities
against the House of Stuart, and were now devoted to ruin
by that unseen hand which governs the momentous affairs
of this great Empire. On the partial representations of
a few worthless Ministerial dependants, whose constant
office it has been to keep that Government embroiled, and
who, by their treacheries, hope to obtain the dignity of the
British knighthood, without calling for the party accused,
without asking a proof, without attempting a distinction
between the guilty and the innocent, the whole of that
ancient and wealthy town, is in a moment reduced from
opulence to beggary. Men who had spent their lives in
extending the British commerce, who had invested in that
place the wealth their honest endeavours had merited,
found themselves and their families thrown at once on the
world for subsistence by its charities. Not the hundretii
part of the inhabitants of that town had been concerned in
die act complained of, many of them were in Great
Britain and in other parts beyond sea ; yet all were in-
volved in one indiscriminate ruin, by a new Executive
power unheard of till then, that of a British Parliament.
A property, of a value of many millions of money, was
sacrificed to revenge, not repay, the loss of a few thousands.
This is administering justice with a heavy hand indeed !
And when is this tempest to be arrested in its course?
Two wharves are to be opened again when his Majesty shall
think proper. The residue, which lined the extensive
shores of the bay of Boston, are forever interdicted ^he ex-
ercise of commerce. This little exception seems to have
been thrown in for no other purpose than that of setting a
precedent for investing his Majesty with legislative powers.
If the pulse of his people shall beat calmly under this ex-
periment, another and another will be tried, till the mea-
sure of despotism be filled up. It would be an insult on
common sense to pretend that this exception was made in
order to restore its commerce to that great town. The
trade which cannot be received at two wharves alone,
must of necessity be transferred to some other place ; to
which it will soon be followed by that of the two wharves.
Considered in this light, it would be an insolent and cruel
mockery at the annihilation of tiie town of Boston.
By the Act* for the suppression of riots and tumults in
the town of Boston, passed also in the last session of Par-
liament, a murder committed there is, if the Goveruour
pleases, to be tried in a Court of King's Bench, in the
Island of Great Britain, by a jury of Middlesex. The
witnesses too, on receipt of such a sum as the Govemour
shall tiiink it reasonable for them to expend, are to enter
into recognisance to appear at the trial. This is, in other
words, taxing them to the amount of their recognisances,
and that amount may be whatever a Govemour pleases ;
for who does his Majesty think can be prevailed on to cross
the Atlantic for the sole purpose of bearing evidence to
a fact ? His expenses are to be borne, indeed, as they
shall be estimated by a Govemour ; but who are to feed
the wife and children whom he leaves behind, and who
have had no other subsistence but his daily labour ? Those
epidemical disorders too, so terrible in a foreign climate, is
the cure of them to be estimated among the articles of
expense, and their danger to be warded off by the almighty
power of Parliament? And the wretched criminal, if he
happened to have offended on the American side, stripped
of his privilege of trial by peers of his vicinage, removed
from the place where alone full evidence could be obtained,
without money, without counsel, without friends, without
exculpatory proof, is tried before judges predetermined to
condemn. The cowards who would suffer a countryman
to be torn from the bowels of their society, in order to be
thus offered a sacrifice to Parliamentary tyranny, would
merit that everlasting infamy now fixed on the authors of
the Act! A clause f for a similar purpose had been intro-
duced into an Act passed in the twelfth year of his Ma-
jesty's reign, entitled, " An Act for the better securing and
" preserving his Majesty's dockyards, magazines, ships,
" ammunition, and stores," against which, as meriting the
same censures, the several Colonies have already pro-
tested.
That these are Acts of power, assumed by a body of
• 14 George III. 1 12 George III. chap. 24.
men, foreign to our Constitutions, and unacknowledged by
our laws, against which we do, on behalf of the inhabitants
of British America, enter this our solemn and determined
Protest ; and that we do earnestly entreat his Majesty, as
yet the only mediatory power between the several states
of the British Empire, to recommend to his Parliament of
Great Britain the total revocation of those Acts, which
however nugatory they may be, may yet prove the cause
of further discontents and jealousies among us.
Tiiat we next proceed to consider the conduct of his
Majesty as holding the Executive powers of the laws of
these States ; and mark out his deviations from the line
of duty. By the Constitution of Great Britain, as well
as the several American States, his Majesty possesses
the power of refusing to pass into a law any Bill which
has already passed the other two branches of Legislature.
His Majesty, however, and his ancestors, conscious of the
impropriety of opposing their single opinion to the united
wisdom of the two Houses of Parliament, while their pro-
ceedings were unbiased by interested principles, for several
ages past, have modestly declined the exercise of this
power in that part of his Empire called Great Britain.
But by change of circumstances other principles than
those of justice simply, have obtained an influence on their
determinations ; the addition of new states to the British
Empire has produced an addition of new, and sometimes,
opposite interests. It is now, therefore, the great office of
his Majesty to resume the exercise of his negative power,
and to prevent the passing of laws by any one Legislature
of the Empire, which might bear injuriously on the rights
and interests of another. Yet this will not excuse the
wanton exercise of this power, which we have seen his
Majesty practice on the laws of the American Legis-
latures. For the most trifling reasons, and sometimes
for no conceivable reason at all, his Majesty has rejected
laws of the most salutary tendency. The abolition of do-
mestick slavery is the greatest object of desire in those
Colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in their infant
state. But previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves
we have, it is necessary to exclude all further importations
from Africa. Yet our repeated attem))ts to effect this by
prohibitions, and by imposing duties which might amount
to a prohibition, have been hitherto defeated by his Ma-
jesty's negative. Thus preferring the immediate advan-
tages of a few African corsairs to the lasting interests of
the American States, and to the rights of human nature,
deeply wounded by this infamous practice. Nay, the
single interposition of an interested individual, against a
law, was scarcely ever known to fail of success, though in
the opposite scale were placed tiie interests of a whole
country. That this is so shameful an abuse of a power
trusted with his Majesty for other purposes, as if not re-
formed, would call for some legal restrictions.
With equal inattention to the necessities of his people
here, has his Majesty permitted our laws to lie neglected
in England for years, neither confirming them by his as-
sent nor annulling them by his negative ; so that such of
them as have no suspending clause, we hold on the most
precarious of all tenures, his Majesty's will, and such of
them as suspend themselves till his Majesty's assent be
obtained, we have feared might be called into existence at
some future and distant period, when time and change of
circumstances shall have rendered them destructive to his
people here. And to render this grievance still more op-
pressive, his Majesty, by his instructions, have laid his
Govemours under such restrictions that they can pass no
law of any moment, unless it have such suspending clause ;
so that, however immediate may be the call for Legislative
interposition, the law cannot be executed till it has twice
crossed the Atlantic, by which time the evil may have
spent its whole force.
But in what terms, reconcileable to Majesty, and at the
same time to truth, shall we speak of a late instruction to
his Majesty's Govemour of tlie Colony of Virginia, by
which he is forbidden to assent to any law for the division
of a county, unless the new county will consent to have no
Representative in Assembly ? That Colony has as yet fixed
no boundary to the Westward. Their Western counties,
therefore, are of indefinite extent, some of them are actu-
ally seated many hundred miles from their Eastern limits.
Is it possible, then, that his Majesty can have bestowed a
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698
single thought on the situation of those people, who, in
order to obtain justice for injuries, however great or small,
must, by the laws of that Colony, attend their County
Court, at such a distance, with all their witnesses, monthly,
till their litigation be determined ? Or, does his Majesty
seriously wish, and publish it to the world, that his subjects
should give up the glorious right of representation, with
all the benefits derived from that, and submit themselves
the absolute slaves of his sovereign will ? Or, is it rather
meant to confine the Legislative body to their present
numbers, that they may be the cheaper bargain whenever
they shall become worth a purchase.
One of the articles of impeachment against Trcsilian,
and the other Judges of Weslminster Hall, in the reign of
Richard the Second, for which they suffered death as traitors
to their country, was, that they advised the King that he
might dissolve his Parliament at any time ; and succeed-
ing Kings have adopted the opinion of these unjust Judges.
Since the establishment, however, of the British Constitu-
tion, at the glorious Revolution, on its free and ancient prin-
ciples, neither his Majesty, nor his ancestors, have exercised
such a power of dissolution in the Island of Great Britain;
and when his Majesty was petitioned by the united voice
of his people there, to dissolve the present Parliament,
who had become obnoxious to them, his Ministers were
heard to declare in open Parliament, that his Majesty pos-
sessed no such power by the Constitution. But how dif-
ferent their language and his practice here ! To declare,
as their duty required, the known rights of their country,
to oppose the usurpations of every foreign judicature, to
disregard the imperious mandates of a Minister or Govern-
our, have been the avowed causes of dissolving Houses
of Representatives in America. But if such powers be
really vested in his Majesty, can he suppose they are there
placed to awe the Members from such purposes as these ?
When the representative body have lost the confidence of
their constituents, when they have notoriously made sale of
their most valuable rights, when they have assumed to
tliemselves powers which the people never put into their
hands, then, indeed, their continuing in office becomes
dangerous to the state, and calls for an exercise of the
power of dissolution. Such being the causes for which
the representative body should, and should not, be dis-
solved, will it not appear strange to an unbiassed observer
that that of Great Britain was not dissolved, while those
of the Colonies have repeatedly incurred that sentence ?
But your Majesty, or your Governours, have carried
this power beyond every limit known, or provided for, by
tlie laws. After dissolving one House of Representatives
tliey have refused to call another, so that for a great length
of time, the Legislature, provided by the laws, has been out
of existence. From the nature of things, every society
must at all times possess within itself the sovereign powers
of legislation. The feelings of human nature revolt against
the supposition of a state so situated as that it may not in
any einergency provide against dangers which perhaps
threaten immediate min. While those bodies are in exist-
ence, to whom the people have delegated the powers of
legislation, they alone possess and may exercise those
powers; but when they are dissolved, by the lopping off
one or more of their branches, the power reverts to the
people, who may exercise it to unlimited extent, either in
assembling together in person, sending Deputies, or in any
other way they may think proper. We forbear to trace
consequences any further ; the dangers are conspicuous
with which this practice is replete.
That we shall at this time also take notice of an errour
in the nature of our landholdings, which crept in at a very
early period of our settlement. The introduction of the
feudal tenures into the Kingdom ot England, though an-
cient, is well enough understood to set this matter in a
proper light. In the earlier ages of the Saxon settlement,
feudal holdings were certainly altogether unknown, and
very few, if any, had been introduced at the time of
the Norman conquest. Our Saxon ancestors held their
lands, as they did their personal property, in absolute do-
minion, disencumbered with any superiour, answering nearly
to the nature of those possessions which the feudalists term
allodial. f-Villiam, the Norman, first introduced that sys-
tem generally. The lands which had belonged to those
who fell in the battle of Hastings, and in the subsequent
insurrections of his reign, formed a considerable proportion
of the lands of the whole Kingdom. These he granted
out, subject to feudal duties, as did he also those of a great
number of his new subjects, who, by persuasions or threats,
were induced to surrender them for that purpose. But
still much was left in the hands of his Saxon subjects,
held of no superiour, and not subject to feudal conditions.
These, therefore, by express laws, enacted to render uni-
form the system of military defence were made liable to the
same military duties, as if they had been feuds ; and the
Norman lawyers soon found means to saddle them also
with all other feudal burdens. But still they had not been
surrendered to the King ; they were not derived from his
grant, and, therefore, they were not liolden of him. A
general principle indeed was introduced, that " all lands in
" England were held either mediately or immediately of
" the Crown ;" but this was borrowed from those holdings
which were truly feudal, and only applied to others for the
purposes of illustration. Feudal holdings were, therefore,
but exceptions out of the Saxon laws of possession, under
which all lands were held in absolute right. These, there-
fore, still form the basis, or ground-work, of the common
law, to prevail wheresoever the exceptions have not taken
place. America was not conquered by William, the Nor-
man, nor its lands surrendered to him, or any of his suc-
cessors. Possessions there are undoubtedly of the allodial
nature. Our ancestors, however, who migrated hither,
were farmers, not lawyers. The fictitious principle that
all lands belong originally to the King, they were early
persuaded to believe real ; and accordingly took grants of
their own lands from the Crown. And while the Crown
continued to grant for small sums, and on reasonable
rents, there was no inducement to arrest the errour, and lay
it open to the publick view. But his Majesty has lately
taken on him to advance the terms of purchase, and of
holding to the double of what they were, by which means
the acquisition of lands being rendered difficult, the popu-
lation of our country is likely to he checked. It is time,
therefore, for us to lay this matter before his Majesty, and
to declare that he has no right to grant lands of himself.
From the nature and purposes of civil institutions, all the
lands within the limits which any particular society has
circumscribed around itself are assumed by that society,
and subject to their allotment only. This may be done by
themselves assembled collectively, or by their Legislature,
to whom they have delegated sovereign authority ; and if
they are allotted in neither of these ways, each individual
of the society may appropriate to hiiTiself such lands as he
finds vacant, and occupancy will give him title.
That in order to enforce the arbitrary measures before
complained of, his Majesty has, from time to time, sent
among us large bodies of armed forces, not made up of the
people here, not raised by the authority of our laws. Did
his Majesty possess such a right as this, it might swallow
up all our other rights whenever he should think proper.
But his Majesty has no right to land a single armed man
on our shores, and those whom he sends here are liable to
our laws made for the suppression and punishment of riots,
routs, and unlawful assemblies ; or are hostile bodies, invad-
ing us in defiance of law. When in the course of the late
war it became expedient that a body of Hanoverian troops
should be brought over for the defence of Great Britain,
his Majesty's grandfather, our late Sovereign, did not pre-
tend to introduce them under any authority he possessed.
Such a measure would have given just alarm to his subjects
in Great Britain, whose liberties would not be safe if armed
men of another country, and of another spirit, might be
brought into the Realm at any time without the consent of
their Legislature. He, therefore, applied to Parliament,
who passed an Act for that purpose, limiting the nunibei; to
be brought in, and the time they were to continue. In
like matiner is his Majesty restrained in every part of the
Empire. He possesses indeed, the Executive power of
the laws in every state, but they are the laws of the partic-
ular state, which he is to administer within that state, and
not those of any one within the limits of another. Every
state must judge for itself the number of armed men which
they may safely trust among them, of whom they are to
consist, and under what restrictions they shall be laid.
To render these proceedings still more criminal against
our laws, instead of subjecting the military to the civil
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700
powers, his Majesty has expressly made the civil suhordi-
nate to the military. But can his Majesty thus put down
all law under his feet ? Can he erect a power superiour to
that which erected himself? He has done it indeed by
force, but let him remember that force cannot give riglit.
That these are our grievances, which wo have thus laid
before his Majesty, with that freedom of language and
sentiment which becomes a free people claiming tiieir
riglits as derived from the laws of nature, and not as the
gift of their Chief Magistrate. Let those flatter who fear,
it is not an American art. To give praise which is not
due might be well from the venal, but would ill beseem
those who are asserting the rights of human nature. They
know, and will therefore say, that Kings are the servants,
not the proprietors of the people. Open your breast,
sire, to liberal and expanded thought. Let not tlie name
of George the Third be a blot in the page of history.
You are surrounded by British counsellors, but remember
they are parties. You have no Ministers for American
affairs, because you have none taken from among us, nor
amenable to tiie laws on which they are to give you advice.
It behooves you, therefore, to think and to act for yourself
and your people. The great principles of right and wrong
are legible to every reader ; to pursue them requires not
the aid of many counsellors. The whole art of Govern-
ment consists in the art of being honest ; only aim to do
your duty, and mankind will give you credit where you fail.
No longer persevere in sacrificing the rights of one part of
the Empire to the inordinate desires of another ; but deal
out to all equal and impartial right. Let no Act be passed
by any one Legislature which may infringe on the rights
and liberties of another. This is the important post in
which fortune has placed you, holding the balance of a
great, if a well poised Empire.
This, sire, is the advice of your great American Coun-
cil, on the observance of which may perhaps depend your
felicity and future fame, and the preservation of that har-
mony which alone can continue, both to Great Britain and
America, the reciprocal advantages of their connection.
It is neither our wish nor our interest to separate from her.
We are willing, on our part, to sacrifice every thing which
reason can ask, to the restoration of that tranquillity for
which all must wish. On their part let them be ready to
establish union and a generous plan. Let them name their
terms, but let them be just. Accept of every commercial
preference it is in our power to give, for such things as we
can raise for their use, or they make for ours. But let them
not think to exclude us from going to other markets to
dispose of those commodities which they cannot use, or to
supply those wants which they cannot supply. Still less
let it be proposed that our properties, within our own Ter-
ritories, shall be taxed or regulated by any power on earth
but our own. The God who gave us life gave us liberty
at the same time ; the hand of force may destroy but cannot
disjoin them. This, sire, is our last, our determined reso-
lution ; and that you will be pleased to interpose with that
efficacy which your earnest endeavours may ensure, to
procure redress of these our great grievances ; to quiet the
minds of your subjects in British America, against any ap-
prehensions of future encroachment ; to estal)lish fraternal
love and harmony through the whole Empire, and that
these may continue to the latest ages of time is the fervent
prayer of all British America.
GEOROIA.
By his Excellency Sir James Wright, Baronet, Captain-
General, Governour and Commander-in-chief of his
Majesty's Province of Georgia, Chancellor, Vice Ad-
miral, and Ordinary of the same :
A PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, I have received information, that on Wednes-
day the 27th day of July last past, a number of persons,
in consequence of a printed Bill or Summons, issued or
dispersed throughout the Province, by certain persons un-
known, did unlawfully assemble together at the Watch-
house in the town of Savannah, under colour or pittence
of consulting together for the redress of publick griev-
ances, or imaginary grievances; and that the persons so
assembled for the purposes aforesaid, or some of them, are
from and by their own authority, by a certain other hand-
bill issued and dispersed throughout the Province, and
other methods, endeavouring to prevail on his Majesty's
liege subjects to have another meeting on Wednesday the
10th instant, similar to the former, and for the purposes
aforesaid ; which summonses and meetings must tend to
raise fears and jealousies in the minds of his Majesty's good
subjects. And wiiereas an opinion prevails and has been
industriously propagated, that summonses and meetings of
this nature are constitutional and legal ; in order therefore
that his Majesty's liege subjects may not be misled and
imposed upon by artful and designing men, I do, by and
with the advice of his Majesty's honourable Council, issue
this my Proclamation, notifying that all such summons-
es and calls by private persons, and all assembling and
meetings of the people, which may tend to raise fears and
jealousies in the minds of his Majesty's subjects, under
pretence of consulting together for redress of publick
grievances, or imaginary grievances, are unconstitutional,
illegal, and punishable by law. And I do hereby require
all his Majesty's liege subjects within this Province to pay
due regard to this my Proclamation, as they will answer
the contrary at their peril.
Given under my hand this fifth day of August, he,
James Wright.
By his Excellency's command,
Thomas Moodie, Deputy Secretary.
God save the King.
GEORGIA RESOLUTIONS.
Resolutions entered into at Savannah, in Georgia, on
Wednesday ihe 10th clay of August, 1 774, at a General
Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Province, assembled to
consider the state of the Colonies in America :
Resolved, neminc contradicente. That his Majesty's
subjects in America owe the same allegiance and are enti-
tled to the same rights, privileges, and immunities with
their fellow-subjects in Great Britain.
Resolved, nemine contradicente. That as protection and
allegiance are reciprocal, and under the British Constitu-
,tion, correlative terms, his Majesty's liege subjects in Ame-
rica have a clear and indisputable right, as well from the
general laws of mankind, as from the ancient and estab-
lished customs of the land, so often recognised, to peti-
tion the Throne upon every emergency.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That an Act of Parlia-
ment, lately passed, for blockading the port and harbour of
Boston, is contrary to our idea of the British Constitu-
tion : First, for that it in effect deprives good and lawful
men of the use of their property without judgment of
their peers ; and secondly, for that it is in nature of an
ex-post-facto law, and indiscriminately blends as objects of
punishment the innocent with the guilty ; neither do we
conceive the same justified upon a principle of necessity ;
for that numerous instances evince that the laws and exec-
utive power of Boston have made sufficient provision for the
punishment of all offenders against persons and property.
Resolved, nemine contradicente. That the Act for abol-
ishing the Charter of Massachusetts Bay, tends to the
subversion of American rights ; for, besides those general
liberties the original settlers brought over with them as
their birthright, particular immunities were granted by such
Charter as an inducement and means of settling the Prov-
ince ; and we apprehend the said Charter cannot be dis-
solved but by a voluntary surrender of the people, repre-
sentatively declared.
Resolved, nemine contradicente. That we apprehend the
Parliament of Great Britain hath not, nor ever had, any
right to tax his Majesty's American subjects ; for it is
evident beyond contradiction the Constitution admits of no
taxation without representation ; that they are coeval and
inseparable : and every demand for the support of Govern-
ment should be by requisition made to the several Houses
of Representatives.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, Tiiat it is contrary to
natural justice, and the established law of the land, to
transport any person to Great Britain, or elsewhere, to be
tried under indictment for a crime committed in any of the
Colonies, as the party prosecuted would thereby be depriv-
ed of the privilege of trial by his peers from the vicinage,
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CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
702
the injured perhaps prevented from legal reparation, and
both lose the full benefit of tiieir witnesses.
Resolved, neminc contradicente, That we will concur
with our sister Colonies in every constitutional measure to
obtain redress of American grievances, and will by every
lawful means in our power maintain those inestimable
blessings for which we are indebted to God and the Con-
stitution of our country — a Constitution founded upon rea-
son and justice, and the indelible rights of mankind.
Resolved, nemine contradicente, That the Committee
appointed by the meeting of the inhabitants of this Prov-
ince on Wednesday the 27th of July last, together with
the Deputies who have appeared here on this day from the
different Parishes, be a General Committee to act ; and
tliat any eleven or more of them shall have full power to
correspond with the Committees of the several Provinces
upon the Continent ; and that copies of these resolutions,
as well as all other proceedings, be transmitted without
delay to the Committees of Correspondence in the respect-
ive Provinces.
A Committee was appointed to receive subscriptions for
die suffering poor of Boston, consisting of William Ewe?!,
William Young, Joseph Clay, John Houstoun, Noble
Wimberly Jones, Edward Telfair, John Smith, Samuel
Farley, and Andrew Elton Wells, Esquires.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER DATED LONDON, AUGUST 10, 1774.
This being the time of recess from publick business,
little is stirring in the political hemisphere ; but to shew
that your friends here are not idle, a pamphlet is enclosed,
which is now circulating in this Kingdom. The spirit
which has appeared in all America has given much unea-
siness to our wicked Ministers, and I conjecture they will,
by their wicked emissaries, try every expedient to bring
about a disunion among you, when the Congress meets ;
therefore, with much circumspection, you should watch
tlieir motions, and take all possible precaution to defeat
tJieir attempts. It appears to me the greatest stake that
ever was played for ; no less than whether the Americans,
and their endless generations, shall enjoy the common
rights of mankind, or be worse than Eastern slaves. The
trial must now come to issue, as open war is declared by
die Boston Port Act ; the others, for altering your Charter,
and licensing the soldiery and Custom House Officers in
murder and bloodshed ; and above all, by the (Quebec Bill.
These are the fruits of the seeds that have been sowing
ever since 1764; therefore it will be necessary in your
Bill of Rights, which it appears the Congress is to draw up,
to specify every oppressive Act of Parliament since diat
period, and if that is done with decency and manly firm-
ness, I think Lord Chatham and his friends will support it,
diought it is by no means prudent to rely over much on
any support on this side the water; your chief confidence
must be in your own virtue, unanimity and steadiness ;
temper and resolution must be joined. When your Bill of
Rights is agreed on, the great consideration will be how to
get it confirmed iiere. Was the Congress composed of
DepuUes, regularly authorized by the Assemblies of each
Province, it might be proper to have it presented to the
King, by a Deputy, as an ambassador from every Colony ;
but as the Congress will not be so constituted, your Bill
will not be received through such a medium ; therefore, I
suppose it must go through the old channel of the agents.
But this I would have you rely on as a thing of absolute
certainty, that your Bill or Petition will not be in the least
regarded, unless you can compel the merchants, manufac-
turers, and people of England, to join you. For this end
L know of no possible means but immediately to stop all
commerce with this country, both exports and imports,
which plan must be steadily and with the strictest faith
adhered to, until you have obtained redress. The want of
American naval stores, particularly pilch, tar, and turpen-
tine, would be most sensibly felt here immediately ; tobacco
alone yields above £500,000, to the revenue, which defi-
ciency it would puzzle the Ministers in the extreme to
make good.
Your Province will surely be wise and prudent enough
not to enter into any violent measures without the strictest
concert with the other Colonies, particularly Maryland,
Virginia, and the Carolinas, because upon tlieai depend
the whole effect of the American non-exportation. The
Northern Colonies have all the European markets almost
for their exports ; but those Colonies have hardly any but
the English markets for their chief exports, wliicli are
tobacco and naval stores ; therefore it will require your
greatest address "to get them to join in the non-exportation
as well as the non-importation, for I am well convinced
that the latter without the former will not avail, nor indeed
will tiiey both do, unless put in immediate practice ; for if
you lose the present crisis, the new House of Commons
will be modelled in a year's time to the Ministerial mould,
and Carleton will have forwarded tiie plan of the Quebec
Bill, so that any resistance you can make then will be
fruidess ; whereas if all commerce is immediately stopped,
the intelligence will be known over the whole Kingdom in
the wint r, when we are in the height of a general election,
and then will be the best dme diat can be wished for the
people at large to convince the candidates to serve in Par-
liament of the necessity there is to do you justice, by
repealing all the late wicked Acts ; and I think it more
than probable that in such an event it would be made a
stipulation with the candidates that they should use their
utmost efforts to obtain a total repeal of all the oppressive
Acts that you complain of. You must make the mer-
chants feel before they will sdr for you, as their conduct
respecting die Boston Port Bill sufficiently evinces.
POUGHKEEPSIE (nEW-YORk) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of
Poughkeepsie Precinct, in Dutchess County, in conse-
quence of an adverdsement of the Supervisor of said Pre-
cinct, on the 10th of August, 1774 :
Zephaniah Platt, Chairman.
The question was put, " Whether we will choose a Com-
" mittee agreeable to a request contained in a Letter from
" Mr. Isaac Low, Chairman of the Committee of Corres-
" pondence in New-York 1"
Which was carried in the Negadve.
The following Resolves were then unanimously entered
into:
1st. Resolved, That although the members of this meet-
ing (and they are persuaded the inhabitants of^ America in
general) are firm and unshaken in their allegiance to his
Majesty King George, and are entirely averse to breaking
their connection with the modier country, yet they think it
necessary to declare, that they agree fully in opinion with
the many respectable bodies who have already published
their sentiments, in declaring that the unlimited right
claimed by the British Parliament, in which we neither
are, or can be represented, of making laws of every kind to
be binding on the Colonies, pardcularly of imposing taxes,
whatever may be the name or form under which they are
attempted to be introduced, is contrary to the spirit of the
British Constitution, and consequently inconsistent with
that liberty which we, as British subjects, have a right to
claim, and, therefore,
2d. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting
that letters of Instruction be directed to the Members of the
General Assembly for the County of Dutchess, desiring that
at the next meeting of the General Assembly for the Prov-
ince of New-York, they will lay before that honourable
House the dangerous consequences flowing from several late
Acts of the British Parhament imposing dudes and taxes
on the British Colonies in America, for the sole purpose
of raising a revenue, and that they use their influence in
the said House, and with the several branches of the Le-
gislature, to lay before his Majesty an humble Petidon and
Remonstrance, setting forth the state of our several griev-
ances, and praying his Royal interposition for a repeal of
the said Acts.
3d. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that
they ought, and are willing to bear and pay such part and
proportion of the nadonal expenses as their circumstances
will admit of, in such manner and form as the General
Assembly of this Province shall think proper ; and that
like sentiments, adopted by the Legislatures of the other
Colonies, will have a tendency to conciliate the affections
of the mother country and the Colonies, upon which their
mutual happiness, we conceive, principally depends.
703
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
704
Ordered, Tliat the Cliairman of this meeting forward
a copy of these our proceedings to the Ciiainnan of the
Committee of Correspondence in New- York, as also a
copy to one of the Printers of the public papers in Aew-
York, to be forthwitli pubHshed.
By order of the Meetina;.
John Davis, Clerk.
HYE (nEW-YORk) resolutions.
On the 10th day of August, 1774, tlie Freeholders and
Inhabitants of the townsliip of Rye, made choice of John
Thomas, jim. Esquire, James Ilorion, jun. Esquire ;
Robert Bloomer, Zeno Carpenter, and Ebcuezcr Havi-
land, for a Committee to consult and determine with the
Committees of the other towns and districts in the County
of West Chester, upon tlie expediency of sending one or
more Delegates to Congress to be held in Philadelphia on
the first day of September next. The Committee after
making choice of Ebenezer Haviland, Chairman, ex-
jiressed their sentiments and resolutions in the following
manner, which were unanimously approved of:
This meeting being greatly alarmed at the late proceed-
ings of the British Parliament, in order to raise a revenue
in America, and considering their late most cruel, unjust,
and unwarrantable Act for blocking up the port of Boston,
having a direct tendency to deprive a free people of their
most valuable rights and privileges, an introduction to sub-
jugate the inhabitants of the English Colonies, and render
them vassals to the British House of Commons :
Resolve, 1st. That they think it their greatest happi-
ness to live under the illustrious House of Hanover, and
that they will steadfastly and uniformly bear true and faith-
ful allegiance to his Majesty King George the Third, under
the enjoyment of their constitutional rights and privileges
as fellow-subjects, with those in England.
2d. That we conceive it a fundamental part of the
British Constitution that no man shall be taxed but by
his own consent, or that of his Representatives in Parlia-
ment ; and as we are by no means represented, we con-
sider all Acts of Parliament imposing taxes on the Colo-
nies, an undue exertion of power, and subversive of one of
the most valuable privileges of the English Constitution.
3d. That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the Act
of Parhament for shutting up the port of Boston, and di-
vesting some of the inhabitants of private property, is a
most unparalleled, rigorous, and unjust piece of cruelty and
despotism.
4th. That unanimity and firmness of measures in the
Colonies are the most effectual means to secure the invad-
ed rights and privileges of America, and to avoid the im-
pending ruin which now threatens this once happy country.
5th. That the most effectual mode of redressing our
grievances will be by general Congress of Delegates from
the different Colonies ; and that we are willing to abide by
such measures as they in their wisdom shall consider neces-
sary to be adopted on that important occasion.
By order of the Committee,
Ebenezer Haviland, Chairman.
The Committee for the town of Rye will meet the Com-
mittees of the other towns and districts in the County of
West Chester, on Monday, the 22d day of this instant, at
the Court House in the White Plains, to return an
answer to a Letter from Mr. Isaac Loiv, Chairman of the
Committee of Correspondence in New- York.
CHARLES COUNTY (maRYLANd) COMMITTEE.
Annupolis, August lltli, 1774.
The Committee of Charles County having notice of the
arrival of the brigantine Mary and Jane, Cajitain George
Chapman, master, in .SV. Mary's river, St. Mary's County,
from London, with tea subject to the payment of American
duty, part of which the Committee suspected was designed
to be landed in this county, requested Captain Chapman,
gen in Charles County) to attend the meeting of the said
mmittee ; in consequence whereof the Captain attended,
and gave information that a quantity of tea was shipped on
board his brig at London, on the 20th of May last, whereof
two chests were consigned to Mr. Robert Findlay, mer-
chant in Bladensburg ; one chest to Mr. Robert Peter, of
Georgetown, merchant; and the remainder to sundry mer-
chants in Norfolk, Virginia ; that the consigners of the
said tea, before the shipping thereof, were acquainted with
the passing the Boston Port liill, and also of the sense of
America respecting the consequences of receiving tea sub-
ject to duty imposed by the British Parliament, payable in
America for the purpose of revenue ; that he had received
the duty in London for the tea consigned to Mr. Findlay,
with direction to pay the same to the collector here on his
arrival, but that no money was delivered to him in London
to pay the duty on the other tea on board his vessel.
Mr. Robert Findlay, at the desire of the Committee,
also attended ; and having fully and satisfactorily exculpat-
ed himself of any intention to counteract the resolutions of
America, by orders for the said tea, the same being sent by
him to his correspondents last fall, declared his inclination
to do with the tea whatever was thought reasonable by the
Committee of this or any other county. The Committee
thought proper, as Mr. Findlay was concerned in a store
kept in Charles County, to acquaint him and Captain
Chapman that the said tea ought not to be landed there,
or in any other part of Maryland ; and that ahy attempt
to land the same in this county, would be opposed by the
people thereof, upon which Mr. Findlay pledged his word
to the Committee that the said tea should not by his order
or consent be landed in America ; but that he would order
the same to be sent back to London. Captain Chapnan
also promised the Committee that he would return Mr.
Findlay's tea to London, and that he would not land the
tea consigned to Mr. Peter, but would return the same to
London, unless Mr. Peter demanded it at his vessel's side,
of which (if it happens) he promised immediately to in-
form the Committee of such county as should be most con-
venient. The Committtee having transmitted intelligence
of this transaction to the neighbouring counties, and Nor-
folk, thanked Captain Chapman and Mr. Findlay for their
candid and upright conduct in this afiair.
FREDERICK COUNTY (maRYLANd) COMMITTEE.
Certain gentlemen of the Committee of Correspondence
for Frederick County, having received intelligence from
the Committee of Charles County, that the brigantine
Mary and Jane, Captain Chapman, Commander, was
arrived in Wicomico from London, and that she brought
eleven chests of tea destined for Virginia and Maryland ;
one chest whereof was addressed to Mr. Robert Peter, of
Georgetoivn, and another to Mr. John Ferguson, of the
same place, factor for Messrs. Findlay and Company,
notice was immediately despatched to other gentlemen of
the Committee, and a meeting was accordingly held on
the 1 1th day of August, to deliberate what measures should
be adopted on the alarming occasion.
Messrs. Peter and Ferguson were requested to attend.
Mr. Peter acknowledged, that in consequence of orders
communicated some time in December last, his cliest of tea
was shipped, and that he relied on the custom which had
constantly prevailed in the Province of Maryland, since
the partial repeal of the Revenue Act, to screen him from
censure, and to justify his conduct in the procedure. At
the same time he submitted to the sentiments of the Com-
mittee, and declared an entire willingness to abide by theu-
determination.
It was unanimously resolved that the importation of any
commodity from Great Britain, liable to the payment of
a duty im|)osed by an Act of Parliament, however sanc-
tioned by the practice of a part, or even the whole of the
trading part of the conimunity, is in a higii degree danger-
ous to our liberties, as it implies a full assent to the claim
asserted by the British Parliament, of a right to impose
taxes for the purpose of raising a revenue in America.
Therefore, in order to discourage the pernicious practice,
they judged it expedient, that the tea in question should
not be landed in America, but that it should be sent back
in the same ship. Mr. Peter readily ac(juicsced, promis-
ing that he would write by the first o})portunity, to prevent
a delivery of it from the ship : but should it be delivered
before the arrival of his orders, he requested instructions
how to act, intimating a desire that in such case, it might
be stored by any gentleman to be appomted by the Com-
705
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
7Q6
mittee ; whereupon it was resolved, that in case it should
be landed here, and delivered to Messrs. Thomas Johns,
William Dcakins, and Bernard O'Neal, to wait the fu-
ture directions of the Committee ; Mr. Peter assented,
and pawned his honour for the faithful performance of his
engagements.
Mr. Ferguson declared, tliat as the tea addressed to him
was the property of other gentlemen, he could only engage
that slioidd he receive it, he would immediately deliver it to
tlie above mentioned gentlemen, Messrs. Johns, Deakins,
and O'Neal, to be at the dis])osal of the Committee. This
was likewise deemed satisfactory, and tiien Messrs. Feier
and Ferguson were dismissed with thanks for their candid
and disinterested behaviour.
The Committee having been informed that Mr. Thomas
Bichartlso7i, of Georgetown, had just received a quantity
of tea immediately from Fhiladelpbia, he was sent (or, and
acknowledged that he had received about one hundred
pounds weight, which he was ready and willing to deliver
to any persons the Committee should appoint, to be safely
stored until further deliberation ; his proposition was ac-
cejited ; his conduct highly commended ; and the tea was,
in tlie presence of the Committee, delivered to the above
mentioned gentlemen, Messrs. Johns, Deakins, and
O'Neal.
PROVIDENCE (rHODE ISLANd) TOWN MEETING.
At a Town Meeting held at Providence, Rhode Island,
convened by warrant, on the 12th day o[ August, 1774:
Benjamin Man, Esquire, Moderator.
Instructions to the Deputies of this Town in General
Assembly.
Gentlemen : The sufferings and distresses of the
people of the town of Boston, occasioned by a relentless
execution of that cruel edict for blocking up the port,
awakens our attention and excites our compassion. Their
cause is our cause ; and unless aid and succour be afforded
them, they may be discouraged into a hurtful submission,
and Ministerial vengeance may next be directed against this
Colony, and in the end alight upon all. You are there-
fore requested to use your endeavours at the next session
of the General Assembly, to procure a grant to be made
from this Colony of such sum of money as they may think
fit, towards relieving and mitigating the difficulties and dis-
tresses which that town must experience from the opera-
tion of that most unrighteous inhibition, the hostile manner
of carrying the same into force, and a general arrest of
their liberties.
Permit us to observe, that in doing tliis it will be evidenc-
ed, that as a community, we would do unto others as we
would that they should do unto us in a hke circumstance ;
and that it will be a greater testimony of unanimity in
the general concernments of America in this day of strug-
gle and danger, than private contributions, and far more
equal.
NORTH CAROLINA.
At a Privy Council held at Newbern, the 12th August,
1774, Present: His Excellency the Governour, the Hon-
ourable James Hasell, Lewis H. De Rosseit, John Samp-
son, William Dry, and Samuel Cornell, Esquires.
His Excellency the Governour addressed the Honour-
able Members of this Board, as follows :
Gentlemen of his Majesty's Council:
I have heard, with the greatest concern, and I have read
in publick newspapers and handbills, of invitations to the
people in the several counties and towns of this Province
to meet together to express their sentiments on Acts lately
passed by the Parliament of Great Britain, and to appoint
Deputies to attend, on their behalf, (with powers obliga-
tory of the future conduct of the inhabitants of this Prov-
ince) at a meeting that I understand is to be held here on
the 25th instant. I also find that meetings of the free-
holders and inhabitants have been accordingly already held
in some places, at which resolves have been entered into
derogatory to the dignity of his Majesty and his Parlia-
ment, and tending to excite clamour and discontent among
the King's subjects in this Province. Under these circum-
Fouktu Series.
stances, gentlemen, I consider it my indispensable duty to
his Majesty and this country to advise with you the mea-
sures most proper to be taken to discourage or prevent
these assemblies of the people, which are so inconsistent
with the peace and good order of this Government ; whose
professed purposes will appear, at least, highly indecent,
and have an evident tendency to draw his Majesty's dis-
pleasure on this Province, already labouring under the
most grievous and disgraceful circumstances for want of a
just and efl'ectual civil polity.
The Council desired to lake time maturely to consider
the subject of the above Address till to-morrow morning.
The Governour finding that, during the absence of Mr.
Howard, the circumstances of things rendered the tempo-
rary appointment of a Chief Justice necessary, recom-
mended the Honourable Mr. Hasell for such appointment,
who was unanimously approved.
At a Privy Council held at Newbern, 13lh of August,
1774, Present : His Excellency the Governour, the Hon-
ourable James Hasell, Lewis H. De Rossett, John Samp-
son, William Dry, and Samuel Cornell, Esquires.
The Members of the Council having maturely con-
sidered the matters laid before them yesterday by the
Governour, unanimously concurred in advice to his Excel-
lency to issue a Proclamation forthwith, to discourage and
prevent the meetings and assemblies of the people of this
Province, mentioned in the Govemour's Address of yester-
day, and that they do not discern that any other measures
can be properly taken on the occasion at present.
North Carolina, ss.
By his Excellency Josiah Martin, Esquire, Captain-
General, Governour, and Com,mander-in-chief in and
over the said Province :
A PROCLAMjVTION.
Whereas It appears to me that Meetings and Assemblies
of the Inhabitants of this Province have been, in some of
the counties and towns thereof, already held, and are in
others appointed to be held, without any legal authority,
and that Resolves have been entered into, and plans con-
certed, (in such meetings as are passed) derogatory to his
Majesty and the Parliament of Great Britain, and that
there is reason to apprehend the same inflammatory, dis-
loyal, and indecent measures may be adopted in such
future assemblies, inconsistent with the peace and good
order of this Government, and tending to excite clamour
and discontent among his Majesty's subjects in this Prov-
ince. I have thought fit, with the advice and consent of
his Majesty's Council, to issue this Proclamation, to dis-
courage, as much as possible, proceedings so illegal and
unwarrantable in their nature, and in their effect so ob-
viously injurious to the welfare of this country. And to
this end I do hereby strictly require and enjoin, on their
allegiance, all and every his Majesty's subjects to forbear
to attend at any such illegal Meetings, and that they do
discourage and prevent the same by all and every means
in their power, and more particularly that they do forbear
to attend, and prevent, as far as in them lies, the meeting
of certain Deputies said to be appointed to be held at
Newbern on the 25th instant. And I do more especially
charge, require, and command all and every his Majesty's
Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, and other Officers, to be
aiding and assisting herein to the utmost of their power.
Given under my hand and the great seal of the said
Province, at Neivbern, the 13th day of August, 1774, and
in the fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign.
Jo. Martin.
God save the King.
At a Council held &t Newbern, the 25th August, 1774,
Present : His Excellency the Goveniour, the Honour-
able James Hasell, John Rutherford, Lewis H. De Ros-
sett, John Sampson, William Dry, and Samuel Cornell,
Esquires.
The Governour signified to the Board that this was the
day appointed for the Meeting of certain persons called
45
707
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
708
Deputies, from the several counties and towns of the Prov-
ince, at this place, and that many of ihcm were accord-
ingly come to town ; and he desired tlie advice of the
Council whether he could take any further measures than
those he had taken pursuant to tlieir advice on the 13th
instant; when, they were unanimously of opinion that no
Other steps could be properly taken at this conjuncture.
LETTER FROM COLONEL WILLIAM PRESTON, DATED FIN-
CASTLE, AUGUST 13, 1774.
Dkar Sir : I received your favour, by Tliomas Ede^er,
with the papers, for which I am much obliged to you. In
return, please to accept of the following intelligence from
the frontiers, which, if necessary, may be supported by
the most indubitable authority.
The murder of Mr. Russell and five of his companions,
last Fall, at no great distance from our settlements, you
have already heard of. It has since appeared that the
assassins were not Cherokces, as was then thought, but a
party belonging to some of the Northern tribes. Two
persons, called Cochran and Foley, and three men in com-
pany with one Hayes, were killed about the same time.
In the course of this summer a number of our people
have been killed and captivated by the Northern Indians,
particularly Mr. Thomas Hos^g, and two men near the
mouth of the Great Kenhawa ; Walter Kelly, with three
or four other persons, below the falls of that river ; Wil-
liam Kelly, on Muddy Creek, a branch of Greenbrier,
and a young woman at the same time made prisoner. One
of the scouts, called Shockley, was lately shot in this
county ; and on Sunday, the 7tii of this instant, a party
attacked three families at the house of one Layhrook,
about fifteen miles from this place. Old Layhrook was
wounded in the arm; three of his children, (one of them a
sucking infant) a young woman, the daugher of one Scott,
and a child of one widow Snyde, were killed. They
scalped the children, all but one, and mangled them in a
most cniel manner. Three boys were made prisoners,
two of whom made their escape the Wednesday following,
and were found in die woods by the scouts. The Indians
were immediately pursued by several parties of militia, but
they took such precaution in travelling that it was impos-
sible to find their track. Sundry other people have also
been murdered along the frontier parts of the neighbouring
counties. The inhabitants of Fincastle, except those on
Holstein, are chiefly gathered into small forts, also great
numbers in Botetourt; as Indians are frequently seen,
and their signs discovered, in the interiour parts of both
counties.
Such is the unhappy situation of the people that they
cannot attend their plantations, nor is it in the power of the
scouts and parties on duty to investigate the inroads of the
enemy, as they come in small parties, and travel among
the mountains with so much caution. About the last of
July, one Knox, who went to the Ohio with the Sur-
veyors in the Spring, reached this settlement, and gives
the following intelligence: That, on the 13th of June,
one Jacob Lewis departed from the camp, on Salt River,
in the morning to hunt, and has never been heard of since ;
that on the 8th of July, being at the said camp, about one
hundred miles from the Ohio, and nearly opposite to the
Falls, he, with nine others, were surprised and fired upon
by a party of about twenty Indians ; that two men were
killed on the spot, viz : James Hamilton, from Fredericks-
burg, and James Cowan, from Pennsylvania; and as the
enemy rushed upon them before it was possible to put
themselves in any posture of defence, they were obliged
to abandon their camp, and make their escape to a party
of thirty-five men who were then in tiiat neighbourliood.
Next day the whole, being forty-three men in number,
after burying the dead, set out for the settlement on Clinch
River, where they arrived the 29th, after making several
discoveries of the enemy on the way.
This day Captain Floyd, one of the Surveyors, reached
this place with the news that on the 8th of July he and
tliree others parted with fourteen men who were also
engaged in the surveying business, and went about twenty
miles from them to finish his part of the work, and that
they were to meet on the first of August, at a place on
Kentucky, known by the name of the Cabin, in order to
proceed on their journey homeward. On the 24th of
July, Captain Floyd, with his three men, repaired to the
place appointed, where he found that part, and perhaps
all the rest of the company, had assembled according to
agreement, but had gone off in the greatest precipitation,
leaving him only this notice, written on a tree, " alarmed
by finding some people killed, we are gone down ;" upon
which Captain Floyd, with his small party, immediately
set out, steering for our settlements, and after an extreme,
painful, and fatiguing journey of sixteen days, through
mountains almost inaccessible, and ways unknown, he at
last arrived on Clinch River, near Captain Russell's fort.
Captain Floyd does not well understand tiie notice left
him on the tree, whether part of the company had assem-
bled at the Cabin, and that they were gone down to the
camp, where he parted with them, in order to warn those
who were at work in that neighbourhood of the impend-
ing danger, or whether the whole company had not met,
and were departed down the Mississipjfi, as several in the
company had before proposed returning home tiiat way,
with a view both to see the country and avoid the fatigue
of returning by land.
For the satisfaction of any gentlemen who may be con-
cerned, the names of the Surveyors and some of the prin-
cipal persons not yet returned, are inserted, viz: James
Douglass, Hancock Taylor, and Isaac •••»»»«, Sur-
veyors ; Johji Willis, Willis Lee, Captain John Ashby,
Abraham HcmpenstaJl, William Ballard, John Green,
Lawrence Darnell, Mordecai Batson, Jacob Sodousky,
James Strothcr, and John Bell.
If any thing happens for the future, worthy of notice,
you shall be punctually informed of it, by your humble
servant, William Preston.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM SIR JAMES WRIGHT, BART,
TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED GEORGIA, 13th
AUGUST, 1774.
I am sorry to acquaint your Lordship that there have
been two meetings of the Liberty folks here, and some
Resolutions were drawn up yesterday, but not yet pub-
lished ; the particulars of which, and mode of conduct, I
shall fully transmit to your Lordship as soon as may be.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN LONDON
TO HIS CORRESPONDENT IN WILLIAMSBURG, DATED
AUGUST 14, 1774.
If you submit to the last arbitrary and tyrannical Acts
of Parliament, relative to Massachusetts Bay and Quebec,
there will not be a set of more abject slaves under Heaven
than the North Americans. You will be obliged to dig
tobacco, iron, and whatever your good and virtuous masters
here want.
The Marquis of Carmarthen, a puppy just entered into
the infernal pack of bloodhounds, said in the House of
Commons, %vc sent them to those Colonies to labour for us !
And so sure as England now exists (it cannot long indeed,
in its present state of luxury, debauchery, and villainy)
but I say, so long and so sure as it docs exist in this state,
if the Americans now submit, the Charters of all the other
Colonies will be attacked, and treated as that of tiie Mas-
sachusetts Buy has already been. This is determined, I
assure you. They were afraid to attack more than Boston,
at first, lest it might occasion an union of the Colonies ; but
New-York, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina, will be
struck at, because they refused entrance to the tea ; Con-
necticut, Rhode Island, and all the old Provinces in Ame-
rica, impeached, because their Charters are bad ; and
among the rest, Virginia will be included, especially as
you dared to go to prayei-s and fast. Remember this, and
recollect, I pray, dear sir, that I do not speak from opin-
ion, but from undoubted, incontrovertible authority. The
King will recommend it in his next speech to Parliament,
" finding his Colonies in North America are not properly
" governed, owing to.,the several Charters now subsisting
" in the said Colonies," &c., &c. To prepare too for the
more effectual execution of this hellish plan, orders are
sent to his Majesty's Cadiolick Province of Quebec, im-
mediately to raise and embody four thousand of his good
709
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
710
and faithful Catholick subjects of Canada, to be formed
into four regiments, and to be commanded by Frenchmen ;
you may guess for what purpose. But lest you should
not, 1 will tell you, that these good subjects, and the In-
dians, are to be set to cut the throats of the King's disaf-
fected subjects of the old Provinces, who sent at their ow n
expense, twenty thousand men last war to make the Cana-
dians subjects of the very virtuous and pious Prince George
the Third. This is as true as holy writ.
I dare not tell you how I came by the knowledge of
these schemes, as it would, were it discovered, prevent me
from knowing and telling you more; but I hope it will
rouse the people of North America to exert themselves,
to convince the world that they will not wear the chains
of five hundred such traitorous and haughty tyrants. Better
it is, far, to be subject to any one that ever existed, who
has, and can have, only his own vanity or caprice to satisfy,
tlian to so numerous a body of needy, luxurious, mercenary
rascals, who would even sell their King, could they find
another to promise the addition of one hundred pound to
the Chancellorship of Great Britain, or five pound to a
Gentleman Usher. I cannot guess how, or by what means,
you have been persuaded, in North America, that you
have any friends, really so from principle, in this country.
It is true some publickly declaim, and pretend to lament the
situation of their brethren on the other side of the Atlan-
tic; as they hope, being out of place, to climb up to pre-
ferment from espousing their quarrel. But, at the same
time, I can venture to say, that there is not a person, male
or female, resident in Great Britain, and contributing to its
taxes, from the Lord Chancellor to the shoeblack, who
does not rejoice at this exertion of power ; nor is there a
manufacturer in England, who does not say trade will now
revive, as our American subjects will be convinced we are
no longer to be trifled with, and that they will noiv be
properly punished, if they commit riots, &c., as they will
be brought here and tried for their offences, by a jury of
Englishmen, who will not be so complacent to them, as the
rascals in their own country were (who were all liable to
be tried for treason and rebellion) with ten thousand
speeches to the same effect. Now, lest you should call
me a declaimer, and say I represented dangers, without
telling you how to avoid them, I will give your a specifick,
which, if it fails to produce an immediate and effectual
cure, I will acknowledge myself a quack in politicks, and
declare against any further practice in state disorders ; it is
a remedy easily administered, and cannot, at least to sound
constitutions, be unpalatable. Moreover, it is cheap, and
easily procured, so that no person need advance sixpence,
or go out of his own house, to procure it, as it is only an
agreement to stop all exports and imports. Enter heartily
and with firmness into such an association ; and bind your-
selves, even by an oath, not only to observe it individually,
but to enforce it generally. If you do this, and these
hellish Acts are not sent back to the devil in less then eight
months, I will agree to be tarred and feathered, and hang-
ed on Liberty tree afterwards ; but, if you do it not, I will
venture to pronounce, and declare, that for fifty years to
come, the people of North America will be the most
miserable of slaves. They will hold life and property at
the will and sufferance of their tyrannical and profligate
oppressors. It must not, it cannot be so. Americans will
be free ; at least I hope so, especially as you have the
means so much in your own power. They are absolutely
now in your hands, and you will justly merit every oppres-
sion and insult if you throw them away.
Boston, August 18, 1774.
His Excellency Governour Gage, having signified to the
Honourable John Hancock, Esq., that he had no further
service for him as Colonel of the company of Cadets, the
gentlemen of that corps met on Morulay evening, August
14, 1774, in Boston, and chose a Committee to wait
on the Governour, at Salem, and deliver him their Stand-
ard, (which he had presented to them) as they had almost
unanimously disbanded themselves. The Standard was
accordingly carried to his Excellency next day, which he
was pleased to accept. In their address to the Governour,
they say, they no longer consider themselves as the Gov-
emour's Independent Company.
SILAS DEANE TO GOVEBNOUR TRUMBULL.
Wetliersfield, August 16, 1774.
Sir : I shall make no apology for the trouble I am about
to give you, as the pubiick service requires that the Repre-
sentatives of this Colony should be perfectly masters, not
only of the present, but past state of it, and its pubiick
transactions. I hoped to have obtained from the Custom
Houses, the number and size of the shipping, as well as a
general state of the imports and exports, and accordingly
applied ; but they appear at present unwilling to give me
any information on the subject, I suppose on account of
the present situation of pubiick affairs, and the part I have
taken therein. I conclude that some return has been
made in consequence of a late requisition, and that you are
possessed of it. This will perhaps answer my purpose on
that head. The extracts made by your Honour from Gov-
ernour Winthi-op's manuscript Diary, I think may be of
consequence, and therefore ask the loan of them, or such
extracts or parts as you judge most deserving of notice, but
I prefer the whole of what you lent me last Spring. The
extracts made from the records of the United Colonies, put
into my hands last February, at Hartford, and which I
delivered to the Reverend Mr. Trumbull, may throw light
on many of the early and important transactions of New
England. These are two of the most material and certain
sources of intelligence, relating to the first principles on
which these Colonies were settled, and their conduct there-
on, and therefore wish to be possessed of them, as well as
of every thing else which you can in so short a time pre-
pare and convey to me. The expectation I had of the plea-
sure of Captain Trumbull's company must excuse my not
sending earlier for these papers. 1 have taken from the
Secretary's office a copy of Charles the Second's letter,
which is the only ancient authority of any consequence to
the present controversy that I know of in his possession.
I wish the modem ones were preserved in a different man-
ner than what they are, or rather that they were preserved
at all.
It is disagreeable to me to recriminate at any time ;
it is generally unavailing; and at the present time I know
should not be permitted, but on certain prospect of better
regulations for the future ; but when I review the history
and transactions of this Colony, and consider what im-
mense sums must have been expended, not only in settling
but defending this part of his Majesty's territories and the
neighbouring Colonies, (I am confident, to the amount of
many millions,) and can find no authentick record kept of
it, I have scarce any patience left ; but indignation and
chagrin rise equal with my grief at so fatal an omission ;
especially as our enemies boldly assert that we have ex-
pended nothing but what we have been largely repaid for ;
and we have no record to contradict them. An omission
of this nature in the infant state of a Colony, struggling
with the hardness of a new uncultivated soil, and under
continual alarms from the savages, is in a degree excusable,
the more so, as they could not so much as dream of having
their title to the country, and their privileges and immuni-
ties in it ever disputed by any, save an open declared
enemy ; but what excuse, let me ask with submission,
can be made for neglecting to preserve the exact account
of the charge of the last war? I was really surprised, on
examining at Hartford, to find that no accounts could be
procured either at the Secretary's or Treasurer's ; and that
I must be left to conjecture on this material point, and of
course liable to contradiction beyond a possibility of sup-
porting any assertion on the subject. Some have thought
your Honour may have the account ; if so, I must pray you
to send it by the bearer, with the other papei-s you shall
favour me with. Before I dismiss this subject, on which
you must excuse my freedom, give me leave to suggest to
your Honour, whether it may not be a seasonable step to
lay before the next Assembly the propriety, and even ne-
cessity, of preserving accounts, and the history of trans-
actions of this kind, in sonie pubiick office, for our own as
well as the information of posterity. The Office Letters to
and from the Governour, and the Journal of the House,
are of more importance in my view, and will hereafter be
more relied on when a reference is needed to the sense of
former times, on any subject, than all the other records put
together ; yet neither of these are preserved in any office,
nor mdeed any where else, that 1 can find ; at least, they
74 r
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
712
are in private cabinets, but much the greatest part have
been long since used for wrappere ; and several important
letters to and from the late Governour Saltonstalt, have
been sent me by the family round garden-seeds and the
like ; letters that would not only do honour to him, but
prove of service to the Colony, were they jjreserved ;
and surely we as well ;is our posterity have a right to these
letters aud journals. We have, as I may iuy, a property
in them, being written by persons in our employ, and on
our account. I leave the tliouglit with your Honour to be
improved or thrown by, as you shall judge proper. The
post wailing, I have no time to write Colonel Williams,
must therefore ask the favour of you to procure of him the
Resolutions of the House of Kepresentiilives attested, en-
closed in the packet you send uje.
I am with the highest esteem and respect, your Honour's
much obliged, and most humble servant, -
Silas Deane.
The Honourable Jonathan Trumbull, Esquire, Gover-
nour, &c., Lebanon.
P. S. Messrs. Cashing, Adams, Paine, and Adams
called on me yesterday in their way to Philadelphia. I
t)urpose setting out next Monday, and have ordered the
jearer of tliis to wait your commands.
REV. SAMUEL PETERS, OF HEBRON, CONNECTICUT.
Two gentlemen, one from Cumberland County, and
tlie other from Gloucester County, arrived here, inform,
that on their journey hither, on Sunday night tiie 14tli
of August, they lodged at the Reverend Samuel Peters's
house, in Hebron, in Connectiait ; and that about sunrise
the next morning they were surprised by about three
hundred men, who came to the house on horseback, about
ten of whom came into the house, and informed Mr. Pe-
ters that they were a Committee chosen by the body of
tlie people that waited without, to inquire whether he (Mr.
Peters^ had not wrote to England in a manner unfriendly
to the rights and privileges of this Colony ? Mr. Peters
declared to them that he had not wrote in such manner ;
whereupon they informed him that they expected he would
show them the copies of such letters as he had wrote to
the Society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts, and
copies of such pieces as he had sent and procured to be
printed in any of the common newspapers, or had prepared
for the press ; Mr. Peters perceiving the vengeance that
seemed to sit on the brows of the formidable multitude that
surrounded the house, thought it prudent to show them
all such papers as they requested, and did do it ; first read-
ing them to the Committee, then permitting the Commit-
tee to peruse them themselves ; after which our intelli-
fencers were examined, whether some other letters from
Ir. Peters, not shown to the Committee, were not in their
hands to carry to New-York 1 And they answered in the
negative ; the said Committee declared themselves satisfied
that Mr. Peters was innocent of the crimes he was sus-
pected to be truilty of, and went to their brethren, the mob,
that surrounded the house, and reported that Mr. Peters
was innocent ; this was satisfactory to most of them. To the
honour of the Committee it may justly be said, that they
treated Mr. Peters with as much civility as might any way
be expected from men who had forgot that it was as inde-
cent, unjust, and cruel to terrify a British subject to such
a degree, as to force him to lay open to publick vitw his
private letters, Stc, as it is by force and terrour to extort
from a man all the secrets of his family.
Satisfied as this tumultuous people at first seemed to be
with the report of their Committee, yet they swrn after-
wards made a fresh demand, that Mr. Peters should read
to them a certain piece he had prepared for the press, which
he did ; the whole people now seemed satisfied ; but soon
after informed Mr. Peters that he must sign v, ith his name
at large, the same piece, and deliver it to them, for them
to print or sUjipress, as they should think best ou further
consideration ; and further, that he must give them under
his hand, that he had not wrote, nor did not intend to write
to Great Britain, relating to the conuoversy between her
and the Colonies; all which Mr. J'/.te/s complied with.
The mob now seemed quite satisfied, and a great majority
of them mounted their horses to retire, thanking Mr.
Peters for his civility, he. But about the number of
twenty of the mob, headed by one Hatch and one White,
tarried and insisted on Mr. Peters asking forgiveness, ac-
knowledging his fault, &LC., but as neither he nor a great
majority of the people assembled could see that he had
done any thing wortliy of tar and feathers, he refused to
do it ; and after sutiering much scurrility and abuse from
Hatch, IVhite, and their party, a considerable number of
jNIr. Peters's friends assembled, the appearance of whom
struck such terrour into Hatch, White, and the other crea-
tures that attended them, that they soon followed their
more sensible friends, without administering on Mr. Peters
tar and feathers, or any other violence, though it had
been, for more than an hour, every moment expected that
he would feel the rage and fury of these twenty more than
brutish people. O how dreadful is it for innocence to be
arraigned at the bar of infernal furies !
What is very remarkable, this large body of people
called themselves the Sons of Liberty. O poor degen-
erate children ! Such destroyers of liberty itself are a dis-
grace to their mother, if she is the Goddess of Liberty.
For doth not Liberty herself allow every man to enjoy his
own sentiments ? Doth she not allow him to enjoy his
leisure hours in contemplation ? Does she forbid him com-
mitting by ink to paper his thoughts? Does she deny
him the privilege of looking back on his former thoughts
committed to writing only for his own use ? Does she
justify others, when they break the cabinet of her sons, and
peep into their secrets ? Are these burglarians her dutiful
sons ; or are they the destroyers of her family, the disgrace
of their mother? Surely they are cursed children, to
whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever.
John Grou, Cumberland County.
John Peters, Gloucester County.
STATEMENT OF THE BOLTON COMMITTEE.
Bolton, August 18, 1774.
Mr. Green : Sir, Please to insert what follows in your
paper, and next to this Mr. Peters's Resolves, and then his
Declaration, both signed Samuel Peters, and herein en-
closed.
At a time when the liberties of the Colonies are so
much threatened by an arbitrary Parliament, and when the
loyal inhabitants of the Colonies are so universally awaken-
ed to concert such measures as may happily prove success-
ful to the redressing of their grievances, and re-establishing
the enjoyment of all their civil, natural, and religious
privileges, as well as a proper harmony between Great
Britain and her Colonies, to hear of any one fiorn among
ourselves, that from time to time makes it his business to
write home, and by so doing, to make false representations
of the measures the Colonies are taking to retrieve the dif-
ficulties they labour under, is justly alarming, and must
excite every one, properly jealous of his rights, to put a
speedy stop unto ; as such representations retard the mea-
sures lor redress, which the Colonies are so generally and
loyally taking, and doubtless will be improved by a mer-
cenary and arbitrary Parliament to our disadvantage. A
report of this kind of misrepresentations, lately taking
place on the Reverend Samuel Peters of Hebron, occa-
sioned him a visit from near three hundred people last
Monday morning, about half an hour before sunrise, civilly
to inquire into the truth of said report ; said report being,
that said Peters was about sending a packet home that
same morning, by the way of New-York, expressive of
the above false representations, which he had many times
before done in like manner ; but on said inquiry, it was
found by all that could be discovered, together with his
own declaration, that he never had before done, or was he
tlien about doing such a thing; but, instead thereof, the
writing which the reporter mistook for such a thing, was
a number of resolves said Peters had been fitting for the
Printer, which he gave up to us, signed with his own hand,
before us, with his liberty for the press. As said Resolves
are inserted immediately below this apology, together with
his Declaration and intent for the future, next below them,
signed with his own hand, we think it not needful to re-
mark on said resolves, &ic., Sic, — only, we think of Mr.
Peters's prefatory part of his resolves, they savour too
much of arrogancy, when made by himself and two or
713
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, AUGUST, 1774.
714
three churchmen, without any legal meeting warned for
tiiat purpose ; and yet to intend tliem as equitable resolves
(in contradistinction to the general run of the resolves of
other towns) for the town of Hebron, when said town had
no knowledge of them.
IcHABOD Warner, Benj. Talcott, Jun.,
Isaac Fellows, Samuel Carver, Jun.
Bolton Committee of Correspondence.
In our names, and in behalf, and at the desire of the
attendants, or said visitors from Tolland, Coventry, and
Bolton.
P. S. Mr. Peters confessed that he had wrote sundry
pieces of the like nature of his said resolves for the press,
which his brother Solomon John Peters, our informer, did
in truth think the said Reverend had sent to England.
MR. peters's resolves.
To THE Printer: As every town seems fond of shew-
ing their opinions relative to the late Acts of Parliament,
founded upon some violent conduct of the loyal people in
the town of Boston, I know not why we, who are the
inhabitants of Hebron, may not also be heard, though we
are few in number, who are convened on this occasion.
We have presumed (after reading many resolves and
some histories) to resolve that the most of those multi-
plied resolutions are wrong, and our own just and legal — as
follows :
1. All Charters are sacred to serve the end for which
they were given, and no further.
2. No Charter from the King &,c., can be found, in
which the grantees have a right to the seas, as all our
Charters bound us upon the sea coast as that runs.
3. The duty laid on teas, is not a tax upon America,
because tea grows not within the limits of our Charters.
4. Since they have not placed a tax upon ours, but their
own specie, which they certainly have a right to do, it is
our duty not to purchase their teas, unless we have a mind
to do it ; and the East India Company claim no right to
force us to buy their teas.
5. The King, &;c., have an undoubted right to prohibit
our trade with the Dutch, or any other foreign Nation, in
whole or in part, if they judge the interest of the Nation
requires it.
6. The East India Company have a Charter from the
Crown, and they pay £2,000,000 sterling, annually to
support the Nation, only for these privileges mentioned in
their Charter : one of which privileges is, that they (the
East India Company) shall have the sole right to supply
America, &c., with teas at two shillings and six pence
sterling, by the pound, and no higher.
7. The East India Company have a purchased and
equitable right to put a stop to the Dutch trade, in the
article of tea ; and if we will live without teas, as our
fathers did in the purity of this country, the tax will not
hurt us, nor will the tea trade profit the East India Com-
pany.
8. The Nation is profited six pence on each pound of tea
consumed in America, sent by the East India Company,
but not a farthing profit is received by the Nation from all
tlie Dutch teas.
9. America by trading with the East India Company
for their tea, have a great advantage, as their teas are the
second growth, and the Dutch teas are the third growth,
and a pound of second growth tea costs two shillings, when
a pound of the third growth costs but eight pence in the
East Indies. In Amsterdam the tea sells for one shilling ;
in London, two shillings and six pence ; but in Boston at
one and the same price. Hence is visible the reasons why
the Dutch traders in Boston destroyed the English teas,
viz : one shilling and ten pence by the pound, that Colonel
Hancock gains by iiis Dutch trade, while Colonel Erving
gains but six pence, by the pound, in his trade with the
East India Company.
10. As one shilling and four pence by the pound, or
private interest of these Dutch factors, caused this great
waste of the property of the East India Company, they
(the Dutch factors) in justice ought to pay for their teas
out of their exorbitant gains from poor countrymen, aris-
ing from the sale of five thousand .boxes of Dutch teas
within two years last past.
11. The Bostonians are able to support their own poor.
after Windham and other towns have paid them their legal
demands.
12. We cannot find out any reasons why the good peo-
ple of Windham- undertook to arraign and condemn Gov-
ernour Hutchinson, " for treason against his country," and
those distinguished ministers, nierciiants, barristers and
attornies, for ignorance, insult and treason against law and
common sense, only for dilTering in sentiments witli some
of their neighbours — since there were a few names in
Sardis.
13. Farmington burnt the Act of Parliament, in great
contempt, by their common hangman, when a thousand of
their best inhabitants were convened for that glorious pur-
pose of committing treason against the King ; for which
vile conduct they have not been styled a pest to Connecti-
cut, and enemies to common sense, either by his Honour,
or any King's attorney, or in any town meeting. " We
sincerely wish and hope," a day will be set apart by his
Honour, very soon, for fasting and prayer throughout this
Colony, that the sins of those haughty people may not be
laid to our charge as a Government, and we recommend a
due observation of said day to all our neighbours, by giving
liberally food and raiment to the indigent poor in every
town in Connecticut, and also to draw up resolutions that
for the future we will pay the poor their wages, and every
man his due.
MR. peters's declaration.
I, the subscriber, have not sent any letter to the Bishop
of London, or the venerable Society for the propagation of
the Gospel, Sic, relative to the Boston Port Bill, or the
tea affair, or the controversy between Great Britain and
the Colonies, and design not to, during my natural life, as
those controversies are out of my business as a clergy-
man; also, I have not wrote to England to any other
gentlemen or designed Company nor will I do it.
Witness my hand, this 15th August, 1774, at Hebron,
Samuel Peters, Clerk.
THADDEUS BURR TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.
Boston, October 13, 1774.
May it please your Honour : As an inhabitant of the
Colony of Connecticut, and a real friend to its invaluable
rights and privileges, I look upon myself in duty bound
to give your Honour this early notice of some secret
machinations forming in this town, which may eventually, if
not guarded against, bring our Charter into question, and be
a means of curtailing, if not destroying it. Without saying
any more to apologize for my troubling your Honour with
this, I shall go on to give you an account of the matter in
as clear and concise a manner as I am able.
In a few days after I came to town, which was the first
of this month, I was informed that Mr. Peters, a Church
of England clergymen from Hebron, was come to town
with a design to go to England to make a representation
of the treatment he had met with in Connecticut. As I
knew the general character of the man, I had but little to
fear from any representations he could make of himself;
but when I found he was countenanced by the Governour,
and his Mandamus Counsellors, the Commissioners, the
body of the Church Clergy, and, in short, by all those
who style themselves friends to Government, I thought he
might, in conjunction with them, form some scheme that
would be detrimental to the Colony. I therefore made it
my business to find out as far as I possibly could what their
designs were ; and from the best authority, 1 am warranted
to say that the whole body as represented before, are set-
ting the treatment which Mr. Peters met with in its most
glaring colours, so exaggerated as to exceed all bounds of
truth ; and are now preparing to represent to Administra-
tion that tiie Colony of Connecticut, as such, is determined
to persecute and drive out all the Church of England
Clergymen from among them.
Who is to go home with this false and malicious ])lan, I
cannot yet find out ; am rather inclined to think Mr. Peters
himself. From the character of the gentlemen who have
been so kind as to assist me in detecting this wicked and
secret scheme, and from what I myself, as a stranger, have
collected from that party, I make no doubt of the truth
of it.
715
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
716
Tlius, may it please your Honour, you have an exact
account of the scliemc in agitation, as far as I am able at
present to collect. I shall be in town till the first of No-
vember, and should be glad of a line from your Honour that
1 may be informed whether it would be advisable, should
I make any further discoveries, to communicate them. If
I can in any way be of service to the Colony it will give
me great pleasure. I have the honour to subserilje myself,
your Honour's most obedient and humble servant,
Thaddeus Burr.
New-York, Novonibor 3, 1771.
The following is an authentick account of the means
whereby Mr. Petcrs's letters, (copies of which you are
desired to publish,) came to the knowledge of the publick.
I am sorry tliat the indiscretion of a few weak men,
whose conduct evinces their ignorance of the English
Constitution, and of the spirit of the religion they profess,
should have brought such a scandal upon Episcopacy (or
the Church of England) which in reality is inconsistent
with all the unconstitutional measures of the British Min-
istry— •which have nearly enslaved the people in Great
Britain and Ireland, and occasioned all the contention and
disturbance between the Colonies and the parent state.
The principles of the Church o{ England are so far from
supporting or countenancing a persecuting spirit, or any
pretensions to tyranny or aibitrary power, either in Church
or State, that they lay the strongest restraints upon them,
and many of the most firm and strenuous assertors of the
natural and constitutional rights and liberty of the sub-
ject, in matters both civil and religious, have always been,
and now are to be found, among the Episcopalians, who
cordially unite with their brethren of other denominations
in maintaining those rights that are common to all.
After the difference between Mr. Peters and his neigh-
bours (before published) appeared, on the concessions he
made, to have subsided; his conduct again exposed him to
their resentment, and, on some discoveries, he thought pro-
per to retire to Boston. After he had been there some
time, two of his friends having made a journey to Boston,
on their return, were by some of the neighbours suspect-
ed of having brought letters from him to his family. A
party waited the return of these men, met them at a tavern
on the road, and questioned them, whether they had any
letters from Mr. Peters. The men denied having any, and
offered to be searched. Tliey were believed, without fur-
ther examination, and suffered to depart ; but one of them
was overheard, by a man who was at work behind a fence,
to say, " that they might yet be searched" before they got
" home, might be brought into trouble, and therefore had
" better hide the letters." The man who overheard this
conversation, and probably knew what had passed at the
tavern, watched them, saw them alight near a stone fence,
where they made some stay. When they were gone, he
informed the men who had questioned the two men at
the tavern of what he had heard, and directed them to
the place where he had seen the men stop. There, in a
hole in the fence, the letters were found ; the two men were
overtaken, and again questioned, concerning letters from
Mt. Peters. They denied having any, and offered to
declare upon oath that they had not, but the letters being
produced, they owned the bringing and hiding them, which
proved the means of making their contents known to the
publick.
LETTER FROM THE REVEREND SAMUEL PETERS, OF
HEBRON, TO HIS MOTHER.
Dear Mother: I am well, and doing business for my
intended route. I hear a mob was gathered for me the day
I left Hebron ; what they have done I cannot yet find out.
As Jonathan will be obliged to attend at New-Haven
when the Assembly sits, 1 desire him to tell Mr. Jarvis,
Andrews, Hubbard, &.C., to collect all facts touching mobs
and insults offered the clergy of our churches, or her
members ; likewise to send me a copy of the Clergy's
petition to Govemour Trumbull, and what he does in
answer. If Jonathan is hurt, or my house is hurt or
damaged, let that be transmitted to me within fourteen
days, or, after that, send accounts to the care of Mr. Rice
Williams, a woollen draper in London. I am in high
spirits ; I should be happy if my friends and relations at
Hebron were provided for at these bad times, when things
are growing worse. Six regiments are now coming from
England, and sundry men-of-war ; so soon as they come
hanijing work will go on, and destruction will first attend
■TO O ■ _
the sea-port towns ; the lintel sprinkled on the side posts
will preserve the faithful. I wish Hannah to take some
papers which she and I laid away and bring them to me ;
she knows where they be ; or burn them if this letter
appears to be opened before it is opened by you.
IMr. Becbe and Mr. David Jones, Mr. Warner and Mr.
Grijfin, of Millington, must draught a narrative of their
suflerings, and such words as Colonel Spencer, &;c., have
spoke, by way of encouragement to mobs, and let Doctor
Becbe, send the same to me, to the care of Mr. Thomas
Brovm, merchant in Boston.
I am, &:c. Samuel Peters.
the reverend SAMUEL PETERS TO THE REVEREND DOC-
TOR ACHMUTY OF NEW YORK.
Boston, October 1, 177'l.
Reverend Sir: The riots and mobs that have attended
me and my house, set on by the Govemour of Connecticut,
have compelled me to take up my abode here ; and the
clergy of Connecticut must fall a sacrifice, with the several
churches, very soon to the rage of the puritan mobility, if
the old serpent, that dragon, is not bound. Yesterday I
waited on his Excellency, the Admiral, &,c.. Doctor
Conner, Mr. Troutbcck, Doctor Bylcs, &,c. I am soon
to sail for England ; I shall stand in great need of your
letters, and the letters of the clergy of New-York ; direct
to Mr. Rice Williams, woollen draper, in London, where
I shall put up. Judge Achmuty, &ic., Stc, will do all
things reasonable for the neighbouring charter ; necessity
calls for such friendship, as the head is sick, and the heart
faint, and spiritual iniquity rides in high places with
halberts, pistols, and swords. See the Proclamation I
send you by my nephew, and their pious Sabbath day, the
4th of last month, when the preachers and magistrates left
the pulpits, &IC., for the gun and drum, and set off for
Boston, cursing the King and Lord North, General Gage,
the Bishops and their cursed Curates, and the Church
of England. And for my telling the church people not
to take up arms, Stc, it being high treason, &c., the Sons
of Liberty have almost killed one of my church, tarred
and feathered two, abused others ; and on the sixth day
destroyed my windows, and rent my clothes, even my
gown, fee, crying out, down with the church, the rags of
Popery, Sic. ; their rebellion is obvious; treason is common ;
and robbery is their daily diversion ; the Lord deliver us
from anarchy. The bounds of New-York may directly
extend to Connecticut river, Boston meet them, and New-
Hampshire take the Province of Maine, and Rhode Island
be swallowed up as Dathan. Pray lose no time, nor fear
worse times than attend.
Reverend sir, your very humble servant,
Samuel Peters.
N. B. I wrote to the Clergy of Connecticut ; the letters
may be intercepted ; pray acquaint Mr. Dibble, he.
JOEL WHITE TO GOTERNOUR TRUMBULL.
Bolton, November 30, 1774.
Sir : Agreeable to your Honour's request, I have waited
on part of the Committee, others living at a distance in
neighbouring towns have omitted, relative to Mr. Samuel
Peters's affair, and here is enclosed as your Honour may
see. As to the last transaction, in September last, the
Committee, as I understand, were Captain Seth Wright,
Captain Asahel Clark, and Mr. Hill, of Lebanon, and
Mr. Larrabee, of Windham, &c.
Sir, I am your dutiful and humble servant,
Joel White.
To the Honourable Jonathan Trumbull, Esquire.
We, the subscribers, being desired by Joel White,
Esquire, to give a narrative of our treatment to Mr.
Samuel Peters, of Hebron, we, with some others being
717
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
718
informed by Captain John Peters, brother to the said
Samuel, had reported that the said Samuel had, at sundry
times before, wrote, and then had sundry letters prepared
to be sent home by the way of New-York, big with
reflections upon this Colony, on account of the measures
they are taking to get a redress of the grievances tliey
have, with the other Colonies, laboured under for a long
time by (as we say) an arbitrary Ministry, did, with the
advice of the principal inhabitants of the town of Bolton,
with the assistance of a large number of people from
the neighbouring towns, near three hundred, upon the
15th day of August last, wait upon the said Samuel
Peters, before sunrise, civilly to inquire into the matters
contained in said reports, we being, with sundry others,
chosen a Committee to wait upon the said Peters. — Do
report as followeth, viz: That, on said day, did wait
upon the said Peters, at his own door, and informed him
our business. He asked us to walk into his house ; there he
seemed to be frank and free to inform us into the mattei's
contained in the said report, and produced a number of Re-
solves which we caused to be published in the New-Lon-
don Gazette, No. 564, and solemnly declared, upon the
faith of a Priest, that he never had nor never would write
home to any person, during his natural life, touching said
controversy ; which engagement seemed satisfactory, and
so left him without injuring his person or interest, with his
thanks for our kind treatment.
Witness our hands this 29th day of November, A. D.,
1774.
Saul Alvord, Samuel Carver, Jr.,
Isaac Fellows, Ichabod Warner.
Honourable Jonathan Trumbull.
Hezekiah Huntington, Vine Elderkin, Ebenezer Gray,
and John Ripley, all of Windham, in the County of
Windham, and Colony of Connecticut, of lawful age, testify
aiid say, that on the 6th day of September, A. D. 1774,
we, with other persons of this and some of the neighbour-
ing towns, went to Hebron to visit and deal with the
Reverend Samuel Peters, of that place, for and on account
of his making and publishing sentiments and principles
incompatible with our civil liberties, subversive of our
Constitution, and tending to make discord and dissension
amongst the people at that critical time when an union was
absolutely necessary. When we arrived at said Peters's
house (which we found full of people, who were said to be
armed) one Captain Mack came from the house and said
that Peters desired the people to choose a Committee to
converse with him, which the people then accordingly did,
of which we were part. The Committee (consisting of
about ten) accordingly went into his house and told him
the business we were upon, and also asked him whether
the Resolves published in the New-London Gazette, as
the Resolves of the town of Hebron, made and formed by
him, were his principles ? to which, after some conversa-
tion and endeavours in vain to justify them, he answered
in the affirmative ; for which, and many other things,
particularly his saying that the people of Farmington
were guilty of treason, and that the town of Boston justly
deserved to suffer what they were then suffering by reason
of the late Acts of Parliament, and that the Port Bill was
right, or words to that import, and such like, the people
were offended, and were determined to have some publick
retraction and satisfaction. Peters then undertook to jus-
tify his conduct and principles, which consisted principally
in trying to shew that there was no duty laid without our
consent, on tiie article of tea, because, he said, no man
was obliged to buy, and when he did buy he consented to
pay the duty, and so there could be no duty thereon if no
man purchased it. The Committee, after hearing him
awhile, told him that their principles were fixed, and that
they did not come there to dispute principles with him,
and advised him to go out to the people, and perhaps he
could convince them that he was right, which, if he did,
wo would be satisfied, and assured him, on his request,
that he should return into his house again safe, and without
any abuse of any kind, (antecedent to this said Peters
declared that he had no arms in the house, except one or
two old guns out of repair.) Upon which said Peters
went out to the people, and being placed in the centre of
a large number, he began to harangue the people as he
did to the Committee in the house ; in a few minutes after
a gun was discharged in the house, which much alarmed
the people. Eight or ten people were immediately sent
into the house to know the occasion of the firing, and to
see if there were any arms or weapons of dealli therein,
and found several guns and pistols loaded with powder and
ball, some swords, and about two dozen large wooden
clubs, concealed and hid in the house, and that the firing
was accidental, in which two balls were discharged from
the gun fired in the house; whereupon said eight or ten
persons cleared the house of all the men that were therein,
and set centinels at each door of the house, that no
damage might ensue, and thereupon, said Peters having
finished vvhat he had to say to the people, which was in
no way satisfactory, the Committee returned said Peters
safely into the house, and were ordered by the people to
draw up something in writing, which said Peters should
subscribe and acknowledge, which was accordingly done ;
and Peters likewise drew another, and thereupon, on the
like assurances as before, Peters and the Committee went
out to the people again, and Peters, according to his
desire, read what he wrote, which the people universally
rejected ; and then the one drawn by the Committee was
read, (which was the same that was afterwards published
to the words Holy Religion, the remainder being added
afterward) was read to the people and approved so far as
was then wrote, which Peters then absolutely refused to sign
or acknowledge, although urged and desired to do it by the
Committee, as they were afraid of the consequences, as
many of the people were warm and high, and determined
not to be delayed any longer, and thereupon the Com-
mittee safely conveyed him into his house again, and were
persuading him to sign the paper drawn up by the Com-
mittee, as beforesaid, when the people, impatient, weary,
and hungry, would not be put off or delayed longer,
rushed into the house, by the door and one window,
(which was somewhat broken in the attempt) seized and
brought Peters out of the house, and placed him on a horse,
and carried him to the Meeting House Green, or Common
Parade, about three-quarters of a mile, where, after some
talking upon the premises, Peters agreed to, and did sign
the paper, as was published, and read it to the people him-
self; on which, they, with one voice, (to appearance)
accepted, and gave three cheers and dispereed. The
number of people was about three hundred. The sash of
one window of his house was broken, his gown and shirt
somewhat torn, and it was said by some that a table was
turned over, and a punch bowl and glass broken, which
was all the damage that was done that we ever heard of;
and through the whole the Committee endeavoured to
calm and moderate the minds of the people, who were
greatly exasperated by Mr. Peters' s conduct, firing the
gun, preparing arms, &c., &.C., as much as lay in their
power ; and also frequently told him that it was not for his
religious sentiments, or because he was a church-man, or
professed the religion established in the English Nation,
(before the Quebec Bill was passed) that we visited him, for
some of the people were of that denomination, and that
we were so far from hurting or injuring any one that did
profess it, that we were ready to defend and protect them,
when thereto called, with all our strength, but for the
things and matters before mentioned we did visit him; and
further these deponents say not.
Hez. Huntington, Vine Elderkin,
John Ripley, Ebenezer Gray.
Windham, December 6, 1774.
Colony q/" Connecticut, m., Windham County :
Windham, December 6, 1774.
Tlien personally appeared Hezekiah Huntington, John
Ripley, Vine Elderkin, and Ebenezer Gray, subscribers
to the foregoing testimony, and made solemn oath to the
truth of the same. Before me,
Samuel Gray, Justice of the Peace.
TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Philadelphia, August 17, 1774.
Though truth and candour fundamentally characterize
the real patriot, it is to be lamented that among the many
publications on the reigning subject of political declamation,
it has been m general disingenuously U-eated, and the pub-
719
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
720
lick amused with partial and unfair representations of things.
Will any man, acquainted with our late publications, and the
popular transactions in this city, be so hardy as to assert,
tJiat the freedom of the press here has not been interrupted
by tiie illegal menaces and arbitrary frowns of a prevailing
party, to the exclusion of an honest, unprejudiced, and
unawcd investigation of the question, so necessary to be
clearly understood in its tme light — in which every free-
man in America is so nearly concerned, and into which he
lias an undoubted right, with British boldness, to exercise
the freedom of inquiry ? Tliose writers who have appeared
to treat the subject with an aspect of fair and disinterested
examination, have yet seemed to allow themselves to sup-
press momentous truths, under the general notion, that the
truth is not to be spoken at all times. Those who enjoy
the sweet solace of the conscious uprightness of their own
hearts; who are actuated by the ennobling principles of good-
will to men ; delighting in the peaceful pleasures of social
kindness, and the harmony of civil order, are not easily
provoked into publick contest, being generally over-back-
ward in opposing the spreading influence of parties, com-
posed of forward and assuming spirits, who are ever ready
to bestow on themselves all the honours due to publick
merit. It is no slight proof of the excellency of Virtue,
that among the number of those unhappy men who
•undermine her interests and slight her salutary rules, very
few are to be found who do not seek her name as a sanctu-
ary of their forfeited honour, and labour to cover themselves
-with some ai-tificial and specious likeness of her ; her name
has been pompously sounded amongst us ; how many Imve
sung plaudits to true virtue, while they were mocking her
with oderings abhorrent to nature ? How many who are
practically disclaiming her influence, are yet ridiculously
blowing the trumpet of their own praise, with hollow
sounds of their reverence and zeal for virtue ? Would to
God we had a more just title to virtue, and that we were
more generally honest in seeking a portion of inheritance
in this durable substance ! A little attention to this sub-
ject must make any one, ca))able of rational reflection,
serious; and incline them to join with me in this desire for
my country. For I would not ofter such an affront to
your understandings, my kWow- Americans, as to suppose
you are yet to be informed that after every subtile political
refinement has had full examination and experiment, hon-
esty, truth, and integrity in individuals, must be recurred to
as the sure ground-work of a right publick spirit ; and in
all matters, both of a private and publick nature, will, most
certainly be found the very best of all policy: " Righteous-
ness exalteth a Nation ;" but sordid guile and treacherous
double-dealing, bring shame upon any people, and have a
direct tendency to weaken and render fruitless their most
strenuous efforts in support of their invaded rights. Let
us not mistake a partial, vindictive virulence of spirit, for
the generous warmth and sober firmness of an honest love
for our country, grounded on the equitable base of justice
and constitutional right ; let us not forget that we are, (by
profession at least) Christians, and that that most excellent
law of universal ohligation is binding on us : " Whatever ye
" would that others should do unto you, do ye even so
" unto them." Come, fellow-citizens ! my countrymen,
come ! — let us step a little aside from the broad way of
popular confusion, into the retired and much unfrequented
walk of Christian circumspection ; let us question ourselves
with an earnest sincerity : what have we been about ?
What are we doing? Has the false fire of Faction yet
enough spent itself, and subsided, to admit a supposition,
that we may have been grossly imposed on, amused, abused,
and misled by dishonest pretensions to patriotism and zeal
for the publick good? Conscious of the uprightness of my
concern for the honour of my country, I dare suppose that
such is really our case. I desire not, for the gratification
of any party spleen, or personal disaffection, to accuse a
single man of my inWovi- Americans ; far be it from me to
delight in passing, wantonly and unnecessarily, harsh cen-
sures on any ; but I claim it as the right of every freeman
to question the expediency of placing publick confidence
in such unsound politicians as have been principally instru-
mental in exposing us to the hand of oppression, both
Ministerial, Parliamentary, and popular, and who, by pre-
ferring money and popularity before honesty, have made it
their interest to lead us out of the path of order and
honour.
The progress of population, agriculture, commerce, op-
ulence, and science in Amtrica, has been truly astonishing ;
a land of liberty and plenty, situate between the extremes
of heat and cold, abounding with commodious rivers and
harbours, where maritime cities afford a perpetual increas-
ing nursery for seamen ; but unhappily this has become too
generally a school of corruption. Alany of our merchants,
not content with the moderate profits of lawful trade, have
submitted to be the slaves of an exorbitant tliii-st of gain,
and enriched themselves by defrauding the Crown of its
revenue. This traffick has amazingly increased within
these twenty years past, numbers becoming more reconciled
to it by example, habit, and custom, and have gradually
consented to amuse themselves with some very superficial
arguments in iis favour, such as that every man has a nat-
ural right to exchange his property with whom he pleases,
and where he can make the most advantage of it ; that
there is no injustice in the nature of the thing, being no
otherwise unlawful than as the partial restrictions of power
have made it so ; arguments whicli may be, and aie adopt-
ed in extenuation of many other disorderly and pernicious
practices. But do not these reasoners seem implicitly to
adopt Butler's ludicrous hint, and apply it as a serious
moral truth :
" The imposer of the oath 'tis breaks it ;
" Not lio wlio for couTenience tukes it."
I will not here insist on the obligation of that gospel pre-
cept which enjoins us to submit to every ordinance of man
for conscience sake ; trade and civil regulation here being
too much under the influence of buccaneering policy, to
expect the favourers of contraband Iraflick should pay any
regard to Christian maxims ; and because it might lead into
a controversy respecting the strict and literal observance of
that precept in all cases ; though I confess, if applied to
the matter before us, I cannot see how its force can be
fairly eluded ; neither will I undertake to travel into those
dark mazes of conAised reasoning, which, founded on false
|X)licy, suppose the acquisition of weaitli to a state, how-
ever obtained, is its chief good ; but rather lament, that
this net of wretched sophistry has so miserably entangled
the understandings of too many amongst us. It is sufficient
to observe (and here I am sure of being upon safe and in-
controvertible ground) that that pursuit of gain is a most
iniquitous one, which cannot be prosecuted without incur-
ring the guilt of perjury, and a train of corrupt and fraud-
ulent practices — and that a trade, unavoidably attended
witli such diabolical circumstances, as directly tend to sap
the foundation of morality in the minds of the people, and
introduce in the community a vicious dissoluteness of man-
ners, is more dreadful in its nature and effects, than the
most that can be apprehended from Ministerial machina-
tions. Ye virtuous parents who feel the influence of a
rational tenderness for your offspring, attend to the gene-
rous emotions of sympathy, and consider, religiously consi-
der, the melancholy prospect of tiiat father and motlier,
who, having a son in whom appears a strong bias to, and a
genius for a seafaring life, are about to fix him in that oc-
cupation for a livelihood ! It is an opinion but too justly
founded, that the unrestrained course of this dishonest
dealing hath excited the politicians of Britain to meditate
on the most effectual means to shackle American trade, and
lay even internal burthens on American backs ; is it to be
wondered at, that it should iiave sucii an effect ? In Great
Britain, where smuggling is attended with no greater, I
believe with a much less degree of guilt, the law of the
land ranks those desperate votaries of Mammon with shop-
lifters and pickpockets ; but what is their rank among us ?
What is their influence on our publick affairs ? A powerful
influence generally attends tlie possession of wealth, and
where that wealth is obtained at the expense of conscience
it creates a separate interest incompatible with the publick
weal, and introduces a very dangerous power, a power in
the hands of the wicked, which, if not restrained by the
righteous exertions of just law, must make the land to
mourn. Have we not just cause to mourn that " Our
dealers have dealt treacherously, yea very treacherously,"
and had a principal share in bringing the present load of
difficulty (might I not add disgrace) upon their country ?
Where is the Government on this side the Atlantic V!h\ch
has offered the least restraint or discouragement to their
evil doing ? It must be strange blindness and depravity
indeed, in any to pretend this is not a crying grievance,
721
CORRESPONDEiNCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, AUGUST, 1774.
722
which loudly demands the most serious attention of those
who preside in the respective Governments in America ;
it would he the same thing to say, seeking to avert publick
calamity, or to promote the happiness ol" the people, are
no part of their concern. Miserably degraded indeed, is
the state of patriotism amongst us, wiien men of such viti-
ated and corrupt principles, have strength or influence
enough to set up their particular interests in opposition to
the true interest of their country, and beguile the people
into a belief that it is tlie cause of liberty and common
right. How can we, with a face of honest confidence,
claim redress of the Parliamentary wrongs offered us, if
we not only foster in our bosoms those dangerous enemies
of our moral health and social peace, but suffer some of
them to lord it over us, as the first men in the community,
worthy to dictate measures for the publick good; nay,
tacitly seem to approbate their insolently boasting of their
crimes, as proofs of their patriotick virtue ? It is now
about eight years since the Act was passed declaring a right
in tlie British Parliament to make laws binding on America
in all cases whatsoever ; so long have the devoted Colonies
been under that tyrannical proscription ; Administration
with the Ministerial party in Parliament, have proceeded
with a deliberate and cautious sublety ; they were doubt-
less apprized of the weight of the smuggling interest among
us ; they knew our true interests were in continual danger
of being betrayed by this desperate faction ; they knew
whenever we deserted the constitutional ground of civil
order, it must render us an easier prey ; they tried expedient
after expedient ; they did and undid, to put our wisdom and
virtue to the proof; at length they audiorized the East
India Comjiany to export their teas to America and offer
them for sale, subject to the obnoxious duty. How have
we approved ourselves on this trying occasion ? Have we
acted like a wise or just people.in opposing this insidious
measure ? Or have we not been trapanned into a captious,
disorderly, and unlawful opposition, giving our oppressors,
tliereby, an advantage over us greater than they could
otherwise have had. We see them now driving over our
rights and privileges with an hostile Jehu-like course, under
colour of punishing our flagitious conduct ; a conduct which
we cannot justify.
The East India Company's attempt to vend their teas
among us, naturally excited disgust in the merchant im-
porters of dry goods, particularly in this city and New-
York, where they had steadily adhered to that reasonable
and orderly measure adopted a few years before, not to im-
port that dutiable commodity ; though other Colonies, dis-
regarding that measure, did import it in such quantities,
that they had a surplus to spare, some of which they sent
to be sold among us, with certificates of its having paid the
duty ; which numbers of our people greedily purchased at
an advanced price, not only on account of its superiour
quality, but many had serious objections to the use of that
which was introduced through the corrupt and filthy con-
traband channel ; this excited no visible apprehensions or
our liberty ; patriotism supinely slumbered till the Minis-
try and East India Company united in aiming a blow at
tlie Diana of Ammcan snmgglers ; her votaries and their
adherents took the alarm ; they saw it was in their favour
that the merchants, from commercial considerations, were
generally dissatisfied ; they had the address, by inflamma-
tory harangues and publications, to raise a ferment among
the people ; they were soon joined by those ambitious
spirits, who are fond of any opportunity of giving them-
selves consequence with the populace ; they made a not-
able stalking horse of the word Liberty, and many well
meaning ])ersons were duped by the specious colouring of
their sinister zeal. Finding themselves thus strong, these
new Lords made new laws, created new crimes, and devis-
ed new punishments ; territick bulls were issued, denounc-
ing vengeance against those who should dare to cross their
measures. Where was the Printer who had the virtue or
courage to publish one sober remonstrance against their
outrageous career? The free trade of the King's subjects
was obstructed ; property was violated ; and the publick
thanks of the populace were demanded in justification of
the conduct of desperadoes. In vain did a very lew openly
oppose these dangerous proceedings, and seriously remon-
strate against such licentious trampling on law and civil
order ; the generality of the conscientious and judicious,
Fourth Series. 46
who were sensible of the wicked root from whence it
sprang, and saw its mischievous tendency were intimidated ;
and through a dastardly fear of exposing themselves to the
outrageous insults of violent men, suppressed the honest
sentiments their hearts suggested, and they in private
avowed ; and by this, their unmanly flinching, in the hour
of trial, the publick was deprived of the benefit it would
probably have received from their weight and influence.
Thus has the true strength of a real and virtuous patri- .
otism been superseded by the traitorous fire of false spirits,
which may have made us contemptible, but can never
render us formidable to our oppressors. If a despotick
Ministry and venal Parliament are enemies to our happy
Constitution, surely these kind of patriots are not less so.
It may be best not to take too particular notice of the part
magistracy took during our late popular disorders ; " speak
not evil of dignities," the nobility of magistracy should not
be degraded ; true 1 may it therefore ever be cloathed
with just authority, and exercise that authority " to the
" terrour of evil doers, and the praise and protection of
"them that do well."
We are, my fellow-citizens and countrymen, involved
in difficulties of a very serious and alarming nature, the
weight of which I sensibly feel, and am, therefore, anxious
that we should no longer follow the bewildering counsels
oi false brethren, who, as we have sufficiently experienced,
are but too ready, for base ends, to hurry us into trouble
and distress from which they caimot extricate us. Let us
endeavour to repair past errours ; it is the first necessary
step, in order to remove the evil from our understandings,
which prevents our discerning the way to do right ; re-
membering that we do not profess to be a Nation of Infidels,
but to believe in the superintendence of a Providence who
is just and equal in all his wa3's ; and that, though we may
cheat each other with fallacious mockeries, yet the su-
preme and all wise Disposer of events, the Judge of all the
earth, who will do right, cannot be mocked. Let us with
sincere and upright purpose of heart, apply the good and
significant advice formerly given to the hypocrite : " First
" pull the beam out of thine own eye, that thou mayest see
" clearly how to take the mote out of thy brother's ;" and
being thus disposed to adhere to the wisdom of the just,
we need not fear but that the King of Kings will furnish
us with an impenetrable shield and buckler of defence.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN AT RED-
STONE, RECEIVED AT WILLIAMSBURG, AUGUST 18,
1774.
On the 26ih of July, our troops, to the amount of four
hundred men, in eight companies, commanded by Major
McDonald, met at the mouth of Fish Creek, on the Ohio,
about one hundred and twenty miles below Fort Pitt. A
council of war being held, it was unanimously determined
to cross the Ohio, and proceed to destroy the Shawanese
Town called Wagetomica, situated on the river Musk-
ingum, about ninety miles from the said creek.
On the Sunday following, our advanced party discovered
three Indians coming towards them on horseback ; who,
observing our party, rode off on our people firing one shot
at them. On Tuesday, our advanced party met three In-
dians, supposed to be spies from a large body, which we
afterwards found had lain about half a mile from our army.
Upon our men firing upon them, they ran, giving the war
whoop ; which our people hearing, immediately formed in
three columns, expecting to be attacked. In this order we
advanced about half a mile, when we were fired upon by
the Indians who lay in ambush ; a battle ensued, in which
we killed four Indians and wounded many more. We had
two men killed, and five wounded. We drove the Indians
before us about a mile and a half, they firing upon us from
every rising ground, when at last they ran.
Our men being much scattered in the woods, Major Mc
Donald collected ihcm ; and leaving a party with the
wounded, marclied about five miles. On our coming to
tlie river opposite their town, we observed the Indians
posted on the bank, intending to dispute our passage, each
party endeavouring to conceal themselves behind trees,
logs, he, watching an opportunity to fire on each other.
Here our men killed one Indian. At a council held here,
723
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, AUGUST, 1774.
724
It was agreed to cross lower down the river with a party in
the night, to amuse the Indians. One of our interpreters
called to them across the river, when a Delaware spoke in
his language, asking wiio he was, and what he wanted.
The interpreter telling his name, invited him over, with an
assurance that no injury should be done him. The Indian
knew him and came across the river, and informed our
commander of the good disposition of the Delaioares
towards the white people ; but that John Gibson and one
IVilson, Indian traders, had been sent from Pittsburgh to
acquaint them that a party of Virginians had marched
against some of their towns, but they did not know which.
Major McDonald told him he had particular instructions
from the Governour of Virginia not to molest any Indians
at peace with us, and particularly the Dclawares, who had,
on many occasions, behaved friendly to the white people,
not only delivering several out of the hands of the Shawa-
nese and Mingoes, but had taken great pains to dissuade
them from striking the whites. The Delaware expressed
great satisfaction that they were respected by the Vir-
ginians, who had been represented to them by the Penn-
sylvania traders as a cruel, barbarous people, that would
spare none of the Indians, which had left the Delawares
in great suspense what course to take. After this conver-
sation he requested us to stay until he brought one Win-
ganum, a Chief of the Delawares. We gave him part of
such as we had. Soon after his departure he overtook two
others of his Nation on their way to Wingamim's, and re-
turned with them, bringing a Mingo, who had that day
been fighting against us. The Delawares were exceeding-
ly pleased with meeting with so friendly a reception in that
bloody path (as they expressed it) where the Shatvanese
and Mingoes had passed to murder so many of our people,
especially as they had received from the traders terrible
accounts of the Virginians intending to cut them off for
the sake of their lands. But, said they, from our present
experience, we find you a good people, or, as we are but
three among so many warriors, you would now cut us in
pieces ; but you treat us as friends, which will make the
hearts of our great men and Nation glad when we tell them
this good news. We have called our people from among
the Shawanese and Mingoes, and frequently advised the
Shawanese not to strike the white people ; but they re-
fused to listen to our counsel, when we told them we should
give them up to be cut off by the whites, which would be
the case as they were only a handful. After this we parted
in the most friendly manner. To prevent our destroying
the Shawanese Towns, it was proposed that the Mingo
should bring over two of their young warriors next morn-
ing as hostages, until their great men and ours could talk
together ; and he left us for that purpose.
The commander ordered Captain Michael Cresap, and
Captain Hogeland, to cross the river before day, and
secure the banks, to cover the landing of our men ; which
they did. Here we waited the return of the Mingo ;
but not coming as he promised, we proceeded towards
tlieir Upper Town, when we met him wiliiin two miles of
the said town, coming (as he said) to inform us that the
other Indians would not agree to deliver up any hostages ;
on which we advanced, but had not gone above two hun-
dred yards before we discovered a part}- in ambush under
a bank. On our endeavouring to surround them, they ran
off, when about thirty of our men pursued them close, and
a battle ensued, in which Captain Michael Cresap, toma-
hawked and scalped one Indian; and, from the quantities
of blood on the woods, many must have been wounded.
The Indians running, we set fire to the town, and destroy-
ed every thing of value. As the Mingo knew of the
ambush, and not informing us, we secured him; but as he
had placed some confidence in us, we did not scalp him,
but brought him prisoner. From this town we proceeded
to the rest, five in number, all of which we burnt, together
wth about five hundred bushels of old corn, and every
other thing they had. We also cut down and destroyed
about seventy acres of standing corn. No Indians appear-
ing, and provision falling short, we returned to Wheeling.
On our march we passed through a Delaware Town, which
the inhabitants had deserted ; but as they were friends, we
did not touch the least tride except a litde old corn, which
we were then in great want of.
Since the above, we have been waiting for provisions,
which are carrying out daily to Wheeling. In this quar-
ter are now about seven hundred men, waiting for Lord
Dunmore, who is expected every day, and who will, no
doubt, put an end to tliis Indian war, and convince the
Indians that their interest in future will be to live in peace
and friendship with the English, and never more put con-
fidence in a few villainous traders, who (as will appear
hereafter) have been the cause of the mischiefs that have
happened.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER, DATED GREAT BARRINGTON,
AUGUST 18, 1774.
At the late opening of the Courts at Great Harrington,
in Massachusetts Government, a body of fifteen hundred
assembled, on an apprehension that the Judges were to
proceed to act under the new regulations appointed by the
Parliament of Great Britain, and although they were
informed that the Act of Parliament for that purpose had
not arrived, and consequently, the business of the Court
would be conducted in the usual way, still they would not
allow the Judges to proceed ; giving them to understand
it was required they quitted the town immediately, which
was complied with. There were twelve hundred persons of
the Massachusetts, and about three hundred from Litchfield
and its vicinity, in Connecticut Government ; a number of
the latter were taken into custody by the Sheriff, and
brought before the Honourable Eliphalet Dyer, Esq.,
who, with great solemnity and severity repremanded the
delinquents ; he obliged them also to enter into recognisance
for their appearance at the next Court, which measures
have happily restored order and due deference to the laws
in those parts of the two Provinces.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER, DATED BOSTON, AUGUST 20, 1774.
Letters by Captain Scott have this moment arrived.
He brings intelligence that the people in England are rub-
bing up their eyes, and begin to awake. Governour Tryon
is said not a little to contribute to this ; he told the Lords
of Council that it would not do to treat the Yorkers as he
did the Regulators ; they were very different kind of men.
He said all the force he had could not have saved the tea,
and therefore he sent it back. He was asked what he
thought of the present measures adopted towards the
Americans! He answered, they would undoubtedly pro-
duce a Congress. And what would be the result of that ?
He replied, he could not take upon him to say ; perhaps
the loss of all North America.
MATTHEW GRISWOLD TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.
Litclifield, August 20, 1774.
Sir: At the present sessions of the Superiour Court in
this place, the Attorney General for this county exhibited
an information against sundry persons, inhabitants in the
Northern part of the County of Litchfield, representing
that on the 2d of August, instant, the persons named, with
others unknown, did, in Canaan, m said county, riotously
and unlawfully assemble together with an intent to disturb
the peace of our Lord the Kins; ; and being so met, did
proceed from thence to Great Barrington, in the County
of Berkshire, and Province of the Massachusetts Bay,
and there made an assault on the body of David Ingtrsoll,
of said Great Barrington, (Esq.,) and him carried from
thence to said Canaan, and him did falsely imprison and
restrain of his lawful liberty for the space of twelve hours
against the peace &.c.
The Court ordered a warrant to be issued to arrest and
bring the persons complained of to answer to the matters
in said complaint ; which was done accordingly ; and the
Sheriff yesterday in the afternoon by virtue thereof brought
seven of the persons complained of before this Court ;
who being set to the bar of the Court for the purpose
aforesaid, two of the number moved for counsel, which
was admitted. The counsel then moved that the process
against those two should be continued to the next term ;
offered his reasons, which the Court judged sufficient, and
ordered the continuance ; and bail was taken accordingly.
The evening coming on the Court adjourned tell this morn-
ing, and the five other persons were held in the custody of
725
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, AUGUST, 1774.
'796
the Sheriff, who this morning brought them into Court ; they
subjected themselves to trial. But the time for holding
tlie sessions of the Court in this county being just expiring,
it was impracticable to attend the trial of tliese persons,
without breaking in and interrupting the order of the Cir-
cuit Courts of this Colony, as established by law. The
Court for that reason ordered the process against the whole
to be continued accordingly, and bail was given.
The persons arrested by the Sheriff were attended by
about thirty persons of their friends, but no act of hostili-
ty was offered or attempted on any person. The spirit of
the people in this county in general appears to condemn
such disorders, and profess a firm resolution to support the
administration of civil Government in this Colony, and
avoid disturbances of the publick peace.
It was apprehended expedient to give your Honour
early intelligence of the steps taken, and what was done in
the affair referred to, which is accordingly done.
By your Honour's most obedient humble servant,
Matthew Griswold.
To the Honourable Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., Governour.
JOSIAH ^VINCY, JUN., TO JOHN DICKINSON.
Boston, August 30, 1T74.
Much respected and dear Sir : Your cordial ap-
probation of my poor work communicates a happiness
surpassed only by your kind invitation of me into the circle
of your friends. Believe me, sir, that I recollect no feel-
ing which would give me more solid, heartfelt satisfaction,
than being considered by you as an honest friend, unless
I except a consciousness of deserving that rank and con-
fidence.
Your sentiments relative to that " Colony which shall
" advance too hastily before the rest, contrary to the max-
" ims of discipline," &.C., are no doubt just. Yet permit
me, sir, to use a freedom, which your partiality seems to
invite, and observe, that those maxims of discipline are not
universally known in this early period of Continental war-
fare ; and are with great difficulty practised by a people
under the scourge of publick oppression. When time
shall have taught wisdom, and past experience fixed bounds
to the movements of a single Colony, its intemperate and
over-hasty strides will be more unpardonable. But if we
should unfortunately see one Colony, under a treble pres-
sure of publick oppression, rendered impatient by the
refinements, delays, and experiments of the Philadel-
phians, of their less oppressed and therefore more delibe-
rate brethren ; I say, if a Colony thus insulted, galled from
without, and vexed within, should seem to advance and
" break the line of opposition," ought it to incur the heavy
censure of " betraying the common cause ?" Though not
to be justified, may not its fault be considered venial?
Believe me, dear sir, you know not all our patriotick trials
in this Province. Corruption (which delay gives time to
operate) is the destroying angel we have most to fear.
Our enemies wish for nothing so much as our tampering
with the fatal disease. I fear much that timid or luke-
warm counsels will be considered by our Congress as
))rudent and politick. Such counsels will inevitably en-
slave us ; — we subjugated, how rapid and certain the fall of
the rest. Excuse my freedom of telling what I dread,
though seeming to differ from those I honour and revere.
We are, at this time, calm and temperate ; and, partiality
to my countrymen aside, I question whether any ancient
or modern state can give an instance of a whole people
suffering so severely with such dignity, fortitude, and true
spirit. Our very enemies are dismayed, and though they
affect to sneer at our enthusiasm, yet they so far catch the
noble infirmity as to give an involuntary applause.
I see no reason to apprehend our advancing before our
brethren, unless the plans they should adopt should very
evidently be too languid and spiritless to give any rational
hopes of safety to us, in our adherence to them. Sobrius
esto is our present motto. At the urgent solicitation of a
great number of warm friends to my country and myself, I
have agreed to relinquish business and embark for London,
and shall sail in eighteen days certainly. I am flattered,
by those who, perhaps, place too great confidence in me,
that I may do some good the ensuing winter at the Court
of Great Britain ; hence, I have taken this unexpected
resolution. My design is to be kept as long secret as
possible ; I hope till 1 get to Europe. Should it transpire
that I was going home, our publick enemies here would be
as indefatigable and persevering to my injury as they have
been to the cause in which I am engaged, heart and
hand ; perhaps more so, as personal pique would be added
to publick malevolence.
I would solicit, earnestly, intelligence from you, sir,
while in London. I shall endeavour to procure the earliest
information from all parts of the Continent. As I propose
dedicating myself wholly to the service of my country, I
shall stand in need of the aid of every friend of America ;
and believe me, when I say that 1 esteem none more
capable of affording me that aid than those who inhabit
the fertile banks of the Delaware.
If you can lead me into any channel of doing real ser-
vice to the common cause, I flatter myself you are not
disinclined ; and though it should never be in my power
to cancel the obligation, it will ever be my study to
remember it.
I am your most humble and obedient servant,
JoSIAH QuiNCY, JuN.
JOHN DICKINSON TO ARTHUR LEE.
Fairfield, August 20, 1774.
Dear Sir : A general Congress meets in Philadelphia
the beginning of next month. These Colonies have ap-
pointed Deputies : Massachusetts Bay, New- Hampshire,
Rhode Island, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania,, the Government on Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, South Carolina. North Carolina it is said to
appoint on this day ; Georgia will also appoint, as we are
assured.
The insanity of Parliament has operated like inspiration
in America. They are mad to be sure, but in their
phrenzy they have discovered invaluable truths.
The Colonists now know what is designed against them.
All classes of people are surprisingly united in sentiment.
The first step, in all probability, will be a general non-im-
portation from Great Britain. The next, if grievances
are not redressed, a general non-exportation to that King-
dom. If severities increase, events will inevitably take
place which a man so connected with this Continent as
you are, must view with inexpressible pain of mind.
The people in general through the country look forward
to extremes with resolution. Of these, the brave Ger-
mans, many of whom have seen service, are in every sense
truly respectable. Is it possible that the people of our
mother country, so beloved and revered by us, can se-
riously think of sheathing their swords in bosoms so affec-
tionate to them ? Of engaging in a war that must instantly
produce such deficiencies in her revenue, expose her to her
natural enemies, and, if she conquers, must, in its conse-
quences, drag her down to destruction ; and, if she fails
of success, as, if the Colonists have common sense, she
certainly must, will involve her in immediate ruin ?
Surely, sir, you may render your native country eminent
services by publishing your sentiments in the present
mournful prospect of affairs. That you may undertake
the employment is the hearty wish of, dear sir, your affec-
tionate friend, and most obedient servant,
John Dickinson.
Arthur Lee, London.
I have just heard that Georgia has appointed Deputies
to attend the Congress.
WESTCHESTER (neW-YORk) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
Borough Town of Westchester, in New- York, the 20th of
August, 1774,
James Ferris, Esquire, Colonel Lewis Morris, and
Ca])lain Thomas Hunt, were chosen a Committee to meet
the Committee of the different towns and precincts within
this county, at the White Plains, on Monday, the 22d
instant, to consult on the expediency of appointing one or
more Delegates to represent this county at the general
Congress, to be held at Philadelphia, the first day of Sep-
tember next ; and James Ferris, Esquire, being unani-
mously chosen Chairman, the Committee, after considering
727
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, AUGUST, 1774.
728
tlie very alamiing situation of their suflering bretliren, at
Boston, oecasioned by the late unconstitutional, arbitrary,
and oppressive Act of the British Parliament for blocking
up their port, as well as the several Acts imposing taxes
on the Colonies, in order to raise a revenue in America,
thought proper to adojit the following Resolutions, which
were unanimously agreed to :
Resolved, First, That we do, and will bear true alle-
giance to his Majesty George the Third, King of Great
Britain, and according to the British Constitution.
Second, That we coincide in opinion with our friends in
I^ew-Yorlc, and of every other Colony, that all Acts of
the British Parliament, imposing taxes on the Colonies
without their consent, or by their Representatives, are arbi-
trary and oppressive, and should meet the abhorrence and
detestation of all good men ; that they are replete with the
j)urpose of creating animosities and dissensions between
tiie mother country and the Colonies, and thereby tend to
destroy liiat harmony and mutual agreement which it is so
much the interest of both to clierish and maintain.
Third, That we esteem it our duty, and think it incum-
bent on all the Colonies in America, to contribute towards
the relief of tlie poor and distressed people of Boston; and
that a pereon of this Borough be appointed to collect such
charitable donations, within the same, as may be offered
for their support.
Fourth, That as a division in the Colonies would be
a sure means to counteract the present intention of the
Americans in their endeavours to preserve their rights and
liberties from the invasion that is threatened, we do most
heartily recommend a steadiness and unanimity in their
measures, as they will have the happy effects of averting
the calamity that the late tyrannical Act of the British
Parhament would otherwise most assuredly involve us in.
Fifthly, That, to obtain a redress of our grievances, it
has been thought most advisable in the Colonies to ap-
point a general Congress, we will take shelter under the
wisdom of those gentlemen who may be chosen to repre-
sent us, and clieerfullj' acquiesce in any measures they
may judge shall be proper on this very alarming and criti-
cal occasion. James Ferris, Chairman.
FUBLICK MEETING, NORFOLK, VIRGINIA.
In consequence of letters from the Committees of Cor-
respondence, for St. Mary's and Charles Counties, in
Maryland, and from the Burgesses of Elizabeth City
County, in this Colony, with information of the arrival of
nine chests of tea, on board the brigantine Mary and Jane,
Captain Chapman, consigned to some gentlemen of this
town, a meeting of the inhabitants was requested, and
accordingly held, at the Court House, on the 22d of
August, 1774, when it was
Unanimously Resolved, That the teas now on board the
brigantine Mary and Jane, and consigned to Neil Jamie-
son and Company, George and John Boivness, and John
Lawrence and Company, being subject to the payment of
duties imposed by an Act of the British Pariiament, ought
to be sent back, and not suffered to be landed ; and there-
fore,
Ordered, That Captain Abyvon, Mr. Bousch, Captain
Loyall, Mr. Richard Taylor, and Captain Selden, be a
Committee to wait upon those gentlemen, to know whether
they will comply with the above Resolution ; and that
they report their several answers.
The Committee accordingly waited on those gentlemen,
and made the following return in writing :
" Gentlemen : We, your Committee, agreeable to your
Resolve, have waited on the within mentioned Neil Jamie-
son and Company, George and John Bowncss, and John
Lawrence and Company, owners of the tea now on board
the brigantine Mary and Jane, and acquainted them with
your Resolution, who severally and respectively answered,
that they were willing that the tea should be sent back.
" Ceitified under our hands this 22d day of August, 1774.
" George Abyvon, Richard Taylor,
" Samuel Bousch, John Selden."
" Paul Loyall,
Which return being read and heard, it was
Unanimously Voted, Tiiat the above Committee wait
upon those gentlemen, owners of the tea, with the thanks
of this meeting for their ready and cheerful acquiescence
in the above Resolution.
William Davies, Clerk.
letter from the committee of correspondence or
BOSTON, TO the committee OF CORRESPONDENCE FOB
NEW-JERSEY.
Boston, August 22, 1774.
Sir: The Committee of Correspondence for this town
have handed to the Committee of Donations a letter from
you of the 28th ult., which breathes such a spirit of union
and hearty concern for the rights of America, as must en-
kindle in every breast the highest opinion of the virtue and
firmness of the inhabitants of New-Jersey. With hearts
deeply impressed with gratitude, we note your kind inten-
tions to contribute for the relief of the inhabitants of this
town, suffering by means of the Boston Port Bill, and
desire to know " in what way you can best answer our pre-
" sent necessities, whether cash remitted or articles of pro-
" vision." For answer, if cash would be equally agreeable
to our friends, it would be very acceptable at this time, but
would leave that matter entirely to your convenience. The
Christian sympathy and generosity of our friends through
the Continent cannot fail to inspire the inhabitants of this
town with patience, resignation, and firmness, while we
trust in the Supreme Ruler of the universe, that he will
graciously hear our cries, and in his time free us from our
present bondage, and make us rejoice in his great salvation.
Please to present our grateful acknowledgments to our
friends of New-Jersey, and be assured we are, with great
esteem, sir, your friends and fellow-countrymen,
Nathaniel Appleton, per order.
to the inhabitants of NEW-JERSEY.
New-Jersey, August 23, 1774.
Friends and CounIrymen : In a late address to you
I have endeavoured to distinguisii between taxes and
duties ; that the former ought to be imposed on our estates
by our own Representatives ; that the latter cannot be pro-
perly laid by any authority but that of Great Britain.
That we are a part of the Great British Empire, and
without losing every idea of a Colony, we cannot claim an
exemption from duties and restrictions on trade.
I now beg leave to add, that this country was settled for
the sole purpose of trade ; and an absolute submission to the
laws of the mother country, in paying customs and duties,
was one of the terms our forefatliers settled under. When
we consider the design in planting Colonies, we should not
be too fond of our o\\ n oj)inions, but hearken to those men
who have made this subject their study, and examined it
fully.
The great author of the Spirit of Laws, often quoted by
our political writers, has given us not only his own senti-
ments, but the policy in Europe, of making these senti-
ments. Speaking of Colonies in his second volume, book
twenty-one, chapter seventeen, he says, " The Colonies
" they (the European Nations) have formed, are under a
" kind of dependence, of which their is scarcely an instance
" in all the Colonies of the ancients ; whether we consider
" them as holding of the state itself, or of some trading
" company established in the state." Again : " The design
" of these Colonies is to trade on more advantageous con-
" ditions tiian could otherwise be done with the neigh-
" boiuing people, with whom all advantages are reciprocal.
" It has been established, that the metropolis* alone shall
" trade in the Colonies, and tiiat from very good reason :
" because the design of the settlement was the extension
" of commerce, not the foundation of a new city, or a
" new Empire ; thus it is a fundamental law of Europe,
" that all commerce with a foreign Colony shall be re-
'• garded as a mere monopoly, punishable by the laws of
" the country."
No man can read these sentiments without perceiving
the good policy upon which tliey are founded ; for us to
judge rightly of them, we should divest ourselves of those
•This is the language of the ancients in the slite which founded
the Colony,
729
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, AUGUST, 1774.
730
opinions we have been taught to entertain, and that ideal
notion of empire, wliich some men among us, who have
no " grace but wiiat is founded in dominion," have been
but too successful in propagating. When we do this llie
force of this author's sentiments vAW appear strongly to us,
and if not fully convinced by them, we shall become so,
when we reflect that one of the conditions of our forefathers
emigrating to this Colony, or rather having leave to do so,
was among others, that " in managing and carrying on trade
" with the people there, and in passing and returning to
" and fro," ihe Colony " should yield and pay to us, our
" heirs and successors, the customs and duties therefore
" due and payable, according to the laws and customs of
" this our Realm."
These are the words of the first grant of this Colony,
made by Charles the Second, and by the laws of trade
passed in this King's reign, which are looked upon as the
palladium of British commerce, as well as other Acts.
Tiie British Legislature have always made the trade of
the Colonies their object, and ever kept in view the first
intention of settling them. Under these laws our fore-
fathers settled and improved their plantations ; under them
they and we ourselves have happily lived and enjoyed all
the liberty that men could or can wish, and may yet do it
if we will refuse to hearken to the sedition, nay, treason,
that is daily buzzed into our ears by men who do not
design our happiness, but only study their own emolu-
ment. They tell us we are cramped in our trade, and that
if we permit this duty another will follow, and another,
until we are ruined and deprived of all liberty.
If we, my countrymen, have not a free trade with every
Nation, remember that our forefathers settled here with this
restraint, and that we are no losers by it, for in return we
have been, and now are, " visibly compensated by the pro-
tection of the mother country," who has, and yet doth,
defend us " by her arms, or supports us by her laws ;" be-
sides, my countrymen, as trade is the object of the mother
country, we should remember that it is not her interest
to destroy it, she will rather encourage it. It is true that
duties will be laid for revenue or proiiibition, but these will
never be calculated to destroy trade ; but to encourage
beneficial, and destroy destructive commerce, by which the
smuggler will be restrained, and the fair trader enjoy the
fruits of his industry and honesty. But what right have
we to enter into a quarrel about it? Let us remember our
duty to the parent state, the terms on which our forefathers
settled, lived, and prospered ; under which we ourselves
have grown rich and lived happily. Let us request the
parent state to leave the taxation of our estates to our own
Representatives, and, without a doubt, we may rely that
Great Britain will never abridge us of our liberties, while
we act within the sphere of our duty, and pursue not mea-
sures destructive of their commerce, and bid defiance to her
laws.
I have hope (I wish I could say more) that the intended
Congress will be productive of good to the Colonies. Should
they calmly and without prejudice enter into a considera-
tion of the dispute with the mother country, they have it
in their power to preserve our liberties, and restore harmony
between the Colonies and the mother state. But sliould
they listen to, and be governed by, the folly of the times,
and think that these Colonies were not planted nor pro-
tected for the extension of commerce, but for a new
Empire, then will our once happy country become a
scene of blood and distraction ; we can have no recourse
but to arms, and alas how shall we face the force of our
mother country in the day of trial, when roused by our
repeated insults, and enraged by our avowed declarations
against her authority, " her fleets and armies siege our
" cities, stop our trade, and we, by conquest, are reduced
" to a state our mother country will even be grieved to
upon measures for opposing the execution of divers late
Acts of Parliament. And whereas, by a late Act of Par-
liament, all town meetings called witliout the consent of the
Governour, (except the annual meetings in the months of
March and May) are illegal.
I do strictly prohibit all persons from attending the afore-
said, or any other Meeting not warranted by law, as they
will be chargeable with all the ill consequences tliat may
follow thereon, and answer them at their utmost peril.
Given at Salem, the 23d of August, 1774.
Thomas Gage.
By his Excellency's command,
Thomas Flucker, Secretary,
God save the King.
PROVINCE OV MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
By the Governour. — A Proclamation.
Whereas certain Handbills have been posted in sundry
places in the town of Salem, calling upon the Merchants,
Freeholders, and other Inhabitants of said town, to meet at
tlie Town House Chamber, on Wednesday next, at nine
o'clock in the morning, to consider of and determine
SALEM TOWN MEETING.
On Saturday, the 20th of August, 1774, printed notifi-
cations were posted up in this town, desiring the Merchants,
Freeholders, and other Inhabitants, to meet at the Town
House Chamber, on Wednesday the 24th, at nine o'clock in
the morning, to appoint Deputies to meet at Ipswich, on
the 6th of September next, with the Deputies of the other
towns in the county, to consider of, and determine on such
measures as the late Acts of Parliament, and our other
grievances render necessary and expedient. These notifi-
cations purported, that it was the desire of the Committee
of Correspondence that the inhabitants should thus assem-
ble.
On Wednesday morning, at eight o'clock, the Governour
sent a request to the Committee, that they would meet him
at nine o'clock, telling them he had something of import-
ance to communicate to them. They waited upon him
accordingly, and were asked by him if they avowed those
notifications ? Being answered that it was known they were
posted by order of the Committee, he then desired them
to disperse the inhabitants, who, being assembled by them,
they must abide all the consequences. It was answered,
that the inhabitants being met together would do what they
thought fit, and that the Committee could not oblige them
to disperse. His Excellency declared it was an unlawful,
seditious meeting ; it was replied, neither the Committee
nor the inhabitants supposed the meeting was contrary even
to the Act of Parliament, much less to the laws of the
Province. The Governour returned, " I am not going to
" enter into a conversation on the matter ; I came to exe-
" cute the laws, not to dispute them, and I am determined
'• to execute them. If the people do not disperse, the
" Sheriff will go first : if he is disobeyed, and needs sup-
" port, I will support him." This he uttered with much
vehemence of voice and gesture. The Governour ordered
troops to be in readiness. They prepared accordingly as
if for battle, left their encampment, and marched to the
eutrance of the town, there halted and loaded, and then
about eighty advanced within an eighth of a mile from the
Town House. But before this movement of the troops was
known to the inhabitants, and while the Committee were
in conference with the Governour, the whole business of
the meeting was transacted, (being merely to choose Dele-
gates) and the Honourable Bohert Darby, Esq., Mr. John
Pickering, Jun., Mr. Jonathan Bopes, Captain Timothy
Pickering, Captain Jonathan Gardner, Jun., and Captain
Richard Manning, were chosen Deputies from the several
towns in the County of Essex, to attend the meeting to
be held at Ipswich, on the 6th of September. After the
meeting was over, news came that the troops were on the
march ; but they were now ordered to return to their
camp.
Peter Frye, Esq., (by express orders from the Gover-
nour, as he declared to the Conmiittee) issued a warrant
for arresting the Committee of Correspondence, for the
unlawfully and seditiously causing the people to assemble
by that notification, without leave from the Governour, in
open contempt of the laws, against the peace, and the
statute in that case made and provided. Two of the
Committee who were first arrested recognised, each in
one hundred pounds, without sureties, to appear at the
next Superiour Court at Salem, to answer to the above
mentioned charge. The rest of the Committee who were
arrested some time after have refused to recognise.
781
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, AUGUST, 1774.
732
KXTRACT OF A LETTER FRaM GOVERNOUK WRIGHT TO THE
EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED SAVANNAH, IN GEORGIA,
AUGUST 24, 1774.
In mine of July 25th, No. 23, and August 13th, No.
24, 1 acquainted your Lordship tiiat I should give you a
full account of the conduct and proceedings of the Liberty
people here, as soon as I knew for certain what they did
or meant to do ; and I mentioned that some papers were
preparing by which I believed it would appear that tliese
resolutions were not the voice of the people, but unfairly
and insolently made by a junto of a«*very few only, but
which papers are not yet completed. Every thing, my
Lord, was done that could be thought of to frustrate their
attempt, but this did not totally prevent it.
I have been informed of another summons and meeting
to be in St. John's Parish, on the 30lh instant ; and, my
Lord, as long as these kind of summonses and meetings are
suffered, a private man take upon him to summons a whole
Province, to consult upon and redress publick grievances, I
apprehend there will be nothing but cabals and combina-
tions, and the peace of the Province, and minds of the
people, continually heated, disturbed, and distracted. And
the Proclamation I issued against them is termed arbitrary
and oppressive, and an attempt to debar them of their
natural and lawful rights and privileges. In short, my
Lord, if these calls and meetings are considered as illegal
and improper, it will require the interposition of higher
authority to remedy the evil, for the Executive powers of
Government in the Colonies are too weak to rectify such
abuses, and prosecutions would only be laughed at, and no
grand jury would find a bill of indictment, and the persons
ordering and carrying them on probably insulted and
abusecl.
New-Iiondon, September 2, 1774.
Col. Wlllard, one of Governour CTage's new Council,*
came to Union on Tuesday, August 24, 1774, to do some
business ; when two gentlemen, belonging to Windham,
who had been his attorneys in the case met him, and pub-
licklv renounced him and his cause, and refused to assist
him any more, as they looked upon him as a traitor to his
country. The people rose, took and confined him one
night, then carried him to Brimfield, where the Province
people, about four hundred in number, met them. They
called a Council of themselves, and condemned Colonel
Willard to Netvgaie Prison, in Symsbury ; and a number
set off and carried him six miles on the way thither. Col-
onel Myiard then submitted to take the oath hereto an-
nexed, on which they dismissed him. One Captain Davis
of Brimfield was present, who showing resentment, and
treating the people with bad language, was stripped, and
honoured with the new fashion dress of tar and feathers ;
* The following is a list of the gentlemen appointed by his Majesty,
ConnscUors of this Province, agreeable to a late Act of Parliament :
Thomas Oliver, Esquire, Lieutenant Governour ; Thomas Flucker,
Esquire ; Peter Oliver, Esquire ; Foster Hutchinson, Esquire ; Thomas
Hutchinson, Esquire ; Harrison Gray, Esquire ; Samuel Danforth,
Esquire ; John Erving, Sen., Esquire ; James Russel, Esquire ; Timothy
Ruggles, Esquire ; Joseph Lee, Esquire ; Isaac Winslow, Esquire ;
Israel Williams, Esquire ; George Watson, Esquire ; Nathaniel Ray
Thomas, Esquire ; Timothy Woodhridge, Esquire ; William Vassal,
Esquire ; Williarn Brown, Esquire ; Joseph Green, Esquire ; James
Boutineau, Esquire ; Andrew Oliver, Esquire ; Josiah Edson, Esquire ;
Richard Lechmere, Esquire ; Joshua Loring, Esquire ; John Worthing-
ton. Esquire ; Timothy Paine, Esquire ; William Pepperell, Esquire ;
Jeremiah Powell, Esquire ; Jonathan Simpson, Esquire ; John Murray,
Esquire ; Daniel Leonard, Esquire ; Thomas Palmer, Esquire ; Isaac
Royall, Esquire ; Robert Hooper, Esquire ; Abijah Willard, Esquire ;
John Erving, Jun., Esquire.
Province of Massachusetts Bay, Sai.f.m, August 8, 1774. — His Ma-
jesty having been pleased to appoint the Honourable Thomas Oliver,
Esquire, to be Lieutenant (Jovernour of this Province, his Honour's
commission was accordingly this day published in tlie Council Cham-
ber, and the several oaths administered to him by his Excallency tlie
Governour ; after which the following gentlemen took the oaths ne-
cessary to qualify themselves for a seat in Council, being appointed by
mandaums from his Majesty : Honourable Thomas Oliver, Esquire ;
Lieutenant Governour ; Thomas Flucker, Esquire ; Foster Hutchinson,
Esquire ; Harrison Gray, Esquire ; Joseph Lee, Esquire ; Isaac Wins-
low, Esquire; William Brown, Esquire; James Boutineau, Esquire;
Joshua Loring, Esquire ; William Pepperell, Esquire ; John Erring,
Jun., Esquire.
Boston, August 22. — Tuesday last, August 15, the following gentle-
men took the oaths requisite to qualify them for their seats at the
Council Board, viz : Samuel Danforth, Peter Oliver, Richard I^ch-
viere, Jonathan Simpson, Josiah Edson, Nathaniel Ray Thomas,
Timothy Ruggles, Timothy Paine, Abijah Willard, Tho. Hutchinson,
Jun., John Murray, Daniel Leonard, and George Watson, Esquires.
a proof this, that the Act for tarring and feathering is not
repealed !
Confession of Colonel Willard, of Lancaster:
Whereas I, Abijah Willard, of Lancaster, have been
appointed, by mandamus, a Counsellor for this Province,
and having without due consideration taken the oath, do
now freely and solemnly declare that I am heartily sorry
that I have taken tlie said oath, and do hereby solemnly
and in good faith promise and engage that I will not sit or
act in tlie said Council, nor in any other that .shall be ap-
pointed in such manner and form, but that I will as much
as in me lies, maintain the Charter rights and liberties of
this Province ; and do hereby ask the forgiveness of all
honest, worthy gentlemen that 1 have offended, by taking
the above said oath ; and desire this may be inserted in the
publick prints. Witness my hand,
Abijah Willard.
August 25th, 1774.
EXTRACT or A LETTER FROM TAUNTON, MASSACHU-
SETTS, AUGUST 24, 1774.
Last Monday afternoon about five hundred of the in-
habitants of this and the adjacent towns assembled on the
parade, near the Court House, in order to express the
disquietude of their minds on hearing the alarming news,
that Daniel Leonard, Esquire, who was lately in an un-
constitutional manner appointed one of the Council of this
Province, has accepted and was sworn into that office ; but
the sudden di.sappearance of that gentleman prevented the
friendly cautions intended by his kind and honest, though
incensed neighbours ; th^re was not the least disorder or
appearance of violence in any of the Assembly ; but after
a modest declaration of their sentiments relating to some
late Ministerial manoeuvres, and having received some
pacificatory promises from certain friends of the said Coun-
sellor, they all withdrew.
The following evening, certain sons of Belial were so
daring as to fire several balls into one of Mr. Leonard's
chamber v.indows, where it was supposed Captain Wil-
liams, the Deputy Sheriff lodged ; whether this was done
on account of some old grudge against him, or on account
of his appearing to side with the tory party, or whether,
(which is most probable) some of that party were the per-
petrators of a black crime, in order to bring down the
vengeance of Government upon the whigs, is not yet
known. However, it is natural to observe here, that the
authors and fautors of the late violent Governmental inea-
sures, may, from such popular measures, calculate (if they
have any knowledge of omens) their own hidden fate, and
that of all their cabal ; while the hands of the populace are
daily strengthening, having their souls duly touched with a
sense of the wrongs already offered them, as well as of
those threatened.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM TAUNTON, MASSACHUSETTS,
DATED AUGUST 25, 1774.
We hear that Brigadier Ruggles, one of the new made
Counsellors, being at Colonel Toby's, at Dartmouth, the
people assembled there one day this week, and ordered
him to depart forthwith, upon which the Colonel promised
them he would go the next morning by sun an hour high ;
but before that time the Brigadier's liorse had his mane
and tail cut off, and his body painted all over ; since which
he took refuge at Colonel Gilbert's, at Freetown.
This morning about two hundred men met at the Ware
Bridge in this town, and after chosing a Moderator, ap-
pointed a Committee to warn the towns of Dighton,
Swansey, Rynham, Norton, Mansfield, Attleborough, and
Easton, to meet to-morrow at eight o'clock, when it is
thought two or three thousand men will be assembled,
from whence they will proceed to Freeioum to wait on
Colonel Gilbert, and desire of him not to accept of the
oflice of the Hi.;h Sheriff, under the present administration
of the new law.?, and that if he should, he must abide by
the consequences; also to desire Brigadier Buggies to
depart this county immediately. Such is the spirit of this
countv. They seem to be quite awake, and to have
awoke'in a passion. It is more dangerous being a tory
here than at Boston, even if no troops were there.
733
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
734
NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
The Journal of the Proceedings of the first Provincial
Convention o/Nguth Carolina, held at Newbern, on
the twenty-fourth day of August, A. D. 1774.
North Carolina, ss.
At a General Meetinj; of Deputies of the Inhabitants of
this Province, at Newbern, the twenty-fifth day of Augiist,
in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
seventy-four: Appeared, for
Anson County. — Mr. Samuel Spencer, Wm. Thomas.
Beaufort. — Roger Ormond, Thomas Respess, Jun.
Blauen. — William Salter, JValter Gibson.
Bute. — William Person, Green Hill.
Brunswick. — Robert Howe.
Bertie. — John Campbell.
Craven. — James Coor, Lemuel Hatch, Joseph Leech,
Richard Cogdell.
Carteret. — William Thompson.
Currituck. — Solo. Perkins, Nathan Poyner, Samuel
Jarvis.
Chowan. — Samuel Johnston, Thomas Oldham, TIio-
mas Benbiiry, Thomas Jones, Thomas Hunter.
Cumberland. — Farquard Campbell, Thomas Ruther-
ford.
Chatham. — (None.)
DoBBs. — Richard Casivell, William McKinnie, George
Miller, Simon Bright.
Duplin. — Thomas Gray, Thomas Hicks, James Kenan,
William Dickson.
Edgecombe. — (None.)
Granville. — 'Thomas Person, Memucan Hunt.
Guilford. — (None.)
Hyde. — Rothias Latham, Samuel Smith.
Hertford. — (None.)
Halifax. — Nicholas Long, Willie Jones.
Johnston. — Needham Bryan, Benjamin Williams.
Mecklenburgh. — Benjamin Patton.
Martin. — Edmund Smythwick.
New-Hanover. — John Ashe, William Hooper.
Northampton. — Allen Jones.
Orange. — Thomas Hart.
Onslow. — William Cray.
Perq,uimans. — John Harvey, Benjamin Harvey, An-
drew Knox, Thomas Harvey, John Whedbee Jun.
Pas(i.uotank. — Joseph Jones, Edward Everigin, Jo-
seph Reading.
Pitt. — John Simpson, Edward Salter.
Rowan. — Wm. Kennon, Moses Winslow, Sam. Young.
Surry. — (None.)
Tryon. — David Jenkins, Robert Alexander.
Tyrrel. — Joseph Spruill, Jeremiah Eraser.
Wake. — (None.)
Newbern. — Abner Nash, Isaac Edwards.
Edenton. — Joseph Hewes.
Wilmington. — Francis Clayton.
For the Town of Bath. — William Brown.
Halifax. — John Geddy.
Hillsborough. — (None.)
Salisbury. — (None.)
Brunswick. — (None.)
Campbelton. — (None.)
The Deputies then proceeded to mal^e choice of a Mod-
erator, wlien Colonel John Harvey was unanimously
chosen, and Mr. Andrew Knox appointed Clerk.
The Meeting then adjourned till eight o'clock to morrow
morning.
Friday, August 2G, 1774.
The Meeting met according to adjournment :
Mr. Hewes, one of the members of the Committee of
Correspondence, presented several Letters from the Com-
mittees of Correspondence of the other Colonies in Ame-
rica, and the several Answers thereto ; which, on motion,
were ordered to be read.
And after the most mature deliberation had thereon :
Resolved, That three Delegates be appointed to attend
the general Congress, to be held at Philadelphia sometime
in Stptember next.
Tiie Meeting adjourned till eight o'clock to morrow
mornin';.
Saturday, August 27, 1774.
The Meeting met according to adjournment ; and came
to the following Resolutions, to wit :
We, iiis Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the
Deputies from the several Counties and Towns of the Prov-
ince of North Carolina, impressed with the most sacred
respect for the British Constitution, and resolved to main-
tain the succession of the House of Hanover, as by law
established, and avowing our inviolable and unshaken fideli-
ty to our Sovereign, and entertaining a sincere regard for
our fellow-subjects in Great Britain, viewing with the
utmost abhorrence every attempt which may tend to disturb
the peace and good order of this Colony, or to shake the
fidelity of his Majesty's subjects resident here ; but, at the
same time conceiving it a duty which we owe to ourselves
and posterity, in the present alarming state of British
America, when our most essential rights are invaded by
powers unwarrantably assumed by the Parliament of Great
Britain, to declare our sentiments in the most publick man-
ner, least silence should be construed as acquiescence, and
that we patiently submit to the burthen which they have
thought fit to impose upon us :
Resolved, That his Majesty George the Third is lawful
and rightful King of Great Britain, and the Dominions
thereunto belonging, and of this Province, as part thereof,
and that we do bear faithful and true allegiance unto him
as our lawful Sovereign ; that we will to the utmost of our
power maintain and defend the succession of the House of
Hanover, as by law established, against the open or private
attempts of any person or persons whatsoever.
Resolved, That we claim no more than the rights of
Englishmen without diminution or abridgment ; that it is
our indispensable duty and will be our constant endeavour,
to maintain those rights to the utmost of our power consist-
ently with the loyalty which we owe Sovereign, and a
sacred regard for the British Constitution.
Resolved, It is of the very essence of the British Con-
stitution, that no subject should be taxed, but by his own
consent, freely given by himself in person, or by his legal
Re)iresentatives, and that any other than such a taxation is
highly derogatory to the rights of a subject, and a gross
violation of the Grand Charter of our liberties.
Resolved, That as the British subjects resident in
North America, have not, nor can have, any representation
in the Parliament of Great Britain, therefore any Act of
Parliament imposing a tax upon them, is illegal and uncon-
stitutional; that our Provincial Assemblies, the King by
his Governours constituting one branch thereof, solely and
exclusively possess that right.
Resolved, That the duties imposed by several Acts of
the British Parliament upon tea and other articles, con-
sumed in America, for the purpose of raising a revenue,
are highly illegal and oppressive, and that the late exporta-
tion of tea by the East India Company, to different parts
of America, was intended to give effect to one of the said
Acts, and thereby establish a precedent highly dishonour-
able to America, and to obtain an implied assent to the
powers which Great Britain had unwarrantably assumed,
of levying a tax upon us without our consent.
Resolved, That the inhabitants of the Massachusetts
Province have distinguished themselves in a manly sup-
port of the rights of America in general, and that the
cause in which they now suffer is the cause of every hon-
est American who deserves the blessings which the Con-
stitution holds forth to them. That the grievances under
which the town of Boston labours at present are the-
effect of a resentment levelled at them for having stood
foremost in an opposition to measures which must even-
tually have involved all British America in a state of
abject dependence and servitude.
The Act of Parliament, commonly called the Boston
Port Act, as it tends to shut up the port of Boston, and
thereby effectually destroy its trade, and deprive the mer-
chants and manufacturers of a subsistence which they have
hitherto procured by an honest industry ; as it takes away
the wharves, quays, and other property of many indivi-
duals by rendering it useless to them -, and as the duration
of this Act depends upon circumstances founded merely in
opinion, and in their nature indeterminate, and thereby may
make the miseries it carries with it even perpetual.
Resolved, Therefore, that it is the most cruel infringe-
735
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Stc, AUGUST, 1774.
736
ment of tlie rights and privileges of the people of Boston,
both as men and members of the British Government.
Resolved, Tliat the late Act of Parliament, for regula-
ting the Police of that Province, is an infringement of the
Charter rigiit granted them by their Majesties King IVil-
liam and Queen Mary, and tends to lessen that sacred
confidence which ought to be placed in the acts of Kings.
Resolved, That trial by Juries of the vicinity is the only
lawful inquest that can pass upon the life of a British
subject, and that it is a right handed down to us from the
earliest ages; confirmed and sanctified by Magna Charta
itself, that no freeman shall be taken and imprisoned, or
dispossessed of his free tenement and liberties, or outlawed,
or banished, on any wise hurt or injured, unless by the legal
judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land, and there-
fore all who suffer otherwise are not victims to ])ublick
justice, but fall a sacrifice to the powers of tyranny and
high-handed oppression.
Resolved, That tiie Bill for altering the administration
of justice, in certain criminal cases within the Province of
Massachusetts Bay, as it empowers the Governours thereof
to send to Great Britain for trial all persons who, in
aid of his Majesty's olficers, shall commit any cajiital
offence, is fraught with the highest injustice and partiality,
and will tend to produce frequent bloodshed of the inhab-
itants, as this Act furnishes an opportunity to commit the
most atrocious crimes with the greatest probability of im-
punity.
Resolved, That we will not directly or indirectly after
the first day of January 1775, import from Great Britain
any East India goods, or any merchandise whatever, me-
dicines excepted, nor will we after that day import from
the West Indies, or elsewhere, any East India or British
goods or manufactures, nor will we purchase any such arti-
cles so imported of any person or persons whatsoever,
except such as are now in the country, or may arrive on or
before the first day of January, 1775.
Resolved, That unless American grievances are redress-
ed before the first day of October, 1775, we will not after
that day, directly or indirectly export tobacco, pitch, tar,
turpentine, or any other article whatever to Great Bri-
tain, nor will we sell any such articles as we think can be
exported to Great Britain with a prospect of gain, to any
person or persons whatever, with a design of putting it in
his or their power to export the same to Great Britain,
either on our own, his or their account.
Resolved, That we will not import any slave or slaves,
or purchase any slave or slaves, imported or brought into
this Province by others, from any part of the world, after the
first day of November next.
Resolved, That we will not use, nor suffer East India
tea to bo used in our families, after the tenth day of Sip-
tember next, and that we will consider all persons in this
Province, not complying with this resolve, to be enemies to
their country.
Resolved, That the venders of merchandise within this
Province ought not take advantage of the resolves relating
to non-importation in this Province, or elsewhere, but ought
to sell their goods and merchandise, which they have, or
may hereafter import, at the same rates they have been
accustomed to sell them within three months last )iast.
Resolved, That the people of this Province, will break
off all trade, commerce and dealing, and will not maintain
any the least trade, dealing or commercial intercourse
with any Colony on this Continent, or with any city or
town, or with any individual in such Colony, city, or town,
which shall refuse, decline, or neglect to adopt and carry
into execution such general plan as shall be agreed to in
tlie Continental Congress.
Resolved, That we approve of the proposal of a gener-
al Congress, to be held in the City of Philadelphia, on
the 20th of September next, then and there to deliberate
upon the present state of British America, and to take
such measures as they may deem prudent to effect the
purpose of describing with certainty the rights of Ameri-
cans; repairing the breaches made in those rights; and for
guarding them for the future from any such violations done
under the sanction of publick authority.
Resolved, That lyUliam Hooper, Joseph Hevics, and
Richard Caswell, Esquires, and every of them be Depu-
ties to attend such Congress ; and they are hereby invested
with such powers as may make any act done b)' them, or
consent given in behalf of this Province, obligatory in
honour upon every inhabitant thereof, who is not alien to
his country's good, and an apostate to the liberties of Ame-
rica.
Resolved, That they view the attempts made by the
Minister upon the town of Boston, as a prelude to a gen-
eral attack upon the rights of the other Colonies ; and that
upon the success of this depends in a great measure, the
happiness of America, in its present race, and in posterity ;
and that therefore it becomes our duty to contribute in pro-
portion to our abilities to ease the burthen imposed upon
that town for their virtuous opposition to the Revenue Acts,
that they may be enabled to persist in a prudent and manly
opposition to the schemes of Parliament, and render its
dangerous designs abortive.
Resolved, That liberty is the spirit of the British Con-
stitution, and that it is the duty, and will be the endeavour
of us as British Americans, to transmit this happy Con-
stitution to our posterity in a state, if possible, better than
we found it ; and that to suffer it to undergo a change
which may impair that invaluable blessing, would be to dis-
grace those ancestors, who, at the expense of their blood,
purchased those privileges which their degenerate posterity
are too weak or too wicked to maintain inviolate.
Resolved, That at every future Provincial Meeting,
when any division shall happen, the method to be observ-
ed, shall be to vote by the counties and towns (having a
right to send Members to Assembly) that shall be repre-
sented at every such meeting ; and it is recommended to
the Deputies of the several counties that a Committee of
five persons be chosen in each county, by such persons as
accede to this Association, to take effectual care that these
resolves be pro])erly observed, and to correspond occa-
sionally with the Provincial Committee of Correspondence
of this Province.
Resolved, That each and every county in this Province
raise, as speedily as possible, the sum of twenty pounds,
Proclamation money, and pay the same into the hands of
Richard Casivelt, Esquire, to be by him equally divided
among the Deputies appointed to attend the general Con-
gress at Bhiladelphia, as a recompense for their trouble
and expense in attending the said Congress.
Resolved, That the Moderator of this meeting, and
in case of his death, Samuel Johnson. Esquire, be empow-
ered, on any future occasion that may in his opinion re-
quire it, to convene the several Deputies of this Province,
which now are or hereafter shall be chosen, at such time
and place as he shall think proper ; and in case of the
death or absence of any Deputy, it is recommended that
another be chosen in his stead.
Resolved, That the following be Instructions for the
Deputies appointed to meet in general Congress on the
part of this Colony, to wit :
That they express our sincere attachment to our niost
gracious Sovereign King George the Third, and our de-
termined resolution to support his lawful authority in the
Province ; at the same time, that we cannot depart from a
steady adherence to the first law of nature : a firm and reso-
lute defence of our persons and properties against all un-
con=.titutional encroachments whatsoever.
That they assert our right to all the privileges of Bn/w/*
subjects, particularly that of paying no taxes or diities but
with our own consent ; and that tlie Legislature of this Prov-
ince have tlie exclusive power of making laws to regulate
our internal polity, subject to his ]\Iajesty's disallowance.
That should the British Parliament continue to exer-
cise the power of levying taxes and duties on the Colonies,
and making laws to bind them in all eases whatsoever ;
such laws must be highly unconstitutional and oppressive
to the inhabitants of British America, wl;o have not, and
from their local circumstances cannot have, a fair and equal
re|)resentation in the British Parliament, and that these
disadvantages must be greatly enhanced by the misrepre-
sentation of designing men, inimical to the Colonies, the
influence of whose reports cannot be guarded against, by
reason of the distance of America from them, or as has
been unhappily experienced in the case of the town of
Boston, when the ears of Administration have been shut
against every attempt to vindicate a people who claimed
only the right of being heard in their own defence.
737
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, AUGUST, 1774.
738
That therefore until we obtain an expHcit declaration
and acknowlednnient of our rights, we agree to stop all
imports from Great Britain after the first day of January,
1775 ; and that we will not export any of our commodi-
ties to Great Britain after the first day of October, 1775.
That they concur with tJie Deputies or Delegates from
the other Colonies, in such Regulations, Addresses, or Re-
monstrances, as may he deemed most probahle to restore
a lasting harmony and good understanding with Great
Britain, a circumstance we most sincerely and ardently
desire ; and tiiat tliey agree with the majority of them in
all necessary measures for promoting a redress of such
grievances as may come under their consideration.
Resolved, That the thanks of tiiis meeting be given to
tlie Honourable John Harvey, Esquire, Moderator, for his
faithful exercise of that office, and the services he has
thereby rendered to this Province, and the friends of
America in general. John Harvey, Moderator.
Richard CogdoU, Samuel Spencsr, Lemuel Hatch,
William Thomson, William ThoniaB, Thomas Rutherford,
Sol. Perkins, Roger Ormond, Rd. Caswell,
Nathan Poyiier, Thomas Respsss, Jr., Wm. McKinnie,
Samuel Jarvis, William Salter, George Miller,
Samuel Johnston, Walter Gibson, Simon Bright,
Thomas Beubury, William Person, Tho. Gray,
Tho. Jones, Green Hill, Thomas Hicka,
Thomas Oldham, R. Howe, James Kenan,
Thomas Hunter, Jno. Campbell, William Dickson,
Farqd. Campbell, James Coor, Thomas Person,
Memucan Hunt, Samuel Smith, Rothias Latham,
Nicholas Long, Willie Jones, Needham Bryan,
Benjamin Williams, Benjamin Patton, John Ashe,
Will. Hooper, Allen Jones, Thomas Hart,
William Cray, Ben. Harvey, Andrew Knoz,
Thomas Harvey, J. Whedbeo, Joseph Jones,
Edwaj-d Evcrigin, Joseph Reading, John Simpson,
Edward Salter, Will. Kennon, IMoses Winslow,
Samuel Young, David Jenkins, Robert Alexander,
Joseph Spruill, Abner Nash, J. Edwards,
Joseph Hewes, Francis Clayton, William Brown,
John Geddy, Edward Smythwick, Jeremiah Eraser.
Williamsburg, August 25, 1774.
Last night an express arrived from Pittsylvania County,
who brings the melancholy intelligence that several
families have lately been cut off at Sinking Creek, on the
line between this Colony and North Carolina, by parties of
Choctaw, Shawancse, and Delaxvare Indians; and that it
was reported there were ten Nations who had leagued to
go to war against the settlements, some of them very pow-
erful. We hear the express was sent by Colonel Gordon,
of Pittsylvania, requesting a supply of arms and ammuni-
tion (of which it seems the back inhabitants are in great
want) the young men there having declared their readiness
to go out in their country's defence, and for the protection
of their properties and friends from the cruelty and dep-
redations of the savages.
Lord Dunmore, we hear, with about fifteen hundred
men under his command, was to march in a few days for
the mouth of JSleiv River, where he is to be joined by
Colonel Lewis and Colonel Preston with a body of twelve
or fifteen hundred more ; their destination is said to be
asainst some of the Indian towns.
Williamsburg, August 25, 1774.
Wednesday evening last an express arrived in this city,
who reports tliat many families have very lately been bar-
barously murdered on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and
Virginia, and that his Excellency Lord Dunmore is en-
deavouring all in his power to repel those hostile and in-
human savages. Colonel Preston and Colonel Lewis it
.seems have raised a thousand men each ; and it is reported
also, tiiat a like number have enlisted under his Lordship's
banner, he, as well as them, being greatly exasperated at
the late cruel and intolerable treatment of the Indians
towards the white people residing at or near the back parts
of this Colonv.
LETTER FROM LORD DARTMOUTH TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Whitehall, August 26, 1774.
It having been represented to tiie King that the Gov-
ernment of Pennsylvania has taken a resolution to extend
its jurisdiction up to the line settled by Commissioners,
between that Province and Maryland, although the Guar-
FouHTU Series. 47
dians of tiie Heir of Lord Baltimore have declared their
incapacity in point of law to concur in a ratification of that
line, and consequently their inability to take the like step
on their part; and it being apprehended diat such a
partial extension of jurisdiction may have the effect to dis-
turb the peace of the King's subjects settled on tiie frontiers
of both Provinces, and may occasion violence and blood-
shed, I am commanded by the King to signify to you his
Majesty's pleasure, that you do desist from issuing any
orders for extending the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania
beyond those places where it has been hitherto usually ex-
ercised, until the present difiiculty on the ])art of Maryland
shall be removed, or until his Majesty's further pleasure be
known. I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
Dartmouth.
Deputy Governour Penn.
COVEKNOUR PENN TO ROBERT EDEN.
Philadelphia, May 16, 1774.
Sir ; On tlie receipt of your Excellency's letter of
the 31st of January last, I resolved, in comj)liance with
your request, to delay the issuing a Proclamation for the
exercise of the jurisdiction of this Province up to the lines
run and marked by the Commissioners under the Propri-
etary agreements as the boundaries between Maryland and
Pennsylvania, and the three Lower Counties, till it was
known whether the guardians of Mr. Harford would sign
the Commissioners' Return, and instruct you to join in such
Proclamation. I am now to inform you sir, that tiiat point
is reduced to a certainty, Mr. WiJmot, our solicitor, having
lately advised me that the guardians have expressly refused
an application made to them for that purpose, conceiving
it to be a matter in which, from the nature of their trust,
they cannot legally intermeddle. Although I have always
been advised that the running and marking the divisional
lines under the Proprietary Agreements, enforced by the
decrees in chancery, and ratified by his Majesty in Council,
on the joint petition of both Proprietors, is of itself final
and conclusive on alt parties, and that nothing is essen-
tially wanting to substantiate these proceedings, yet I should
have been glad your Excellency could have tliought your-
self justified in joining with me in a Proclamation to extend
tlie jurisdiction of both Provinces, according to the lines thus
settled; as it would leave without excuse those who might
be disposed to give opposition to the measure on either
side. But as it is now evident that Mr Harford's guar-
dians will give you no instructions on this head, I cannot,
consistent with the justice due to the people settled on our
side of those lines, who have been, and yet are, in a great
measure, in a lawless state, any longer defer affording to
them that protection they have so repeatedly applied for,
and which they have a right to claim from this Government.
1 have, therefore, come to a resolution, by the advice of
my Council, to issue the Proclamation ex-parte, and hope
your Excellency, before you embark for England, will
take such measures on the occasion as you may judge most
proper to prevent the peace of the two Provinces from
being again disturbed, and those valuable purposes from
being defeated that induced the respective Proprietaries
to enter into the agreement for settling their boundaries,
and which, in their execution, have been attended with an
immense expense to them. I sincerely wish you a happy
voyage, and am, with great respect, your Excellency's
obedient humble servant, John Penn.
His Excellency Robert Eden, Esquire.
ROBERT EDEN TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Annapolis, May 31, 1774.
Sir : The guardians of the Proprietor of Maryland,
appointed by the Lord Chancellor of England, declined,
I presume, signing the Return of the Commissioners in
their capacity of guardians because they migiit think it
improper to do the act without the especial direction of the
Lord Chancellor, upon an application bringing the matter
before iiis Lordship in a regular course of proceeding, their
Ward being under his particular protection ; but whatever
may have been the reason, whether that which I have sug-
gested, or any other, why the guardians have declined the
measure, I conceive (and the Council of this Province,
739
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, AUGUST, 1774.
740
whom I have consulted, are of tlie same opinion) that it
would be most improper for mt', in my station, to undertake,
in any degree, the exercise of a power which the guardians
have refused, upon the declared principle, that it is a
matter in which, from the nature of their trust, they cannot
intermeddle.
What may be the effect in respect of the peace of the
two Provinces of an cx-parte Proclamation issued by your
Government, I do not undertake lo say, nor do I doubt but
that the tendency of such a measure will be most maturely
considered before the execution of it, though for my own
part 1 am not without apprehension that some disagreeable
disturbances may be the consequence of such an cx-parte
Proclamation, and I cannot but express my wish that it
may be deferred.
1 expect to take my departure from Maryland in a few
days, and will embrace a very early opportunity, after my
arrival in England, to communicate your letters to the
guardians ; but till instructions shall be sent hither to direct
the conduct of the Provincial Government, 1 believe I
may venture to assure you, no steps will be taken here to
indicate a concurrence with, or an admission of, the pro-
priety of the measure you propose.
I am, sir, Sec, Robert Eden.
The Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Goveniour of Pc/m-
»i/lvania.
QOVERNOUR PENN TO RICHARD LEE.
Philadelphia, September 26, 1774.
Sir: In consequence of letters lately received from
England I have made publick notification of the Provin-
cial boundary lines run by Messrs. Dixon and Mason,
between this Province and the Lower Counties on Del-
aware and Maryland. The jurisdiction of tliis Province
will be exercised accordingly up to those lines; and,
although your Government has not thought itself at
liberty to concur in that most just, reasonable, and neces-
sary measure, for want of proper instructions, I am per-
suaded it will not give an opposition which can serve no
purpose but to disturb the publick peace.
I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant, John Penn.
The Honourable Richard Lee, Esquire.
GENERAL BRATTLE TO GENERAL GAGE.
Cambridge, August 2G, 1774.
Mr. Brattle presents his duty to his Excellency Gov-
emour Gage, he apprehends it is his duty to acquaint his
Excellency, from time to time, of every ti)ing he hears
and knows to be true, and is of importance in these trouble-
some times, which is the apology Mr. Brattle makes for
troubling the General with this letter.
Captain Minot, of Concord, a very worthy man, this
minute informed Mr. Brattle that there had been repeatedly
made pressing applications to him to warn his conipany to
meet at one minute's warning, equipped with arms and am-
munition, according to law ; he had constantly denied them,
adding, if he did not gratify them he should be constrained
to quit his farms and town. Mr. Brattle told him he had
better do that than lose his life and be hanged for a rebel.
He observed that many Captains had done it, though not
in the regiment to which he belongs, which was and is
under Colonel Elisha Jones, but in a neighbouring regi-
ment.
Mr. Brattle begs leave humbly to quere, whether it
would not be best that there should not be one commis-
sioned officer of the militia in the Province.
This morning tlie Selectmen of Medford came and
received their town stock of powder, which was in the
Arsenal on Quarry Hill, so that there is now tlierein the
King's powder only, which shall remain there as a sacred
depositum till ordered out by the Captain-General.
To his Excellency General Gage, &.C., &c.
establish a lasting peace with the brave Natives, who, in
my opinion, would behave well were they not ))oisoned by
the blackguard traders allowed to go among them to their
different towns. This prevents my attending the general
Congress, where 1 would expect to see the spirit of the
Amyhyctiom shine as that illustrious Council did in their
purest times, before debauched with the Persian gold.
The fate of America depends on your meeting, and tlie
eyes of the European world hang upon you, waiting the
event. Despotism and the Roman Catholick religion is
established in Canada. Can we be said to enjoy liberty, if
the villain who ravishes our wives, deflowers our daugliters,
or murders our sons, can evade |)unishment by being tried
in Britain, where no evidence can pursue him.
A Governour to suppose me guilty of a crime, and tell
me there can be no fair trial in America, that is, there are
not honest men to be found in my country to try me, he
must send me home to rot in Newgate, is shocking to
human nature. Could I get within musket-shot of him, I
would put him to death ; he should never attempt to send
home another. In the mean time I must acquaint you,
that the situation of America, that is, the parts of it 1 am
acquainted with, is unhappy in not being provided with
arms and ammunition. At the Congress this ought to be
privately taken into consideration; a plan laid for encourage-
ing nunibers of gun-lock smiths to come in ; a number of
locks to be imported, with caution to prevent suspicion;
and as many arms as could be got. I imagine that we
want one hundred thousand stand of arms. We have
great difficulty in fitting out the few men we want on this
occasion. Contrive a supply of ammunition ; let some be
brought in by every ship. I wish the united wisdom of
America may prevent it, but I expect from their determined
system of arbitrary power at honje, that matters will come
to extremity. It appears to me, that they intend to irritate
America into rebellion, and then govern us like a conquer-
ed people. Try all fair means with the greatest address
to avoid it, but be prepared for the worst as soon as pos-
sible ; this ought not to escape consideration at this time,
and it is a thing that requires the utmost address. Let
us be provided with arms and ammunition, and individuals
may suffer, but the gates of hell cannot prevail against
America ; our greatest enemies would be the despotick
tools of Canada. Before provision is made for these
things, the hand of power will prevail. I wish the happy
issue of your Councils, and am, with respect, sir, your
most obedient humble servant, Adam Stephen.
P. S. Pardon this scrawl, I am on the march.
AnAM STEPHEN TO R. H. LEE.
Berkley Court House, August 27, 1774.
Sir : Lord Dunmore orders me to the Ohio with his
Lordship, to endeavour to put matters on a footing to
PALATINE (tRYON COUNTY, N. Y.) RESOLUTIONS.
Resolutions adopted by the Inhabitants of Palatine
District, Tryon County, Neiv-York, at a Meeting held
August 27, ITT'l.
This Meeting looking with concern and heartfelt sorrow
on the alarming and calamitous condition which the in-
habitants of Boston arc in, in consequence of the Act of
Parliament blocking up the port of Boston, and consider-
ing the tendency of the late Acts of Paliament, Ibr the
purpose of raising a revenue in America, has to abridging
the liberties and privileges of the American Colonies,
do Resolve :
1. That King George the Third is lawful and rightful
Lord and Sovereign of Great Britain, and the Dominions
thereunto belonging ; and that as part of his Dominions
we hereby testify that we will bear true faith and alle-
giance unto him, and that we will, with our lives and
fortunes, support and maintain him upon the throne of his
ancestors, and the just dependence of these, his Colonies,
uj)on the Crown of Great Britain.
2. That we think and consider it as our greatest happi-
ness to be governed by the laws of Great Britain, and
that, with cheerfulness, we will always pay submission
thereunto, as far as we consistently can with the security
of the constitutional rights and liberties of English sulv
jects, which are so sacred that we cannot permit the same
to be violated.
3. That we think it is our undeniable privilege to be
taxed only with our own consent, given by ourselves or
our Representatives. That taxes otherwise laid and ex-
741
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
742
acted are unjust anil unconstitutional. That the late Acts
o( Parliament, declarative of their right of laying internal
taxes on the American Colonies are obvious encroach-
ments on the rights and liherties of the British subjects in
America.
4. That the Act for blocking up the port of Boston is
oppressive and arbitrary ; injurious in its principles, and
particularly oppressive to the inhabitants of Boston, whom
we consider brethren suffering in the common cause.
5. That we will unite and join with the different Dis-
tricts of this county, in giving whatever relief it is in our
power to the poor distressed inhabitants of Boston; and
that we will join and unite, with our brethren of the rest
of this Colony, in any thing tending to support and defend
our rights and liberties.
6. That we think the sending of Delegates from the
difl<?rent Colonies, to a general Continental Congress,
is a salutary measure, and absolutely necessary at this
alarming crisis ; and that we entirely approve of the five
gentlemen chosen Delegates for this Colony, by our
brethren of New- York, hereby adopting and choosing the
same persons to represent this Colony in the Congress.
7. That we hereby engage faithfully to abide by, and
adhere to, such regulations as shall be made and agreed
upon by the said Congress.
8. That we consider it necessary that there be appointed
a Standing Committee, of this county, to correspond with
the Committees of New- York and Albany ; and we do
hereby appoint Christopher P. Yates, Isaac Paris, John
Frey, and Andrew Fink, who, together with persons to be
appointed by the other Districts of this county, are to com-
pose a Committee of Correspondence to convey the senti-
ments of this county, in a set of Resolves, to Neiv-York.
9. It is voted, by this meeting, that copies of the proceed-
ings of this day, certified by the Chairman, be transmitted
to the Supervisors of the different Districts of this county,
and that we recommend it to the inhabitants of the said
Districts to appoint persons to compose a Committee of
Correspondence.
GOVERNOUR GAGE TO THE KAKL OF DARTMOUTH.
Salem, August 27, 177't.
My Lord ; I had the honour to receive your Lordship's
separate letter, dated 3d of June, on the 6th instant, in
which came enclosed two Acts of Parliament, for regu-
lating the Government of the Massachusetts Bay, and
for the more impartial administration of justice in the
said Province ; together with an additional instruction to
the Governour ; Mr. Oliver's appointment of Lieutenant
(iovernour ; and a printed copy of an amendment to the
Meeting Bill for America, relating to the clause for quarter-
ing the King's troops.
No time was lost in forming the new Council. I assem-
bled all the Members who could be collected, on so short
a notice, on the 8th instant, and appointed the whole to
meet on the 16th instant. The list enclosed will inform
your Lordship of the names of the gentlemen sworn in ; of
those who have refused to accept the nomination, or are
wavering, absent, or dead.
The twenty-four v.'ho have accepted the honour the King
has conferred upon them, are as respectable persons as any
in the Province, and the Lieutenant Governour is gene-
rally ap))roved of by all parties. I must defer sending your
Lordship recommendations to the vacancies, to another
opportunity ; for, though I have several in my mind, I am
first to be assured of their willingness to act ; and the num-
ber of Counsellors being considerable, gives time to look
out for othei-s. Your Lordship judged right, that art
would be practised, on this occasion, to intimidate and pre-
judice ; even force was attempted on Mr. Rua^gles, by a
number of people collected on the road, near Worcester,
with intent to stop him, but he made his way through
them.
My former letters have acquainted your Lordship that
the Acts in question harl been published here, and people
have had leisme to consider means to elude them ; in
doing which, they are very expert. At a town meeting
held at Boston, in July, in order to avoid the calling a
meeting afterwards, they adjourned themselves to the 9th
of August, and adjourned again on that day, to some time
in October. 1 assembled the Selectmen, in Boston ; had
the clause read respecting town meetings; told them I
expected their obedience to it ; that I should put the Act
in force; and that they would be answerable for any bad
consequences. They replied, they had called no meeting ;
that a former meeting had only adjourned themselves.
I laid die affair of adjournments before the new Council,
and found some of opinion that the clause was thereby
clearly evaded, and nearly the whole unwilling to debate
upon it ; terming it a point of law which ought to be refer-
red to the Crown lawyers, whose opinions is to be taken
upon it, and by which I must govern myself.
Another clause of the Act is likewise referred to the
lawyers, concerning the removal of Sheriffs. Upon inti-
mating to the Council my desire to remove a Sheriff, some
immediately objected that it did not belong to the Council,
for that the Governour was alone empowered to remove
any of the Sheriffs now in office, and that the Act only
required consent of Council to remove such Sheriff as the
Governour should appoint, by his own authority, and want
to remove afterwards.
It was the unanimous opinion of the Council, that an
Assembly should be called as early as possible, and writs
will be issued for their meeting by the latter end of
October.
The state of the Province was, at the same time, taken
into consideration, and a letter read that I had received
from Hampshire County, an extract of which I transmit
your Lordship ; and several Members gave an account
of the state of their respective counties, from whence it
appeared that the phrenzy had spread, in a greater or less
degree, through all ; of which I shall write more fully
before closing my letter.
Since the unwarrantable impeachment of the Chief Jus-
tice, I understand he has never taken his seat upon the
bench, but he has promised me to attend the Superiour
Court, at Boston, towards the end of the month ; and I
hope he will preside also in said Court, to be held at Wor-
cester, in September, notwithstanding the threats thrown
out against him. I have engaged to meet him at Boston,
to prevent violence, which, from the present system, I
don't expect to meet with there ; and I believe that I must
attend him also at Worcester, where I am to expect it.
By the plan lately adopted, forcible opposition and vio-
lence is to be transferred from the town of Boston to the
country.
The copy enclosed of a letter from the Boston Com-
mittee of Correspondence, to the several counties, will suf-
ficiently evince the intention of those leaders, who, by said
letter, emissaries, and other means, hat'e contrived, while
Boston affects quiet and tranquillity, to raise a flame, not
only throughout this Province, but also in the Colony of
Connecticut. The original letter is signed by the Town
Clerk, though, from a caution lately observed, they omit
his name in the newspaper, from whence the enclosed is
taken.
In consequence of the new plan popular rage has ap-
peared at the extremity of the Province, abetted by Con-
necticut, which the extract of the letter from Hampshire,
read in Council, shews ; it is very high, also, in Berkshire
County, and makes way rapidly to the rest. In Worcester
they keep no terms ; openly threaten resistance by arms ;
have been purchasing arms ; preparing them ; casting balls,
and providing powder ; and threaten to attack any troops
who dare to oppose them. Mr. Buggies, of the new
Council, is afraid to take his seat as Judge of the Inferiour
Court, which sets at Worcester, on the 7th of next month ;
and I apprehend that I shall soon be obliged to march a
body of troops into that township, and perhaps into others,
as occasions happen, to preserve tiie peace.
The Delegates, as they are called, from this Province,
are gone to Philailelphia to meet the rest, who are to
form the general Congress ; and it is thought it will be
determined there, whether the town of Boston is to com-
ply with the terms of the Port Bill. It is not possible to
guess what a bod}-, composed of such heterogeneous matter,
will determino ; but the IMembers from hence, I am as-
sured, will promote the most haughty and insolent Resolves,
for their plan has ever been, by threats and high-sounding
sedition, to terrify and intimidate.
Some believe that the Congress has been consented to
743
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, AUGUST, 1T74.
744
in otiier Provinces only lo amuso those among themselves
who have been so strani,'ely violent in support of Boston,
and to which tlieirown Provincial factions have not a little
contributed ; others fear a non-imjiortation, and I hear the
merchants are sending for double the quantity of goods
they usually import ; and in order to get credit for tiiem,
are sending home all the money they can collect, insomuch
that bills have risen at New- York above five per cent.
From this circumstance your Ivordship may judge of otliers;
they want to force you into their terms, by threatening
ruin to your merchants and manufacturers; and at the
same time are procuring all the merchandise they can get
from them, lest they should be in want of it themselves.
The Council being formed, the Assembly must act with
it, or anpiliilate tlie Legislature, and there is a surmise that
will be the case ; and since the Boston Committee have
applied to the country, they have in some counties, 1 un-
dei-stand, held county meetings, and intend it in all ; it
has not transpired what has been done, but report says they
mean to have no Courts of Justice, unless the Judges agree
not to obey the new Acts ; and tiiat the Inferiour Court
has been stopped in Berkshire County, and the Judges
mal-treated. I have it only from report, but fear there is
some foundation for it.
I transmit your Lordship a notification posted up in
Salem for the choice of Deputies for a County Meeting,
in which your Lordship will observe another evasion about
town meetings; for this is called by the Coumiittee of
Correspondence, and not by the Selectmen. Being on the
spot, 1 issued a Proclamation on the morning of the intend-
ed meeting, to prevent it, and the Sheriff with other Ma-
gistrates attending me, 1 told the Committee to tell the
people assembled and assembling to disperse, else I should
proceed, and send the Sheriff to disperse them ; and they,
the Committee, should answer for any bad consecjuencgs.
Tlie people behaved with great decency, and retired im-
mediately, though I doubt not, as the Deputies ever pre-
viouily agreed to, that they did their business as effectually
as if they had gone into tiieir chamber of meeting. Nothing
but a general phrenzy can make the Province suffer the
inconveniences that must arise from the want of a Legisla-
ture and Courts of Justice ; therefore, hope it is only a fit
of rage that will cool ; besides, the Courts can, and will be
protected in many places.
It is agreed that popular fury was never greater in thig
Province than at present, and it has taken its rise from the
old source at Boston, though it has appeared first at a dis-
tance. Those demagogues trust their safety in the long
forbearance of Government, and an assurance that they
cannot be punished. They cliicane, elude, openly vblate,
or passively resist the laws, as opportunity serves ; and op-
position to authority is of so long standing, that it h;is
become habitual.
In this situation I find things, and must do the best I can
to put them into a better state. Connecticut, I understand,
is alarmed at the alteration in this Charter, which occasions
the commotions in that Province ; and if the leaders
change tlieir plan of opposition, which has hitherto been to
menace and intimidate, teaze and tire out, and create ideas
of greater resistance in the people, and drive tiiem to
further extravagances, I conceive we should have to op-
pose this Province and Connecticut. I do not apprehend
any assistance would be given by the other Colonies.
Since my last to your Lordship, the fiftieth regiment
landed from Halifax, and is encamped near Salem ; and
General Ha'dimand has sent the Welsh Fusiliers from
New- York, and replaced them by the forty -seventh regi-
ment, from New-Jersey. 1 believe your Lordship, con-
sidering the state of affairs here, will not think it advisable
for me to part witii any of the regiments ; and I mean to
advise with the Admiral about sending back the trans-
ports,
I have the honour to be, with the greatest regard, re-
spect, and esteem, my Lord, your lx)rdship"s most obedi-
ent and humble servant, Thomas Gage.
Bonton, August 39, 1774.
A report having been industriously propagated in Netc-
York, that the principal inhabitants of this town are con-
verting the donations of their brethren in tlie neighbouring
Colonies, which were intended for the I'elief of the suffering
poor of this place, to tlieirown private emolument, contra-
ry to the ciiaritable intentions of the benevolent contri-
butors ; and as such report is entirely without any manner
of foundation, the ])ublick are desired not to credit it ; the
following nan-alive being a true state of the case:
On the reception of the Boston Port Act, the chief con-
cern of the principal inhabitants was to provide relief for
all such whose support depended on their daily labour ;
and, in the next place, for those tradesmen, whose small
funds, though sufficient for the common purposes of life,
yet would soon be exhausted, if their resources were cut
off. They considered the employment of all these, espe-
cially the former, as a much more prudent measure than
feeding tiiem without any employment at all. They
therefore adopted such plans of business for their exercise,
as were likely to be the most useful to the publick, as well
as most conducive to the health and good order of the em-
ployed. Accordingly, the labourers were set to cleaning
docks, making dykes, new laying old pavements in the
publick streets, &;c. These were all publick concems and
of no advantage to any individual, any further than as a
member of the community to which he or she belonged.
Not a single wharf, dock, dyke, or pavement, belonging to
any individual, was ordered to be made or repaired; but
only such as by the constant usage of the town, had always
been supported at the expense of the publick.
The principal inhabitants of this town have invariably
considered the generous benefactions of their charitable
and patriotick brethren in the other Colonies, as given en-
tirely for the relief of their indigent fellow-citizens. But
would it not be offering the greatest insult to the good
sense of their benevolent neighbours, to suppose that tiiey
intended to maintain a very great number of healthy, able-
bodied people in idleness, which must certainly bo attended
with great prejudice to them, as well as to the town in
general, both now and hereafter? or that, they regret to
see and hear that our poor citizens are employed in works
which will be a publick benefit ?
Should the publick interest of the town of Boston be
finally advanced by these services, in saving some future
taxes,* (and they even become a small compensation for
the inconceivable damage which it is now sustaining, by a
suspension of all its principal business,) can it be imagined
that there is a single person, in the almost endless list of
contributors, who is sorry to find, that which he voluntari-
ly gave is like to be productive of publick advantage? It
is much more candid, as well as ciiaritable, to think that it
must be a matter of the greatest satisfaction to every benev-
olent mind to bear, that what was only intended for one
good purpose had answered two.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER DATED BOSTON, AUGUST 29, 1774.
Affairs here are daily becoming more and more serious.
The new Counsellors are all driven into this town by force
of arms. The Judges at Great Bnrrington turned off
the bench. All the Protestors, with the Addressers to
Mr. Hutchinson, are obliged to fly hither for refuge — even
those that addressed General Clage. To-morrow will be
the great, the important day here. Chief Justice Oliver,
impeached by the Assembly last winter, for holding that
ofhce under his Majesty's appointment, will sit on the
bench at the Superiouv Court ; the Discontents vow he
shall not ; but the General has come hither from Saletn to
sujiport him, so we shall see which will prove the strongest.
The Governour has apprehended the Committee of Cor-
respondence at Salem, for holding town meetings against the
new Act for regulating this Government. Some interest-
IB": measures will shortly be adopted of which you will
have early intelligence from my brother, whom 1 expect
l»ere to-morrow. The Scarborough will sail on Thursday
will the Governour's despatches for England, in whicti
filaip I shall take my passage.
The people at Snltm and Marhlehead talked in very
Mgh terms of their numbers, and of opposing the King's
tpoops there. Admiral Graves deciwed if they stirred, he
would remove one of his Majesty's ships thither, and re-
duce both towns to obedience. 1 am of opinion that few
» The f xpcnue of piiring the streets in the town of Boston is always
defrayed by a publick tax on all the inhabitants.
745
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, AUGUST, 1774.
746
days will elapse before the Province is declared in open
rebellion, by hoisting the King's Standard ; to which all
true friends of King George the Third and his Gpyerninent
will repair. Such is the unfortunate state of affairs in this
part of the Province ; you may justly pronounce them
very wild indeed.
Boston, August 29, 1774.
On Saturday morning, the 27th instant, there assembled
on the Common in Worcester, fifteen hundred j)eople, and
made choice of five of their number as a Committee, viz :
Messrs. Joseph Gilbert, John (joulding, Edivard Raw-
son, Thomas Dennie, and Joshua Biglow, to wait on the
Honourable Timothy Paine, Esquire, lately appointed
Counsellor, by mandamus, from his Majesty, to demand of
him satisfaction to the people for having qualified himself
for said office ; and having waited on Mr. Paine accord-
ingly, he asked them what satisfaction they wanted ? They
answered, a total resignation of his office, and desired him
to write it, upon which he withdrew, and in a few minutes
returned to them with what he had wrote, which was a
total resignation of his office, and a promise never to set
again as Counsellor, unless agreeable to Charter ; he then
asked if that was satisfactory ? They replied he must wait
on the people, which he thought unreasonable, after he
had complied with their demand ; but they said it w"as in
vain, unless he made his personal appearance, the people
would not be satisfied ; and after their promising to protect
him from insult, he waited on them to the body of the
people, where Mr. Denri/e read his resignation, with which
numbers were dissatisfied, requiring that Mr. Paine should
read it himself, and that with his hat oft'; he then told the
Committee that he had complied with all they required,
on their promising him protection, and that he then called
on them for it ; but they gave him to understand the people
would not be satisfied till he complied with their demand,
which he did, and was then conducted near to his own
house by the Committee, and dismissed. The people
then drew off", those of each town forming a company, and
marched for Rutland, the town in which the Honourable
John Murray, Esquire, (another new Counsellor) resides.
A Proposal from different parts of the Country. — It
is proposed that an estimate should be formed by indiffer-
ent people, of the value of all the real estates in Boston,
that, so if the estates in it, should be sunk in their value
by the Port Bill's continuing to be enforced, or should
otherwise be ruined by the rage of our common enemies,
the country might be able to form a judgment of the retri-
bution that sho'jld be made to the sufftjrers. This does
honour to tlie publick virtue of our country.
because it succeeded the dissolution ; it is certain they had
not acted nor even met together before that. I think this
Province is much more moderate than any other to the
Southward, although the spirit of enthusiasm is spread, and
requires the utmost vigilance and prudence to restrain it from
violent excess ; this will appear by the enclosure. No. 3,
which was carried nemine contradicentc , in this town, upon
an attempt some few nights preceding, by a parcel of boys
and sailors, to insult a woman who sold tea. Since this
vote the town has been perfectly quiet, those who had tea
have sold it without molestation. The inhabitants have now
almost universally discontinued the use of Bohea tea, and
1 apprehend will entirely within three months from this
date.
The Town Clerk of Boston, who is said to be a zealous
leader of the popular opposition, has been in this town
about a week, and immediately appears a publication in the
New-Hampshire Gazette, recommending donations for
Boston, which has been followed with a notification to con-
vene in town meeting " to grant relief to the poor of the
town of Boston," on the 12th of September next. It is
probable no town grant will be made, and the meeting issue
in appointing a Committee to receive and transmit volun-
tary donations, which, I believe, will not afford much com-
fort to them, or greatly credit the charitable munificence of
these town meetings; grants are always and ever will be
greater on popular pretences than private subscriptions,
because those that vote in publick pay by far the least part
of ihe grant; as is ever the case with Selectmen, who
having power over the apportionment of rates, probably do
not exercise it to their own detriment, and thence more
easily join in facilitating and augmenting such gifts, which,
from the nature of the office, they have great influence
upon. It is greatly to be wished that gentlemen of pro-
perty, experience, and education, could be persuaded to
accept the office of Selectmen ; but it is impracticable, if
they are disinterested, and without other views than the
publick good, it is a very laborious and unprofitable em-
ployment ; and as I have nothing in my power whereby to
reward such good men, they all decline, and the interiour
regulation of the capital falls into the hands of those who
can submit to make it worth their attention.
I beg leave to assure your Lordship of my most faithful
diligence in his Majesty's service ; and, with the greatest
deference, to hope for such favourable representation
thereof, I am, &.C., J. Wentworth.
P. S. The enclosure. No. 4, met with very little en-
couragement, and obtained but few signers, (except two or
three) who were only among the lower order of people,
who signed before they were invited to, and on the same
invitation would sign any other paper. J. W,
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GOVERNOUR WENTWORTH TO
THE EARL, OF DARTMOUTH, DATED NEW-HAMPSHIRE,
AUGUST 29, 1774.
Since my letter. No. 64, the Convention of persons
chosen by many towns, in consequence of the invitation in
that letter referred to, met at Exeter, and elected Colonel
Folsom and Major Sullivan, to be Delegates for this Pro-
vince, at the Congress to be held in Philadelphia, on the
first day o{ September next. The paper, No. 1, herewith
enclosed, is a copy of the instmctions given to those gen-
tlemen, and is the best explanation of their service and
employment that I can obtain. I am informed that this
Convention collected and brought from their respective
towns, about one hundred and twenty guineas, which was
paid into the hands of John Giddinge, Esquire, (who
they elected Treasurer,) to defray the expense incurred by
the Delegates aforenamed, who set off on their journey to
Philadelphia, on the 10th instant.
The Committee of Correspondence elected by the late
Assembly, and of course dissolved with them, wrote cir-
cular letters to all the towns in this Province, a copy of
which, and printed form of the non-importation and non-
consumption agreement, recommended in that letter, and
accompanying it, is herewith transmitted. No. 2. Some
few towns generally subscribed, many others totally rejected
it. The Committee appear conscious that their powers
(if any they ever had) ceased with the Assembly that
elected them, for they do not date the day of the month,
PROVIDENCE (RHODE ISLANd) TOWN MEETING.
At a Town Meeting held at Providence, on the last Tues-
day of August, 1774,
The Honourable Darius Sessions, Esq., Moderator:
Whereas, at the last session of Assembly an order was
passed that John Smith would receive the quota of the
arms belonging to the County of Providence, and deliver
them to his Honour the Deputy Governour. Whereupon
it is by this meeting Voted, that John Smith be appointed
to procure the said small arms to be cleaned and made fit
for use, and to procure proper chests for the same, all of
which expenses to be paid by this town after his accounts
have passed the Town Audit.
It is resolved by this meeting that this town ought not to
be made the asylum of any person or persons of what-
ever town, place, or city, within the British Dominions,
whose principles and practices being inimical to the liberties
of our country and its ha])py Constitution, have rendered
or shall render them obnoxious to the inhabitants of such
place or places from which they may emigrate, and that all
such ought be discouraged by every prudent and legal
measure. And the honourable Town Council are hereby
requested to exert themselves for the removal and ejection
of all such persons, so far as by law they may be warranted,
as their being admitted among us may tend greatly to en-
danger tiie peace, order, and tranquillity of the town, as by
recent instances has been manifested.
747
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &:c., AUGUST, 1774.
748
At a Town Meeting; held at Providence, on the 3 1st
day of August, 1774, called by a warrant,
The Honourable Darius Sessions, chosen Moderator:
Whereas, on the evening of the 30th August, instant, a
number of persons imprudently and tunniltuously assembled
themselves together in a manner that did disturb the peace
and order of the town, and as such proceedings are of evil
example, and repugnant to tiie good and wiiolesome laws of
tliis town and Colony, which if executed we deem sufficient
to support the quiet and tranquillity thereof; and such doings
being ever derogatory to the honour of the town, and sub-
versive of our rights and liberties to llieir very foundation,
this town do protest against such proceedings, and desire
tlie Civil Magistrates therein to exert themselves to their
utmost to prevent and suppress all such unhappy disturban-
ces in future, in doing which tiiey may rely upon the aid
and support of the freemen and well-disposed inhabitants of
this town at all times.
Voted, That this Vote be published (together with the
Resolve of yesterday) in the next Providence Gazette.
The meeting was then dissolved.
JoxA. Arnold, Deputy Clerk.
Hartford, September 1, 1774.
Tuesday, August 30, being the day the County Court
was to sit at Springfield, a great concourse of peojile,
judged to be about three thousand, assembled at the Court
House in that place, and appointed a Committee to wait
on the Court and request their appearance amongst the
people, which they immediately complied with, when they
very willingly signed the following engagement, viz :
" We, tlie subscribers, do severally promise, and solemnly
" engage to all people now assembled at Springfield, in the
" County of Hampshire, on the 30th day of August, 1774,
" that we never will take, hold, execute, or exercise any com-
" mission, office, or employment whatsoever, under, or in
" virtue of, or in any manner derived from any authority
" pretended or attempted to be given by a late Act of Par-
" iiament, entitled, ' An Act for the better regulating the
" Government of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in
" New England.'' " Signed by eighteen persons.
After the above was delivered to the people in writing,
they all dispersed.
Boston, September 1, 1774.
Tuesday, August .30, being the day the Superiour Court
was to be holden here, the Chief Justice, Peter Oliver,
Esquire, and the other Justices of the said Court, together
with a number of Gentlemen of the Bar, attended by the
High and Deputy Sheriffs, walked in procession from the
State House to the Court House, in Queen street. When
the Court were seated and the usual proclamations made,
a list of the names of the gentlemen returned to serve as
Grand Jurors, was presented to them, and the Court ap-
pointed Mr. Ebenezcr Hancoclc Forman, but he refusing
10 be sworn, and the question being put to them all sever-
ally, whether they would take the oath, they one and all
refused ; and being asked whether they had any reasons to
offer for their thus refusing, tliey answered they had, and
tliat they were committed to writing ; the Court recjuested
to see them, but the Jurors refused giving llie Court tlie
original paper, unless they were first permitted to read it
in Court, or after reading, the Court would promise to return
it to them again.
The Petit Jurors were then called for, and a list of their
names being handed to the Court, they appointed Mr.
Bartholomew Knecland Foreman of the first Jury, and
Mr. Nathan Frazcr of the second. iMr. Knecland had
the oath proposed to him, which he declined taking, and
being asked for what reasons, referred to a paper which he
said was drawn up with their unanimous consent, and beg-
ged leave to read it to the Court. The Court refused to
hear the ])aper read, and the oath was proposed to each
Juror in order, and declined as by the Foreman. Tiieir
reasons being demanded, they generally referred to the
paper, till it came to the turn of Mr. Thomas Chase, who
begged leave to read the paper then in his hand, but was
told by the Chief Justice that he miijht give his own rea-
sons without reading the paper, to which he agreed, and
said that one of his reasons was, that Peter Oliver, Esq.,
Chief Justice of the Court, stood impeached by the late
honourable House of Representatives of this Province in
their own name, and in the name of this Province, of
divers high crimes and misdemeanors. Being asked by
the Chief Justice if he gave that as a reason for his refus-
ing to be sworn, he answered, '" yes, that is one reason."
The Court then called upon another of the Petit Jurors to
be sworn, but he refused, and referred to the paper for his
reasons as aforesaid.
The Chief Justice then desired the Court might peruse
the paper, which should be returned to the Jurors again ;
which was agreed to, read, and returned. The Court then
proposed the same condition to the Grand Jury, which was
complied with, and the contents delivered.
REASONS OF THE GRAND JURORS FOR REFUSING TO BE
SWORN.
The Freemen who were returned to serve as Grand
Jurors at the Superiour Court, for this term, made their
appearance in the Court House yesterday ; and, before a
numerous assembly, (Peter Oliver, Edmund Trowbridge,
Foster Hutchinson, William Cushing, and JVm. Brorvn,
Enquires, sitting on the bench as Judges,) they all, to the
number of twenty-two, declined acting as Jurors, for rea-
sons which they had previously drawn up in writing, and
signed, and appointed to be read there by their Chairman ;
but the above said Judges, refusing to hear the same openly
read, desired to have the reading of it to themselves,
which being complied with, the Jurymen withdrew from
the Court House to the Exchange Tavern, where they
unanimously voted that, in order to justify their refusal to
the world, their aforementioned reasons should be printed
in the publick papers.
Boston, August 30, 1774.
County o/ Suffolk :
We, who are returned by the several towns in this
county, to serve as Grand Jurors at the Superiour Court,
for this present term, being actuated by a zealous regard
for peace and good order, and a sincere desire to promote
justice, righteousness, and good government, as being es-
sential to the happiness of the community, would now
most gladly proceed to the discharge of the important duty
required in that department, could we persuade ourselves
that by doing thus it would tend to our reputation, or pro-
mote ihe welfare of our country ; but when we consider
the dangerous inroads that have been made upon our civil
Constitution ; the violent attempts now making to alter and
annul the most essential part of our Charter, granted by the
most solemn faith of Kings, and repeatedly recognised by
British Kings and Parliament ; while we see the open and
avowed design of establishing the most complete system of
despotism in this Province, and thereby reducing the free-
bora inhabitants thereof to the most abject state of slavery
and bondage ; we feel ourselves necessarily constrained to
decline being empannelled, for reasons that we are ready
to offer to the Court, if permitted, which are as follows:
First. Because Peter Oliver, Esquire, who sits as
Chief Judge of this Court, has been charged with Jiigh
crimes and misdemeanors, by the late honourable House
of Representatives, the grand inquest of this Province, of
whicii crimes he has never been legally acquitted, but has
been declared by that House to be unqualified to art as
Judge of that Court.
S fondly. Because, by a late Act of the British Parlia-
ment, for altering the Constitution of this Province, the
continuance of the present Judges of this Court, as well as
the appointment of other-, from the first day of July last,
is made to depend solely on the King's pleasure, vastly
different from the tenure of the Brituh Judges ; and as
we a])prehend they now hold their jjlaces, only in conse-
quence of that Act, all the judicial proceedings of the Court
will be taken as concessions to the validity of the same,
to which we dare not consent.
Thirdly. Because three of the Judges, being the major
part of the Court, namely : the said Pettr Oliver, Esquire,
Foster Hutchinson, Esquire, and Wm. Broivn, Esquire, by
taking the oath of Counsellors, under the authority of the
749
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, AUGUST, 1774.
750
aforesaid Act, are (as we are informed) sworn to carry into
execution all the late grievous Acts of the British Parlia-
ment, among the last of which is one. made ostensibly for
the impartial administration of justice in this Province, but
as we fear, really for the impunity of such persons as shall,
under pretext of executing those acts, murder any of the
inhabitants thereof; which Acts appear to us to be utterly
repugnant to every idea of justice and common humanity,
and are justly complained of, throughout America , as highly
injuiious and oppressive to the good people of this I'rov-
ince, and manifestly destructive of their natural, as well
as constitutional rights.
Fourthly. Because we believe, in our consciences, that
our acting in concert with a Court so constituted, and
under such circumstances, would be so far betraying the
just and sacred rights of our native lands, wliich were not
tlie gift of Kings, but were purchased solely with the toil,
the blood and treasure of our worthy and revered ancestors;
and which we look upon ourselves as under the most sa-
cred and inviolable obligations, to maintain, and to transmit,
whole and entire, to our posterity.
Therefore we, the subscribers, unanimously decline
serving as Grand Jurors at this Court.
Ebenezer Hancock, Boston, Samuel Hobart, IJingham.
Potar Boyer, Do. Joseph Poole, Weymouth.
Joseph Hall, Do. William tiuUard, Dedham.
Thomas Craft, Jun., Do. Jonathan Day, Needhum.
James Ivers, Do. Abijah Uiihani, Stoughtou.
Paul Revere, Do. Moses Richardson, Medway.
Robert Williams, Roxbury. Henry Plynipton, Medjield.
Wm. Tlionipson, Brookline. Lemuel Hallock, Wrenthmn.
Abraham Wheeler, Dorchester. Joseph Willet, Walpole.
Josepli Jones, Milton. Thomas Pratt, Chelsea.
Nathuniul Belchor, Braintree. Nicholas Book, Bellingham.
The Reasons of the Petit Jurors were as follows :
Boston, August 30, 1774.
Suffolk, ss.
To the Honourable Justices of the Superiour Court of
Judicature, Court of Assize, &ic. :
May it please your Honours :
We, the subscribers, returned by this County to serve as
Petit Jurors this term, beg leave to acquaint your Honours
that, as the Honourable Feter Oliver, Esquire, stands im-
peached, by the late honourable House of Commons of
this Province, in their own name, and in the name of the
people of this Province, of high crimes and misdemea-
nors, which impeachment, with the reasons therefor, as
they are publick, would be needless for us to repeat.
We would also beg leave to acquaint your Honours that,
as, by a late Act of the British Parliament, the continu-
ance of the Judges of the Superiour Court is, since the first
of July last, made to depend upon said Act, which it is
apprehended places their dependence entirely upon the
Crown, and which is esteemed a great infringement of the
Charter rights of this Province.
Taking the above premises into our most serious con-
sideration, we beg leave to acquaint your Honours that we
cannot, in our consciences, from a sense of that duty we
owe to our country, to ourselves, and to posterity, act
against the united voice of this people ; therefore beg
your Honours will excuse us when we say, we decline
serving as Petit Jurors for this Court.
Josiah Waters, Ebenezer Swift, Jonathan Parker,
Samuel Ridgc-way, Eliphalet Sawyer, Ebenezer Kingsbury,
Nathan Frazer, Thomas White, Samuel Payton,
Robert Wire, Thomas Nash, Joseph Moore,
B.irlhol. Kneeland, Nath'l Holbrook, Jr., Ralph Day,
Thomas Chase, Elijah Jenning, Nutlianiel Lewis,
John Cunningham, Elijah Cushing, Eliakim Cook,
Joseph Brewer, Ignatius Orcult, Joseph Lovell,
Jacob Sharp, Elijali Monk, Elias Tliaver,
Timothy Tilestone, Henry Stone, Th-odore Mann,
Samuel Sprague, William Draper, James Blake.
After the Court had read the papers, the Clerk of the
Court, by order of the Chief Justice, asked them, seriatim,
if they would be sworn, and every one refused. The
Court said they would consider of their reasons, and the
Juries withdrew. The Court then adjourned to ten o'clock,
next day, when they met, exclusive of Mr. Oliver; and,
to the inexpressible grief of their fellow-citizens, went on
to such business as is usually transacted without Juries.
MIDDLESEX (MASSACHUSETTS) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Committees from every town and
district, in the County of Middlesex, and Province of Mas-
sachusetts Bay, held at Concord, in the said county, on
the 30th and 31st of August, 1774, to consult upon mea-
sures proper to be taken at the present very important day,
The Hon. James Prescott, Esquire, Chairman :
After having read the late Act of the British Par-
liament, entitled " An Act for the better regulating the
" Government of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in
" Neiv England," and debated thereon ; voted that a Com-
mittee be appointed to take into consideration the said
Act, and report to this meeting.
Voted, also, that Mr. Jonathan Williams Austin, of
Chelmsford, Captain Thomas Gardiner, of Cambridge,
Doctor Isaac Foster, of Charlcstown, Captain Josiah
Stone, of Farmingham, Mr. Richard Deavens, of Charles-
town, Doctor Oliver Prescott, of Groton, Henry Gardi-
ner, Esquire, of Stow, Mr. William Brown, of Farming-
ham, and Mr. Ebenezer Bridge, Jun., of Billerica, be
the Committee ; who reported as follows :
it is evident, to every attentive mind, that this Prov-
ince is in a very dangerous and alarming situation. We are
obliged to say, however painful it may be to us, that the
question now is, whether, by a submission to some late Acts
of the Parliament of Great Britain, we are contented to
be the most abject slaves, and entail that slavery on pos-
terity after us ; or, by a manly, joint, and virtuous oppo-
sition, assert and support oar freedom.
There is a mode of conduct, which, in our very critical
circumstances, we would wish to adopt ; a conduct, on the
one hand, never tamely submissive to tyranny and oppres-
sion ; on the other, never degenerating into rage, passion,
and confusion. This is a spirit which we revere, as we
find it exhibited in former ages, and will command ap-
plause to the latest posterity.
The late Acts of Parliament pervade the whole system
of jurisprudence, by which means we think the foimtains ■
of justice are fatally corrupted. Our defence must there-
fore be immediate, in proportion to the suddenness of the
attack, and vigorous in proportion to the danger.
We must now exert ourselves, or all those efforts, which
for ten years past have brightened the annals of this
country, will be totally frustrated. Life and death, or,
what is more, freedom and slavery, are, in a peculiar sense,
now before us ; and the choice and success, under God,
depend greatly upon ourselves. We are, therefore, bound,
as struggling, not only for ourselves, but future generations,
to express our sentiments in the following Resolves ; sen-
timents which, we think, are founded in truth and justice,
and, therefore, sentiments we are determined to abide by.
Resolved, That as tnie and loyal subjects of our gra-
cious Sovereign George the Third, King of Great Bri-
tain, &.C., we, by no means, intend to witiidraw our alle-
giance from him ; but, while permitted the free exercise of
our natural and Charier rights, are resolved to expend
life and treasure in his service.
Resolved, That when our ancestors emigrated from
Great Britain Charters and solemn stipulations expressed
the conditions ; and what particular rights they yielded ;
what each party had to do and perform ; and which each
of the contracting parties were equally bound by.
Resolved, That we know of no instance in which this
Province has transgressed the rules on their part, or any
ways for feited their natural and Charter rights to any power
on earth.
Resolved, That the Pariiament of Great Britain have
exercised a power contrary to the above mentioned Charter,
by passing Acts which hold up their absolute supremacy
over the Colonists ; by another Act blocking up the port
of Boston; and by two late Acts, the one entitled "An
" Act for the belter regulating the Government of the
" Province of Massachusetts Bay;" the other entitled '•' An
"Act for the more impartial administration of justice in
" said Province ;" and by enforcing all these iniquitous
Acts with a large armed force, to dragoon and enslave us.
Resolved, Tliat the late Act of Pariiament, entitled " An
" Act for the better regulating the Government of the Pro-
" vince of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England," ex-
pressly acknowledges the authority of the Charter granted,
751
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, AUGUST, 1774.
752
by their Majesties King IViUiam and Queen Mary, to said
Province ; and that llie only reasons suggested in the pre-
amble to said Act, which is intended to deprive us of the pri-
vileges confirmed to us by said Charter, are the inexpediency
of continuing those privileges, and a charge of their hav-
ing been forfeited, to which charge the Provinces have had
no opportunity of answering.
Resolved, That a debtor may as justly refuse to pay his
debts, because it is expedient for him, as the Parliament of
Great Britain deprive us of our Charter privileges, be-
cause it is inexpedient to a corrupt Administration for us
to enjoy them.
Resolved, That in all free states there must be an
equilibrium in the Legislative body, without which consti-
tutional check they cannot be said to be a frce people.
Resolved, That the late Act, which ordains a Council
to be appointed by his Majesty, his heirs, and successors,
from time to time, by warrant under his or their signet
or sign manual, and which ordains that the said Counsel-
lors shall hold their offices, respectively, for and during
the pleasure of his Majesty, his heirs, and successors,
effectually altei-s the constitutional equilibrium; renders
tlie Council absolute tools and creatures, and entirely de-
stroys the importance of the Representative body.
Resolved, That no state can long exist free and happy
where the course of justice is obstructed ; and that when
trials by Juries, which are the grand bulwarks of life and
]iroperty, are destroyed or weakened, a people fiill imme-
diately under arbitrary power.
Resolved, That the late Act, which gives the Gover-
nour of this Province a power of appointing Judges of the
Superiour and Inferiour Courts, Commissioners of Oyer and
Terminer, the Attorney Generals, Provosts, Marshals, and
Justices of the Peace ; and to remove all of them, (the
Judges of the Superiour Court excepted) without consent
of Council, entirely subverts a free administration of justice ;
as the fatal experience of mankind, in all ages, has testified
that there is no greater species of corruption than when
judicial and executive officers depend, for their existence
and support, on a power independent of the people.
Resolved. That by ordaining Jurors to be summoned by
the Sheriff" only, which Sheriff is to be appointed by the
Governour without consent of Council ; that the security
which results from a trial by our peers, is rendered alto-
gether precarious, and is not only an evident infraction upon
our Charter, but a subversion of our common rights as
Englishmen.
Resolved, That every people have an absolute right of
meeting together to consult upon common grievances, and
to petition, remonstrate, and use every legal method for
their removal.
Resolved, That the Act which prohibits these constitu-
tional meetings cuts away the scaffolding of English free-
dom, and reduces us to a most abject state of vassalage and
slavery.
Resolved, That it is our opinion these late Acts, if
quietly submitted to, will annihilate the last vestiges of
liberty in this Province, and therefore, we must be justified
by God and the world in never submitting to them.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this body, that the
present Act, respecting the Government of the Province of
the Massachusetts Bay, is an artful, deep laid plan of op-
pression and despotism, and that it requires great skill and
wisdom to counteract it. This wisdom we have endea-
voured to collect from the united sentiments of the country ;
and although we are grieved that we are obliged to mention
any thing that may be attended with such very important
consequences as may now ensue, yet a sense of our duty
as men, as freemen, as Christian freemen, united in the
firmest bonds, obliges us to resolve that every Civil Officer
now in commission in this Province, and acting in conform-
ity to the late Act of Parliament, is not an officer agree-
able to our Charter; therefore, unconstitutional, and ought
to be opposed in the manner hereafter recommended.
Resolved, That we will obey all such Civil Officers now
in commission, whose commissions were issued before the
first day of July, 1774, and support them in the execution
of their offices, according to the manner usual before tlie
late attempt to alter the Constitution of this Province ;
nay, even although the Governour should attempt to re-
Toke their commissions ; but that il" any of said officers
shall accept a commission under the present plan of arbi-
trary Government, or in any way or manner whatever assist
the Governour or Administration in the assault now making
on our rights and liberties, we will consider them as having
forfeited their commissions, and yield them no obedience.
Resolved, That whereas the Honourable Samuel Dan-
forth and Joseph Lee, Esquires, two of the Judges of the
Inferiour Court of Common Pleas for this county, have ac-
cepted commissions under the new Act, by being sworn
members of his Majesty's Council appointed by said Act,
we therefore look upon them as utterly incapable of hold-
ing any office whatever.
And whereas a venire on the late Act of Parliament,
has issued from the Court of Sessions, signed by the Clerk,
we think they come under a preceding resolve of acting in
conformity to the new Act of Parliament ; we therefore
resolve, that a submission to Courts thus acting, and under
these disqualifications, is a submission to the Act itself, and
of consequence, as we are resolved never to submit one
iota to the Act, we will not submit to Courts thus con-
stituted, and thus acting in conformity to said Act.
Resolved, That as, in consequence of the former Re-
solve, all business at the Inferiour Court of Common Pleas
and Court of General Sessions of the Peace, next to be
holden at Concord, must cease ; to prevent the many in-
conveniences that may arise therefrom, we resolve, that
all actions, writs, suits, fee, brought to said Court ought to
remain in the same condition as at present (iniless settled
by consent of parties) till we know the result of a Provin-
cial and Continental Congress. And we resolve, that no
Plaintiff' in any cause, action, or writ aforesaid, ought to
enter said action in said Court thus declared to be uncon-
stitutional. And we resolve, if the Court shall sit in defi-
ance to the voice of the county, and default actions, and
issue executions accordingly, no officer ought to serve such
process. And we are also determined to support all Con-
stables, Jurors, and other officers, who, from these consti-
tutional principles, shall refuse obedience to Courts which
we have resolved, are founded on the destruction of our
Charter.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this body of Dele-
gates, that a Provincial Congress is absolutely necessary in
our present unhappy situation.
These are sentiments which w^e are obliged to express,
as these Acts are intended immediately to take place. We
must now either oppose them, or tamely give up all we
have been struggling for. It is this that has forced us so
soon on these very important resolves. However, we do
it with humble deference to the Provincial and Continental
Congress, by whose Resolutions we are determined to
abide ; to whom, and the world, we cheerfully appeal for
the uprightness of our conduct.
On the whole, these are " great and profound questions."
We are grieved to find ourselves reduced to the necessity
of entering into the discussion of them ; but we deprecate
a state of slavery ; our fathers left a fair inheritance to us,
purchased by a waste of blood and treasure ; this we are
resolved to transmit equally fair to our children after us ; no
danger shall affright, no difficulties intimidate fis ; and if in
support of our rights, we are called to encounter even
death, we are yet undaunted, sensible that he can never die
too soon, who lays down his life in support of the laws and
liberties of his country.
Which Report being maturely deliberated,
Voted, That the sense of the whole body respecting the
same, be collected by yeas and nays, which being done,
there were one hundred and forty-six yeas, and four nays.
Voted, That it be recommended to tlie several towns
and districts in this county, that each appoint one or more
Delegates to attend a Provincial meeting to be holden at
Concord, on the second Tuesday of October next.
Voted, That a fair copy of the proceedings of tliis meet-
ing be made out and forwarded to the Grand Continental
Congress, and also to the Town Clerk of each town in this
county.
Votcil, That the thanks of this meeting be given to the
Honourable James Rrescot, Esijuire, for his faithful services
as Chairman.
Voted, That this meeting be dissolved. And it was ac-
cordingly dissolved. Ebenezer Bridge, Clerk.
753
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., AUGUST, 1774.
754
TO THE INHABITANTS OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Pliiladelphiii, August, 1774.
All vices have travelling names. Submission to the
British Parliament, for a while, assumed the name of
Moderation. After being detected and exposed under the
garb of that necessary virtue, it has assumed the name of
Petition and Remonstrance. It shall be the business of
tliis Address to show the danger of relying upon those
measures alone for a redress of American Grievances.
The scheme for enslaving the Colonies has been pursued
with a subtlety and perseverance which indicate a determi-
nation and certainty of success. Every session of Parlia-
ment, and every Council Board at Whitehall, since the
year 1762, have produced some new exertions of arbitrary
power against America.
The Colonies began their opposition to the British Par-
liament by Petitions and Remonstrances, in their legisla-
tive capacities. The first American Congress confined
their opposition to Petitions and Remonstrances only.
They addressed our King, as a father, and the Parliament,
as brethren. Their Petitions were humble, dutiful, and
respectful. But what was their efi'ect? They were re-
jected with contempt ; and to show that they had no hand
in obtaining a redress of our grievances, the Stamp and
Revenue Acts were repealed, only because they were
found to be hurtful to the commercial interests of Great
Britain.
The inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay lately presented a
most humble, dutiful, and respectful Petition to the King,
praying that Governour Hutchinson might be removed
from their Province. But what was its effect ? It was
pronounced at Whitehall a '• seditious, vexatious, and
scandalous libel." The Governour, it is true, was removed,
but it was only to be rewarded for his treachery.
It might not be foreign to our purpose to mention the
contempt with which Petitions have been treated, when
coming even from the citizens of Z/onf/o«, in order to show
that that mode of obtaining redress of grievances has now
lost its influence.
Petitions and Remonstrances promise less at the present
juncture than ever. Our King has been inflamed against
us. Both Houses of Parliament breathe vengeance, and
are impatient to seal our subjection with the sword. If
Petitions and Remonstrances from our Assemblies did no
good, in the infancy of our dispute with Great Britain,
what can be expected from them when they come from
a Congress of Deputies of all the Colonies ? To pay the
least regard to Petitions or Remonstrances from that body,
would be an acknowledgement of its usefulness and au-
thority.
Much might be lost by a delay of six months. The
publick spirit will subside. JSosion must resist or yield.
Bribery will stretch her cursed hand across the Ocean ; for
we have too much reason to fear that in the present strug-
gle the greatest enemies to American Liberty will be found,
or created, among ourselves.
I could name the persons who first broached the scheme
of petitioning and remonstrating only : but I spare them
tlie weight of popular vengeance. They are men who
prefer one more cargo of British Goods to the salvation
of America. They are men who have friends soliciting
favours at Court, or who expect to rise into importance
upon the ruins of -i^mcrican Liberty. There are men, ho-
nest men too, amongst us, who have adopted this scheme
from a mistaken zeal for unanimity, with persons of such
principles as those we have described.
Great Britain stands upon her commerce. The Ameri-
can Colonies are the pillars of that commerce While this
is the case, let us not barely implore, but demand, our
liberty. It was in this manner the Barons obtained the
]\Iagna Charta from King John, at Runnij Mead. It is in
this manner only that we shall act like freemen, and show
that we feel our weight in the scale of the British Empire.
Posterity would blush to receive their liberty from our
hands, should we establish it upon the precarious tenure of
a Sovereign's mercy.
Awake, my countrymen, to a sense of your danger. Let
Pennsylvania share with her sister Colonies in the glory of
saving America. Let no obstacles from our city be thrown
in the way of an immediate Non-importation Agreement.
Let the foreign Members of the Congress see that the
Pennsylvanians are not behind their native Colonies in
publick spirit ; and let us show what may appear paradoxi-
cal, but is certainly true, that the Resolves of our Provin-
cial Committee, for petitioning and remonstrating only, do
not contain the sentiments of above fifty men in the whole
Province. Sidney.
TO THE HONOURABLE DELEGATES THAT NOW ARE, OR
SHORTLY WILL BE, CONVENED IN GENERAL CONGRESS.
Connecticut, August, 1774.
Honourable Sirs : Sometimes a gleam of licht will
appear from the midst of darkness ; and the Councils of
Kings have been known to receive benefit from persons of
the greatest obscurity ; then suffer an individual to ap-
proach you, nor reject him with disdain, till you are con-
vinced his presumption deserves your neglect. On you,
great sirs, and your important decisions, the eyes and
expectations of millions are fixed ; on your present resolu-
tions depend the fate of this great Empire, and the fate of
the parent Empire also ; death or life, liberty or bondage,
must be the important alternatives of your firm virtue, or
your supine relaxation ; if you clothe yourselves with the
first, you will shine hke fixed stars in the Heavens ; but if
you descend to the latter, infamy and dishonour, shame
and disgrace, nay, perhaps death itself, will be the reward
of the attempt without success.
Then ))ermit me to ask, what are you met for? Is it to
redress the wrongs and oppressions of this injured land ?
Is this solemn purpose strongly impressed on every one of
your own hearts ; and are you certain it is the ardent
desire of your constituents also ? If this is the case, what
method must you, or will you, take to accomplish the im-
portant end? Must it be by Petition, Remonstrance, or an
abject submission to power ? O that ye knew the temper
of your adversaries ! I trust you do, and then you will shun
these modes, as so many rocks and shallows, which ever
have, and ever will, fail to produce any thing but delusion,
to our utter destruction. Or shall negotiation take place ?
This will be branded as the highest presumption and inso-
lence, and will be punished with ten-fold rigour. No, ye
patriots, all these attempts will be as fruitless in experiment,
as they are idle in contemplation. But Heaven and nature
are still your guardians, and have pointed out the only
path. A Non-importation, if firmly adhered to, will do
much, but alone will not answer the intended end ; the
design of its operation can be artfully evaded by our ene-
mies, and lengthened out for a long season, till, by our own
impatience, we are spht into divisions, and prove (as one of
them has emphatically expressed it) only a rope of sand.
But a Non-exportation is entirely in our own power, and
by adopting it in the fullest latitude, we can most certainly
preserve ourselves, and at the same time absolutely defeat
our enemies, without being either insolent or mean. This,
indeed, will be striking the axe to the root of the tree, and
here only will be found our own importance. I know it
will be urged, that this will be a present grievance to our-
selves, and the utmost cruelty to the West Indies, Ireland,
and other places ; but the injury to us will be only tempo-
rary and trifling, for it must be very short, and will ensure
success ; and with respect to our neighbours, when two
houses are equally in flames, whose shall we endeavour to
extinguish first, our own or that of our friend ?
I know many objections to a plan of this kind will be
started by self-interested men ; but is this a time for us to
think of accumulating fortunes, or even adding to our
estates ? If we can subsist, 'tis all we ought to expect.
This land is blessed with plenty, and can furnish food and
employment for all its inhabitants for a long time, without
any foreign trade at all. Then let not the bounties of
Heaven, which have crowned this present year with joy
and gladness, become a snare for us, in the hands of the
tempter, and prompt us to say, now our stores and grane-
ries are full, and our oxen and fallings are ready, let us
fear nothing, but commit them to the seas and the winds;
we will have present profit though we pay for it with future
ages of misery and pain. O ! ye noble guardians of our
rights, think on these things ; do something that will prove
effectual, or do nothing. To you we all look up ; your
country, virtue, honour, fame, life, and liberty, or all their
woful contrasts are before you ; and, as you shall conduct
Fourth Series.
48
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755
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &ic., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
756
the ardous task, unborn millions will either bless or exe-
crate your names. Juba.
QUERIES PROPOSED TO AMERICA.
Philadelphia, September, 1774.
1st. Whether the restraint laid by the Pcojile of Vir-
ginia on their Delegates, with respect to the article of
Non-exportation, does not tend to render the Congress total-
ly ineffectual ; as every other Province must have an equal
right to restrict their respective Delegates in any partic-
ular article which they may suppose will affect them : for
instance, Pennsylvania might restrain them in the article
of non-importation of Cloth ; New-York of Hals and Tea ;
New England of Flannels and Calicoes ; in short, each Pro-
vince making its particular exceptions, they leave a door
open to the admittance of every article of commerce which
Great Britain or the India Company has to export.
2d. Whether there is not the strongest reason to suppose
that the Ministry have taken precaution to counteract, or
at least to weaken, the operation of simple Non-importa-
tion, consequently that a Non-hnportation Resolve, simply,
will answer no purpose ?
3d. Whether it is not almost universally allowed, and
whether all accounts from England do not agree, that a
Non-exportation to the West India Islands would be the
most certain and rapid means of obtaining redress?
4th. Whether (this being granted) there is any reason
to believe that the people are so wanting in publick spirit
as not to abide by this Resolve if the Congress enters into
it ? or, whether this notion, of the people's want of publick
spirit to abide by it, is not endeavoured to be propagated by
Merchants interested in the commerce, in order to divert
the Congress from this most effectual Resolve?
5lh. Whether the manifest, and, indeed, the avowed in-
tention of the (Quebec Bill, is not to make use of the Can-
adians as instruments for the enslavement of the British
Colonies ?
6th. Whether General Carleton will not embody and
discipline a formidable number for this purpose, and imme-
diately ?
7th. Whether it is not necessary that some force should,
without loss of time, be prepared to resist them ?
8th. Whether the Militia, on its present footing, can be
depended upon ?
9th. Whether if the Militia (established as it is) can-
not be depended upon, some other mode should not be
adopted ?
10th. Whether, from the apparent spirit prevalent in the
commonalty of this Continent, there is not the strongest
reason to believe that they would submit themselves to a
temporary Meeting Act ; that is, that each man would, for
a time, cede a portion of his individual liberty for the secu-
rity of the rest?
1 1th. Whether, if this spirit really exists in the people,
it would not be wise to avail ourselves of it, and obtain
their assent to laws necessary for the maintenance of
that order and discipline without which no defence can be
made ?
r3th. Whether, as it is most certain the consent of
the Governours of the respective Provinces will not be
obtained to such laws, the people may not, antecedent to
all written Statutes, that is, a law of God, nature, and self-
defence, enact them by their own authority.
13th. Whether a fund necessary for tiie support of a
body of Troops, sufficient to repel an invasion from Cana-
da, should not be immediately prepared ?
14th. Whether the apprehension of further irritating the
Ministry, by such a measure, is not childish and absurd, as
it is manifest they cannot be more hostile to America than
they are at present?
I5th. Whether it is not more rational to work on the
fears of such a Ministry, than to dread an increase of their
animosity ?
16th. Whether a conduct so becoming men, struggling
in the cause of liberty, would not make an impression ad-
vantageous to the Americans on the minds of die people
of England, who (however they may be deluded for a
time) are undoubtedly an honest, generous, brave people,
and enthusiastick admirers of those who vigorously defend
their rights and liberties ?
17th. Whether the obtaining the good opinion of the
people of England does not promise more solid advanta-
ges to the cause of America than she can possibly flatter
herself with from a Petition and Address to the Kinir and
Parliament — one of which is inveterately obstinate in the
pursuit of despotisni, the other notoriously abandoned, by
corruption, to all virtue, feeling, and shame?
18ih. AVhether, therefore, a sensible, manly, brave Re-
monstrance from the People of America to the People of
England, setting forth their rights, as men and fellow-sub-
jects, and asserting their resolution to defend them, would
not be productive of better effects than any Petition or
Address to such a King, and sucii a Parliament ?
TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA.
Boston, Septembi^r, 1774.
As every individual of British America must be vastly
interested in the Resolutions of the approaching Congress,
it cannot be thought foreign to any person's own concerns,
if he communicates his sentiments to them. Numbers of
persons have given their opinions on this occasion, and the
Congress doubtless have a right to expect the best thoughts
of every one on the subject. Among the various opinions
delivered on this occasion, the following seem to be tiie
most worthy of notice :
I. A Petition or Remonstrance to Parliament against
their late Acts, with a decent and firm declaration of the
rights and liberties of the Americans.
II. A suspension of Trade with Great Britain till the
said Acts be repealed.
III. A suspension of all our Trade with Great Britain,
Ireland, and the West Indies, till said Acts be repealed.
I design to consider each of these, with their probable
effects; premising these three things: 1. That the said
Acts sap, to the very foundation, every principle of Ame-
rican liberty. 2. That all England are united in enforc-
ing those Acts ; and, 3. That, therefore, the Americana
ought to adopt such measures as will most effectually pre-
vent their operation, and effect their repeal, in the speedi-
est manner that can be devised ?
I. As to the first, I have the following objections to pre-
senting any Petitions or Remonstrances to the British Par-
liament :
1. They will not acknowledge the Congress to be any
legal body or proper representative of America ; and, there-
fore, any Petition will be loss of labour, and loss of time,
without effecting our deliverance.
2. The substance of the Petition will be highly disgust-
ing to them ; for, couch it in the softest terms possible, yet
the plain English of it must be, that they have made the
said Acts without any right or authority, and if their au-
thority had been good, yet the said Acts are in their nature
unjust and wicked, and the Americans will plague and dis-
tress Great Britain, in every way possible, till they are
repealed, which is so extremely contrary to the present
sentiments of Great Britai7i, that litde advantage is to be
expected therefrom.
3. Any kind of declaration of our rights and liberties,
will bring the question of American rights into view, and
make it the yest of a dispute, which can never be deter-
mined ; for, it is certain, the Americans never will ac-
knowledge the legislative and taxing power of the British
Parliament, nor will the British Parliament ever relinquish
that claim. All we can expect is, that the British Parlia-
ment will, on some prudential considerations, suspend the
exercise of it; not that they will give up the principle.
This question, therefore, ought, by all means, to be kept
out of sight, because there is no hopes of its being ever
settled, and any discussions of it will certainly widen the
breach.
4. If the British Parliament should consent to enter
into treaty with us on the subject of American rights,
(which I think not at all probable,) yot we have by no
means an equal chance with them in the treaty, for they
will plead at ease, but we must plead in pain. Whilst w©
are in treaty with them, we feel the pain of our Ports shut ;
our right and property in wharves, landings, bills of lading,
charter parties, Stc, vacated ; our Charter grossly violated ;
and liberties lost; they, on the other hand, are at ease,
and in full triumph over our fortunes, liberties, and lives.
757
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
758
A person in distress has not an equal command of his best
faculties, or an equal courage to exert them, with one at
ease and out of danger. 'Tis said that Cortes, liie con-
queror of Mexico, demanded of Montezuma, tlie Emperor,
a surrender of his cash ; the Emperor made some objec-
tions, and desired a treaty on the reasonableness of the de-
mand, on whicl) Cortes heated a gridiron red hot and seated
foor Montezuma with his bare backside on it, and consented
to treat with him as long as he pleased. I don't know that
Great Britain would consent to Ireat with us on the sub-
ject of our rights, even in our excrutiating distress; but if
they should be so condescending, there would be so much
of duress in the whole treaty, that I doubt much if the
Americans would admit of its validity, if the conclusion
should not be favourable to them. I am indeed utterly
averse to such an unequal treaty. Either let us be first
put out of pain, or let them be put into equal pain, and
then equal conclusions, if any, may be expected.
5. The British Parliament are not supposed to yield
any thing to the ardours and passions of a petition, but their
decisions are ever governed by facts and the reasons of
them. But we cannot, in any petition, suggest any new
matter with which the British Parliament were not per-
fectly acquainted when the)' passed the Acts ; the whole
subject has been long since exhausted, and every argument
against all the Bills were set in the strongest light, by many
very able speakers, when the Bills were debated. It will,
tlierefore, be vain and ridiculous, and may perhaps be
deemed disrespectful, for our Congress to offer a petition
filled with old, trite, threadbare matters and arguments,
which had a full discussion when the Acts passed.
6. Any petition, memorial, remonstrance, or by whatever
other name it may be called, will be deemed to imply a
confession of the right of the British Parliament to make
tlie laws against which we remonstrate, which the Americans
most certainly do not intend to acknowledge.
7. But what will be as fatal perhaps as any of the rest,
if the Congress present a petition to Parliament, it may be
received and depend a year or two there for consideration
and answer, during all which time it may be thought very
improper and indecent for us to adopt and pursue any other
means of deliverance, and it will be strongly urged that we
ought at least to susjjend any other methods of redress, till
we know the result of Parliament on our petition.
II. After all this, if it should be deemed expedient to
present a petition, and lest words alone, however forcible,
siiould not have sufficient weight, further active measures
should be thought necessary to give energy to the same, it
remains to be considered what these further measures ought
to be ; arms certainly ought to be the last thing in view.
A suspension of our trade is, by most people, thought suf-
ficient to effect our deliverance ; and some think that a
suspension of our trade with Great Britain only will effect
the great end desired. On which I would observe,
1. However effectual this measure may be, it will be a
slow one. Great Britain has great resources of raw mate-
rials besides her importations from us; she has many great
vents for her merchandise besides her exports to us ; the
matter in dispute they look on of great importance, and
they will suffer long before they will yield it; they will
feel a suspension of our trade heavily, but not ruinously ;
tJie inconveniences to them will not be felt so immediately
as will be necessary to force an immediate deliverance for
us, and any long delay may prove fatal to us ; for,
2. The success of our resolutions depends on the con-
tinued and united practice of millions ; the minds of all
ranks and conditions of people are now filled with a sense
of our danger, and willing to unite in adopting and pursu-
ing any practicable means of deliverance, but time may
wear this high sense out of their minds. 'Tis madness to
lose the universal warmth and zeal of all America by
needless delays ; such stupid, sleepy, dreaming conduct
will cost our poor posterity hungry bellies, aching hearts,
and tears of blood.
3. Yet there is one advantage arising naturally from a
suspension of trade with Great Britain only ; however
slow its operations may be, it will give America time to
complete their own manufactures, to correct their infatua-
tion for British luxuries, and teach their merchants that
they will grow rich faster by supplying raw materials than
by importing finished goods.
III. I am now to consider what will be the probable con-
sequences of a suspension of our trade with Great Britain,
Ireland, and the West Indies.
1. All the wisdom and wealth of England and Ireland
united cannot sow Ireland with flax without the American
seed; thirty-four thousand hogsheads of which is annu-
ally exported to Ireland from the Provinces of New-York
and Philadelphia only. If the flax is not sown there can
be no crop, and consequently no material to employ the
linen manufacturers, and thus three hundred thousand
people must be thrown out of business, and of course out
of bread ; and the linen merchants be disenabled from sup-
plying their customers, and so must lose their custom, and
suffer that branch of trade to slide into the hands of other
Nations, from whom it will be difficult to recover it. All
the wisdom and power of Great Britain cannot prevent or
remedy these evils, otherwise than by repeahng the offen-
sive Acts, and thereby opening the ports of America time
enough for shipping seed in season for sowing Ireland
next spring ; the subject will not admit of dilatory deliber-
ations ; to delay will be to be ruined ; if the seed time is
suffered to pass without seed, no wisdom can prevent the
ruin of the Irish linen manufacture, or the insurrection of
millions of starving, unemployed people. The inconveni-
ence of this suspension of trade is very little to America ;
no farmer depends upon his flaxseed for the supplies of the
year; 'tis a rich farmer who raises half a dozen bushels,
and he can keep it over the year without sensible incon-
venience.
2. Suspending our trade with the West Indies will ruin
every plantation there. They can neither feed their ne-
groes without our corn, nor save their crops without our
lumber. A stoppage of North American supplies will
bring on a famine, and scarcity too ruinous to be risked
without the most stupid madness. It will instantly lie with
the British Parliament to determine whether the West
Indies shall be starved and ruined or not, and it will be
necessary for them to determine quick, or the damages of
delay will soon become irreparable. The damage of this
suspension of trade would not be much to America; we
cut our choicest timber for lumber too freely ; our lumber
cutters would serve themselves and country better were
they employed in clearing and cultivating land. We can
fill the West Indies with provisions this fall, and I dare
say the British Parliament will remove all obstructions to
our shipping more next spring. That the suspension will
probably last only through the winter, which is not a season
for much business. Besides, all the ports in Europe are
open for our provisions, and if we lose a little in the price,
we may afford it, inasmuch as we shall make great savings
in the article of rum, and other West India luxuries. If it
is objected that England alone has offended us, why should
we smite Ireland and the West Indies'! I answer, the
funds which support the Irish linen manufacture and the
West India plantations lie very much in London; the linen
of Ireland and the produce of the West Indies are mostly
due to London before they are made ; and, therefore, ruin-
ing the Irish linen manufacture and the produce of the
West India plantations, would greatly affect the Irish and
West India merchants in London ; it would break not sin-
gle and principal houses only, but would oblige whole streets
of them to shut up at once, and hasten to Parliament with
such tales of woe as the stubborn omnipotence of that
haughty House could not refuse to hear, or be able to reme-
dy otherwise than by a repeal of the offensive Acts. But
if the British Parliament should be mad enough to risk all
these evils, and continue the Acts, America might live very
well a number of years without them. 'Tis likely our pro-
visions would be plenty and cheap, so that our poor might
be supplied easily ; we should save the annual millions we
now pay for East India, West India, and British super-
fluities ; our own manufactures would thrive ; the cultiva-
tion of our country would be greatly increased ; we should
be gradually recovered from our ridiculous imitations of
British Aishions and extravagances ; and, for any thing I
can see, may soon be as happy as the ancient shepherds of
Arcadia; we have a finer country than they ever had, and
a Heaven equally propitious.
3. How far a suspension of our trade with Great Bri-
tain may affect them is not certain, but no doubt that
blow, in conjunction with the other before mentioned par-
759
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
760
ticulars, would operate strongly ; it would reduce the em-
ployment of many thousands of people ; would lessen the
sales of the East India Company, and would diminish the
publick revenue near a million sterling per annum, about
half of which sum arises yearly from the single article of
tobacco.
These are effects which no wisdom can prevent or avoid ;
they will leave the British Parliament lime to deliberate,
however mortifying it may be to them to apply the only
remedy which can relieve their distress ; but should they
be disposed to spin out delays, in full sight of the ghastly
irresistible approaches of such ruinous and coini)licated
misery, we should at least have the advantage of being on
a footing with them, they would be in pain as well as we,
and would at least have equal inducement to put a speedy
end to it. Their interest would soon conquer their pride,
and their revenge must be speedily sacrificed to their ease.
I look on the dignity of the American Congress equal to
any Assembly on earth, and their deliberations and reso-
lutions more important in their nature and consequences
than any which were ever before agitated in council. The
value and character of America will be fixed, merely as
the Congress shall estimate them, and if they assert the
rights and liberties of America with that precision and
effect, which is universally expected from them, there can
be no doubt but their resolves and advices will be honoured
with universal approbation and obedience, and I hope and
trust they will tliink it below their dignity, as well as
inconsistent with their prudence, to degrade their import-
ance and waste their time in humiliating and fruitless mea-
sures, when they have it in their power to assert the rights
of their country with a force and effect which the united
wisdom and strength of all their enemies can by no means
withstand.
I don't apprehend that all we can do will be too much.
Our all is at stake ; our enemies are powerful and deter-
mined ; trifling expedients will be ridiculous ; delays will
ruin us; every moment is a moment of the utmost import-
ance ; all the world are now viewing, and all posterity will
look back, on the doings of this Congress.
A LETTER FROM A VIRGINIAN TO THE MEMBERS OF THE
CONGRESS, TO BE HELD AT PHILADELPHIA, ON THE
FIRST OF SEPTEMBER, 1774.
Let us no longer deceive ourselves with the vain hopes
of a speedy repeal of the Tea Act, because we triumphed
in the repeal of the Stamp Act; the Acts themselves are
totally different in their principles and their operations ; the
occasion by no means similar. We have advanced from one
extravagant claim to another, made such sudden turnings and
windings, taken such wild and rapid flights, that the boldest
of our followers can follow us no longer ; our most zealous
advocates are ashamed to plead a cause which all men,
but ourselves, condemn. Can we any longer doubt that
our friends, on the other side of the Atlantic, as well as
our enemies, although they differ in the mode of exercising
the authority of Parliament over us, are almost universally
agreed in the principle? Are we not convinced from a
thousand testimonies, that the clamour against us is univer-
sal and loud? Is diis, gentlemen, a season to frighten the
parent country into a repeal ? No man of spirit in private
life, even on the slightest quarrel, will submit to be bullied
and exposed to the scorn and derision of the little circle
he lives in. Can we seriously hope that a great Nation,
a proud Nation, will be insulted and degraded with impuni-
ty by her Colonies, in the face of every rival Kingdom in
Europe! Let us then, gentlemen, relinquish forever a
project fraught with absunlity and ruin. Let your consti-
tuents hope that the occasion of such an important Assem-
bly will not be wantonly squandered in opprobrious re-
proaches, in bidding defiance to the mother country, but
in digesting and proposing some new plan of accommoda-
tion worthy her notice and exceptance. Disputes are
generally vain and endless where there are no arbitrators
to award, no judges to decree. Where arguments, suspect-
ed to be drawn from interest and passion are addressed to
interest and passion, they produce no conviction. We may
ring eternal changes on taxation and representation, upon
actual, virtual, and non-representation. We may end as
we began, and disagree eternally ; but there is one propo-
sition, a self-evident proposition, to which all the world
give their assent, and from which we cannot withold ours :
that whatever taxation and representation may be, taxation
and Government are inseparable.
On the subject of taxation the authority of Mr. LocJce
is generally (juoted by our advocates, as paramount to all
other authority whatever. His Treatise on Government, as
far as his ideas are practicable with the corrupt materials
of all Governments, is undoubtedly a most beautiful theory,
the noblest assertion of the unalienable rights of mankind.
Let us respect it as the opinion of a wise and virtuous
philosopher and patriot, but let us likewise, as good sub-
jects, revere the laws of the land, the collected wisdom
of ages, and make them the sole nde of our political con-
duct. Let not Mr. Locke be quoted partially by those who
have read him, to mislead thousands who never read him.
When he is brought as an authority that no subject can be
justly taxed without his own consent, why do not they add
his own explanation of that consent ? i. e. " the consent
" of the majority, giving it cither by themselves or their
" Representatives chosen by them." Do we compose the
majority of the British community ? Are we, or are we
not, of that community ? If we are of that community, but
are not represented, are we not in the same situation with
the numerous body of copy-holders, with the inhabitants of
many wealthy and populous towns ; in short, with a very
great number of our fellow-subjects, who have no votes in
elections ? Shall we affirm that these are all virtually rep-
resented, but deny that we are so ; and at the same time be
too proud to solicit a representation ? Or, under the trite
and popular pretences of venality and corruption, laugh at
it as impracticable ? Shall we plunge at once into anarchy,
and reject all accommodation with a Goverinnent (by the
confession of the wisest men in Europe, the freest and the
noblest Government on the records of history,) because
there are imperfections in it, as there are in all things, and
in all men ? Are we confederates, or allies, or subjects of
Great Britain 1 In what code of laws are we to search
for taxation, under the title and condition of requisition, as
we understand the word ? In what theory of Government,
ancient, or modern ? Is it to be found any where on earth,
but in modern harangues, modern pamphlets ? And in these
only as temporary expedients. The supply of Govern-
ment must be constant, certain, and proportioned to the
protection it affords ; the moment the one is precarious,
the other is so too ; the moment it fails, civil society
expires. We boast much of oiu- bountiful compliance
with the requisitions made during the last war, and in
many instances with reason ; but let us remember and
acknowledge that there was even then more than one rich
Province that refused to comply, although the war was in
the very bowels of the country. Can Great Britain then
depend upon her requisitions in some future war a thou-
sand leagues distant from North America, on which, as we
may have no immediate local interest, we may look per-
haps with little concern.
From the infancy of our Colonies to this very hour we
have grown up and flourished under the mildness and wis-
dom of her excellent laws ; our trade, our possessions, our
persons, have been constantly defended against the whole
world, by the fame of her power, or by the exertion of it.
We have been very lately rescued by her from enemies
who threatened us with slavery iind destruction, at the
expense of much blood and treasure, and established after
a long war (waged on our accounts, at our most earnest
prayers) in a state of security, of which there is scarce an
example in history. She is ever ready to avenge the cause
of the meanest individual among us, with a power respected
by die whole world. Let us then no longer disgrace our-
selves by illiberal, ungrateful reproaches, by meanly ascrib-
ing the most generous conduct to the most sordid motives ;
we owe our birth, our progress, our delivery, to her; we
still depend on her for protection ; we are surely able to
bear some part of the expense of it ; let us be willing to
bear it. Employ then, gentlemen, your united zeal and
abilities in substituting some adequate, permanent, and
effectual supply (by some mode of actual representation,)
in the place of uncertain, ineffectual requisitions, or in de-
vising some means of reconciling taxation, the indispens-
able obligation of every subject, with your ideas of the
peculiar and inestimable rights of an Englishman.
76 1
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
762
These are objects woitliy a Congress ; measures that
will confer lasting benefits on your country, and immortal
honour on yourselves.
If, on the contrary, like independent states, you arrogate
to yourselves the sole right of judging and deciding in
your own cause ; if you pei-sist in denying the supreme
power of Parliament, which no Parliament will ever
renounce, like independent states, we have no appeal but
to the God of Batdes. Shall we dare lift up our eyes to
that God, the source of Truth and Justice, and implore
his assistance in such a cause ? There are causes, where,
in spite of the ridiculous tenets of pious, deluded enthusi-
asts, or of the wicked and monstrous doctrines of slaves
and tyrants, the very principles, the original principles
on which civil society depends, require, where (jod and
nature call aloud for resistance. Such causes existed in
the horrid catalogue of oppressions and crimes under a
Fhiiip the Second, a Catharine of Medicis, and in the list
of grievances during one period at least, of the reign of
the ill educated, the ill advised, the unhappy Charles. On
such melancholy occasions, men of sentiment, spirit, and
virtue, the only genuine sons of liberty, engage in the
honourable cause of freedom, with God on their side, and
indignantly sacrifice every advantage of fortune, every
endearment of life, and life itself. Do such causes exist
now among us ? Did they ever exist ? Are they likely to
exist ?
Open, if it be not too late, the eyes of our infatuated
countrymen ; teach them to compare their happy situation
with the wretchedness of nine-tenths of the globe ; shew
them the general diffusion of the necessaries, the conve-
niences and pleasures of life, among all orders of people
here ; the certain rewards of industry, the innumerable
avenues to wealth, the native unsubdued freedom of their
manners and conversation ; the spirit of equality, so flatter-
ing to all generous minds, and so essential to the enjoyment
of private society ; the entire security of their fortunes,
liberty and lives; the equity and lenity of their civil and
criminal justice, the toleration of their religious opinions
and worsliip.
Teach them to compare these invaluable privileges and
enjoyments with the abject and miserable state of men
debased by artificial manners, lost to all generous and
manly sentiment ; alternately crouching and insulting, from
the vain and humiliating distinctions of birth, place, and
precedence ; trembling every moment for their liberty, their
property, their consciences, and their lives ; millions toil-
ing, not for themselves, but to pamper the luxury and riot
of a few worthless, domineering individuals, and pining in
indigence and wretchedness ; save them from the madness
of hazarding such inestimable blessings, in the uncertain
events of a war, against all odds, against invasions from
Canada, incursions of savages, revolt of slaves, multiplied
fleets and armies ; a war which must begin where wars
commonly end, in the ruin of our trade, in the surrender
of our ports and capitals, in the misery of thousands.
Teach them in mercy, to beware how they wantonly draw
their swords in defence of political problems, distinctions,
refinements ; about which the best and the wisest men, the
friends as well as the enemies of America, differ in their
opinions, lest while we deny the mother country every
mode, every right of taxation, we give her the right of
conquest.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GOVERNOUR MARTIN TO
THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED NEWBERN, NORTH
CAROLINA, SEPTEMBER 1, 1774.
Your Lordship will not be surprised to hear that the
people of this Colony have followed the example of the rest
of tiie Continent, in caballing and forming resolutions upon
the late measures of Government, with regard to the divis-
ions in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. The readiness
witii which the intemperate declarations of the Virginia
Assembly were adopted and re-echoed here, will have
shown your Ijordship, that this people are of but too con-
genial disposition. What system the other Continental
Assemblies have formed by their Committees of Corres-
pondence, which your Lordship must know have been
appointed, I cannot tell, having never understood that their
proceedings have transpired more than those of the Com-
mittee here, of which nothing appears upon the Assembly's
Journal, but the resolves entered into on the first estab-
lishment of that Committee, and that letters had been re-
ceived from the Committees in the other Colonies, the
contents of which are held secret. Whatever measures
may have been taken, the combination is assuredly at least
indecent and inglorious.
The first intimation that I received, except from vague
rumour, of the measures lately taken here, was from the
enclosed letter of a Committee at Wilmington, to the free-
holders of Craven County, where my residence is fixed.
Whereupon 1 immediately ordered the Coimcil to be sum-
moned, that I might advise with them on the measures
proper to be taken to discourage and prevent such unlaw-
ful and indecent proceedings. Your Lordship will see, by
the minutes of that Board, herewith transmitted, that on
the 12th of last month, I laid the letter before them, and
that I issued with their advice, a Proclamation the next
day ; apprehending however, that under the total inability
of Government to enforce even what common decorum re-
quired, the proposed meeting of Deputies at Newhern, the
seat of Government, that was ultimately agreed to be the
place of rendezvous, would be accordingly held, and con-
sidering it would be my duty to be at hand, to discourage
their proceedings as much as lay in my power, and to take
such measures as circumstances should require, for the
maintenance of order and government, I resolved there to
wait, until the time of meeting was past, although the very
impaired state of my health made it highly expedient to
remove, at that season from so unwholesome a situation ;
whence, at the very time, 1 was compelled to send my
family to New-York, as the only chance of preserving it
from destruction.
Boston, September 5, 1774.
On Thursday morning, September 1st, half past four,
about two hundred and sixty troops commanded by Lieu-
tenant Colonel Maddison, embarked on board thirteen
boats at the Long Wharf, and proceeded up Mystic River to
Temple's farm, where they landed, and went to the powder
house on (Quarry Hill, in Charlestown bounds, whence
they have taken two hundred and fifty half barrels of
powder, the whole store there, and carried it to the Castle.
A detachment from this corps went to Cambridge, and
brought off two field pieces, which had been lately sent
there for Colonel Brattle's regiment. The preparation
for this scandalous expedition caused much speculation, as
some who were near the Governour gave out that he had
sworn the Committee of Salem should recognise or be im-
prisoned ; nay, some said be put on board the Scarbo-
rough, and sent to England forthwith.
The Committee o{ Boston sent off an express after ten,
on Wednesday evening, to advise their brethren of Salem
of what they apprehended was coming against them, who
received their message with great politeness, and returned
an answer purporting their readiness to receive any attacks
they might be exposed to for acting in pursuance to the
lawo and interest of their country as became men and
Christians.
From these several hostile appearances the County of
Middlesex took the alarm, and on Thursday evening
began to collect in large bodies, with their arms, provisions,
and ammunition, determining by some means to give a
check to a power which so openly threatened their destruc-
tion, and in such a clandestine manner rob them of the
means of their defence. And on Friday morning some
thousands of them had advanced to Cambridge, armed only
with sticks, as they had left their fire-arms, &;c., at some
distance behind them. Some indeed, had collected on
Thursday evening, and surrounded the Attorney General's
house, wlio is also Judge of Admiralty on the new plan of
Nova Scotia ; and being provoked by the firing of a gun
from a window, they broke some glass, but did no more
mischief. The company, however, concerned in this were
mostly boys and negroes, who soon dispersed.
On perceiving the concourse on Friday morning, the
Committee of Cambridge sent an express to Charlestown,
who communicated the intelligence to Boston, and their
respective Committee proceeded to Cambridge without
delay. When the first of the Boston Committee came up,
76»
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
764
they found some thousands of people assembled round the
Court House steps, and Judge Uanforth standing upon
them, speaking to the body, declaring, in substance, that
having now arrived at a very advanced age, and spent the
greater part in the service of the publick, it was a great
mortification to him to find a step lately taken by him so
disagreeable to his country, in which he conscientiously had
meaned to serve them ; but finding their general sense
against his holding a seat at the Council Board on the new
establishment, he assured them that he had resigned the
said office, and would never henceforth accept or act in any
office inconsistent with the Charter rights of his country ;
and in confirmation of said declaration, he delivered the
following certificate drawn up by himself, and signed with
his own hand, viz :
" Although I have this day made an open declaration to
a great concourse of people, who assembled at Cambridge,
that I had resigned my seat at the Council Board ; yet, for
the further satisfaction of all, I do hereby declare, under
my hand, that such resignation has actually been made,
and that it is my full purpose not to be any way concerned
as a member of the Council at any time hereafter.
*' S. Danforth.
" September 2, 1774."
Judge Lee was also on the Court House steps, and de-
livered his mind to the body in terms similar to those used
by Judge Danforth ; and delivered the following declara-
tion also drawn up and signed by him, viz :
*' Cambridge, September 2, 1774.
" As great numbers of the inhabitants of the county are
come into this town since my satisfying those who were met,
not only by declaration, but by reading to them what I
wrote to the Governour at my resignation, and being desir-
ous to give the whole county and Province full satisfaction
in this matter, I hereby declare my resignation of a seat in
the new constituted Council, and my determination to give
no further attendance. Jos. Lee."
Upon this a vote was called for, to see if the body was
satisfied with the declarations and resignations abovesaid,
and passed in the affirmative, nem. con.
It was then moved to know whether that body would
signify their abhorrence of mobs, riots, and the destruction
of private property, and passed in the affirmative, nem. con.
Colonel Phips, the High SherifF of the county, then
came before the Committee of the body, and complained
that he had been hardly spoken of for the part he had
acted in delivering the powder in Charlestojvn Magazine to
the soldiery ; which the Committee candidly considered
and reported to the body, that it was their opinion the
High Sheriff was excusable, as he had acted in conformity
to his order from the Commander-in-chief. Colonel
Phips also delivered the following declaration by him sub-
scribed, viz :
" Colonel Phips' a Answer to the Honourable body now
in meeting on the Common, viz :
" That I will not execute any precept that shall be sent
me under the new Acts of Parliament for altering the Con-
stitution of the Province of tiie Massachusetts Bay ; and
that I will recall all the venires that I have sent out under
tlie new establishment. David Phips.
"Cambridge, September 2, 1774."
Which was accepted as satisfactory.
About eight o'clock his Honour Lieutenant Governour
Oliver set off from Cambridge to Boston, and informed
Governour Gage of the true state of matters, and the busi-
ness of the people ; which, as his Honour told the Admiral,
was not a mad mob, but the freeholders of the county,
promising to return in two hours and confer further with
them on his own circumstance as President of the Council.
On Mr. Oliver's return, he came to tiie Committee and
signified what he had delivered to the body in the morning,
viz : that as the commissions of Lieutenant Governour
and President of the Council seemed tacked together, he
should undoubtedly incur his Majesty's displeasure if he
resigned the latter and pretended to hold the former ; and
no body appeared to have any objection to his enjoying tiie
place he held constitutionally ; lie begged he might not be
pressed to incur that displeasure, at the instance of a single
county, while any other Counsellor held in the new estab-
lishment ; assuring them however, tiiat in case the mind
of the whole Province, collected in Congress, or otherwise,
appeared for his resignation, he would by no means act in
opposition to it. 1'his seemed satisfactory to the Com-
mittee, and they were preparing to deliver it to the body,
when Mr. Commissioner Hallowell came through the town
on his way to Boston. The sight of that obnoxious person
so inflamed the people, that in a few minutes about one
hundred and sixty horsemen were drawn up, and proceeded
in pursuit of him on the full gallop. Captain Gardner, of
Cambridge, first began a parley with one of the foremost,
which caused them to halt while he delivered his mind very
fully in dissuasion of the pursuit, and was seconded by Mr.
Deavens, of Charlcstown, and Dr. Young, of Boston.
They generally observed tiiat the object of the body's at-
tention that day seemed to be the resignation of the un-
constitutional Counsellors ; and that it might introduce
confusion into the proceedings of the day, if any thing else
was brought upon the carpet till that important business
was finished ; and in a little time the gentlemen dismounted
their horses and returned to the body.
But Mr. Hallowell did not entirely escape, as one gen-
tleman of small stature pushed on before the general body,
and followed Halloivell, who had made the best of his way
till he got into Roibury. where Mr. Bradshatv overtook and
stopped him in his cliaise. Mr. Halloivell snapped his
pistols at him, but could not disengage himself from him
till he quitted the chaise and mounted his servant's horse,
on which he drove into Boston with all the speed he could
make ; till the horse failing within the gate, he ran on foot
to the camp, through which he spread consternation,
telling them he was pursued by some thousands, who would
be in town at his heels, and destroy all friends of Govern-
ment before them.
A gentleman in Boston observing the motion in tlie
camp, and concluding they were on the point of marching
to Cambridge, from both ends of the town, communicated
the alarm to Dr. Roberts, then at Charlesiown Ferry, who
having a very fleet horse, brought the news in a very few
minutes to the Committee, then at dinner. The intelli-
gence was instantly difllised, and the people whose arms
were nearest, sent persons to bring them, while horeemen
were despatched both ways to gain more certain advice of
the true state of the soldiery. A greater fervour and reso-
lution probably never appeared among any troops.
The despatches soon returning, and assuring the body
that the soldiers still remained and were likely to remain in
their camp, they resumed their business with spirit, and
resolved to leave no unconstitutional officer within their
reach in possession of his place. On this the Committee
assembled again, and drew up the paper, of which the fol-
lowing is a copy, and at the head of the body delivered it
to Lieutenant Governour Oliver to sign, with vviiich he
complied, after obtaining their consent to add the latter
clause, implying the force by which he was compelled to
do it. Mr. Mason, Clerk of the County of Middlesex,
also engaged, in his office, to do no one thins; in obedience
to the new Acts of Parliament impairing our Charter.
" Cambridge, September 2, 1774.
" I, Thomas Oliver, being appointed by his Majesty to a
seat at the Council Boai'd, upon, and in conformity to the
late Act of Parliament, entitled, ' An Act for the better
regulation of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay,' which
being a manifest infringement of the Charter riglits and
privileges of this people, I do hereby in conformity to the
commands of the body of this county now convened, most
solemnly renounce and resign my seat at said unconstitu-
tional Board, and hereby firmly promise and engage, as a
man of honour and a Christian, that 1 never will hereafter,
upon any terms whatsoever, accept a seat at said Board on
the present novel and oppressive plan of Government.
" My house at Cambridge being surrounded by about
four thousand people, in compliance with their commands,
I sign my name, T. Oliver.''
TO THE PRINTER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS GAZETTE.
In the publications of last Monday, the transactions at
Cambridge, on Friday, the 2d of September, having been so
765
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
766
generally related, I am constrained, in support of my
ciiaracter, to give the publick a more particular account of
those parts in which I was so unhappily involved.
Early in the morning of that day a number of the in-
habitants of Charlestoivn called at my house, to acquaint
me that a large body of people from several towns in the
county were on their way coming down to Cambridge ;
that they were afraid some bad consequences might ensue,
and begged I would go out to meet them, and endeavour
to prevail on them to return. In a very short time, before
I could prepare myself to go, they appeared in sight. I
went out to them, and asked the reasons of their appear-
ance in that manner; they respectfully answered, they
" came peaceably to inquire into their grievances, not witli
design to hurt any man." I perceived they were the land-
holders of the neighbouring towns, and was thoroughly
j>ersuaded they would do no harm. I was desired to speak
to them ; I accordingly did, in such a manner as I thought
best calculated to quiet their minds. They thanked me
for my advice, said they were no mob, but sober, orderly
l)eople, who would commit no disorders ; and then pro-
ceeded on their way. 1 returned to my hoMse. Soon
after they had arrived on the Common at Cambridge, a
report arose that the troops were on their march from Bos-
ton ; I was desired to go and intercede with his Excellen-
cy to prevent their coming. From principles of humanity
to the country, from a general love of mankind, and from
persuasions that they were this orderly people, 1 readily
undertook it ; and is there a man on earth, who, placed in
my circumstances, could have refused it? I am informed
I am censured for having advised the General to a measure
which may reflect on the troops, as being too inactive upon
such a general disturbance ; but surely such a reflection on
tlie military can never arise but in the minds of such as are
entirely ignorant of these circumstances. Wherever this
aifair is known, it must also be known it was my request
tiie troops should not be sent, but to return ; as I passed
tlie people I told them, of my own accord, I would return
and let them know the event of my application, (not, as
was related in the papers, to confer with them on my own
circumstances as President of the Council.) On my re-
turn I went to the Committee, I told them no troops had
been ordered, and from the account I had given his Excel-
lency, none would be ordered. I was then thanked for the
trouble 1 had taken in the affair, and was just about to leave
tJiem to their own business, when one of the Committee
observed, that as I was present, it might be proper to men-
tion a matter they had to propose to me. It was, that
although they had a respect for me as Lieutenant Govern-
our of the Province, they could wish I would resign my
seat. I told them I took it very unkind that they should
mention any tiling on that subject ; and, among other rea-
sons, I urged, that, as Lieutenant Governour, I stood in a
particular relation to the Province in general, and, there-
fore, could not hear any thing upon that matter from a par-
ticular county. I was then pushed to know, if I would
resign when it appeared to be the sense of the Province
in general ; I answered, that when all the other Counsellors
had resigned, if it appeared to be the sense of the Prov-
ince I should resign, I would submit.
They then called for a vote upon the subject, and, by a
very great majority, voted my reasons satisfactory, I in-
quired whether they had full power to act for the people,
and being answered in the affirmative, I desired they would
take care to acquaint them of their votes, that I should have
no further application made to me on that head, I was
promised by the Chairman, and a general assent, it should
be so. This left me entirely clear and free from any ap-
prehensions of a further application upon this matter, and
perhaps will account for that confidence which I had in
tlie people, and for which I may be censured. Indeed, it
is true, the event proves 1 had too much, but reasoning
from events yet to come, is a kind of reasoning I have not
been used to.
In the afternoon I observed large companies pouring in
from different parts ; I then began to apprehend they would
become unmanageable, and that it was expedient to go
out of their way. I was just going into my carriage when
a great crowd advanced, and, in a short time, my house was
surrounded by three or four thousand people, and one
quarter part in arms. I went to the front door, where I
was met by five persons, who acquainted me they were a
Committee from the people to demand a resignation of my
seat at the Board. I was shocked at their ingratitude and
false dealings, and reproached them with it. They excused
themselves by saying the people were dissatisfied with the
vote of the Committee, and insisted on my signing a paper
they had prepared for that purpose. I found 1 had been
ensnared, and endeavoured to reason them out of such un-
grateful behaviour. They gave such answers that I found
it was in vain to reason longer with them ; I told them my
first considerations were my honour, the next my life ; tliat
they might put me to death or destroy my property, but I
would not submit. They began then to reason in their
turn, urging the power of the people, and the danger of
opposing them. All this occasioned a delay, which enraged
part of the multitude, who, pressing into my back yard,
denounced vengeance to the foes of their liberties. They
endeavoured to moderate them, and desired them to keep
back, for they pressed up to my windows, which then were
open ; I could ffom thence hear them at a distance calling
out for a determination, and, with their arms in their hands,
swearing they would have my blood if I refused. The
Committee appeared to be anxious for me, still I refused to
sign ; part of the populace growing furious, and the distress
of my family, who heard their threats, and supposed them
just about to be executed, called up feelings which I could
not suppress ; and nature, ready to find new excuses, sug-
gested a thought of the calamities I should occasion, if I
did not comply; I found myself giving way, and began to
cast about to contrive means to come off with honour. I
proposed they should call in the people to take me out by
force, but they said the people were enraged, and they
would not answer for the consequences ; I told the.ii I
would take the risk, but they refused to do it. Reduced
to this extremity, I cast my eyes over the paper, with a
hurry of mind and conflict of passion which rendered me
unable to remark the contents, and wrote underneath the
following words : " My house at Cambridge being sur-
" rounded by four thousand people, in compliance with
" their commands, I sign my name, Thomas Oliver.'^
The five persons took it, carried it to the people, and, I
believe, used their endeavours to get it accepted. I had
several messages that the people would not accept it with
these additions, upon which I walked into the court yard,
and declared I would do no more, though they should put
me to death.
I perceived that those persons who formed the first
body which came down in the morning, consisting of
the land-holders of the neighbouring towns, used their ut-
most endeavours to get the paper received with my addi-
tions ; and I must, in justice to them, observe, that, during
the whole transaction, they had never invaded my enclo-
sures, but still were not able to protect me from the insults
which I received from those who were in arms. From this
consideration I am induced to quit the country, and seek
protection in the town. Thomas Oliver.
Boston, September 7, 1774.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM ST. JOHN'S PARISH, IN GEOR-
GIA, DATED SEPTEMBER 2, 1774.
The struggle in the cause of liberty in the Province of
Georgia has been very considerable. At a General Conven-
tion at Savannah, on the 10th day o{ August, a number
of spirited Resolutions were entered into, and unanimous-
ly agreed upon, as you may see published in the Georgia
Gazette; but a difference of opinion arising on this pro-
position, viz : " Whether Deputies should be sent to join
" with the Deputies of the other Colonies at the General
" Congress," it was over-ruled in the negative ; but this
negative was maintained by a majority of numbers of gen-
tlemen of Savannah, who were not properly constituted,
and had no right to vote in the case. The other Parishes
immediately expressed their dissatisfaction, and made a
second attempt, in which the Parish of St. John took the
lead, and came to this further Resolution : " That if the
" majority of the other Parishes would join with them, they
" would send Deputies to join the General Congress, and
" faithfully and religiously abide by, and conform to, such
767
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
768
" determinations and resolutions as should be there enter-
" ed into, and come from thence recommended." Their
meeting was on the 30th of August, at wiiicii time there
appeared Representatives from two Parislies, viz : St.
George's and St. David's, to join with tiie Parish of St.
John, (and \vc since learn tliat the Parisli of .S'^ Andrew
liave acceded to the same resolution) and those Parishes
went so far as even to nominate one Deputy, who will, if
tiie other Parishes agree, finally attend at the General Con-
gress.
The Parish of St. John have been remarkably unani-
mous and spirited in this important affair ; have opened a
subscription for the relief of the unhappy sufferers at Bos-
ton; and in this single Parish have already subscribed to
the amount of two hundred barrels of rice, which is to be
forwarded by the Committee of Correspondence ; and
they, with the other Parishes that join them, express the
slroncest desire to be united with the other Colonies, in
every constitutional measure, for the removal of publick
grievances, and are willing, in this noble struggle, to exert
themselves to the utmost ; to make every sacrifice that men,
impressed with the strongest sense of their rights and liber-
ties, and warm with the most benevolent feelings for their
oppressed brethren, can make, to stand firmly, or fall glori-
ously, in the common cause.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLE GOV-
ERN0I:R GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED
BOSTON, SEPTEMBER 2, 1774.
Your Lordship's despatch, No. 6, is duly received.
Your Lordship will know that the state, not of this Prov-
ince only, but of the rest, is greatly changed since Mr.
Hutchinson left America.
Though I saw things were bad when 1 wrote from Salem,
I found them much worse than I expected when I arrived
here. Several of the new Counsellors who dwell at a dis-
tance, have fled from their houses, and been obliged to seek
protection among the troops at Boston ; in that number
were Messrs. Riiggles, Edson, Leonard, and Murray ; and
Messrs. Loring and Peppered are lately come into town.
The object of the people was to force tliem to give up their
seats in Council, which has taken effect with Mr. Paine,
who was seized and rouglily treated. There are bad re-
poits of Mr. JVatson, though I have no news from him ; but
Mr. Willard was grievously mal-treated, first in Connecti-
cut, where he went on business ; and every township he
passed through on his way home, in this Province, had pre-
vious notice of his approach, and ready to insult him ; arms
were put to his breast, with threats of instant death, unless
he signed a paper, the contents of which he did not know
or regard. He went home, after making me that report ;
but the news is, that a large body was marching to his
house, in Lancaster, to force him to some other concessions.
Upon the, first rumour of disturbance Mr. Andrew
Oliver resigned his seat in Council, as have also, since,
Mr. Isaac W'lnslow, Thomas Hutchinson, Lee, of Cam-
bridge, Danforlh, and, this moment, Mr. Watson.
With regard to the clause in the new Acts, relative to
town meetings, so many elusions are discovered, under
various pretensions, of adjournments ; electing to vacant
ofiices ; people assembling peaceably, without notification,
upon their own affaii-s ; and, withal, no penalty, that no per-
sons I have advised with can tell what to do with it ; at a
distance they go on as usual ; but worse transactions make
that matter of little consequence in the present moment.
I came here to attend the Superiour Court, and in the
intention to send a body of troojis to Worcester, to protect
the Court there ; and, if wanted, to send parties to the
houses of some of the Counsellors, who dwell in that
county; but finding from undoubted authority, that the
flames of sedition had spread universally throughout the
country, beyond conception ; the Counsellors already drove
away, and that no Court could proceed on business, 1
waited the event of the sitting of the Superiour Court here,
on the 30th ultimo ; the Judges met, but could get neither
Grand nor Petit Jury.
I ordered a Council to assemble ; but upon the represent-
ation that they should be watched, stopped, and insuhed
on the road to Salem, and desiring to be assembled here, I
hope his Majesty will approve of my consenting to their
request.
The Council was of opinion that it was very improper
to weaken the troops here, by any detachments whatever,
as they could not be of any use to the Courts, as no jurors
would appear, and by that means defeat their proceedings ;
and that disturbance being so general, and not confined to
any particular spot, there was no knowing where to send
tiiem to be of use ; and would terminate only in dividing
them in small detachments, and tempt numbers to fall upon
them, which was reported to be the scheme of the direc-
tors of these operations.
It was considered that the whole was at stake. Con-
necticut and (they add) Rhode Island as furious as they
are in this Province ; and that the first, and only step now
to take, was to secure the friends of Government in Bos-
ton, and reinforce the troops here with as many more as
could possibly be collected, and to act as opportunities and
exigencies shall offer.
I have for some time consulted with General Haldimand
about securing the magazines at New-York, part of which
is in Castle William; though, by all accounts, every thing
there is quiet; the people, in general, moderate and well
affected to all measures but taxations ; and as I don't see
that the regiment there, or the part of the eighteenth at
Philadelphia, can in any case, be of any use where they
are, I propose to order Major General Haldimand, with
those corps, to this place. I have thoughts, also, of send-
ing transports to Quebec for the tenth and fifty-second
regiments, who were to have been relieved this year, if
the internal circumstances of that Province admit it. I
think there can be no danger from without, as the river
will be impracticable soon after they come down it, and we
may be ready, in the spring, to reinforce the garrison. I
am unwiUing to weaken Quebec, and nothing but extrem-
ity of affairs could make me think of it.
This state of affairs, I give your Lordship, is from num-
berless accounts from gentlemen thoroughly acquainted
with the country, and who know the pitch of enthusiasm
to which the people are now raised; — gentlemen, who are
sensible, remaikably firm, and not to be intimidated ;
among others, Messrs. Ruggles, Murray, Leonard, and
Edson, who have abandoned their dwellings to the mercy
of the people, as have lately Messrs. Loring and Pep-
perell.
Civil Government is near its end ; the Courts of Jus-
tice expiring one after another; and where there is no
other reason for not suffering them, it is, that the Judges
of the Inferiour Courts, as well as the Justices, are under
the Governour"s influence by the new Acts, though the
said Acts don't take place, as to juries, till next month ;
but he may now turn them, the Judges, and Justices, out
at pleasure, though he has as yet made no change in them.
Precepts are issued for the calling an Assembly in the
beginning of next month, though uncertain whether the
people will choose Representatives ; but we may be as-
sured, if chosen, that they will not act with the new
Council ; and, it is supposed, the project has been to anni-
hilate the said Council, before meeting, to throw the refusal
upon the Governour to act with the old Council, elected
last sessions ; so that we shall shortly be without law or
Legislative powers.
The Judges of the Superiour Court have been with me,
in a body, to represent the impossibility of carrying on the
business of their Court, in any part of the Province ; that
the force there was by far too small to protect them every
where, and, after all, no Jurors would swear in ; diat it was
needless laying fines, which they could not do on Grand
Juries, there being no law for it in the Province ; and,
withal, it would be in vain, il'.e refusal being universal.
I mean, my Lord, to secure all I can by degrees;
to avoid any bloody crisis as long as possible, unless
forced into it by themselves, which may happen. His
Majesty will, in the mean time, judge what is best to be
done ; but your Lordship will permit me to mention, that
as it is judged here that it will be resolved to stem the
torrent, and not yield to it, that a very respectable force
should take the field. The regiments are now composed
of small numbers ; and irregulars will be very necessary in
769
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
fl^
this country, many of which, of one sort or other, I con-
ceive, may be raised here. Nothing that is said at present
can ;palHate ; conciliation, moderation, reasoning, is over ;
nothing can be done but by forcible means.
I transmit your Lordship a minute of Council, and copies
of attested papers and letters.
A vast concourse of people assembled this day, from
various parts, about eight miles from this; they have
frightened and pursued many obnoxious people, as they
term them ; nobody has asked assistance, and I have just
received a letter from Mr. Oliver, the Lieutenant Govern-
our, to beg 1 would, on no account, send any troops there,
for that it would prove fatal to him.
, Mr Simpson, another Counsellor, has just resigned.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLE GOV-
ERNOUR GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED
BOSTON, SEPTEMBER 3, 1774.
In my letter of yesterday I just made mention of a
letter in the moment received from Lieutenant Governour
Oliver. That gentleman came to me yesterday about
noon, and acquainted me that a number of people had
passed his house in Cambridge, going into that town, which
is about eight miles from this ; but that he had talked to
them, and they listened to liis advice, to be quiet and re-
turn peaceably home, which they promised to do without
making any disturbance. It was supposed they assembled
in order to force Messrs. Danforth and Lee to resign their
seats in Council, which they had done the day before, and
on account of some ammunition belonging to the Province,
in the Arsenal in Cambridge, which I had before sent a
detachment to secure, and lodged it in Castle William.
It was therefore concluded, that all objects being removed,
for that they were satisfied of his being in the Council, as
he was at the same time Lieutenant Governour, the people
would immediately go away ; and he therefore begged I
would not think of ordering any troops there, as there
would be no occasion for it, and it could only be produc-
tive of mischief. Some hours afterwards, three of the
Commissioners of the Customs passed through Cambridge ;
saw great numbers of people assembled, but no noise, and
no great insult offered them ; but one of them, viz : Mr.
Hallowell, against whom some of the chiefs of this place are
piqued, sent people after him, and he was pursued almost
to this town ; persons were sent out, and returned with the
report that all was quiet near the town, and no numbers
seen. I expected to hear from the Sheriff, Mr. Phips, if
any thing extraordinary happened at Cambridge, but re-
ceived no further advice, till near six in the evening, when
the letter which I have mentioned, and enclose, was brought
me from the Lieutenant Governour, about which time the
insurgents had finished their business, and went off, after
forcing him to resign his seat in Council. I have found
since, that when Mr. Oliver came first to me, it was in
consequence of the people's desire, and of their assurances
that no disturbance or violence would happen ; and he was
so confident in their promises, and of his own influence over
them, as to go back to Cambridge, and in his way met the
Sheriff, whom he persuaded to go with him. They thus
both fell into the snare ; for they obliged the Sheriff to
sign a paper, as well as Mr. Oliver.
LETTER FROM A MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT TO COLONEL
CHARLES LEE, DATED LONDON, SEPTEMBER 3, 1774.
I received your long letter with great pleasure, and
will answer it as fully as I am able. You must have
misunderstood me, in what I said of the Bill to alter the
Massachusetts Government, if you imagined 1 had either
concurred in, or even forborne to express my fullest dis-
approbation of it, when it was depending in the House.
The fact is so much otherwise, that I fought it through
every stage, almost alone, when most of the Opposition
were attending the New-Market meeting or other occupa-
tions, equally entitled to be preferred to that duty. I may
have said indeed, that I prefer the form of the English Gov-
ernment to that of any other country upon earth, because
it appears to me most calculated to reconcile necessary
restraint and natural liberty, and to draw the line between
them. It is the Government 1 was born under, I am
happy to live under, and would willingly die to preserve
and transmit entire ; but I look upon the first principle of
that Constitution to be, that the whole must be governed
by the will of the whole ; and that any Government where
the authority residing with the few is supported by any
other power than that of the many, in consequence of their
free concurrence and full approbation, is the woret of tyranny.
Judge then, my dear friend, whether I could approve of
tearing from a free and happy people that form of Govern-
ment which had been purchased with the blood, and estab-
lished by the wisdom of their ancestors ; and of subverting
that excellent polity, endeared to them by their prosperity,
and sanctified by the most laudable of human predilections,
a veneration for their ancestors, and an enthusiasm for tlie
permanence of their liberties. Nolumus Leges AnglicB
mutari, was the noblest expression that ever bore testimony
to the spirit of a free Legislature. I think it as laudable at
Boston now, as it was in London some centuries ago. So
far I stand upon the ground of natural right and manly
feeling — thus much I say because — Homo sum — but to de-
scend to the humbler ground of policy, nothing can be so
absurd orimpolitick, as to shake a frame sanctified by long
possession, for the caprice of a moment, or the fancies of a
few ; to sacrifice the wisdom of ages to the presumption of
an hour ; and to divert the stream of Government, which
has fertilized the country, and enriched the people, by
channels which it has gradually formed for itself, by sur-
mounting or eluding all the obstacles it has met with in its
course, from those channels, by dams raised by strange
hands unacquainted with the country, which if they are not
borne down by the torrent, must deluge the country, and
destroy the ancient land-marks. If, therefore, 1 prefer in
speculation the Government of Virginia to that of Massa-
chusetts Bay, it is not from thinking that what appears
best in the abstract, should be imposed on all ; on the con-
trary, I am convinced that the minds of individuals and the
manners of a people form and adapt themselves naturally
and imperceptibly to the mode of Government under which
they are born. The modifications of municipal institutions
are in themselves indifferent, provided they are approved
by the people; but it is of the essence of freedom, and
common to all free Governments, that the people should
be convinced the laws they live under are of their own
choosing, and that there is no power on earth that can pro-
long their existence, or give force to their injunctions one
hour after the disapprobation of the mass of the people is
signified.
I have been the more full upon this subject, because I
would not willingly be mistaken in my principles in so
material a point. Now I am upon the subject of Massa-
chusetts, I cannot help expressing my surprise that you
should have been so far misinformed, as to have believed
that I, amongst the rest, could speak with " approbation of
that scoundrel Hutchinson ;" so far from it, that I agree with
you in the epithet, and was the only person in the House
that declared my detestation of his character, and my con-
viction that his whole conduct had been that of a parricide,
who had attempted to ruin his country, to serve his own
little narrow selfish purposes. This I did in such pointed
terms, that I was informed he had afterwards waited upon
a friend of mine, who did not see his character in so just a
light, to thank him for what he was pleased to call defend-
ing him against me. Be assured I shall never speak well
of a man who recommends an abridgment of English
liberties in any part of the globe where one spark re-
mains unsmothered by corruption, and unextinguished by
violence.
As to the Quebec Bill, I can with pleasure, assure
you, that I opposed it with activity throughout ; and though
I could not overset it, I was at least fortunate enough to
set a defined bound to despotism ; and say, so far shalt
thou go, and no further, by drawing the line which pro-
tected iSfew- York and Pennsylvania ; though I have since
been told that Burke takes the merit to himself, but upon
what grounds I know not, as I proposed the line without
any communication with him.
As to myself I am out of Parliament, without any pros-
pect of being in ; and though I should have thought it in-
famous to have deserted my post and not endeavoured to
get in, yet I hardly can say that 1 much regret being out,
there is so little prospect of doing good. Yours, Sic.
FouuTH Series.
49
771
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
772
London, September 3, 1774.
By tlie general concord and union of our fellow-subjects
in America, and by the Solemn League and Covenant they
have entered into, to defend, support, and maintain their
Charters, rights, and liberties, it is very plain that their
publick virtue is not vitiated, nor their morals and principles
corrupted and debauched ; and therefore it may be clearly
foreseen, that the attack now made upon them will fail,
and will redound to their honour, and to the disgrace, if not
punishment, of those who planned it. It is absolutely im-
possible to enslave milhons of people possessing such im-
mense territories, who are resolved at all risks and hazards
to defend their rights and freedom ; for while they retain
such a virtuous publick spirit they will be invincible. Our
arbitrary Minister having fully experienced the infamous
corruption and total defect of all publick spirit in the ma-
jority of the Representatives of Old England, was proba-
bly led to imagine that the people were as corrupt and
void of all publick virtue in the New; but in this he hatii
found himself egregiously mistaken. It now appears that
our American brethren have a just value for their freedom,
and are determined to support it ; far from submitting to
the attempt upon it, they have set us a glorious example
for uniting in defence of our rights and liberties at home,
and not to suffer them either to be taken from us by force,
or stolen from us by fraud ; and surely the people of Eng-
land are not yet so totally sunk in dissipation, so debilitated
by luxury, or vitiated by corruption, as not to perceive the
indispensable duty and moral rectitude of their conduct,
and to strive to imitate their illustrious precedent. It is
therefore to be hoped that all iionest Englishmen, all un-
corrupted freemen and lovers of their country, will join
hand and heart together, and enter into one common asso-
ciation to defend and support at the ensuing general election,
that great right of the people, the making of their own
laws, and which can no ways be maintained but by a free
and uncorrupt choice of persons to represent them in Par-
liament. All the evils of the Nation, and all the griev-
ances which the people now groan under, arise from cor-
rupt and dishonest Representatives in Parliament ; from
having such persons therein, as have no kind of regard for
the rights and interest of the people ; as takes away every
idea of a national representation, and turns such an Assem-
bly into a meeting of the creatures of the Crown, wherein
the people of England are no more essentially represented
than the people of America,
EXTR.\CT OF A LETTEK FROM LONDON, TO A CORRESPOND-
ENT IN NEW-YORK, DATED SEPTEMBER 3, 1774.
The tools of Administration are at present more than
usually calm ; a calm that perhaps may be only a prelude
to a storm. They are anxiously waiting to hear the result
of the Congress, and, judging the Americans by tliem-
selves, were so sanguine in their expectations that the ter-
rour of their armaments would frighten you into submission
to their edicts, that they cannot yet erase the idea, but still
expect you to beg mercy, cap in hand. An express was
sent to General Amherst, who had a private conference,
but the result is not known. It is said that it was proposed
to him to go with one thousand Hanoverians to America,
or the third regiment of the Guards, &,c.,and that Sir Wil-
liam Draper is appointed a Governour, and is going with
troops (it is supposed) to New- York. Mansfield is gone
to France, many think to concert measures with the French
Court against America, or to bring in the Pretender. It
is whispered that the friends at Court will themselves in-
vite him, and lay the blame on the Americans. A similar
conduct has been pursued with regard to the Indians, and
with some of your Colony disputes about patents and
boundaries.
Many of your friends here are horribly afraid that
some of the baits laid by the Ministry to enslave you will
succeed. It is said many of your leading men will be
tempted by lucrative places, as agents or contractors for
Government, in tlie purchase of wiieat and other necessary
articles ; which, besides raising domestick enemies (the
most dangerous of any) among yourselves, will answer the
ik)uble purpose of reducing you to poverty, (in the midst of
plenty) and then to slavery. Besides, it is proposed to lay
many tempting advantages in the way of tliose who join
in the scheme from which all others are to be excluded ; in
short, your virtue will be tried to the utmost, by those
whose long practice and experience in all the arts of cor-
ru|)tion will be but too likely to ensure them success, and
will make it necessary to exert your utmost vigilance to
guard against deception, and especially that you be not
betrayed by those in whom you may confide amoung your-
selves.
Your Committee disputes have been pubhshed in all
the papei-s, over and over, and have been disadvantageous
to your cause. Lord Chatham, and all your friends, are
anxiously concerned at your critical situation ; but your
unanimity, and the spirit and propriety of your resolutions,
rejoiced the heart of every friend to constitutional freedom,
and has done the highest honour to America. Maintain
your firmness and unanimity, and depend upon Heaven for
success ; hope nothing from the people here — but if you
jjereevere, we shall soon join you by thousands ; more and
more daily espouse your cause, and, I believe it will shortly
be as much ours as yours. It will not be worth while to
send here any Deputies from the Congress — they would
only be insulted and treated with contempt ; but at home
they may do all the business effectually. I expect fifteen
hundred respectable people, of considerable property, will
shortly remove to reside in America; but the Ministry, in
order to discourage emigration, are endeavouring to make
living there as uneasy as it is here.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON, DATED SEPTEMBER
4, 1774.
The unanimity of the Colonies is an honour to your
cause, and will make even your enemies respect you.
The most embittered advocates for tyranny cannot help
approving a love of liberty, and an undaunted sacrifice of
every subordinate advantage for its support and preservation.
Be as a body animated with one soul. Be firm and steady
in all your operations ; but, as you love liberty, as you wish
success to its cause, as you desire to have your present
struggle applauded through Europe, let your measures be
concerted in a calm, open, and temperate manner. Riot
and tumult will be construed as marks that your opposition
proceeds from licentiousness, and of consequence that your
cause is only supported by the multitude. Zeal and tem-
per blended will discover a fixed and stationary love of
freedom, not the mad impulses and ragings of passions.
Let not any of your resolves, and if possible none of your
productions, contain harsh reflections against Great Britain.
Such heated publications alienate from you the affections
of the people in England, and lead them to think you
enemies to the name of Briton; whereas by mild and
distinguishing measures you may gain them to your favour.
Petition and remonstrance seem to me the most proba-
ble mode of succeeding. Administration will be willing
to come to an amicable settlement and adjustment of the
bounds of your privileges, and the authority of Parliament,
provided it might be done with safety to the dignity of
Government. Is it not more reasonable, as well as more
prudent, to attempt a settlement of your contradictory
claims by treaty than by violence ? Violence, if attended
with success on either side will be injurious to both. An
Englishman will reason that, though an American could
not be justly taxed without the consent of the Represent-
ative, yet such a plea will not excuse him in destroying
the property of any individual or body of Englishmen ; that
the India Company should, therefore, be indemnified by
the Bostonians, and submission made for the insult offered
to Government. To assert that this would be giving up
the point in dispute, is the most ridiculous position that ever
dropped from the pen of a raving politician. Is the making
restitution for another's properly destroyed, a concession of
right in the injured party to tax you without your consent?
Is the making a due submission and acknowledgment, when
you have done wrong, to give Government a precedent of
taxation without representation ? These ideas have no
more agreement than the paying a lawful debt has to that
of being a slave, or a French horn to a hasty pudding.
Such pretences as these disgrace your cause, and give
your enemies ground of triumph. While you contend
against the injustice of others give a noble instance of your
readiness to do justice, even to your enemies.
773
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
774
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM DEPUTY GOVERNOUR PENN
TO THE EARI, OF DARTMOUTH, DATED PHILADELPHIA,
SEPTEMBER 5, 1774.
In my several letters of the 31st May, and the 4th July,
I gave your Lordship an account of the temper and dispo-
sition of the people of America with respect to the several
Boston Acts of Parliament, and of ti.e measures which
I then understood were intended to be pursued. And I
am now to inform your Lordship that Deputies from the
Colonies of Massachusetts Bay, New-Hampshire, Rhode
Island, Connecticut, New-York, New- Jersey, Pennsylva-
nia, the three Lower Counties, Maryland, Virginia, and
South Carolina, have met, by appointment, in tliis city,
as the most central place, and assembled this morning,
for the first time, in general Congress, as it is called, to
consult on the proper means of obtaining relief from hard-
ships which they suppose to be entailed on the Colonies
by those Acts of Parliament. It is said that Deputies are
also expected f om the Colonies of North Carolina and
Georgia, but they have not yet made their appearance.
It is impossible to say what the result of their delibera-
tions may be, but I shall not fail to inform your Lordship of
them by the ver)' first opportunity that offers after they are
known. I think it, however, my indispensable duty to his
Majesty to acquaint your Lordship that, from the best in-
telligence I have been able to procure, the resolution of
opposing the Boston Acts, and the Parliamentary power of
raising taxes in America for the purpose of raising a rev-
enue, is. in a great measure, universal throughout the Col-
onies, and possesses all ranks and conditions of people.
They persuade themselves there is a formed design to en-
slave America, and although the Act for regulating the Gov-
ernment of Canada does not immediately affect the other
Provinces, it is nevertheless held up as an irrefragable
argument of that intention. General, however, as the
resolution is to oppose, there is great diversity of opinions
as to the proper modes of opposition. Some are said to be
for remonstrance alone upon a state of grievances and
claims. Others are for a general, and otiiers again for a
partial non-exportation and non-importation, without any
remonstrance. This perhaps may be the source of divi-
sions which will not be easily got over.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GEORGIA, TO A GENTLEMAN
IN NEW-YORK, DATED SEPTEMBER 7, 1774.
Some people here would suddenly enter into a non-im-
portation agreement, but they are by far the minority ; and
indeed it would be highly imprudent and ungenerous for
us to meddle at any rate with the disputes in which the
rest of the Colonies are engaged, considering the pecuniary
aid of Parliament we annually have, and do continue to
receive ; also our present situation with the Creek In-
dians, who refusing to give satisfaction for the depredations
already committed on the back settlements, daily threaten
us with fresh hostilities to the center, which we are by no
means able to resist, as they can muster four thousand
gun-men.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LIEUTENANT GOVERNOUR
COLDEN TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED NEW-
YORK, SEPTEMBER 7, 1774.
The destruction of Captain Chambers's tea, was so un-
expected and sudden that no measures could be previously
thought of to prevent it.
Afterwards the gentlemen of property and principal
merchants attended the meetings of the populace, when
called together by their former demagogues, who thereby
have lost their influence, and are neglected. The popu-
lace are now directed by men of different principles, and
who have much at stake. Many papers have been publish-
ed in this city to expose the measures which had been
proposed by tiie former demagogues in opposition to Gov-
ernment. Men now speak and publish sentiments in
favour of Government, and argue upon the political sub-
jects of the times, with much greater freedom and security
than has been known here for some years past, which I
hope is a sign that the licentious spirit which has governed
the people to their great disgrace is checked. We have no
more burning of effigies or putting cut-throat papers under
people's doors.
I hope I am not deceived in thinking that the people of
this Province will cautiously avoid giving any new offence
to the Parliament, but great numbers are so fluctuating,
that some unexpected incident may produce bad effects.
The five gentlemen whom I formerly informed your
Lordship were appointed by this city to be their Delegates
at the general Congress, went to Philadelphia, the place
of meetin"', last week. Seven counties of this Province
neither appointed Delegates for themselves, nor concurred
in the choice made by the city ; and two counties have
sent Delegates of their own. 1 found the city Delegates
were embarrassed by this dissension of the people.
EARL or DARTMOUTH TO GOVERNOUR PENN.
Whitehall, September 7, 1774.
Sir : I have received your letters of the 5th and 30th
of July, and am very much obliged to you for the early
intelligence they contain of publlck occurrences within
your Province ; upon which I have only to observe that it
has given the King great concern to find that his subjects
in the different Colonies in North America have been
induced, upon the grounds stated in their different Resolu-
tions, to nominate Deputies to meet in general Congress at
Philadelphia.
If the object of this Congress be humbly to represent
to the King any grievances they may have to complain
of, or any propositions they may have to make on the
present state of America, such representation would cer-
tainly have come from each Colony with greater weight in
its separate capacity, than in a channel of the propriety
and legality of which there may be much doubt.
I fear however the measure is gone too far to encourage
any hope that it has been retracted, and I can only express
my wishes that the result of their proceedings may be such
as not to cut off all hope of that union with the mother
country which is so essential to the happiness of both.
The enclosed copy of my letter of this day's date to
Lord Dunmore, (which I send you for your information)
will inform you of the light in which the conduct of the
people of Virginia towards the Indians upon the Ohio is
considered by the King.
I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
Dartmouth.
Deputy Governour Penn,
EARL OF DARTMOUTH TO THE EARL OF DUNMORE.
Whitehall, September 8, 1774.
My Lord : The Deputy Governour of Pennsylvania
in his message to the House of Representatives, on the
18th of July last, asserts that the hostility of the Indians
upon the River Ohio, which has spread such general alarm
and distress throughout the back settlements, was occasion-
ed by the unprovoked ill treatment of those Indians by the
people of Virginia, who had barbarously murdered about
eleven of the Delawares and Shawanese tribes, and that
many friendly Indians, who had generously afforded protec-
tion to the persons and goods of Indian traders from the
violence of some of their young warriors, and who were, at
the risk of their own lives, escorting those traders to their
friends near Pittsburgh, were, contrary to all faith, attack-
ed, and some of them wounded by a party of Virginians
sent out for the purpose by one Conolly, a militia captain,
having a commission from the Government of Virginia.
My intelligence through a variety of other channels
confirms these facts, and adds further that this Conolly,
using your Lordship's name, and pleading your authority,
has presumed to re-establish the Fort at Pittsburgh, which
was demolished by the King's express orders ; that he
has destroyed the King's boats, which were kept there for
the purpose of a communication witii the Illinois country ;
and that parties were sent out by his authority, or under
his direction, for the purpose of building forts lower down
the River Ohio.
The duty I owe the King, and the regard I entertain for
your Lordship, induce me to take the earilest opportunity
of acquainting your Lordship with this Information, to the
end that the facts asserted, if not true, may be contradicted
fl7«
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
776
by your Lordship's authority ; but, if otlierwise, wiiich I
cannot suppose to be the case, such steps may be taken as
tlie King's dignity and justice shall dictate.
I am, &c., Dartmouth.
Eslt] of Dunmore.
Williamsburg, Virginia, September 8, 1774.
The Delegates from the counties, at the late Conven-
tion, having signified their opinion that the officers fees,
since the expiration of the Act for regulating and collect-
ing them, cannot be legally taxed, it seems none of the
County Courts will proceed to do business until there bo
a session of the General Assembly ; and tiie gentlemen of
the General Court Bar, doubting the return of two of their
body, who are appointed as Deputies for this Colony at
the Congress, time enough to prepare for the approaching
General Court, and convinced, if that honourahle Court
should then proceed to business, it would add much to tiie
uneasiness of the present times, have thought it most ad-
advisable (all these circumstances considered) now to
countermand the attendance of such witnesses as may have
been summoned, in order to save a great, and, probably, a
fruitless expense to tlieir clients. It is, therefore, presum-
able there will be no trial at the next General Court,
except in criminal cases ; in which all the Justices in the
Colony are determined to proceed, for preserving that
good order so necessary at this critical period.
Boston, September 8, 1774.
Last Monday, the 5th instant, the Selectmen of this
town waited on his Excellency Governour Gage, to ac-
quaint him that the inhabitants were much alarmed to find
that he had ordered the breaking up the ground near the
fortification on the Neck ; and requested of his Excellency
that he would explain to them his design in that extraor-
dinary movement, that they might, thereby, have it in their
power to quiet the minds of the people ; when his Excel-
lency replied to the following purpose : That he had no
intention of stopping up the avenue to the town, or of ob-
structing the inhabitants, or any of the country people,
coming in or going out of town as usual ; that he had
taken his measures, and that he was to protect his Ma-
jesty's subjects, and his Majesty's troops in this town ;
and that he had no intention of any tiling hostile against
the inhabitants.
Boston, September 9, 1774.
This day, the Selectmen of Boston, waited on his Ex-
cellency General Gage, with the following Address :
May it please your Excellency :
The Selectmen of Boston, at the earnest desire of a
number of gentlemen of the town and country, again wait
on your Excellency to acquaint you that since our late
application, the apprehensions of the people, not only of
this, but of the neighbouring towns, are greatly increased by
observing the designs of erecting a fortress at the entrance
of the town ; and of reducing the metropolis, in other
respects, to the state of a garrison. This, with complaints
lately made of abuse from some of the guards, posted in
that quarter, assaulting and forcibly detaining several per-
sons who were peaceably passing in and out of the town,
may discourage the market people from coming in with
their provisions, as usual, and oblige the inhabitants to
abandon the town. This event we greatly deprecate, as
it will produce miseries which may hurry the Province
into acts of desperation. We should, therefore, think
ourselves happy if we could satisfy the people that your
Excellency would suspend your present design, and not
add to the distresses of the inhabitants, occasioned by the
Port Bill, that of garrisoning the town.
John Scolly, Chairman of the Committee.
TO WHICH HIS EXCELLENCY WAS PLEASED TO RETURN
THE FOLLOWING ANSWER:
Gentlemen : When you lately applied to me respect-
ing my ordering some cannon to be placed at the entrance
of this town, which you term the erecting a fortress, I so
fully expressed my sentiments, that I thought you were
satisfied the people had nothing to fear from that measure,
as no use would be made thereof unless their hostile pro-
ceedings should make it necessary; but as you have this day
acquainted me tliat their fears are rather increased, 1 have
thought proper to assure . you that I have no intention to
j)revent the free egress and ingress of any person to and
from the town, or reducing it to the state of a garrison ;
neither shall I suffer any under my command to injure
tiie person or property of any of his Majesty's subjects ;
but as it is my duty, so it shall be my endeavour, to pre-
serve the peace and promote the happiness of every
individual ; and I earnestly recommend to you, and every
iniiabitant, to cultivate the same spirit ; and I heartily wish
they may live quietly and happily in the town.
Thomas Gage.
To the Gentlemen Selectmen of the town of Boston.
SUFFOLK COUNTY (MASSACHUSETTS) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Meeting of the Delegates of every Town and Dis-
trict of the County of Suffolk, on Tuesday, the 6th of Sep-
tember, at the house of Mr. Richard Woodimrd, of Ded-
ham ; and by adjournment at the house of Mr. Vose, of
Milton, on Friday, the 9th instant,
Joseph Palmer, Esquire, being chosen Moderator, and
William Thompson, Esquire, Clerk,
A Committee was chosen to bring in a Report to the
Convention ; and the following, being several times read,
and put, paragraph by paragraph, was unanimously voted,
viz :
Whereas the power, but not the justice, the vengeance,
but not the wisdom, of Great Britain, which of old perse-
cuted, scourged, and excited our fugitive parents from their
native shores, now pursues us, their guiltless children, with
unrelenting severity. And w'hereas, this then savage and
uncultivated desert, was purchased by the toil and trea-
sure, or acquired by the blood and valour of those our
venerable progenitors ; to us they bequeathed the dear-
bought inheritance ; to our care and protection they con-
signed it ; and the most sacred obligations are upon us to
transmit the glorious purchase, unfettered by power, un-
clogged with shackles, to our innocent and beloved ofT-
spring. On the fortitude, on the wisdom, and on the
exertions of this important day, is suspended the fate of
this new world, and of unborn millions. If a boundless
extent of Continent, swarming with millions, will tamely
submit to live, move, and have their being at the arbitrary
will of a licentious Minister, they basely yield to voluntary
slavery, and future generations will load their memories
with incessant execrations. On the other hand, if we ar-
rest the hand which would ransack our pockets ; if we
disarm the parricide which points the dagger to our
bosoms ; if we nobly defeat that fatal edict which pro-
claims a power lo frame laws for us in all cases whatsoever,
thereby entailing the endless and numberless curses of
slavery upon us, our heirs, and their heirs forever ; if we
successfully resist that unparalleled usurpation of unconsti-
tutional power, whereby our capital is robbed of the means
of life ; whereby the streets of Boston are thronged with
military executioners ; whereby our costs are lined and
harbours crow^ded with ships of war ; whereby the Charter
of the Colony, that sacred barrier against the encroach-
ments of tyranny is mutilated, and, in effect, annihilated ;
whereby a murderous law is framed to shelter villians from
the hand of justice ; whereby that unalienable and inesti-
mable inheritance which we derived from nature, the Con-
stitution of Britain, and the privileges v/arranted to us in
the Charter of the Province, is totally wrecked, annulled,
and vacated, posterity will acknowledge that virtue which
preserved tliem free and happy ; and while we enjoy the
rewards and blessings of the faithful, the torrents of pane-
gyrists will roll our reputations to the latest period, when
tlie streams of time shall be absorbed in the abyss of eter-
nity.— Therefore we have resolved, and do resolve,
1. That whereas his Majesty King George the Third,
is the rightful successor to the Throne of Great Britain,
and justly entitled to the allegiance of the British Realm,
and agreeahle to compact of the English Colonies in Ame-
rica; therefore, we the heirs and successoi-s of the first
planters of this Colony do cheerfully acknowledge the said
George the Third to be our rightful Sovereign ; and that
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CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
778
said covenant is the tenure and claim on which are founded
our allegiance and submission.
2. That it is an indispensable duty which we owe to
God, our country, ourselves, and posterity, by all lawful
ways and means in our power, to maintain, defend, and
preserve those civil and religious rights and liberties for
which many of our fathers fought, bled, and died, and to
hand them down entire to future generations.
3. That the late Acts of the British Parliament for
blocking up the harbour of Boston ; for altering the estab-
lished form of Government in this Colony ; and for screen-
ing the most flagitious violators of the laws of the Prov-
ince from a legal trial, are gross infractions of those rights
to which we are justly entitled by the laws of nature, the
British Constitution, and the Charter of the Province.
4. That no obedience is due from this Province to either
or any part of the Acts above mentioned ; but that they
be rejected as the attempts of a wicked Administration to
enslave America.
5. That so long as the Justices of our Superiour Court
of Judicature, Court of Assize, &tc., and Inferiour Court
of Common Pleas in this county, are appointed, or hold
their places by any other tenure than that which the Char-
ter and the laws of the Province direct, they must be con-
sidered as under undue influence, and are therefore uncon-
stitutional officers, and as such, no regard ought to be paid
to tliem by the people of this county.
6. That if the Justices of the Superiour Court of Judi-
cature, Assize, Sic, Justices of the Court of Common
Pleas, or of the General Sessions of the Peace, shall sit
and act during the present disqualified state, this county
will support and bear harmless all Sheriffs and other Depu-
ties, Constables, Jurors, and other Officers, who shall re-
fuse to carry into execution the orders of said Court ; and
as far as possible to prevent the many inconveniences which
must be occasioned by a suspension of the Courts of Jus-
tice, we do most earnestly recommend it to all creditors
that they show all reasonable and every generous forbear-
ance to their debtors, and to all debtors to pay their just
demands with all possible speed ; and if any disputes rela-
tive to debts or trespasses, shall arise which cannot be set-
tled by the parties, we recommend it to them to submit all
such cases to arbitration ; and it is our opinion that the con-
tending parties, or either of them, who shall refuse so to
do, ought to be considered as co-operating with the ene-
mies of this country.
7. That it be recommended to the Collectors of Taxes,
Constables, and all other Officers, who have publick mo-
neys in their hands, to retain the same, and not to make
any payment thereof to the Provincial County Treasurer,
until the Civil Government of the Province is placed upon
a constitutional foundation, or until it shall otherwise be or-
dered by the proposed Provincial Congress.
8. That the persons who have accepted seats at the
Council Board, by virtue of a mandamus from the King,
in conformity to the late Act of the British Parliament,
entitled '• An Act for the regulating the Government of the
Massachisctts Bay," have acted in direct violation of the
duty they owe to their country, and have thereby given great
and just ofi:ence to this people ; therefore, resolved, that
this county do recommend it to all persons who have so
highly offended by accepting said departments, and have
not already publickly resigned their seats at the Council
Board, to make publick resignation of their places at said
Board, on or before the 20th day of this instant September;
and that all persons refusing so to do, shall, from and after
that day, be considered by this county as obstinate and in-
corrigible enemies to this country.
9. That the fortifications begun and now carrying on
upon Boston Neck, are justly alarming to this county, and
give us reason to apprehend some hostile intention against
that town ; more especially as the Commander-in-chief has,
in a very extraordinary manner, removed the pov/der from
the Magazine at Charlestown, and has also forbidden the
keeper of the Magazine at Boston to deliver out to the
owners the powder which they had lodged in said Maga-
zine.
10. That the late Act of Parliament for establishing the
Roman Calholick religion and tiie French laws in that ex-
tensive country now called Canada, is dangerous in an
extreme degree to the Protestant religion, and to the civil
rights and liberties of all America ; and therefore, as men
and Protestant Christians, we are indispensably obliged to
take all proper measures for our own security.
11. That whereas our enemies have flattered themselves
that they will make an easy prey of this numerous, brave,
and hardy people, from an apprehension that they are un-
acquainted with military discipline; we, therefore, for the
honour, defence, and security of this county and Province,
advise, as it has been recommended to take away all com-
missions from the officers of the militia, that those who now
hold commissions, or such other persons be elected in each
town as officers of the militia, as shall be judged of suffi-
cient capacity for that purpose, and who have evidenced
themselves the inflexible friends to the rights of the people ;
and that the inhabitants of these towns and districts who
are qualified, to use their utmost diligence to acquaint them-
selves with the art of war as soon as possible, and do, for
that purpose, appear under arms at least once every week.
12. That, during the present hostile appearances on the
part of Great Britain, notwithstanding the many insults
and oppressions which we most sensibly resent, yet, never-
theless, from our affection to his Majesty, which we have
at all times evinced, we are determined to act merely upon
the defensive, so long as such conduct may be vindicated
by reason and the principles of self-preservation, but no
longer.
13. That, as we understand it has been in contempla-
tion to apprehend sundry persons of this county, who have
rendered themselves conspicuous in contending for the
violated rights and liberties of their countrymen, we do re-
commend, should such an audacious measure be put in
practice, to seize and keep in safe custody every servant of
the present tyrannical and unconstitutional Government,
throughout the county and Province, until the persons so
apprehended be liberated from the hands of our adversa-
ries, and restored safe and uninjured to their respective
friends and families.
14. That until our rights are fully restored unto us, we
will, to the utmost of our power, and recommend the same
to the other counties, withhold all commercial intercourse
with Great Britain, Ireland, and the H''est Indies, and ab-
stain from the consumption of British merchandise and
manufactures, and especially of East India teas and piece
goods, with such additions, alterations, and exceptions only,
as the Grand Congress of the Colonies may agree to.
15. That, under our present circumstances, it is incum-
bent on us to encourage arts and manufactures among us
by all means in our power ; and that •»»»»»»••*•
be and hereby are appointed a Committee to consider of
the best ways and means to promote and establish the same,
and to report to this Convention as soon as may be.
16. That the exigencies of our publick affairs demand
that a Provincial Congress be called to concert such mea-
sures as may be adopted and vigorously executed by the
whole people ; and we do recommend it to the several
towns in this county to choose members for such a Provin-
cial Congress, to be holden at Concord, on the second
Tuesday of October next ensuing.
17. That this county, confiding in the wisdom and in-
tegrity of the Continental Congress, now sitting at Phila-
delphia, will pay all due respect and submission to such mea-
sures as may be recommended by them to the Colonies, for
the restoration and establishment of our just rights, civil
and religious, and for renewing that harmony and union be-
tween Great Britain and the Colonies so wished for by
all good men.
18. That whereas, the universal uneasiness which pre-
vails among all orders of men, arising from the vi'icked and
oppressive measures of the present Administration, may in-
fluence some unthinking persons to commit outrage upon
private property, we would heartily recommend to all per-
sons of this community not to engage in any routs, riots, or
licentious attacks upon the properties of any person what-
soever, as being subversive of all order and government ;
but, by a steady, manly, uniform, and persevering opposi-
tion, to convince our enemies that in a contest so impor-
tant— in a cause so solemn,our conduct shall be such as to
merit the approbation of the wise, and the admiration of
the brave and free of every age and of every country.
19. That, should our enemies, by any sudden manoeu-
vres, render it necessary to ask the aid and assistance of
779
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
780
our bretliren in the country, some one of the Committee of
Correspondence, or a Selectman of each town, or the town
adjoining where such hostiUlies shall commence, or shall
be expected to commence, shall despatch couriers wiih
written messages to the Selectmen or Committees of Cor-
respondence of the several towns in the vicinity, with a
written account of such matter, who shall despatch others
to Committees more remote, until proper and sufficient as-
sistance be obtained ; and that the expense of said couriers
be defrayed by the county, until it shall be otherwise or-
dered by the Provincial Congress.
At a Meeting of Delegates from several Towns and Dis-
tricts in the County of Suffolk, held at Milton, on Friday
the 9th of September, 1774,
Voted, That Doctor Joseph Warren and Doctor Ben-
jamin Church, oi Boston; Deacon Joseph Palmer, Ger-
mantown; Cupu'm Lemuel Robinson, Dorchester; Captain
fVilliam Heath, Roxbury ; Colonel E'/enezer Thayer,
Braintrce ; IVilliam Holclen, Esq., Dorchester ; Colonel
William Taylor, Milton ; Captain John Homans, Dorches-
ter; Isaac Gardiner, Esq., Brookline ; Mr. Richard Wood-
ward, Dcdham; Captnin Benjamin White, Brookline;
Doctor Samuel Gardiner, Milton; Nathaniel Summer,
Esq., Dcdham, and Captain Thomas Aspitnvall, Brook-
line,he a Committee to wait upon his Excellency the Gov-
ernour, to inform him that the people of this county are
alarmed at the fortifications making on Boston Neck, and
to remonstrate against the same ; and the repeated insults
offered by the soldiery to persons passing and repassing
into that town, and to confer with him upon these subjects.
Attest, William Thomson, Clerk.
To his Excellency the Honourable Thomas Gage, Cap-
tain-General and Commander-in-chief of his Majesty's
Province of Massachusetts Bay.
May it please your Excellency :
The County of Suffolk being greatly, and in their opin-
ion justly alarmed at the formidable appearance of hostility
now threatening his Majesty's good subjects of this coun-
ty, and more particularly of the town of Boston, the loyal
and faithful capital of this Province ; beg leave to address
your Excellency, and represent that the apprehensions of
the people are more especially increased by the dangerous
design now carrying into execution, of repairing and man-
ning the fortifications at the south entrance of the town of
Boston, which when completed, may at any time be im-
proved to aggravate the miseries of that already impover-
ished and distressed city, by intercepting the wonted and
necessary intercourse between the town and country, and
compel the wretched inhabitants to the most ignominious
state of humiliation and vassalage, by depriving them of
the necessary supplies of provisions for which they are
chiefly dependent on that communication : we have been
informed that your Excellency, in consequence of the
application of the Selectmen of Boston, has indeed disa-
vowed any intention to injure the town, in your present
maneeuvres, and expressed your purpose to be for the
security of the troops and his Majesty's subjects in the
town ; we are at a loss to guess, may it please your Excel-
lency, from whence your want of confidence in the loyal
and orderly people of tliis county could originate ; a mea-
sure so foimidable, carried into execution from a pre-con-
celved, though causeless jealousy of the insincerity of his
Majesty's troops and subjects in the town, deeply wounds
the loyalty, and is an additional injury to the faithful sub-
jects of this county, and affords them a strong motive for
this application.
We therefore entreat your Excellency to desist from
your design, assuring your Excellency that the people of
this county are by no means disposed to injure his Majes-
ty's troops; they think themselves aggrieved and oppressed
by the late Acts of Parliament, and are resolved, by
divine assistance, never to submit to them, but have no
inclination to commence a war with his Majesty's troops,
and beg leave to observe to your Excellency, that the
ferment now excited in the minds of the people is occa-
sioned by some late transactions, by seizing the powder in
ihe Arsenal at Charlestown, by withholding the powder
lodged in the Magazine of the town of Boston from the
legal proprietors, insulting, beating, and abusing passengers
to and from the town by the soldiery, in which they have
been encouraged by some of their officers, putting the
people in fear, and menacing them in their nightly patrole
into the neighbouring town, and more particularly by the
fortifying the sole avenue by land into the town of Boston.
In duty therefore to his Majesty, and to your Excellen-
cy, and for the restoration of order and security to this
county, we, the Delegates from the several towns in this
county, being commissioned for this purpose, beg your
Excellency's attention to this our humble and faithful
address, assuring you that nothing less than an immediate
removal of the ordnance and restoring the entrance into
that town to its former state, and an effectual stop of all
insults and abuses in future, can place the inhabitants of
this county in that peace and tranquillity in which every
free subject ought to live.
His Excellency was waited on to know if l;e would
receive the Committee with the above written Address, but
desiring he might have a copy of it in a private way,
that so when he received it from the Conmiiitee he might
have an answer prepared for them, he was accordingly
furnished with a copy. His Excellency then declared
that he would receive the Committee on Monday at twelve
o'clock.
Saturday, September 10, 1774.
GOVERNOUR gage's ANSWER.
Gentlemen : I hoped the assurances I gave the Se-
lectmen of Boston on the subject you now address me,
had been satisfactory to every body. I cannot possibly
intercept the intercourse between the town and the coun-
try ; it is my duty and intent to encourage it ; and it is as
much inconsistent with my duty and intent to foirn the
strange scheme you are pleased to suggest of reducing the
inhabitants to a state of humiliation and vassalage, by
stopping their supplies ; nor have I made it easier to effect
this than what nature has made it. You mention the sol-
diers insulting, beating, and abusing passengers as a com-
mon thing ; an instance, perhaps, may be given of the bad
behaviour of some disorderly soldiers ; but I must appeal
to the inhabitants of both town and country for their gen-
eral good behaviour, from their first arrival to this town.
I would ask what occasion there is for such numbers
going armed in and out of the town, and through the coun-
try, in an hostile manner ? Or why were the guns removed
privately in the night from the battery at Charlestown ?
The refusing submission to the late Acts of Parliament
I find general throughout the Province, and I shall lay the
same before his Majesty. Thomas Gage.
Boston, September 12, 1774.
The Committee of the Delegates from the several towns
in the County of Suffolk, who presented the Address to
the Governour, on receiving his Answer met together, and
having carefully perused the same, were unanimously of
opinion that his Excellency's answer could not be deemed
satisfactory to the county. And further, that his Excel-
lency in his reply had been pleased to propose several
questions, which, if unansv.ered by the Committee, would
leave on the minds of persons, not fully acquainted- with the
state of facts, some \ery disagreeable impressions concern-
ing the conduct and behaviour of the people in this county
and Province. And the following Address was unani-
mously voted to his Excellency :
May it please your Excellency :
The answer you have been pleased to favour us with
to the address of this day presented to you, gives us satis-
faction, so far as it relates to your intentions ; and we thank
your Excellency for the declaration which you have made,
that it is your duty and interest to encourage an intercourse
between town and country ; and we entreat your indul-
gence while we modestly reply to the questions proposed
in your answer. Your Excellency is too well acquainted
with the human heart, not to be sensible that it is natural
for the people to be soured by oppression, and jealous for
their personal security, when their exertions for the preser-
vation of their rights are construed into treason and rebel-
lion. Our liberties are invaded by Acts of the British
781
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
782
Parliament ; troops are sent to enforce those Acts. They
are now erecting fortifications at tlie entrance of the town
of Boston ; upon the completing these the inhabitants of
the town of Boston will be in the power of a soldiery who
must implicitly obey the orders of an Administration who
have hitherto evinced no singular regard to the liberties of
America. The town is already greatly impoverished and
distressed by the operation of the barbarous Port Bill.
Your Excellency, we are persuaded, from principles of
humanity, would refuse to be an actor in the tragical
scene that must ensue upon shutting up the avenues to
the town, and reducing the inhabitants, by distress and
famine, to a disgraceful and slavish submission ; but that
cruel work may possibly be reserved for a successor, dis-
posed and instructed thereto. Daily supplies of provisions
are necessary for the subsistence of the inhabitants of the
town. The country disgusted and jealous at the formida-
ble operations now carrying on, survey with honour a plan
concerted — whereby the inhabitants of the town of Boston
may be imprisoned, and starved at the will of a military
commander. They kindly invite them to abandon the
town, and earnestly solicit them to share the homely ban-
quet of peace in the country. Should their refusal in-
volve them in miseries hitherto unheard of, and hardly
conceived of, the country must stand acquitted, and will
not hold their liberties so loosely as to sacrifice them to the
obstinacy of their brethren in Boston.
Your Excellency has been pleased to order the powder
from the Magazine in Charlestown ; to forbid the delivery
of the powder in the Magazine of Boston to the legal pro-
prietor ; to seize the cannon at Cambridge, and bring a
formidable number from Castle William, which are now
placed at the entrance of the town of Boston ; and have
likewise, in addition to the troops now here, been pleased
to send for reinforcements to Quebec and other parts of
the Continent. These things, sir, together with the dis-
position of the ships of war, we humbly think, sufficiently
justify the proceedings for which your Excellency seems
to be at a loss to account.
Your Excellency has suggested that nature has made it
easy to cut off the communication between town and coun-
try. Our only request is, that the entrance into the town
may remain as nature has formed it.
If security to his Majesty's troops is the only design in
tlie late manoeuvre, we beg leave to assure your Excellen-
cy that the most certain, and by far the most honourable
method of making them secure and safe will be to give the
people of the Province the strongest proof that no design
is forming against their liberties. And we again solicit
your Excellency, with that earnestness which becomes us
on this important occasion, to desist from every thing
which has a tendency to alarm them, and particularly from
fortifying the entrance into the town of Boston.
We rely on your Excellency's wisdom and candour,
that, in your proposed representation to our common Sov-
ereign, you will endeavour to redeem us from the distresses
which we apprehend were occasioned by the grossest mis-
information ; and that you will assure his Majesty that no
wish of independency — no adverse sentiments or designs
towards his Majesty or his troops now here, actuate his
good subjects in this Colony, but that their sole intention
is to preserve pure and inviolate those rights to which, as
men and as English Americans, they are justly entitled,
and which have been guarantied to them by his Majesty's
royal predecessors.
A copy of the aforegoing was delivered to Mr. Secretary
Fluckcr, by the Chairman, with a desire that he would, as
soon as was convenient, present it to the Governour, and
request his Excellency to appoint a time for receiving it in
form. The Secretary informed the Chairman the ensuing
day, that he had seen the Governour, and had given liim
the copy of the Address, but that he declined receiving it
in form. The Chairman mentioned to him the importance
of the business, declaring his belief that the troops were not
in any danger ; and that no person has, so far as he had
been informed, taken any steps which indicated any hostile
intention, until the seizing and carrying off the powder
from the Magazine in the County of Middlesex ; and that
if any ill consequences should arise, that should affect the
interest of Great Britain, the most candid and judicious,
both in Europe and America, would consider tlie author of
the ferment now raised in the minds of the people as ac-
countable for whatever consequences might follow from it.
He therefore desired the Secretary once more to make ap-
plication to his Excellency, and to state the affair to him
in that serious manner which the case seemed to require.
The Secretary accordingly made a second application to
die Governour ; but received for answer, that he had given
all the satisfaction in his power, and he could not see that
any further argumentation upon the subject would be to
any purpose.
Upon this the Committee were again convened, and it
was unanimously resolved, that they had executed the
commission entrusted to them by the county, to the utmost
of their ability. And after voting the Reply to his Excel-
lency's Answer, should be inserted in the publick papers
as soon as possible, they adjourned without day.
It is observable, that every vote passed by the Delegates
of the county, and by the Committee appointed to wait on
the Governour, was unanimous. ^
New.York, September 15, 1774.
On Friday last numbers of the following Card were dis-
tributed about this city :
New.York, September 9, 1774.
A Card. — The thanks of the publick are presented to
those worthy citizens, who have, to their immortal honour,
nobly refused to let their Vessels for the base purpose of
transporting troops, ammunition, he, to oppress the brave
defenders oi American liberty, who are already suffering in
the common cause. Such patriotick conduct merits ap-
plause, as much as a contrary one would the contempt and
indignation of every generous mind.
Yesterday evening numbers of the following Handbill
were distributed about this city : '
To the Publick. — As the Merchants of this city have
nobly refused letting their vessels to the tools of Govern-
ment for the base purpose of transporting troops and mili-
tary stores to Boston, for enforcing the cruel and arbitrary
edicts of a corrupt Ministry, on that virtuous people, now
suffering in the glorious cause of American freedom, it is
therefore hoped that no Pilot will be found so lost to all
sense of duty to his country, as to assist in that detestable
work. Mr. Francis Post inadvertently engaged to make
some chests for the transportation of arms ; and Mr. Jona-
than Hampton, in like manner, undertook to contract with
house carpenters, for the purpose (as is supposed) of build-
ing barracks at Boston; but when their fellow-citizens
represented to them the tendency of their conduct, they
immediately declined the abominable service. After these
laudable examples of the merchants and tradesmen of this
city, there is no doubt but their patriotick conduct will be
followed by all their fellow-citizens. But notwithstanding,
should any sordid miscreant be found amongst us, who will
aid the enemies of this country to subvert her liberties, he
must not be surprised if that vengeance overtakes h'lm,
which is the reward justly due to parricides.
The Fkee Citizens.
New.York, September 14, 1774.
EARL OF DARTMOUTH TO LIEUT. GOVERNOUR COLDEN.
Whitehall, September 10, 1774. '
Sir : I have received your letters of the 6th July,
and 2d August, Nos. 3 and 4, and have laid them before
the King.
You certainly are right in thinking that it is your duty
to transmit a particular account of all publick occurrences
in the Province under your Government and will not fail to
embrace every opportunity that offers of writing to me.
The King has seen with concern that his subjects in the
different Colonies in A'oriA America, have been induced
upon the grounds stated in their different Resolutions, to
nominate Deputies to meet in general Congress at Phila-
delphia.
If the object of this Congress be humbly to represent to
the King any grievances they may have to complain of, or
any propositions they may have to make on the present
state of America, such representations would certainly have
789
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
784
come from each Colony with greater weight, in its separate
capacity, than in a cliannel of the propriety and legality of
which there may be much doubt.
I fear, however, the measure has gone too far to encour-
age any hope lliat it has been retracted : and I can only
express my wish tliat the result of their proceedings may
be such as may not cut ofi'all hope of that union with the
mother country which is so essential to the happiness of
both.
Among tiie many objects that will deserve your atten-
tion in the present state of Amcricn, the contraband trade
carried on between Nerv-York and Holland is not the
least important. Tiie number of vessels that continually
load in Holland for that Province is a melancholy evidence
of the extent of that illicit commerce ; and it is more par-
ticularly alarming now, from the intelligence received of
very large quantities of gunpowder shipped there for iVew-
Torfc.
My information says that the Polhj, Captain Benjamin
Broadhelp, bound fiom Amsterdam to Nantucket has,
among other articles, received on board no less a quantity
than three hundred thousand pounds weight of gunpowder ;
and I have great reason to believe that considerable quan-
tities of that commodity, as well as other military stores,
are introduced into the Colonies from Holland, through the
channel of St. Eustatia.
You will therefore, sir, with as much secrecy and pni-
dence as possible, endeavour to inform yourself of the
nature and extent of this contraband trade in general ;
and to attend particularly to the intelligence I now send
you with respect to the ship Polly, Captain Benjamin
Broadhelp.
' It is most probable, that the object of her voyage will be
completed before this reaches you ; but if any measures
can be fallen upon that may lead to a discovery of the
circumstances above stated, it will be of great use, and may
possibly suggest a means of putting a stop to so dangerous
a correspondence. I am, sir, your most obedient humble
servant, Dartmouth.
Lieutenant Governour Colden.
ISRAEL PUTNAM TO CAPTAIN TRUMBULL.
Pomfret, September 11, 1774.
Dear Sir : As you were chosen by the Congress at
Norwich to attend the Congress at Hartford, I thought it
my indispensable duty to send you the copy of a letter I
received from the Committee of Correspondence at Boston.
And also an extract of a letter from Dr. Young to me,
which is as follows :
" Tuesday, arrived at Salem, Captain Fea, in seven weeks
from London; brought thirty-three chests of tea with her,
consigned to Smith and Atkinson. They both waited on
the Committee of Correspondence and assured them that
they would do every thing in their power to return it, or
dispose of it in any manner that would be agreeable to the
people. Smith went early this morning to Salem to see
about it, and this evening I am informed there are one hun-
dred soldiers put on board the ship that brought the tea.
Another great cargo is coming for Portsmouth, so that you
see we are to be plagued with that detested weed. And
nothing but a non-consumption agreement can save Ame-
rica."
The above extract, and the letter enclosed, may be
very proper to be laid before the Congress at Hartford.
1 am, &IC., Israel Putnam.
WILLIAM COOPER TO ISRAEL PUTNAM.
Boston, September 7, 1774.
Gentlemen : Your kind letters of the 4th current,
came yesterday to hand by your envoys. We immedi-
ately transmitted them to a Congress of our county, then
to sit, where they had their effect. Nothing can alleviate
the distresses of our brethren in this State prison, more
than the countenance and assislence which on all occasions
we receive from our generous fellow-countrymen. How
soon we may need their most effectual support, we cannot
determine ; but agreeable to your wise proposal, shall give
you authentick intelligence by express on such emer-
gency.
Our military enemies in this place, by the request of the
civil destroyers of our Constitution, are now with all dili-
gence erecting a fortification at the south entrance of the
town, whicii is the only avenue to it by land. Application
has been made to the General to know his design, and to
urge him to desist ; informing him the people were greatly
alarmed at being made prisoners within the walls of the
town, and the comnumication of the country cut off" by
means of this fortress ; he replied, that his design was for
the protection of his Majesty's troops, and his good sub-
jects, from the peojile who were rising in the county ; and
as he thought such defence necessary, he should not desist
upon their application, but was determined to prosecute his
intention. Tiiis, as it reasonably may, has produced a
great ferment and uneasiness here ; insomuch that a num-
ber of the most timorous seemed inclined to desert the
town, while the unconstitutional Counsellors, Officers of
the Customs, addressers, sycophants, and betrayers of all
denominations, are flocking in.
We wait with impatience for the decision of the Con-
gress. Another application will speedily be made to his
Excellency concerning this formidable preparation, the
result of which you will speedily be advised. We learn
by private letters from England, that prodigious quantities
of goods are now shipping for the Colony of Rhode Island,
New-York, and Philadelphia. Can there be such base
deserters of their country in America 1 Your non-con-
sumption agreement must be diligently prosecuted and
rigidly adhered to. Thus shall we defeat the selfish and
ruinous designs of a detested cabal of traitors.
Thirteen transports set sail this morning for Qtiebec, to
bring the troops from thence to Boston, and others are
said to be gone to New-York to bring two regiments
more fi'om thence, and the Jerseys. Still more and more
menace.
We are last evening informed that Governour Gage told
a person embarking for England that he seized the powder
in Charlestown Magazine on purpose to bring the people
to an insurrection. It is more tlian probable he may repent
the hasty experiment, as the late insurrection may eventu-
ally produce a glorious revolution.
We cannot but admire at the generous, brave, and patri-
otick spirit which actuated our noble friends in Connecticut
on this occasion. The hour of vengeance comes lovverinii
on ; repress your ardour, but let us adjure you do not
smother it. We wait with equal impatience to make a
serious demand of right and justice, which if obtained in
no other way must be thundered from the tongue of Mars,
which shall penetrate the ears of Monarchs.
We are with due affection and esteem, your friends, &ic.
Signed by order, and in behalf of the Committee of
Correspondence for Boston,
William Cooper, Clerk.
To Colonel Israel Putnam, Chairman of the Committee of
Correspondence for Brooklyn, in the town of Pomfret.
A letter from WILLIAM COOPER TO A GENTLEMAN IN
NEW-YORK.
Boston, September 12, 1774.
Sir: Last week I received your favour of the 26th
ultimo, and showed your letter to some of the Committee
appointed to receive donations and employ the poor.
I have to observe that our streets are supported by a
common tax, and that the town did not pass any vote di-
recting the Committee to lay out their money upon the
streets, but left it entirely to their best judgment.
Enclosed you have a list of the names of the gentlemen
appointed by the town for this important trust, who meet
every day, Saturday and Sunday excepted.
I am directed by them to give you the following account
of their proceedings. The Conunittee, after several con-
.sultations, notified the inhabitants that they should attend
at Fancuil Hall, every afternoon for ten days, (Lord's day
excepted) for all classes of people, suffisring by the Port
Bill, to lay their circumstances before them, that they might
be employed, if possible, in their several departments ;
accordingly a great number appeared, of all classes of me-
chanicks and labourers, but of the latter a much greater
number, whose circumstances called for immediate relief.
785
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
7e6
Several plans were proposed, but none that could be put
into immediate execution and employ the mere labourer so
effectually, as mending the pavements, upon which it was
proposed to the Selectmen, wlio are overseers of the streets,
that if they would undertake to mend the streets, the Com-
mittee would assist them in paying part of the labour, out
of the donations collected .for the employment of the poor;
which was agreed to, and a great number of our most indi-
gent inhabitants enabled to cam their bread ; but being sen-
sible that the money thus laid out could not make any
returns for future use, they have for some time desisted.
The Committee procured leave from the town to lay out
a brick-yard upon the Neck, in which they employ up-
wards of eighty men a day in making bricks, which they are
in hopes to sell for their cost. The Committee have agreed
to build a house for sale, as soon as materials can be col-
lected, and several vessels will be set up as soon as the
ship-builders are out of some present employ, given them
by private gentlemen, and the stocks shall be sufRcieiU
to undertake them; but, that the employment may be
as universal as possible, the Committee have purchased a
stock of wool, flax, and cotton, to be distributed to all the
spinners, and are erecting looms for weaving them into
baizes and shirt-cloth ; they also distribute leather to the
shoemakers and take their manufacture in pay, and with
them, in part, pay labourers. The Committee are in daily
expectation of a quantity of nail-rods, with which they hope
to employ most of the blacksmiths through the winter ; and
they have reason to expect a quantity of hemp, which
will enable the ropemakers to recall their journeymen.
It is hoped this short account of the proceedings of the
Committee of Donations will meet with the approbation of
the donors.
It must be acknowledged the Committee are charged
with an important and laborious trust, it is, therefore
requested that the most charitable construction may be
put upon their conduct by those abroad, as it is impossible
that any stranger can be acquainted with the various diffi-
culties that attend this business. As the Committee have
no interest but that of the publick to serve, they earnestly
request the advice of all friends respecting the discharge of
their commission, and engage that every plan proposed shall
have a serious attention. It may not be improper to ob-
serve that the Committee have opened a regular set of
books, in which they record all their proceedings, and give
credit to the several Provinces, towns, and particular per-
sons from whom they receive any donations.
The town of Charhstoicnhemg in the same predicament
with this town, it has been mutually agreed, that seven
per cent, of all the donations should be delivered to the
town of Charlestown.
The number of persons, of all ranks, thrown out of em-
ployment, by the sudden and universal stagnation of busi-
ness is very great. The Committee confine their employ
to such as are immediately affected by the Port Bill, while
the regular overseers take the usual care of the town's
poor. 1 am, with great respect, sir, your most obedient
servant, William Coopek.
P. S. The Committee are about publishing to the
world an account of their proceedings thus far. If some
part of your collections should be invested in iron-rods for
nails, it would be agreeable to the Committee. Your care
in collecting subscriptions for this distressed town will be
gratefully noticed and acknowledged.
A list of the names of the gentlemen appointed by the
town of Boston to receive the donations, and for employ-
ing^ the poor sufierers by the Port Bill: Mr. Samuel
Adams, John Roive, Esquire, Thomas Boylston, Esquire,
William Phillips, Esquire, Doctor Joseph Warren, Hon-
ourable John Adams, Esquire, Josiah (^uincij. Esquire,
Honourable Thomas Cashing, Esquire, Mr. Thomas
Inches, Mr. William Mollineaux, Mr. Natha7nel Apple-
ton, Captain Fortesquc Vernon, Captain Edward Proctor,
Mr. John IVhitc, Captain Gibbons Sharp, Captain Wil-
liam Mackey, Mr. Thomas Greenovgh, Captain Samuel
Partridge, Honourable Benjamin Austin, Esquire, Mr.
Jonathan Mason, Mr. John Brown, Mr. James Richard-
son, Mr. Thomas Crnffts, Junior, Mr. Henri/ Hill, Mr.
Joshua Henshaw, David Jeffries, Esquire, Treasurer of
the town of Boston and of this Committee.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GOVERNOUR WENTWORTH TO
THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED NEW-HAMPSHIRE,
SEPTEMBER 13, 1774.
On the 8th instant, about sunset, arrived in the port of
Piscataqua, the Fox, mast-ship, having on board thirty
chests of Bohea tea, consigned to Mr. Edivard Parry, of
this town. Previous to this arrival it had been reported
that such an event was exjiected. 1 therefore early in-
structed Captain Cochran, of his Majesty's Castle William
and Mary, in this Province, to render all the aid and assist-
ance in his power, upon the first application, as by the
copy. No. 1, which I beg leave to enclose to your Lordshi[)
herewith. Accordingly Captain Cochran, always indefati-
gable in his duty, went off to the ship while at sea and
proffered his service. Some few days before this arrival
letters were received from London, mentioning the ship-
ping of the tea to sundry persons, whence it became very
publick.
A ship last week arrived at Salem with a quantity of
tea on board, also confirmed the expectation of the like
here. These things, added to a report from Salem, that
the people would not admit the tea to be landed, entered,
or pay the duty there, and the enthusiastick spirit of that
Province daily gaining ground both there and here, not-
withstanding my utmost efforts and vigilance, rendered the
event of this importation more precarious than the former,
and raised almost insurmountable obstacles against its pre-
servation.
As soon as it was generally known that the tea was ar-
rived here, the disquiet broke forth among the populace, and
at a quarter past ten at night I received a letter. No. 2,
from Mr. Parry, infonning me of his windows being
broken by a mob, and desiring protection. At half past
ten I sent Mr. McDonah, my Private Secretary, and my
brother, who happened to be at my house, to inquire of
Mr. Parry what was necessary, and, if any danger, to offer
him the protection of my house, which they did ; but the
attempted mob having subsided, he saw there was no dan-
ger, and remained quietly and safely in his own lodgings.
At three-quarters past nine, A. M., of the ninth instant,
Mr. Parry brought me a petition to the Governour and
Council, praying the protection of the Government, as in
the enclosed copy. No. 3, w^iereupon I convened the
Council within an hour, and received advice from them to
call in the Justitfes that were in town, and require their ex-
ecution of their duty, which they with laudable prudence
and firmness immediately proceeded upon, and with desir-
able success.
Mr. Parry and Captain Norman were informed of these
proceedings, and by me told at the Council Board, that the
Governour, Council, and Magistrates, would, upon the least
notice, support and protect them and their property, and
that we should all be in readiness. At six P. M., I ad-
journed till nine o'clock next morning, and sent for the
Chief Justice, Sheriff, and Attorney General, from Exeter,
where the Superiour Court was and is yet sitting ; also
Mr. Gildman and Waldron, from Exeter and Hover, to
make a full Council. That nothing might be wanting to
execute the law and preserve the publick peace, the Coun-
cil sat till two o'clock; and no further application made,
nor any appearance of riot or violence whatever, I pro-
posed to the Council to consider and advise me what
further was needful to be done upon the petition ; this was
referred to a Committee to report upon, and I adjourned
them till Monday, the twelfth instant, at ten o'clock,
A. M.
During this period, viz : the ninth and tenth instant, the
town meetings were agitated. At length a Committee
were chosen to consult with Mr. Parry and the Captain,
who agreed to export the tea to Halifax, after being duly
entered, and paying the duty. About five o'clock, P. M.,
of tenth, Mr. Parry and Captain Norman came to me and
informed me of this agreement, and that they were obliged
to the Government for their protection, which they imagined
was no longer necessary on this occasion. However, I
judged it prudent to meet the Council on the adjournment,
and to have the Council convened in the afternoon, as there
was a town meeting sitting, and 1 could not be certain of
established quiet till that was over. The vessel with the
tea sailed on the eleventh instant, with a fair wind, for
Halifax, and the town is in peace. The whole proceed-;
Fourth Series.
50
787
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
788
ings in Council, on tliis affair, I beg leave herewith to
transmit to your Lordship in the papers, No. 4.
Notwitlistandinif, 1 can still have the pleasure to repre-
sent to your Lordship that this Province continues more
moderate than any to the Southward ; yet, at the same
time, truth requires me to suggest, that the union of the
Colonies in sentiment is not divided or lost in Ncw-Hump-
shire, although they have hitiierto heen prevailed upon to
abstain from acts of general violence and outrage, and the
laws have their course. How long it will remain so is im-
possible to foresee. 1 confess much good may not reason-
ably be counted upon, while the unhappy distractions in
the Massachusetts Bay gain ground, and spread with such
violence as cannot but be extremely deplored by every
considerate man.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM FREDERICKSBURG, VIRGINIA,
SEPTEMBER 14, 1774.
Since Colonel Preston's letter to you, we have advice,
by one Bell, who is just arrived in this town from Ken-
iucky, that Hancock Taylor and James Strother were botii
killed as they were returning from the mouth of that river,
where they had been to survey some lands. Hcmpenstall,
who was missing when Colonel Preston wrote to you, is
since come in ; he was with l^aylor and Strother when they
were fired upon by the Indians. Taylor lived several
days after he received his wounds, and came with Memp-
enstall and Bell at least a hundred miles towards the set-
tlements. John Willis, John Ashby, and several others,
are still missing, but they are gone down the river it is
believed.
Very liberal contributions have been made, in this
place, for the relief of the poor in Boston. Mr. Mann
Page, Junior, one of our Representatives, has taken un-
common pains to promote the subscri))tions, and I dare say
his most sanguine expectations are fully answered.
JOSEPH SPENCEB TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.
East tiaddam, September 14, 1774.
Honoured Sir; Doctor Beebe, who will deliver tliis,
will wait on your Honour in hopes of the favour of your
Honour's advice with respect to an unhappy affair that
concerns himself. The zeal of people here, in genera),
runs very high for what is called Liberty ; and tliere being
a few amongst us that don't agree with the rest, who are
are called Tories, many people here have thought proper to
visit tlie Tories and demand some satisfaction with relation
to their principles and practices ; and they have accordingly
visited several in this society, and I think they have, ex-
cept Doctor Beebe, given them satisfaction. They have,
a large number of them, visited the Doctor this week, and
he refused to say any thing that gave satisfaction, and the
people have been so rough with him as to give him the
new fashion drees of tar and feathers ; and he thinks hin>-
eelf extremely abused, and has been desirous that I would
grant surety of the peace against a few of them, but I de-
clined ; he seems to think he is obliged, in duty, to prose-
cute some of them ; but, however, has finally applied to
your Honour for advice as to the necessity or expediency
of his prosecuting in this case. 1 hope, also myself, to
liave your Honour's advice as to my duty with respect to
signing a precept for the Doctor in this case. I believe
if one should be granted, it will not be executed to any
advantage, without force from abroad to govern our people ;
for although these rough measures, lately taken place with
us, are contrary to my mind, yet 1 am not able to prevent
it at present.
1 am, honoured sir, your Honour's most obedient and
humble servant, Joseph Spencer.
To Jonathan Trumbull, Governour.
Norwich, Connecticut, September 15, 1774.
A correspondent of the Packet begs leave to propose to
the consideration of the publick, since the grand American
controvery grows, and daily appears more serious, whether
it is not expedient, very important and necessary, for the
Colonies, forthwith, to raise an Army of Observation,
and send it near the expected scene of action ; and let
them be increased, from time to time, as our enemies in-
crease, and kept in constant exercise and discipline. A
preparation and readiness for the defensive or offensive
operations may, and often has, prevented the necessity of
execution ; but, if necessity does take place, as there is a
great probability it will, should we not, in such a case, be
in an infinitely better situation than to have our scattered
forces, though almost innumerable, to collect from all
parts of the Continent, after our antagonists are well forti-
fied ; their numbers full ; and have struck some important
and fatal blow.
At a Meeting of Delegates, from the Towns in the
Counties of Hartford, New-London, and IVindham, and a
part of the County of Litchfield, held at Hartford, in
Connecticut, on the 15th o{ September, 1774,
William Wolcott, Esquire, Chairman,
Captain Samuel Wyllys, Clerk.
This Meeting taking into their serious consideration the
absolute necessity of a non-consun)ption agreement, as
shall be recommended by the geneial Congress of Dele-
gates from all the free British Colonies in America, now
convened at Philadelphia, and also that their opinion and
resolution thereon hath not been yet fully made known to
the Delegates from this Colony in said Congress,
Do Declare and Resolve, That, in case the said gene-
ral Congress shall recommend a non-importation of Bri-
tish goods only, or of British and JVcst India goods, we
will enter into a solemn contract and agreement not to
purchase or consume any articles that shall be prohibited
by such non-importation agreement, and use our utmost
endeavours to render the same general and effectual ; and
we do hereby make known that we have, in general, been
assured, by the towns we represent, that they will readiiy
accede to, adopt, and religiously observe such non-con-
sumption agreement, as aforesaid.
And whereas this meeting is informed that great quanti-
ties of English and India goods are ordered by sundry
sordid and avaricious men, in our neighbouring Colonies,
to be purchased in England, and imjwrted this fall, to
give them an unreasonable advantage, and prevent the
salutary effects of a non-importation agreement.
Resolved, That such mercenary wretches, whose ava-
rice can seek for gratification in the distress and ruin of
their country, are wholly unworthy of our confidence,
friendship, or support ; and, that our non-consumption
agreement may be useful to any good purpose, we will not
purchase any merchandise of them, or transact any bua-
ness for them, or suffer them to transact any for us, but
will wholly withdraw from them, and leave them to the
consolation of possessing and contemplating the curious
moments of British industry and American slavery,
which they would so greedily amass to themselves for
such sordid and wicked purposes ; and shall consider in
the same light, and treat in the same manner, every per-
son that shall purchase any such goods of them, or do
business for them, or employ them in their business.
Resolved, That the Committees of Correspondence for
the several towns we represent be desired to make diligent
inquiry after the persons who have ordered goods, as afore-
said, and inform the next County and Colony Meeting of
what they shall discover, that their names may be publish-
ed, their conduct exposed, and their persons avoided.
Resolved, That if any merchant or trader in the towns
aforesaid, shall attempt to engross any great or unusual
quantity of goods, with design to forestall and elude a non-
importation agreement, we will find ways and means, with-
out violating his private rights, to defeat his views, and
make him sensible that virtue and publick spirit will be
more for his interest, than low selfishness and avarice
can be.
These measures, dictated by necessity, we enter upon
for the preservation of our liberties, which we have receiv-
ed from our Creator, and may not resign or suffer to be
ravished from us ; at the same time, it is the warmest wish
of our hearts, that the wistlom and equity of the British
Pailiament may relieve us from our fears and danger, and
that we may once more, and forever, look up to our parent
country with confidence and pleasure ; and, secure of our
own ri'dits, contribute all in our power to promote the
789
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &tc., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
790
honour, interest, and happiness of our elder brethren in
Great Britain; and,
Wliereas we cannot yet be advised what measures the
general Congress will recommend, and therefore are un-
able at present to adjust the particulars of a non-consump-
tion agreement, we think it may be of use to the mer-
chants and traders in the aforesaid towns, to be made
acquainted with our resolutions aforesaid, and that we de-
termine in proper time to carry them into execution.
Resnlved, That die thanks of this meeting be given the
Committee of Correspondence for the town of Hartford,
for their care and attention to the interest of the publick,
in callina; this meeting ; and that tliey be desired to call a
Colony Meeting, at a suitable time and place, to finish the
business now begun and entered upon, taking the advice
of the Committee of Correspondence for the towns of
Windsor, Wethersjicld, and Middletown therein.
The foregoing resolutions and resolves, voted and passed
nemine conlradicente.
Samuel Wyllys, Clerli of the Meeting.
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Tliursday, 15th
September, 1774,
Present : The Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Gov-
crnour, William Logan, Richard Peters, James Tilgh-
man, Edward Shippcn, Junior, and Benjamin Chew,
Esquires.
The Council having some time since represented to the
Governour the absolute necessity of establishing, by an
ex-parte Proclamation, the lines of jurisdiction between the
Province of Maryland and the Province of Pennsylvania
and Counties of New- Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Dela-
ware, according to the lines and boundaries agreed upon,
run and marked by the Commissioners appointed for that
purpose by the Proprietaries of the said respective Prov-
inces, and the Governour having, with the consent and
concurrence of the Honourable Thomas Penn, Esquire, in
England, approved of the said measure, a draught of a
Proclamation had been accordingly prepared, and is now
laid before the Board, which, being read and duly con-
sidered, was agreed to be issued, and ordered to be pub-
lished in the several newspapers of this Province, and a
number of printed copies thereof made and dispersed
through the Province and the lower counties on Delaware.
The Proclamation follows in these words, viz :
By the Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Governour and
Commander-in-chief of the Province o/Pennsylvania,
and Counties of New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex,
on Delaware ;
A Proclamation.
Whereas, in pursuance of certain Articles of Agreement
made the tenth day of May, Anno Domini 1732, between
Charles Lord Baltimore, Proprietor of the Province of
Maryland, and the honourable the Proprietaries of the
Province of Pennsylvania and Counties of New- Castle,
Kent, and Siisser, on Delaware, and of the Decree of the
Lord High Chancellor of England, bearing date the fif-
teenth day of March, Anno Domini 1750, for the specifick
performance and execution of the said Articles ; and also
in pursuance of certain other Articles of Agreement made
the fourth day of July, Anno Domini 1760, between the
Right Honourable Frederick Lord Baltimore, son and heir
of the said Charles I^rd Baltimore, and the honourable
the Proprietaries of the said Province and counties ; and
of one other Decree of tiie Lord High Chancellor of Eng-
land, bearing date the sixth day of March, 1762, for the
specifick perlbrmance of the said last mentioned Articles ;
the several lines mentioned and described in the said
Articles, and thereby finally agreed upon and settled by
the said parties to be and forever remain the boundaries
and division lines between the said Provinces and Coun-
ties ; have been run by Commissioners, for that purpose
appointed and authorized by the said respective Proprie-
tors, and marked out in exact conformity to the said
Articles, with visible stones, pillars, and other land marks,
as by the said Articles and Decrees, and the return of the
said Commissioners, under their hands and seals, and an
exact plan or map of the lines, so as aforesaid by them
run and marked may at large appear. And whereas, in
the year 1767, a joint petition was referred to his present
most gracious Majesty by the said Frederick Lord Balti-
more, and the Proprietaries of the said Province and Coun-
ties, reciting the above mentioned Articles and Decrees,
and setting forth that their Commissioners were then pro-
ceeding in the work ; that they, the said Proprietors, were
desirous, as much as in them lay, to quiet the minds of all
his Majesty's subjects inhabiting in the lately disputed
parts of the said Provinces, and three Lower Counties, and
to promote the peace and welfare of those parts. And in
order to give a further testimony of their firm agreement,
and that a final end and period had been put to all their
contests and litigations by the said Agreement of 1760,
they, by their said petition, most humbly prayed his Ma-
jesty that he would be most graciously pleased to give his
royal allowance, ratification, and confirmation of the several
and respective Articles of Agreement and enrolled Decrees
above mentioned, and every article, clause, matter, and
thing in them, and each of them contained, and that the
same might be forever established between them. Where-
upon his Majesty, by his Order in Council, dated the
eleventh day of January, 1769, was pleased to signify his
royal approbation of the said agreements and proceedings
mentioned in the petition of the said Proprietaries. Where-
of as well the Proprietaries of the said Provinces, as all
others whom it might concern, were ordered to take notice
and govern themselves accordingly, as by the said petition
and royal order may more at large appear. I have, there-
fore thought fit, by the advice of the Council, to issue this
my Proclamation, to publish and make known all and singu-
lar the premises to all whom it may concern, hereby requir-
ing all persons dwelling and residing to the northward and
eastward of the lines and boundaries so as aforesaid run
and marked between the Provinces of Maryland and
Pennsylvania, as far to the westward as the Province of
Maryland extends, to yield obedience to the laws of the
said Province and Counties, and govern themselves accord-
ing thereto. And I do also require all Magistrates, Sheriffs,
and other officers of justice appointed, or to be appointed,
in the said Province and Counties, to put in execution
the respective laws thereof, against all offenders within
the hnes and limits aforesaid, as they will answer the
contrary at their peril.
Given under my hand and tlie great seal of the said
Province of Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia, the fifteenth
day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand
seven hundred and seventy-four, and in the fourteenth
year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third,
by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ire-
land, King, Defender of the Faith, and so forth.
John Penn.
By his Honour's command,
Joseph Shippen, Jan., Secretary.
God save the King.
N. B. The Land Office is not yet open for taking
up vacant lands in the Lower Counties, or receiving ap))li-
cations for the same. Whenever it is thought proper to
open the office for that purpose, publick notice thereof will
be given.
By his Excellency John, Earl of Dunmoke, Lieutenant
and Govcrnour-G eneral in and over his Majesty's Colo-
ny and Dominion of Virginia, and Vice Admiral of
the same :
A Proclamation.
Whereas, the rapid settlement made on the west side of
the Alleghany Mountains, by his Majesty's subjects, within
the course of these few yeare, has become an object of real
concern to his Majesty's interest in this quarter. And
whereas, the Province of Pennsylvania have unduly laid
claim to a very valuable and extensive quantity of his Ma-
jesty's territory ; and the Executive part of that Govern-
ment, in consequence thereof, has most arbitrarily and un-
warrantably proceeded to abuse the laudable advancements
in this part of his Majesty's Dominions, by many oppres-
sive and illegal methods, in the discharge of this imaginary
authority. An^ whereas, the ancient claim laid to this
791
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
792
country by the Colony of Virginia, founded in reason
upon pre-occupancy, and the general acquiescence of all
persons, together with the instmctions 1 have lately re-
ceived from iiis Majesty's servants, ordering nic to take this
country under my administration ; and as the evident in-
justice manifestly oflcred to his Majesty by the immediate
strides taken by the Proprietoi-s of I'cniisi/lvariia, in prose-
cution of their wild claim to this country, demand an im-
mediate remedy, I do hereby, in his Majesty's name, re-
Juire and command all his Majesty's subjects west of the
Murel Hill, to pay a due respect to this my Proclamation,
strictly prohibiting the execution of any act of autiiority on
behalf of the Province of Pennsylvania, at their peril, in
this country ; but, on the contrary, that a due regard and
entire obedience to the laws of his Majesty's Colony of
Virginia under my administration, be observed, to the end
that regularity may ensue, and a just regard to the interest
of his Majesty in this quarter, as well as to the subjects in
general, may be the consequence.
Given under my hand and seal, at Fort Dunmore, Sep-
tember 17th, 1774. Dunmore.
By his Excellency's command.
God save the King,
Quebec, September 22, 1774.
On Sunday afternoon, September 17, about five o'clock,
arrived in the basin before this city, the ship Canadian,
Captain William Abbott, in sixty days from Cowes, having
on board his Excellency Major General Carleton, Captain-
General, Governour, and Commander-in-chief of the Prov-
ince of (Quebec, Lady Maria Carleton, with her two chil-
dren, and Lord Viscount Pitt, son to the Earl of Chatham.
They landed on the beach about six, under a discharge of
cannon, where they were received by the Lieutenant Gov-
ernour, the citizens, and a numerous concourse of people,
who expressed their joy on the occasion, by repeated accla-
mations of long live the King. The regiments in garrison
under arms, lined the streets on both sides, from the land-
ing place to the Castle of St. Louis, the several officers
paying military honours to the General as he passed ; and
in the evening, the religious houses and many of those of
the principal inhabitants of the upper town, were hand-
somely illuminated.
On his Excellency's landing, he was complimented with
the following Address, by the Chevalier De Lanaudiere :
" Sir : The arrival of your Excellency in this Province
has filled the minds of the citizens with joy and gratitude,
on account of your known good disposition towards them.
May Heaven grant a long and happy life to so illustrious a
hero, for which our prayers are daily offered, and for the
health of your amiable consort, whom we shall ever hold
in the most respectful remembrance."
TRANSLATION OF THE ADDRESS OF THE CLERGY.
To his Excellency Gut Carleton, Esq., Major General
and Commander-in-chief over the Province q/" Quebec.
Sir : Permit us, when we congratulate your Excellency
on your happy return, likewise to felicitate ourselves and
the Province, on having you for the protector of our laws
and religious liberties. History will rank your name among
the bravest of warriors and the wuest of politicians ; but gra-
titude is already imprinted in the heart of every Canadian.
We know with what firmness you have supported our in-
terests, and the testimony you bore of our fidelity to his
most gracious Majesty and the Parliament. We want
words to express our sincere gratitude ; but the universal
joy, and the fervent expressions of allegiance, those publick
demonstrations on the moment of your Excellency's arrival
with your worthy family, are proofs too convincing to need
any arguments to support them.
Your name will be ever held in the highest esteem in
Canada, and you will always find the Clergy to be good
and faithful subjects.
John Oliver, Bishop of Quebec,
H. F. Grave, Superiour of the Seminary.
Louis Aug. De Glafion, Superiour General
of the Jesuits.
Emanuel Crespel, Superiour of the Recolleta.
To his Excellency Gur Carleton, Esq., Captain-General
and Commander-in-chief of the Province of Quebec,
^c, fyc.
May it please your Excellency :
Vfef his Majesty's Canadian subjects in the city of
Quebec, are deeply impressed with the most lively grati-
tude for the protection your Excellency has afforded us;
and the care and solicuude you have taken to render us
happy and easy, call upon us to congratulate you on your
happy arrival in this Metropolis.
Suffer us to express the satisfaction we feel for the fa-
vour which his most excellent Majesty our Sovereign Lord
has conferred on us, by placing you, sir, (who are very
justly styled our protector and father,) at our head, to rule
over us; to guide and establish the Government of this
Province upon a haj)py, firm, and lasting foundation, by
putting in force the Act which his most gracious Majesty
and his Parliament have been pleased to pass for this Prov-
ince. We know what we owe to your Excellency alone ;
the gracious treatment of his most sacred Majesty and the
Parliament are obligations we never shall forget, but always
acknowledge with the most respectful gratitude.
We desire, through you, to offer at the foot of the
Throne of our most gracious and beloved Sovereign, our
assurances of the most profound respect, our attachment
and inviolable fidelity, (confirmed by an oath.) and to as-
sure him that he has no subjects more faithful or dutiful
than the Canadians; and that we will be, at all times and
on all occasions, ready to sacrifice our lives and fortunes in
the defence of his sacred person, his Crown, his Parlia-
ment, and his arms. Knowing your prudence, modera-
tion, equity, the uprightness and goodness of your heart,
we flatter ourselves your administration will prove propi-
tious to our wishes; and that your Excellency will be
pleased, according to the tenour of the Act you have ob-
tained in our favour, to suffer us to participate in the rights
and privileges of English citizens.
We shall never cease to offer up our prayers to Heaven
for the prosperity and preservation of your Excellency, her
Ladyship, your illustrious consort, and your family, who
will forever be held dear in the remembrance of the Ca-
nadians,
CiESAR RODNEY TO CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY.
Philadelpliia, Saturday, September 17, 1774.
Sir: By express which arrived here yesterday from
the Committee of the town of Boston to the Continental
Congress, we are informed the County of Suffollc, of
which the town of Boston is the capital, had entered into
certain resolutions, a copy of which was enclosed us, gen-
erally to the purport of not suffering the Commander-in-
chief to execute the Act of Parliament changing their Gov-
ernment, by persuading, protecting, and compelling officers
under the new regulation to resign, and by a refusal in ju-
rymen to serve, &c. That they have ordered all those
able to bear arras, to keep in readiness to defend their in-
herent rights, even with loss of blood and treasure ; that
they are determined not to injure the General, or any of
the King's troops, unless compelled thereto by an attack
made by the troops on them. They complain of the Gen-
eral seizing of the powder at Cambridge, which they say was
private property ; and also, that he is now fortifying the
only pass that leads from the town of Boston into the
country, from whence the inhabitants of the town are daily
supplied. This pass is a narrow neck of land about one
hundred and twenty yards wide, at which he has placed a
number of troops and twenty-eight cannon ; that the country
people passing and repassing this place, are suffered to be
insulted by the soldiery; and that the inhabitants feared,
(from those movements of the General,) he had designs of
appreliending and sending to England those persons who
have stood foremost in the great cause of liberty ; that, in
consequence of his conduct, and those their suspicions, the
inhabitants of Suffolk sent, (by a Committee appointed for
that purpose,) an address to the General, inquiring the
cause of his stopping up and fortifying the pass, seizing and
securing the magazines, &.C., and their disapprobation of
his conduct, and that they had no intention to assault either
him or his soldiers ; but that, if he continued to block up
793
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
794
the pass, and thereby prevent them of the only means of
supplying the town with necessaries, they should look upon
it as a commencement of hostilities. Upon the whole,
they sent an express to the general Congress here, for their
instructions as to their future conduct. The Congress met
on that business this day, and have resolved thereon, which
you will see in the " Packet" of Monday, being ordered
immediately to be printed, as well that the General as the
people might know what they thought of the matter.
I am yours, &ic., Cjesar Rodney.
Captain Thomas Rodney.
SAMUEL ADAMS TO DOCTOR CHAUNCY.
PliilaJelphia, Septumber 19, 1774.
Revrkend Sir : I have had the pleasure of receiving a
letter from you since my arrival in this city. Our friend,
Mr. (putney, informed me before I left Boston, of his in-
tention to take a passage for England. I am persuaded
he may do great service to our country there. Agreeably
to his and your requests, I have desired gentlemen here to
make him known to their friends and correspondents.
Last Friday Mr. Revere brought us the spirited and
patriotick Resolves of our County of Suffolk. We laid
them before the Congress. They were read with great ap-
plause, and the enclosed Resolutions were unanimously
passed, which give you a feint idea of the spirit of the
Congress. I think I may assure you that America will
make a point of supporting Boston to the utmost. I have
not time to enlarge, and must therefore conclude with as-
jnsing you that I am, with great regard, your affectionate
and humble servant, Samuel Adams.
CJESAR RODNEY TO MR. THOMAS RODNEY.
Philadelphia, Monday, September 19, 1774.
Sir : Sometime ago I do not doubt but you were all
much alarmed, on a report that the King's ships were firing
on the town of Boston. When that news came to this
city the bells were muffled, and kept ringing all that day ;
however, in a few days after, that news was contradicted
liere, and hope by this time it is so with you. By some
late very authentick accounts from Boston Government to
the gendemen of that place now at the Congress, we are
informed that there was about three days between this re-
port's passing through the Massachusetts and Connecticut
Governments, and its being contradicted ; that when the
expresses went to contradict this false report, they found in
those two Governments, in different parties, upwards of
fifty thousand men, well armed, actually on their march to
Boston, for the relief of the inhabitants ; and that every
farmer who had a cart or wagon, (and not able to bear
arms,) was with them, loaded with provisions, ammunition,
&c., all headed by experienced officers, who had served in
the late American war ; and that vast numbers more were
preparing to march. Upon the news being contradicted,
they returned peaceably to their several places of abode ;
but not till they had sent some of their officers, from the
different parties, to Boston to know the real situation of
affairs there, and to direct them what principal officers in
the different parts of the country they should hereafter send
expresses to, in case they should stand in need of their as-
sistance. It is supposed by some of the friends of liberty
at Boston, that the alarm was set on foot by some of the
friends to the Ministerial plan, in order to try whether there
was that true valour in the people. If this was the case,
I suppose you will think with me, that, by this time, they
can have no doubts remaining. Indeed, I think it is proved
by the General's own conduct ; for, ever since that, he has
been fortifying himself, which, I imagine, is more for his
own security than to attack the inhabitants.
I am yours, Stc, Cjesar Rodney.
Mr. Thomas Rodney, Dover.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM CJESAR RODNEY TO MR.
THOMAS RODNEY.
Philadelphia, September 24, 1774.
Sir: Mr. R. Penn is a great friend of liberty, and has
treated the gentlemen Delegates with the greatest respect.
More or less of them dine v.ith him every day ; and his
brother wishes his station would admit of his acting the
same part. All these matters are for your own private
speculation, and not for publick view. By this you may see
that some people with you are mistaken in their politicks,
and you may also take for granted every body here is not
well pleased with the coalition of the two brothers.
I am, as usual, your friend and humble servant,
Cjesar Rodney.
Mr. Thomas Rodney.
PENNSYLVANIA ASSEMBLY.
Monday, September 19, 1774. — Mr. Speaker, with nine-
teen Members met, pursuant to adjournment ; and a quorum
not appearing, they adjourned to four o'clock to-morrow
afternoon.
Tuesday, September 20. — Ordered, That Mr. Miles
and Mr. Humphreys wait on the Governour, and acquaint
him, that the House having met, in pursuance of their ad-
journment, they are ready to receive any business he may
be pleased to lay before them.
Mr. Rhoads delivered at the table a Letter to the Com-
mittee of Correspondence from Benjamin Franklin, Esq.,
dated London, the seventh of May last, acquainting them
with the result of the Board of Trade on sundry Acts of
the General Assembly of this Province, passed February
the 26th, 1773, and that two other Acts of the same sit-
ting will probably be repealed, for certain reasons mentioned
in the said Letter.
Wednesday, September 21. — The Members appointed to
wait on the Governour with the Message of yesterday,
reported that they had delivered the same according to
order, and that his Honour was pleased to say, he had no
business at present to lay before the House.
September 26. — The Governour, by Mr. Secretary, sent
down a written Message to the House, which was read, by
order, and follows in these words, viz :
Gentlemen: As it does not appear to me that the
causes of the unhappy Indian disturbances are yet at an
end, but, on the contrary, that the Governour of Virginia
is still prosecuting an expedition against the Shawanese, I
cannot avoid recommending to your consideration the ex-
pediency of keeping the troops employed by this Govern-
ment, or at least a part of them, in pay till our affairs upon
the frontiers may happily have a more favourable aspect.
John Penn.
September 28. — A Remonstrance from die Overseers of
the Poor of the City of Philadelphia was presented to
the House, setting forth that the sum of money granted
last year by the Legislature for the relief and support of
such aged, sick, and infirm Neutrals as are yet residents in
the said city, is wholly laid out for the purpose for which it
was granted, as by the accounts herewith laid before the
House will appear ; that the Remonstrants therefore think it
their duty to inform the honourable House, that there is at
present a considerable number of the said Neutrals, who,
from their age, sickness, or infirmities, are incapable of
supporting themselves, and must suffer greatly, unless
speedy and constant supplies are afforded them in such
manner as their particular circumstances may from time to
time require. That the Remonstrants therefore request
the House will be pleased to take the premises into con-
sideration, and grant such relief therein as shall appear
necessary.
Ordered to lie on the table.
The House resumed the consideration of the Govern-
our's Message of the 26th instant, and, after some debate
thereon, the question being put by the Speaker, whether
one hundred men (officers included) of the rangers, now
employed on the frontiers, shall be kept up, and continued
in pay till the meeting of the next Assembly ?
Carried in the affirmative.
Resolved, That it be, and is hereby recommended to
the succeeding Assembly to make provision tor paying and
victualling the said one hundred rangers until the 14th of
October next.
An Answer to his Honour's Message being then drawn
at the table, and agreed to, it was ordered to be trans-
cribed.
795
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
796
September 29. — The Answer of ihe House to the Gov-
emour's Message being transcribed according to order, was
signed by the Spealier, and is as follows, viz ;
May it please your Honour :
The House taking into their consideration your Message
of the 26th instant, recommending the expediency of keep-
ing up the troops employed by this Government, '• or a
part of them," have agreed to continue one hundred men
(officers included) until the meeting of the next Assembly,
and have recommended it over to that Assembly to make
provision for their support and maintenance.
Signed by order of the House,
Joseph Galloway, Speaker.
September 29, 1774.
Upon motion, the Petition from the Overseers of the
Poor of the City of Philadelphia, in behalf of the French
Neutrals, was again read, and, after some debate thereon.
Ordered, That the Provincial Treasurer do pay into
the hands of the Overseers of the Poor of the City of
Philadelphia, the sum of one hundred pounds, for the
relief and support of the said French Neutrals.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLE GOVERN-
OUR GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED BOSTON,
SEPTEMBER 20, 1774.
Since my letters by the Scarborough, ship of war, I
have received some letters and papers, which I transmit
your Lordship, relative to the proceedings in the distant
counties against the Courts of Justice, and Resolves of a
County Meeting.
It is needless to trouble your Lordship with daily publi-
cations of determined resolutions not to obey the late Acts
of Parliament, or to allow any civil officer acting under
them, from the Governour to the Justice, to be constitu-
tional officers.
They talk of fixing a plan of Government of their own,
and it is somewhat surprising, that so many of the other
Provinces interest themselves so much in the behalf of this.
I find they have some warm friends in New- York and
Philadelphia, and 1 learn by an officer that left Carolina,
the latter end of August, that the people of Charlestown
are as mad as they are here.
The country people are exercising in arms, in this Prov-
ince, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, and getting maga-
zines of arms and ammunition in the country, and such
aitillery as they can procure, good and bad.
They threaten to attack the troops in Boston, and are
very angry at a work throwing up at the entrance of the
town ; on which account I have had two messages from
the Selectmen, and a third from the County of Suffolk.
People are daily resorting to this town for protection ;
for their is no security for any person deemed a friend to
Government, in any part of the country. Even places
always esteemed well affected have caught the infection.
The Commissioners of the Customs have thought it no
longer safe or pnident to remain at Salem, considering the
present distracted state of every part of the Province, and
are amongst others come into the town, where I am obliged
likewise now to reside on many accounts.
Mr. Willard has been obliged to resign his seat in
Council since my last. The rest remain firm, notwith-
standing daily threats of plunder, devastation, and ruin, and
even of assassination.
WORCESTER COUNTY (MASSACHUSETTS) RESOLUTIONS.
At a Convention of Committees for the County of Wor-
cester, held by adjournment at the Court House, on the
29th of August, 1774, and continued by adjournments to
the 21st of September, the following Votes and Resolves
passed, viz :
Voted, That if there bo an invasion, or danger of an
invasion, in any town in this county, then, such town shall,
by their Committee of Correspondence, or some other
proper persons, send letters by |)ost immediately to the
Committees of the adjoining towns, who shall send to the
other Committees in the towns adjoining them, that they
all come properly armed and accoutred to protect and de-
fend the place invaded.
Voted, That it be recommended to the military officers
in this county that they i^esign their offices to their respec-
tive Colonels.
Voted, That the field officers in this county resign their
offices, and publish such resignation in all the Boston
newspapers.
Voted, That it be recoinmended to the several towns
in this county to choose proper and a sufficient number of
military officers for each of their towns.
Voted, To accept the Report of the Committee respect-
ing the civil officers of this county, which is as follows :
Whereas the late Act of Parliament, entitled " An Act
for the better regulating his Majesty's Government of the
Massachusetts Boy," is evidently designed to prevent any
civil officers from holding their places by virtue of the
Charter thereof; and as it is necessary to have officers
till further provision may be made ; Therefore,
Resolved, That the Justices of the Peace for this
county, who were in said office the last day of June past,
except Timothy Buggies, John Murray, and James Put-
nam, Esquires, be hereby directed to act in said office as
single Justices, except in judicial proceedings merely civil ;
also, that the Judges of Probate, Sheriff", and Coroners who
were in said offices on the last day of June past, exercise
their respective offices till the Provincial Congress, pro-
posed to sit at Concord, on the second Ihesday of October
next, notwithstanding any pretended supersedeas that may
be sent them, or any of them, or any Proclamation de-
signed to prevent them from holding and exercising their
said offices ; and we hereby also recommend to the people
in this county that they consider and treat them as being
in their said offices, and support and defend them in
the execution thereof, according to the laws of this Prov-
ince.
Voted, As the opinion of this body, that the Sheriff do
not adjourn the Superiour Court, appointed by law to be
held this day, and that he retain such as are or may be
committed as criminals in his custody until they have a
trial.
Resolved, That as the ordinary Courts of Justice will
be stayed in consequence of the late arbitrary and oppres-
sive Act of the British Pailiament, we would earnestly
recommend it to every inhabitant of this county to pay his
just debts as soon as possible, without any disputes or liti-
gations ; " and if any disjuite concerning debts or tres-
passes should arise, which cannot be settled by the parties,
we recommend it to them to submit all such cases to arbi-
tration ; and if the parties, or either of them, shall refuse
so to do, they ought to be considered as co-operating with
the enemies of this country."
Voted, To accept the Report of the Committee rela-
tive to the instructing the Representatives for this county,
which is as follows :
That it be recommended to the several towns and dis-
tricts, that they instruct their Representatives who may be
chosen to meet at Salem, in October next, absolutely to
refuse to be sworn by any officer or officers but such as
are or may be appointed according to the Constitution, or
to act as one branch of the Legislature in concert with the
other, except such as are or may be appointed and sup-
ported according to the Charter of this Province ; and they
refuse to give their attendance at Boston while the town is
invested with troops and ships of war ; and should their
be any thing to prevent their acting with such a Governour
and Council, as is expressly set forth in the Charter, that
then they immediately repair to the town of Concord, and
there join in a Provincial Congress with such other Mem-
bers as are or may be chosen for that purpose, to act and
determine on such measures as they shall judge proper to
extricate this Colony out of their present unhappy circum-
stances.
Voted, That it be recominendcd to the several towns
and districts in this county that they provide themselves
immediately with one or more field pieces, iiounted and
fitted for use ; and also a sufficient quantity of annnunition
for the same ; and that the officers appoint a suitable num-
ber of men out of their respective companies, to manage
said field ))ieces.
Whereas the people of this county are under solemn
obligations not to purchase any goods that shall be import-
ed from Great Britain after the last day oi August, 1774,
797
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
798
which they determine most sacredly to adhere to until our
many grievances be redressed ; therefore,
Foted, Tiiat it be recommended, and we do earnestly
recommend it to the Committees of Correspondence or
Selectmen in the several sea-port towns in this Province to
appoint, or cause to be appointed, Committees to inspect
the imports that have been or shall be made since the last
day of August aforesaid, and publish all such in the Bos-
ton newspapers, with the names of the importers, that so
we may carefully avoid all such in our dealings for the
future.
Voted, To choose a Standing Committee for the county,
to correspond with the Committees of Correspondence for
the several counties, and elsewhere, as they shall think
proper ; also, to prepare matters jiroper to lay before this
body at their several meetings ; to give the earliest intelli-
gence to the several Conmiittees in this county of any new
attack upon the liberties of tliis people, and call a County
Convention at any time, as occasion may require. — Tliere-
fore,
Voted, That the Committees of Correspondence for the
towns of Worcester and Leicester, be a Committee for the
purposes aforesaid ; and that Messrs. Thomas Denny,
Joseph Henshaiv, and Joshua Bigelow, be added to the
above Committee.
Voted, To take notice of Mr. Sheriff Chandler, for car-
rying an Address to Governour Gage.
Voted, That a Committee wait on the Sheriff, and re-
quire his attendance before this body, for presenting, (with
others, the Justices of the County of Worcester,) the Ad-
dress to Governour Gage.
Voted, That the following Declaration, signed by the
Sheriff, should be accepted :
" Whereas the Convention of Committees have expressed
their uneasiness to the Sheriff of this county, now present
before the Convention, for presenting, with others, an Ad-
dress to Governour Gage, which he frankly declares was
precipitately done by him ; though he is sorry for it, and
disclaims any intention to do any thing against the minds
of the inhabitants of this county ; and had he known it
would have given offence, he would not have presented
said Address. G. Chandler."
As the several Regiments in this county are large and in-
convenient, by the increase of its inhabitants since the first
settlement of said regiments — Tiierefore,
Voted, That they be divided into seven distinct Regi-
ments, in the following manner, viz :
1st, Worcester, Leicester, Holden, Spencer, and Par-
ton.
2d. Sutton, Oxford, Sturbridge, Charlton, and Dud-
ley.
3d. Lancaster, Bolton, Harvard, Lunenburgh, Leo-
minster, Fitchburgh, Ashburnham, and Westminster.
4th. Brookfield, Western, Braintree, Hardwick, and
Oakham.
5th. Rutland, Hutchinson, Petersham, Athol, Temple-
ton, Winchendon, Royalston, Hubbardstown, and Prince-
ton.
6th. Southboro', Westboro', Northboro', Shrewsbury,
and Grafton.
7th. Mendon, Uxbridge, JSorthhridge, Upton, and
Douglass.
Voted, That it be recommended to the several towns
in this county to choose proper, and a sufficient number of
military officers for each of their towns ; and that the Cap-
tains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns in each regiment, who are
chosen by the people, do convene on or before the tenth
day of October next, at some convenient place in each
regiment, and choose their field officers, to command the
militia, until they be constitutionally appointed ; and that it
be recommended to the officers in eacli town in this county,
to enlist one-third of the men in their respective towns,
between sixteen and sixty years of age, to be at a minute's
warning ; and tliat it be recommended to each town in this
county to choose a sufficient number of men as a Com-
mittee to supply and support those troops that shall move
upon any emergency.
Voted, That this meeting be adjourned to the first
Tuesday in December next.
WjLLlAM HeNSHAW, Clurlc.
Boston, September 26, 1774.
At a Meeting of the Freeholders of this town, on Wed-
nesday, the 21st instant, at Faneuil Hall, the following
gentlemen were chosen to represent them in the General
Assembly, to be held on the 5th of next month, viz :
the Honourable TTiomas Gushing, Esquire, Mr. Samuel
Adams, the Honourable John Hancock. Esquire, and M'l.l-
liam Phillips, Esquire ; and on Friday, the town made
choice of Dr. Joseph Warren, Dr. Benjamin Church, and
Mr. Nathaniel Appleton, to serve as Delegates in the Pro-
vincial Congress, to be held at Concord, on the second
Tuesday in October next, in addition to the four Repre-
sentatives of this town ; and the following Instructions for
our Representatives were voted, viz :
Gentlemen : As we have chosen you to represent us
in the Great and General Court, to be holden at Salem, on
Wednesday, the 5th of October next ensuing, we do here-
by instruct you, that in all your doings, as members of the
House of Representatives, you adhere firmly to the Charter
of this Province, granted by their Majesties King William
and Queen Mary, and that you do no act which can possi-
bly be construed into an acknowledgment of the validity of
the Act of the British Parliament for altering the Govern-
ment of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; more especi-
ally that you acknowledge the Honourable Board of Coun-
sellors elected by the General Court, at their session in
last May, as the only rightful and constitutional Council of
this Province. And we have reason to believe, that a con-
scientious discharge of your duty will produce your dissolu-
tion as an House of Representatives ; we do hereby em-
power and instruct you to join with tlie members, who may
be sent from this and the other towns in the Province, and
to meet with them at a time to be agreed on in a General
Provincial Congress, to act upon such matters as may come
before you, in such a manner as shall appear to you most
conducive to the true interest of this town and Province,
and most likely to preserve the liberties of all America.
CUMBERLAND COUNTY (MASSACHUSETTS) RESOLVES.
At a Meeting of the following gentlemen chosen by the
several towns in the County of Cumberland, held at .F«/-
mouth, in said county, on the 21st day of September, 1774,
at the house of Mrs. Greele, viz: from
Falmouth, The Honourable Enoch Freeman, Esquire,
Stephen Longfellow, Esquire, Mr. Richard Codman,
Captain John Waite, Mr. Enoch llsley, Mr. Samuel
Freeman.
Scarborough, Captain Timothy McDaniel, Captain
Reuben Fogg, Mr. Joshua Fabyan.
North Yarmouth, Mr. John Letvis, David Mitchell,
Esquire, Messrs. Jonathan Mitchell, John Gray, William
Cutter.
Gorham, Sohmon Lombard, Esquire, William Gor-
ham. Esquire, Captain Edmund Phiney, Captain Briant
Morton, Mr. Joseph Davis.
Capk Elizabeth, Dr. Clement Jordan, Messrs. Peter
Woodbury, Samuel Dunn, Captain Judah Dyer, Dr. Na-
thaniel Jones, Mr. Gtorge Strout.
Brunswick, Messrs. Samuel Thompson, Samuel Stan-
wood, Captain Thomas Moulton.
Harpswell, Mr. Joseph Ewing, Captain John Stover,
Mr. Andrew Dunning.
Windham, Messrs. Zerubabel Honyxoell, Thomas
Trott, David Barker.
New-Gloucester, Messrs. William Harris, Isaac
Parsons.
The Hon. Enoch Freeman, Esq., was chosen Chairman,
Mr. Samuel Freeman, Clerk.
A Committee from the body of people, who were
assembled at the entrance of the town, waited on this Con-
vention to see if they would choose a Committee of one
member out of each town to join them, to wait upon Mr.
Sheriff Tyng to see whetlier he would act in his office,
under the late act of Parliament for regulating the Govern-
ment.
On a motion made. Voted, that a messenger be sent to
the said Sheriff Tyng, to desire his attendance at this Con-
vention. A messenger then waited upon Mr. lyng, with
the following Billet, viz :
790
CORRESPONDEIVCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
800
" Mr. Sheriff Ti/ng^s company is desired at tlie Con-
" vention of the County, now silting at Mrs. Greek's.
" Samuel Freemam, Clerk.
"Wednesday, September 21st, 1774, 11 o'clock, A. M."
JMr. Tyng accordingly attended, and after some interro-
gations, subscribed to the following Declaration, viz :
County of Cumberland, Falmouth, September 21, 1774.
" Whereas, great numbers of the inhabitants of this
county are now assembled near my house, in consequence
of the false representations of some evil-minded persons,
who have reported that I have endeavoured all in my
power to enforce the late Acts of Parliament, relating to
tills Province : I do hereby solemnly declare, that 1 have
not In any way whatever acted or endeavoured to act in
conformity to said Acts of Parliament ; and in compliance
with the commands of the inhabitants so assembled, and by
the advice of a Committee from the several towns of this
countv now assembled in Congress, I further declare I
will not as Sheriff of said county, or otherwise, act m con-
formity to, or by virtue of said Acts, unless by the general
consent of the said county. I further declare, I have not
received any commission inconsistent with the Charter of
this Province, nor any commission whntever, since the first
day of J»/y last. William Tyng."
" County of Cumberland :
" At the Convention of Committees from the several
towns in the said county, held at the house of Mrs. Greek,
in Falmouth, in said county, September 21, 1774, voted
that the foregoing, by William Tyng, Esq., subscribed, is
satisfactory to this Convention.
Attest, Samuel Freeman."
Tlie Convention then formed themselves into a Com-
mittee, to accompany Mr. Tyng to the body of the people,
to present the above Declaration, and adjourned to the old
Town House, at 3 o'clock, P. M. — the deliberation to be
in publick.
The Committee accordingly went with Mr. Tyng, who
read the Declaration to the people, which they voted to
be satisfactory, and after refreshing themselves, returned
peaceably to their several homes.
Three o'clocli, P. M. Met according to adjournment.
Voted, That Mr. Samuel Freeman, Solomon Lombard,
Esq., Stephen Longfellow, Esq., David Mitchell, Esq.,
John Lewis, Captain John JVaite, Samuel Thompson,
Captain Timothy McDaniel, Doctor Nathaniel Jones,
Isaac Parsons, Enoch Freeman, Esq., David Barker, and
Captain John Stover, be a Committee to draw up the sen-
timents of this Convention, and report the same at the ad-
joumment.
Then adjourned to Thursday morning at eight o'clock.
September 22d. Met according to adjournment, when
the Committee presented the following Report, which, af-
ter being read paragraph by paragraph, was unanimously
accepted, viz :
The great concern with which the people of this county
view the increasing differences which now subsist between
the mother country and the Colonies, and the dark pros-
pect which some late Acts of the British Parliament have
in particular opened to them, has occasioned the several
towns herein represented, to choose Committees for this
" Convention, to consider w^hat measures it would be
" thought expedient to adopt for the general interest of
" the bounty, in the present alarming situation of our pub-
lick affairs ;" we, therefore, the said Committees, pursuant
to the request of our respective towns, guided by a strong
attachment to the interests of our oppressed country, think
it proper, with respect and deference to our brethren in
other counties, to make known our minds, as follows :
We think it the Indispensable duty of every subject of the
English Constitution, for our own sakes, as well as that of
future generations, to use his utmost care and endeavour,
according to the station he is in, to preserve the same in-
violate and unimpaired; for we regard it not only as the
foundation of all our civil rights and liberties, but as a sys-
tem of Government the best calculated to promote the
people's peace and happiness. And we lament, that in the
present Administration there are men so lost to all the
principles of honour, equity, and justice, as to attempt a
violation of the rights which we have long enjoyed, and
which while we profess ourselves, as wq now declare we
do, alleglant subjects to George the Third, our rightful
Sovereign, we have a right still to enjoy entire and unmo-
lested ; and it is a melancholy consideration, that the ac-
knowledged head of this respected State, should be induced
to pass his sanction to such laws as tend to the subversion
of that glorious freedom which preserves the greatness of
the British Empire, and gives it reputation throughout all
the Nations of the civil world. It is too apparent that the
British Ministry have long been hatching monstrous Acts
to break our Constitution, and some they have at length
brought forth. We think the Colonies deserve a better
treatment from his Majesty, than this which he assents to.
We are his loyal sidijects and merit his regard ; and cannot
help thinking that, if he would pursue his own unbiassed
judgment, and lay aside the selfish counsel of wicked and
designing men, he and his subjects would be mutually hap-
py, and provocations on both sides cease. But since the
iMlnlstry have borne their tyranny to such a length as to
endeavour to execute their wicked designs by military force
in our Metropolis, we fear it is their aim to introduce des-
potlck monarchy. But though their tyranny and oppres-
sion seems now with hasty strides to threaten all the Colo-
nies with ruin and destruction, we hope no vengeance will
afright, no wiles allure us, to give up our dear-bought liberty,
that choisest boon of Heaven, which our fathers came into
these regions to enjoy, and which we, therefore, will retain
while life enables us to straggle for its blessings.
We believe our enemies supposed we must submit, and
tamely give up all our rights. It is true a vigorous oppo-
sition will subject us to many inconveniences ; but how
much greater will our misery be if we relinquish all we now
enjoy, and lay our future earnings at the mercy of despotick
men ? VVc cannot bear the thought ; distant posterity would
have cause to curse our folly, and the rising generation
would justly execrate our memory. We therefore recom-
mend a manly opposition to those cruel Acts, and every
measure w hich despotism can invent to " abridge our En-
glish liberties ;" and we hope that patience will possess our
souls till Providence shall dissipate the gloomy cloud, and
restore to us our former happy state.
The late Act for regulating the Government of this Prov-
ince, we consider, in particidar, as big with mischief and
destruction ; tending to the subversion of our Charter and
our Province laws ; and, in its dire example, alarming to
all the Colonies. This, through the conduct of some ene-
mies among ourselves, will soon bring us Into difficulties,
which will require some able council to remove. We there-
fore recommend to each town In this county to instruct their
several Representatives to resolve themselves, with the
other Members of the House, at their approaching session,
into a Provincial Congress for this purpose.
To this Congress we shall submit the general interests of
the Province ; but for the particular benefit of this county,
we do advise and recommend —
1 . That the Justices of the Sessions and Court of Com-
mon Pleas, and every civil officer in this county, whom no
authority can remove, but that which constituted them
agreeable to Charter and our own Provincial laws, would
religiously officiate in their several departments, as if the
aforesaid Act had never been Invented ; and that every pri-
vate person would pay a strict obedience to such officers ;
be always ready to protect and support them, and promote
a due observance of our own established laws. And if any
person whatsoever shall henceforth, in any manner, dare to
aid the operation of the said tyrannick Act, they should be
considered as malignant enemies to our Charter rights, unfit
for civil society, and undeserving of the least regard or fa-
vour from their fellow-countrymen.
2. That every one would do his utmost to discourage
law suits, and likewise compromise disputes as much as
possible.
3. Tliat it be recommended to the Honourable Jeremiah
Poicell. Esq., and Jcdrdiah Preble, Esq., constitutional
Counsellors of this Province, residing in tills county, that
they would take their places at the Board the ensuing ses-
sion as usual.
4. We cannot but approve of the recommendation given
by the Convention of Suffolk County, to the several Col-
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CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
802
lectors of Province taxes, not to pay one farthing more into
the Province treasury, until the Government of the Prov-
ince is placed on a constitutional foundation ; or until the
Provincial Congress shall order otherwise ; and we recom-
mend the same to the several Collectors of this county.
But we think it the duty of the several Collectors of county,
town, and district taxes, to perfect their collections, and pay
the same into their several treasuries as soon as possible.
And here we think it proper to observe, that though we do
not coincide in every instance with our Suffolk brethren,
which may be owing to a want of knowing all the circum-
stances of affairs, yet we highly applaud their virtuous zeal
and determined resolutions.
5. We recommend to every town in this county charita-
bly to contribute to the relief of our suffering brethren in
our distressed Metropolis.
6. Lest oppression, which maketh even wise men mad,
should hurry some people into tumults and disorders, we
would recommend that every individual in the county use
his best endeavours to suppress, at all times, riots, mobs,
and all licentiousness ; and that our fellow-subjects would
consider themselves, as they always are, in the presence of
the great God, who loveth order, and not confusion.
7. That when a general non-importation agreement takes
place, we shall look upon it to be the duty of every vender
of merchandise to sell his goods at the present rates ; and
if any person shall exorbitantly enhance the prices of his
goods, we shall look upon him as an oppressor of his
country ; and, in order to prevent imposition in this respect,
we recommend that a Committee be chosen in each town
to receive complaints against any who may be to blame
herein ; and if he shall refuse to wait on such Committee,
on notice given, or be found culpable in this respect, his
name shall be published in the several towns in the county,
as undeserving of the future custom of his countrymen.
8. That every one who has it in his power would im-
prove our breed of sheep, and, as far as possible, increase
their number; and also encouiage the raising of flax, and
promote the manufactures of the country.
9. As the very extraordinary and alarming Act for es-
tablishing the Roman Catholick religion and French laws
in Canada, may introduce the French or Indians into our
frontier towns, we recommend that every town and indi-
vidual in this county should be provided with a proper stock
of military stores, according to our Province law ; and that
some patriotick military officers be chosen in each town to
exercise their several companies, and make thera perfect
in the military art.
10. Our general grievances being the subject of deliber-
ation before the Continental Congress, renders it inexpe-
dient to consider them particularly. On their wisdom we
have a great dependence, and we think it will be our duty
to lay aside every measure to which we have advised, that
may be variant from theirs, and pay a due regard to their
result.
And now we think it proper to declare, that as we have
been recounting the hardships we endure by the machina-
tions of our enemies at home, we cannot but gratefully ac-
knowledge our obligations to those illustrious worthies, our
friends of the minority, who constantly opposed this wicked
measure, and would heartily wish that some great and good
tnen would invent and mark out some plan that will unite
the parent state to these its Colonies, and thereby prevent
the effusion of Christian blood. Then,
Voted, That every Member of this Convention be sev-
erally interrogated whether he now has, or will hereafter
take any commission under the pTesent Act of Parliament
for regulating the Government of tliis Province.
The Members were accordingly interrogated, and each
and every of them answered in the negative.
Voted, That the several Committees which compose
this Convention, or the major part of each, be and hereby
are desired to interrogate the civil officers and other persons
whom they may think fit, in their respective towns, whether
they now have or will hereafter take any commission under
the aforesaid Act.
Voted, That the whole proceedings of this Convention
be by tiie Clerk transmitted to the press, and also to the
Town Clerks in the respective towns in this county, as soon
as may be.
Voted, That this Convention lie continued, and that the
Fourth Series. 51
Committee of Falmouth, or the major part of them, be and
hereby are empowered, on any occasion that in their opin-
ion requires it, to notify a meeting of the Delegates there-
of, at such time and place as they may think proper, set-
ting forth the occasion thereof
Voted, That the thanks of this Convention be given to
the Honourable Enoch Freeman, Esq., for his faithful ser-
vices as Chairman.
Samuel Freeman, Clerk.
Boston, September 24, 1774.
At a Meeting of the Selectmen and Committee of Cor-
respondence of Boston, September 24, 1774:
Our friends in the neighbouring towns and country in
general, having expressed their uneasiness lest the work-
men in this town, by assisting the army in building barracks,
would give occasion of umbrage to their friends who dwell
more remote, whether in this or the neighbouring Colonies,
particularly to our brethren oi New- York, who have nobly
rejected the application of the Barrack-master for mechan-
ics and other assistants from that place ; therefore, having
debated this matter, in compliance with the applications of
our friends in the country, it is the opinion of this Joint
Committee, that should the mechanicks or other inhabitants
of this town assist the troops, by furnishing them with ar-
tificers, labourers, or materials of any kind, to build bar-
racks or other places of accommodation for the troops, they
will probably incur the displeasure of their brethren, who
may withhold their contributions for the relief of the town,
and deem them as enemies to the rights and liberties of
America, by furnishing the troops with conveniences for
their residence and accommodation in this town.
TO THE PRINTERS OF THE BOSTON GAZETTE.
Boston, September 24, 1774.
As I have been informed that the conduct of some few
persons of the Episcopal denomination, in maintaining
principles inconsistent with the rights and liberties of man-
kind, has given offence to some of the zealous friends of
this country, I think myself obliged to publish the following
extract of a letter, dated September 9, 1774, which I re-
ceived from my worthy and patriotick friend, Mr. Samuel
Adams, a Member of the Congress now sitting in Phila-
delphia, by which it appears, that however injudicious some
individuals may have been, the gentlemen of the establish-
ed Church of England are men of the most just and liberal
sentiments, and are high in the esteem of the most sensible
and resolute defenders of the rights of the people of this
Continent ; and I earnestly request my countrymen to avoid
every thing which our enemies may make use of to preju-
dice our Episcopal brethren against us, by representing
us as disposed to disturb them in the free exercise of their
religious privileges, to which we know they have the most
undoubted claim ; and which, from a real regard to the
honour and interest of my country, and the rights of man-
kind, I hope they will enjoy as long as the name of Ame-
rica is known in jhe world. J. Warren.
" After settling the mode of voting, which is by giving
each Colony an equal voice, it was agreed to open the busi-
ness with prayer. As many of our warmest friends are
members of the Church of England, I thought it prudent,
as well on that as some other accounts, to move that the
service should be performed by a clergyman of that de-
nomination. Accordingly, tiie lessons of the day and
prayer were read by the Reverend Doctor Duche, who af-
ter^vards made a most excellent extemporary prayer, by
which he discovered himself to be a gcntlen)an of sense
and piety, and a warm advocate for the religious and civil
rijihts of America."
Rye, New. York, September 24, 1774.
We die subscribers. Freeholders and Inhabitants of the
town of Rye, in the County of Westchester, being much
concerned with die unhappy situation of publick affairs,
think it our duty to our King and country, to declare that
we have not been concerned in any resolutions entered into,
or measures taken, with regard to the disputes at present
subsisting with the mother country. We also testify our
803
CORRESPO^'DE^CE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., SEPTEMBER, 1774.
804
dislike to many hot and furious proceedings in consequence
of said disputes, which we think are more likely to ruin
this once hapj)y country, than remove grievances, if any
there are.
We also declare our great desire and full resolution to
live and die peaceable subjects to our gracious Sovereign
King George the Third, and his laws.
Isaac Gidncy,
Daniel Irwin,
Silenion llulsted,
Abraham Wctmore,
Roger Park,
James Budd,
Jolin Colliim,
Roger KnitVoii,
Thomas KniflTon,
Henry Bird,
John Hawkins,
Gilbert Merrit, Esq.,
Robert Merrit,
Andrew Merrit,
Jolm Oarliart,
Roger Merrit,
Archibald Tilford,
Israel Seaman,
Isiac Anderson,
Adam Seaman,
William llall,
John Willi.s,
Rievers Morrel,
Capt. Abrm. Bush,
Nehem'h Sherwood,
Abraham Miller,
Andrew Lyon,
William Crooker,
Jonathan KuiDcn,
James Jameson,
Andrew Carhart,
John Buflot,
Thomas Brown,
Seth Purdy,
Gilbert Thaell,
Gilbert Thaell, Jun.,
Disbury Park,
Isaac Brown,
Joseph Merrit, Jun.,
Major James Hortou,
Peter Florence,
Jonatlian Godney,
Nathaniel Sniffin,
William Armstrong,
John Guion,
Sol. Gidnoy,
James Ilains,
Elijah Ilains,
Bartholomew^ Hains,
Thomas Thaell,
John Affrey,
Gilbert Hains,
Dennis Lary,
Hack. Purdy,
Joshua Purdy,
Roger Purdy,
Charles Thaell, Esq.,
James Wetmorc,
Gilbert Brundigo,
John Knili'en,
William Brown,
Joseph Clark,
John Park,
Joseph Purdy,
James Gedney,
Joshua Gedney,
Jonathan Budd,
Jaines Purdy,
Ebenezer Brown,
Ebenezer Brown, Jr.,
John Adeo,
John Slater,
Henry Slater,
Nathaniel Purdy,
Benjamin KnitTen,
Andrew Kniften,
Joseph Wilson,
Nehemiah Wilson,
Thomas Wilson,
Benjamin Wilson,
Gilbert Morris, Jr.,
*Tim. Wetmore, Esq.,
James Hart.
Rye, October 17, 1774.
We the subscribers, having been suddenly and unwarily
drawn in to sign a certain paper published in Mr. Riving-
torCs Gazetteer, of the 13tli instant; and being now, after
mature deliberation, fully convinced that we acted prepos-
terously, and without adverting properly to the matter in
dispute between the mother country and her Colonies, are
therefore sorry that we e\'er had any concern in said paper,
and we do by these presents utterly disclaim every part
thereof, except our expressions of loyalty to the King, and
obedience to the constitutional laws of the Realm.
Abraham Miller,
William Crooker,
James Jameson,
Andrew Carehart,
John Buflot,
William Brown,
Gilbert Brunidge,
Israel Seaman,
John Willis,
Adam Seaman,
Andrew Lyon,
Gilbert Merrit,
John Carehart,
John Slater,
Isaac Anderson.
New-York, September 2i, 1774.
At a Meeting of the Committee of Mechanicks of this
city, at the house of Mr. David Philips, a Letter to them
was received from the Mechanicks of the town of Boston,
which being read, it was resolved unanimously that the same
be printed, and is as follows:
Boston, September 8, 1774.
Gentlemen: General Gage being determined to cut off
the communication of this town with the country, by forti-
fying the sole pass between them, by land, has applied to
several tradesmen in this town, and found none base enough
to engage in so villainous an enterprise. And it is now
said he intends to apply to Ncit-Yorlc for workmen to
complete his designs. Our tradesmen, therefore, appre-
hending that your zeal for the common safety is not less to
be depended upon than their own, requested us to give you
the earliest intimation of the matter, that you might take
your measures accordingly.
We cannot entertain a doubt hut the tradesmen of iVcic-
York will treat an application of this kind as it deserves.
The subject is of the last importance ; and for any one
part of America to shew a readiness to comply with'mea-
• The above paper, like many others, being liable to misconstrue,
tion, and having been understood by many to import a recognition of
a right in the Parliament of Great Britain to bind America in all cases
whatsoever, and to signify that the Colonies labour under no griev-
ances, which is not the sense I meant to convey, 1 think it my duty
to explain my sentiments upon the subject, and thereby prevent future
mistakes. It is my opinion that the Parliament have no right to tax
America, though they have a right to regulato the trade of the Empire.
I am further of opinio.!, that several Acts of Parliament are griev.
ances, and that the execution of them ought to be opposed in such
manner as may be consistent with tlie duty of a subject to our Sover-
eign ; though I cannot help expressing my disapprobation of many
violent proceedings in some of the Colonies.
November 3, 1774. TiMOTUr Wetmork.
sures destructive of any other part, will inevitably destroy
that confidence so necessary to the common salvation.
We are, gentlemen, your friends and fellow-countrymen,
By order of the Committee,
John Warren, Chairman.
To the Committee of Mechanicks of the City of Netc-
York.
Upon which it was unamimously ResoIved,That the thanks
of this Committee be returned to those worthy Mechanicks
of this city, who have declined to aid or assist in the
erecting of fortifications on Boston Neck, which, when
completed, would probably be improved to spill the blood
of their fellow-subjects in the Massachusetts Bay ; cut off
the communication with the country, whereby the soldiery
might be enabled to inflict on that town all the distresses
of famine, and reduce those brave and loyal people to terms
degrading to human nature, repugnant to Christianity, and
which, perhaps, might prove destructive of British and
American liberty.
Resolved, Likewise, tiiat the thanks of this Committee be
returned to those merchants of this place, for their truly
worthy and patiiotick conduct, who have virtuously refused
to let their vessels to transport the army and the horrid en-
gines of war, for the detestable purpose of destroying his
Majesty's faithful subjects in the Massachiuetts Bay ; who
are a people well known to have been constant in support-
ing, and firm in defending, the Protestant succession, as
settled in the illustrious House of Hanover.
Signed by order, and in behalf of the Committee of
Mechanicks,
Abel. Hardenbrook, Jun., Chairman.
COPY OK A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLE GOTERNOCR
GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED BO?TON,
SEPTEMBER 25, 1774.
Mt Lord : The enclosed extract of a letter from Gene-
ral Haldimand, with a printed bill posted at New-York,
serve to shew a had disposition of too many in that place ;
but I hope the General will find means to secure the
stores, and that the transports will get up to the town to
receive them. It was found impossible to put the troops
under cover here without erecting some temporary lodge-
ments ; and on the supposition that workmen could not
be procured here, it was thought expedient to send to
New- York ; but the printed bill deterred the carpenters
of that place from coming here, whilst, contrary to what
was imagined, the Boston artificers have undertaken our
work.
The messages and addresses delivered by me to the
Selectmen of Boston, and the Delegates of the County of
Suffolk, concerning a work at tiie entrance of the town,
where 1 propose to lodge a regiment, was mentioned to
your Lordship in a former letter, and I now transmit
printed copies of them. Your Lordship will observe that
the Delegates complain of misinformation, and deny a
wish of independency.
]\Iany members are chosen for the General Court that
was appointed to meet at Salem, on the fifth of next
month, and I have information that the old Council has
been summoned to attend there. The new Council, ap-
pointed by the King, who have taken refuge in this town,
dare not attend at Salem, unless escorted there and back
again by a large force, which as affairs are circumstanced
will answer no end. The Assembly will not act with
them, and I cannot act with the old Council, so that
nothing but confusion can arise from a meeting of the
General Court, on which account I mean to fall on mea-
sures to postpone the sessions.
We hear of nothino but extravagances in some part or
other, and of military preparations from this place to the
Province of New-York, in which the whole seems to be
united. Upon a rumour, propagated with uncommon de-
spatch through the country, that the soldiers had killed six
people, and that the ships and troops were firing upon
Boston, the whole country was in arms and in motion, and
numerous bodies of the Connecticut people had made
some marches before the report was contradicted.
Your Lordship will know, from various accounts, the
extremities to which affairs are brought, and how this
805
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Uc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
806
Province is supported and abetted by others beyond the
conception of most people, and foreseen by none. The
disease was believed to have been confined to the town
of Boston, from whence it might have been eradicated,
no doubt, without a great deal of trouble, and it might
have been the case some time ago ; but now it is so uni-
versal there is no knowing where to apply a remedy.
I am, &ic.,
Thomas Gage.
P. S. I enclose two Resolutions of the Congress, just
arrived from Philadelphia, approving the Resolutions of
the County of Suffolk, in this Province, transmitted in my
letter to your Lordship, No. 13. T. G.
MEETING OF FREEHOLDERS OF MIDDLESEX, ENGLAND.
Account of the transactions at the Meeting, at Mile
End, of the Freeholders of the County of Middlesex, on
tlie 26th of September, 1774.
At twelve o'clock about fbrty Freeholders were assem-
bled, who had paid each one shilling for admittance. They
now began to come in faster, and several gentlemen re-
fused to pay the admittance money. At this instant the
two Sheriffs arrived, and a contest arose about paying the
previous shilling, which at length subsided on the Sheriffs
agreeing to give ten guineas for the use of the room, and
those gentlemen who had paid received their money again,
and the doors were thrown open. About one o'clock the
Sheriffs took the chair, and Mr. Sheriff Sayre having
apologized for the obstruction that had happened, which
arose from a misunderstanding between the Under Sherifi
and the master of the house, the business began.
Mr. Sayre, in a very handsome speech, reminded the
Freeholders of the very important occasion of their being
assembled ; he expatiated on the rights and privileges of
Englishmen, and hoped they would, while they were yet
at liberty to assemble, nominate such men for their Repre-
sentatives in Parliament as would be zealous to transmit
their rights to the latest posterity.
Mr. Sheriff Lee then desired leave to read a letter
which intimated the wish of several gentlemen to know
whether persons possessed of freeholds in London had a
right to vote as freeholders of Middlesex, and requesting
tliat the question might be agitated at the Mile End Meet-
ing ; but no person in conipany avowing the latter, the
matter subsided.
A Freeholder now moved that the gentlemen to be re-
turned as proper persons to represent the county in Parlia-
ment, should sign a declaration to the following effect : That
they would endeavour to obtain Acts for shortening the du-
ration of Parliament ; for limiting the number of placemen
and pensioners, &tc. ; and to procure the repeal of the Que-
bec Act ; the Boston Port Bill ; the Bill for the administra-
tion of justice in the Province of the Massachusetts, and the
Bill to subject persons offending in America to be broucht
to England for trial.
Mr. Sawhridge proposed, in addition hereto, that the
candidates should also sign a general declaration of their
principles as being founded on those of the Revolution.
After some debate, the last article was put separately, and
when it had appeared that it was the general sense of the
Freeholders that this article should make part of the de-
claration to be signed by the candidates, a gentleman ob-
jected to the proceedings as irregular, insisting that the
other part of the proceedings should have been first pro-
posed. This occasioned some hesitation, till Mr. Saw-
bridge set the company right by informing them that it
was a rule in the House of Commons, when any question
was proposed, and an amendment afterwards offered, to
submit the amendment first, and then the whole question
as amended. The whole conditions were, therefore, now
submitted to the ojjinions of the Freeholders, which, with
only seven dissenting hands, were, that the candidates
should sign a declaration to the purport above mentioned.
Mr. Wilkes declared his perfect willingness to sign the
paper, and said that Mr. Glynn had seen all of it but the
proposed amendment, which he was likewise willing to
sign. There seemed to be no doubt of Mr. Glynn's equal
readiness to sign the declaration respecting the Revolution
principles ; and it was proposed, first the name of each can-
didate separately, and then both together, " That John
" Wilkes and John Glynn, Esquires, be proper persons to
" represent this county in Parliament, on condition of their
" signing the above mentioned obligation ;" to which all
hands, except about five, readily assented with the loudest
plaudits.
The following is a copy of the Engagement signed by
John Wilkes and John Glynn, Esquires.
We (John Wilkes and John Glynn) do solemnly pro-
mise and engage ourselves to our constituents, if we have
the honour of being chosen the Representatives in Parlia-
ment of the County of Middlesex, that we will endeavour,
to the utmost of our power, to restore and defend the excel-
lent form of government modelled and estabhshed at the
Revolution, and to promote acts of Legislature for shorten-
ing the duration of Parliaments ; for excluding placemen
and pensioners from the House of Commons ; for a more
fair and equal representation of the people ; for vindicating
the injured rights of the Freeholders of this county, and
the whole body of electors of this United Kingdom ; and
an Act for the repeal of the four late Acts respecting
America; the Quebec Act, establishing Popery, and the
system of French Canadian laws in that extensive Prov-
ince ; the Boston Port Act ; the Act for altering the
Charter of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; and the
Act for the trial in Europe of persons accused of criminal
offences in America ; being fully persuaded that the pas-
sing of such Acts will be of the utmost importance for the
security of our excellent Constitution, and the restoration
of the rights and liberties of our fellow-subjects in America
John Wilkes,
John Glynn.
EXTRACT OE A LETTER FROM WORCESTER, DATED SEP-
TEMBER 27, 1774.
Yesterday we had a meeting of all the male inhabitants
from the age of sixteen to seventy, who formed themselves
into companies and proceeded to the choice of officers ;
those who held their commissions under Governour Hutch-
inson (except a few) having resigned them. One-third
part of the inhabitants were appointed to be in readiness to
march to whatever place their assistance may be wanting.
On Friday next there will be a meeting of the County
Committee, in order to remonstrate to General Gage re-
specting his fortifications at the only entrance by land into
our much esteemed capital.
Boston, Septembers?, 1774.
A few days ago General Gage paid for, and deposited
in his Majesty's Magazine, a quantity of military stores,
which had been provided many years since at the desire
of Colonel Bradstreet, and had laid from that time on the
hands of Mr. Scott. The Selectmen and the Committee
of Correspondence sent for Mr. Scott, and told him he de-
served immediate death for selling warlike stores to the
enemy ; and a number of people instantly assembled to
put this sentence in execution ; but Mr. Scott was so for-
tunate as to make his escape ; his house however suffered
very much before the people separated, at the desire of
the Selectmen.
Dr. Warren, the President of the Committee of Corres-
pondence, came about nine o'clock at night to the General,
acquainting him that he was to write to the Congress im-
mediately, and he desired for their information, that the
General would answer the following questions : viz : What
is the meaning of the fortifications ? What is the meaning
that the General buys military stores ? Are the people at
Boston to be made hostages, in order to compel the people
of the country to comply with the new laws ?
Dr. Warren received for answer, that as the country
people were all armed, and collecting cannon and military
stores from all quarters, which, as they were not soldiers
by profession, or under the least apprehension of any inva-
sion, could indicate nothing but their intention of attacking
his Majesty's forces in that town, it became therefore the
General, and it would be inexcusable in him to neglect to
provide for their defence, and to enable them effectually to
resist the attempts which it is no longer doubtful the people
meditate against them. That the very constraction of the
fortifications show them to be defensive ; and every body
§07
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Lc, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
808
might easily discern that they are not calculated, in any re-
spect, to annoy the town or disturb the inhabitants, or even
to lay them under the least restraint. Tliat it is notorious
that many cannon have been convoyed, notwithstanding
tlie works, from thence ; and arms are carried out openly
by every man that goes out oi Boston without molestation.
That thougii the General, to ease the town of the burden
of furnishing quarters for the troops, and to keep the troops
from every possibility of giving offence to the inhabitants,
liath ordered barracks to be erected for them, which he
conceives to be of equal utility to the town as to the troops,
nevertheless the Selectmen and the Conunittee have
ordered all the workmen to quit tiiis employ, though they
were paid by the King. Thai orders are given to prevent
all supplies for English troops. Straw, purchased for their
use, is daily burnt ; vessels, with bricks, sunk ; carts, with
wood, overturned ; and thus even the property of the King
is destroyed in every manner in which it can be effected.
Yet sucii is the General's desire to preserve to the last, as
far as in his power, the peace and quiet of the people, that
all these disorders, though not the effect of rash tumidt,
but of evident system, are endured with patience. There
can therefore be no reality in the apprehensions which it
appears the people conceive of dangerous designs enter-
tained by the troops against theni, when these very people
are not afraid to provoke the troops by every wanton insult
tliey can devise.
Boston, September 27, 1774.
At a Meeting of the several Committees of the Towns
of Boston, Roxbury, Dorchester, Watertown, Charlestown,
Cambridge, Mistick, Dedham, Milton, Maiden, Brain-
tree, Wobiirn, and Stoiv, September 27th, the following
Resolves and Vote were passed, viz:
Whereas tlie inhabitants of the towns of Boston and
Charlestown, by the operation of the detested and oppres-
sive Port Bill, are now suffering unspeakable distress,
arising from the entire prohibition of commerce, and the
transportation of even necessaries of life by water, from one
town to another : And whereas, in addition to the severity
of said execrable Bill, General Gage, the military com-
mander of this Province, and the Admiral on this station,
are now in exercise of tlie most licentious and arbitrary
acts of oppression, by withholding provisions from this
town, allowed by said Act of Parliament, by embarrassing,
unnecessarily detaining, and thereby preventing the usual
supplies of fuel to said town ; by harassing, insulting, and
vilifying the inhabitants passing and repassing to and from
the town of Boston ; by alarming the people with the most
formidable forti6cations at the entrance of said town ; by
continuing and increasing their apprehensions, with a
design of erecting batteries and pickets to surround the
town ; thereby to awe and intimidate, if not to subjugate
the inhabitants to a tame and unresisting state of servitude :
Therefore, Resolved, That it is the opinion of these
Joint Committees, that should any person or persons, in-
habitants of this or the neighbouring Provinces, supply the
troops now stationed in the town of Boston, acting in open
hostility to the persons and properties of the inhabitants,
with labour, lumber, joists, spars, pickets, straw, bricks, or
any materials whatsoever, which may furnish them with
requisites to annoy or in any way distress said inhabitants,
he or they so offending shall be held in the highest detest-
ation ; be deemed the most inveterate enemies of this
people ; and ought to be prevented, opposed, and defeated,
by all reasonable means whatsoever.
Voted, That it is the opinion of the Committees, that
Committees of Observation and Prevention should be ap-
pointed by each town, particularly in Roxbury, Milton,
Dedham, Cambridge, Braintrce, Mistick, Charlestown,
and Watertown, and that the Connnittees of Correspond-
ence be desired to appoint Committees to see that the
Resolves of the Joint Committees entered into this day be
faithfully executed.
The following is a copy of a Letter which was sent to
every Town and District in this Province :
Bonton, September 27, 1771.
Gentlemen : The Committees of Correspondence of
this and several of the neighbouring towns, have taken into
consideration the vast importance of withholding from the
troojis n,)w here, labour, straw, timber, slitwork, boards,
and in short, every article excepting provisions, necessary
for their subsistence ; and being under a necessity from
their conduct of considering them as real enemies, we are
fully satisfied that it is our bounden duty to withhold from
tiiern every thing but what mere humanity requires ; and
therefore we must beg your close and serious attention to
the enclosed resolves, which were passed unanimously.
And as unanimity in all our measures in this day of severe
trial is of the utmost consequence, we do earnestly recom-
mend your co-operation in this measure, as conducive to the
good of the whole. We are, &ic., your friends and fellow-
countrymen.
Signed by order of the Joint Committee.
EXTRACT OF A I^ETTER FROM COLONEL WILLIAM PRESTON,
DATED FINCASTLE, SEPTEMBER 28, 1774.
That part of the army under the conimand of Colonel
Lewis, whicii is to meet Lord Dtmmore at the mouih of
the Great Kcnhawa, or i^cw River, assembled at the
Great Levels of Greenbrier, to the amount of about
fifteen hundred rank and file. Colonel Charles Lewis
marched with six hundred men on the Cth instant, for the
mouth of Elk, a branch of New River, which empties
some distance below the Falls, there to build a small Fort,
and prepare canoes. Colonel Andrcxv Lewis marched
with another large party the 12th instant, for the same
place ; and Colonel Christian was to march yesterday with
the remainder, being about four hundred, and the last
supply of provisions. This body of militia being mostly
armed with rifle guns, and a great part of them good
woodsmen, are looked upon to be at least equal to any
troops for the number tliat have been raised in America.
It is earnestly hoped that they will, in conjunction with
the other party, be able to chastise the Ohio Indians for
the many murders and robberies they have committed on
our frontiers for many years past.
On the 8th instant, one John Henry was dangerously
wounded, and his wife and three children taken prisoners,
on the head of Clinch River. The man at that time made
his escape, but is since dead of his wounds. The same
day a man was taken prisoner by another party of the
enemy on the north fork of Holston. On the 13th a
soldier was fired upon by three Indians on Clinch River ;
but, as he received no hurt, he returned tlie fire, and it is
believed killed an Indian, as much blood was found where
he fell, and one of the plugs which burst out of his wound
was also found. The soldier was supported by some men
who were near, and gave the two Indians a cliase ; who, it
is supposed threw the wounded one into a deep pit that
was near. These parties of the enemy were pursued
several days by Captain Daniel Smith, who could not
overtake them, they having stolen horses to carry them off".
On the 23d, two negroes were taken prisoners at
Blackmore's Fort, on Clinch River, and a great many
horses and cattle shot down. On the 24th, a family was
killed and taken at Reedy Creek, a branch of Holston,
near the Cherokee line ; and on Sunday morning, the 25th,
hallooing, and the report of many guns were heard at
several houses, but the damage done was not known when
the express came away. These last murders are believed
to be perpetrated by the Cherokees, as two men lately re-
turned from that country and made oath that two parties
had left the towns, either to join the Shatvanese or fall
upon some of our settlements ; and that the Cherokees in
general appeared in a very bad temper, which greatly
alarmed the traders.
It is impossible to conceive the consternation into
which tliis last stroke has put tlie inhabitants on Holston
and Clinch Rivers, and the ratlier, as many of their choice
men are on the expedition, and they have no ammunition.
Two of these people were at my house this day, and, after
travelling above an hundred miles offered ten shillings a
pound (or jiowder ; but there is none to be had for any
money. Indeed it is very alarming ; lor should the
Cherokees engage in a war at this time it would ruin us, as
so many men are out, and ammunition so scarce. Add to
this the strength of those people, and their towns being so
near our settlements on Holston.
809
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, SEPTEMBER, 1774.
810
EXTRACT OF A LETTER RECEIVED IN LONDON FROM MARY-
LAND, DATED SEPTEMBER 28, 1774.
The genera) Congress is now sitting, and consists of
Deputies from every Colony on the Continent, except
Quckc and the two Floridas. You shall hear soon again
from me if they do not recommend a stop to all mercantile
commerce with Great Driiuin. This Congress is truly
respectable. It consists of about seventy Members, men
of integrity, men of talents, chosen without solicitation,
bribery ,° or corruption ; chosen only on account of their
integrity and talents. I will not compare them to the
Houlse of Commons in point of fortune and property;
but I will not degrade them by making it a doubt whether
the American Congress does not excel both llouses of
Parliament in honour, honesty, and publlck spirit. All
your publlck papers tell us both Houses of Parliament are
corrupt and venal ; their acts against America speak them
tyrannical. Why is England put to the immense expense
of sending troops and ships of war to awe us into obedi-
ence ; is she able, under such a load of debts, to bear an
increase ? Is the Ministry weak enough to think we shall
draw the sword, when patience and forbearance of com-
merce will very effectually answer our purpose ? America
does not yet contain five millions of souls. In fifty years,
according to the common course of populatlon,_she may
contain at least sixty millions. Will Great Britain then
pretend to tax. us, and enforce payment by her troops and
Navy ?
New-York, September 29, 1774.
Yesterday great numbers of the following, in a Handbill,
were distributed in this city :
To the PubHck. — An application having been made to
the Merchants of Philadelphia, by the Agents of the
British Ministry, for supplying the troops now in the town
of Boston, and parts adjacent, with blankets and other
necessaries ; and they conceiving that the complying with
the said offer would be attended with the most fatal conse-
quences to the common cause of America (by enabling
General Gage to continue his despotick and arbitrary
designs against our distressed brethren in that devoted
capital) nobly and generously refused, thereby sacrificing
tlielr private interest to the publlck good. And, a report
prevailing, that a number of persons in this city have, in-
considerately, contracted to furnish the Ministerial Agents
with sundry articles for the aforesaid purpose, contrary to the
sense of the Continental Congress, as appeare by their re-
solves respecting the town o( Boston and Province of Mas-
sachusetts Bay, a body of freeholders and freemen convened
at the house of William Marriner yesterday evening In order
to take the said report into consideration. And being deeply
impressed with the distressing consequences that such im-
prudent conduct will be productive of to their already greatly
opi'ressed fellow-subjects, appointed a Committee to wait on
those gentlemen who may have engaged, as aforesaid, in
order to learn a true state of the case, and obtain their
answer in writing, and also report the same, this evening,
at I've o'clock, at the house of Edward Bardin, to the in-
habitants of this city, then and there to be convened.
This is, therefore, to notify all the friends of liberty there
to attend the delivery of the said report, and adopt such
measures as the exigency of this alarming occasion may
require.
New-York, September 28, 1774.
In consequence of the above Notice there was a very
numerous meeting at the time and place appointed, when
several reports were made, and resolutions entered into, but
as the time was not sufficient to finish the business, the
Meeting was adjourned till this evening at six o'clock, at
the same place.
PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
By the Governour. — A Proclamation.
Whereas, on the first day of September, instant, I
thought fit to issue writs for calling a Great and General
Court or Assembly, to be convened and held at Salem, in
the County of Essex, on the fifth day of October next ;
and whereas, from the many tumults and disorders which
have since taken place, the extraordinary Resolves which
have been passed in many of the counties, the Instructions
given by the town of Boston, and some other towns, to
their Representatives, and the present disordered and un-
hapi)y state of the Province, it appears to me highly inex-
pedient that a Great and General Court should be conven-
ed at the time aforesaid; but that a session, at some more
distant day, will best tend to promote his Majesty's service
and the good of the Province. I have, therefore, thought
fit to declare my intention not to meet the said General
Court at Salem, on the said fifth day of October next.
And I do hereby excuse and discharge all such persons as
have been, or may be, elected and deputed Representa-
tives to serve at the same, and giving their attendance, any
thing in the aforesaid writs contained to the contrary not-
withstanding ; whereof all concerned are to take notice and
govern themselves accordingly.
And the Sherifls of the several counties, their Under
Sheriffs or Deputies, and the Constables of the several
towns within the same, are commanded to cause this Proc-
lamation to be forthwith published and posted within their
Precincts. '
Given at Boston, the twenty-eighth day of September,
seventeen hundred and seventy-four, in the fourteenth year
of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third, by
the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland,
King, Defender of the Faith, &;c. i
Thomas Gage.
By his Excellency's command,
Thomas Flucker, Secretary. .
GoD save the King.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE COMMITTEE OF CORRES-
PONDENCE FOB THE TOWN OF BOSTON TO THE CON-
GRESS, DATED SEPTEMBER 29, 1774.
Yesterday it appeared that Joseph Scott, Esquire, had
sold to the army a number of cannon, some cohorns, shells,
chain, and other shot. Upon the matter being discover-
ed, and Mr. Scott's being acquainted witVi the resentments
of the people, he forbade the party who were sent for them
to take them away ; they nevertheless proceeded and car-
ried them on board their ships. This created much dis-
turbance, and a guard was offered to Mr. Scott by the
General ; but Mr. Scott was informed that no military
guard could save him, and would but stimulate the people to
acts of greater violence. Many gentlemen, who foresaw
what must have ensued, endeavoured to dissuade the peo-
ple from attacking the house ; and, finally, some persons
encaged, that if no guard was set to the house they would
do all in their power to disperse the people. This was
complied with, and the exertions of the gentlemen of the
town proved effectual, some dirt and filth thrown upon his
warehouse being all the injury he sustained. We have
given an account of this afiair because we expect some
untrue representation will be made, perhaps much to the
disadvantage of the town.
London, October 1, 1774.
Yesterday his Majesty came from Kew to St. James's,
where there was a levee, and afterwards a Council was
held, at which the Lord Chancellor, Lord North, the Lords
Dartmouth and Barrington, &.C., assisted, when his Ma-
jesty signed the following Proclamation for dissolving the
Parliament, and for calling another :
By THE King.
A Proclamation for Dissolving this present Parliament,
and declaring the Culling of another.
George R.
Whereas we have thought fit, by and with the advice of
our Privy Council, to dissolve this present Parliament,
which now stands prorogued to Tuesday, the 15th day of
November next; we do, for that end, publish this our
Roval Proclamation, and do hereby dissolve the said Par-
limi'ient accordingly ; and the Lords Spiritual and Tempo-
ral, and the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, and the
Commissioners for shires and burghs, of the House of
Coiniiions, are discharged from their meeting and attend-
811
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, OCTOBER, 1774.
812
ance on Thiesday, the said 15th day of November next.
And we, beins;; (lesirous and resolved, as soon as may be,
to met't our ])eo[)le and to liave their advice in Parliament,
do hereby make known to all our loving subjects our royal
will and pleasure to call a new Parliament. And do here-
by further declare, that with the advice of our Privy Coun-
cil, we have this day given order to our Chancellor of
Great Britain to issue out writs in due form for calling a
new Parliament, which writs are to hear test on Saturday
the first of October next, and to be returnable on Tuesday
the 29th of November following.
Given at our Court at St. James's, the 30th of Septem-
ber, 1774, in the fourteenth year of our reign.
Goo save the King.
Pliiladclphia, October 1, 1774.
Among the variety of means that have been proposed
for obtaining a repeal of the three Boston Bills, (as they
are called,) and the Tea Act, a general non-remittance is
one. This proposal stands condemned by many, merely
from its supposed injustice. It may, perhaps, with some
propriety, be compared to a sheep in a wolf's coat ; and if
so, the general disapprobation it has met with is not at all
to be admired at. We aj-e apt to judge from appearances,
without sufficiently examining the nature and merits of the
cause ; and our prejudices frequently lead us into hasty and
wrong conclusions. Thus, a sheep in a wolfs coat, how-
ever harmless and useful the animal might be, would prob-
ably, on its first appearance, be conden)ned and destroyed.
And as we are all, from our cradles, prejudiced against and
taught to detest the fraudulent withholding of a debt, there-
fore, whatever bears such appearance, though, perhaps,
from certain concomitant circumstances rendered perfectly
just, shall, like the sheep in the wolf's coat, be instantly
condemned.
In order, however, a little to divest ourselves of this
prejudice, let us suppose that two neighbours, A and B,
for instance, have dealt togetiier and supported a good un-
derstanding many years; but that A, at length, takes it in
his head, without any cause or provocation, to seize and
detain one of B's children, with a design to enslave it;
that B is at this time one hundred pounds in debt to A,
and has no way to prevail on him to relinquish his child,
but by withholding payment till he does; and then ask
yourselves seriously, whether, in this case, it would really
be unjust to withhold payment ; or rather, whether the
purest laws of God and nature, would not absolutely en-
join and require it ? Must not the parent who would vol-
untarily, in such case, put the means of his child's redemp-
tion out of his power, for only the fiivolous purpose, com-
paratively speaking, of paying a debt, be totally destitute
of the generous feelings of compassion, or utterly ignorant
of the real value of liberty.
But the people of Great Britain, (among whom our
creditors are included,) are not only endeavouring to en-
slave our children, but enslave us also. The means we
see are already contrived, and with horrid force carrying
into execution. And if to obtain freedom for an individual,
a just debt ought to be withheld, surely to obtain it for and
secure it to millions, will justify an act of the same nature.
If payment in that case would have been criminal, must it
not be infinitely more so in this ? Where so great and gen-
eral a good is depending, to give up any part of the means
requisite for obtaining it, must approach near to unpardon-
able.
I said the people of Great Britain are endeavouring to
enslave us. I consider their conduct in that light. The
Acts which have that tendency were passed by tlieir Depu-
ties— by their servants, and they have not so much as
remonstrated against them. Their silence is an evidence
of consent. But we have further evidence. Our friends
in Parliament, by way of complaint, openly declared that
the people of that country approve those measures, and
wish to see them carried into execution as much as the
majority of that House. The Minister might invent, and
the Parliament might enact, but it is the people that are to
support and enforce them.
It is, therefore. Great Britain, in her collective capacity,
that we have to dispute with ; which seems to render the
most general and powerful mode of opposition that we can
possibly devise and carry into execution, consistent with
the laws of God and our country, absolutely necessary.
Partial measures, it is true, may irritate — they may distress
and even ruin many individuals, both at home and here;
but an arbitrary Rlinister, with a venal Parliament at his
heels, will easily brave the storm of their resentment.
Whereas, if we adopt measures that will send distress to
every part of the whole Empire, our enemies must soon
yield to the force of our argument. Here, 1 presume, will
be the time for us to remonstrate ; to send the mother
country a state of our grievances, with a boundary line
sketched out between her power and our own. Being con-
vinced of her crrour in supposing herself omnipotent, she
may, perhaps, have an ear to hear, and a heart to yield to
right reason.
Nor can I but be of opinion, that we shall stand firmer
to our engagements, in a short, general, and vigorous op-
position, that will diffuse its burden and loss upon us all,
than in a partial lingering one, borne only by a few. To
throw the whole burden of the contest on our dry goods
merchants, appears too replete with injustice to bear a vin-
dication. If we all wish to partake of the advantage, let
us all be willing to pay a part of the price.
The farmer, who insists that the dry goods merchant
shall cease to import, though the measure should even de-
prive him of bread ; and yet, through fear of some frivo-
lous loss to himself, very wisely protests against non-export-
ation, certainly merits the utmost contempt. Nor does
the farmer, in this case, stand alone. The miller lays
claim to publick spirit ; talks loudly for liberty ; and also in-
sists upon a non-importation ; and in order to enforce the
scheme upon the merchant, will readily agree to a general
non-consumption ; but no sooner is non-exportation sound-
ed in his ear, than his mighty publick spirit, like Milton's
devils at their Pandemonium consultation, is instantly
dwarfed. "My interest, sir! I cannot part with that!
" Alas! if a general non-exportation takes place, what shall
" I do wit>h my mill ?"
Liberty is, in this good man's opinion, a Goddess, and he
passionately wishes to live under the benign influence of
her smiles ; and yet, rather than forego the profits of liis
mill for the space of a year, this goddess of his may perish,
and his country be bound in ever-during chains of slavery.
Oh ! shameful partiality ! Shameful meanness ! Such selfish
souls even taint the very air they breathe in ; their disorder
is infectious and spreads among the people ; our councils
are enfeebled by the schisms they jiroduce ; and the lauda-
ble spirit of liberty is sickened by their breath.
We have, however, farmers and millers who breathe
forth sentiments of a different nature ; and who well de-
serve to be ranked with the foremost of our patriots.
Soon after William the Tliird came to the Crown of
Great Britain, there ajipeared divisions amongst the peo-
ple respecting his right. The Parliament empowered him
to borrow money on his revenues ; and the advice of his
friends was, borrow what you can ; the more you borrow
the more friends you make ; interest is a stronger tie than
principle. The King took their advice, and soon secured
in his favour the moneyed part of the Nation.
The same reason will operate in favour of non-remit-
tance. The more we owe the British merchants, the more
they will exert themselves in our behalf. In proportion to
the debt, it will ever be their interest to ward off such
measures as may tend to work our ruin, or cause us to re-
volt. But the moment we pay them their demands, we
release tliem from this obligation ; and, in some degree, set
them at liberty to unite with our enemies in working our
ruin. They may, perhaps, find other customers for their
goods ; but the debts we owe them they can never expect
to receive from any other quarter ; and, therefore, should
we be drove to the utmost extremity, they are sure of losing
the whole. Nor will tliis loss affect them only, for it must
very sensibly affect the Nation in general.
It is I know said, that some of these creditors are our
friends ; and that it would be unjust to do any thing tend-
ing to injure them. But then it is also said, and as truly,
that necesshy has no law. We are, indeed, very sorry that
British measures have laid us under the disagreeable ne-
cessity of using means of opfiositiim injurious to British
merchants ; and more especially such as are really our
friends. But 1 know of no law either moral or divine, that
813
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
814
requires us to love our friends better than ourselves. If
the best friends we have should be unfortunately obliged
to suffer with us, all that they can ask, or we can grant,
consistent with the laws of nature apd self-preservation,
will only be to sympathize with them in their aifliction, and
endeavour to obtain their relief by obtaining our own.
They must have too much good sense, I presume, to think
hard of us for adopting a measure so essential to our pre-
servation. They know, they feel, that self-preservation is
the first law of nature, and that it ought to be, above all
others, religiously regarded. Their breasts may indeed
swell with indignation against the men whose callous and
corrupt hearts have compelled us to do things so injurious
to them and unpleasant to ourselves.
Whatever the British merchants might lose, however,
by a general non-remittance, I am clearly of opinion they
would lose far more by a general non-importation, for
although non-remittance will operate most speedily, and,
with regard to influencing their conduct, probably do us
most service ; yet, upon a supposition that trade will again
revive, and remittance be made, it must do them less dam-
age ; they will then have the satisfaction of receiving their
whole original demands, with interest. Whereas, if a non-
importation takes place, their usual profits on trade thereby
withheld, together with the losses on perishable articles,
and the interest on the value of goods lying upon their
hands, must be dead loss to them forever; which will
probably far exceed any loss that could possibly attend their
lying out of their money. But then, if matters should be
carried so far as to prevent remittances ever being made,
tlieir loss must be prodigious ; and this is what it will put
them upon to prevent ; and the fear of this, we may rea-
sonably suppose, will stimulate them to exert every nerve
in our favour.
When 1 consider the importance of what we are con-
tending for, I own I cannot but think it would betray a great
weakness in us to decline adopting any one salutary mea-
sure, either through fear of loss to our friends or to ourselves.
If every means in our power to use will no more than in-
sure us success, how fatal may prove the disuse of any one ?
Hath it not been consistent with the wisdom of whole Em-
pires, to spend great part of their wealth, and the purest of
their blood, in defence of their liberty ? And when their
dreadful struggles have been crowned with success, have
they not ever thought the enjoyment far superiour to the
price it cost them ?
If it is Britain collectively that we have to contend with,
then in this as in all other national contests, the innocent
must unavoidably suffer with the guilty — our friends with
our foes. It is impossible for us to point our weapons
against our enemies only ; or, indeed, in this case, to point
them against the principals at all. But it is not impossible
for us so to wound a lion in his foot as soon to disorder his
whole body, and grievously sicken his head.
We are not now to consider what v\'ill affect individuals
in Britain; but what will affect Britain in general. We
ought not to regard the sentiments and conduct of particu-
lar persons there, so as to model our measures to screen
them ; but we ought to attend to and regard the sentiments
of Britain collectively as one great individual : and in like
collective capacity ought we to consider ourselves, and also
to act.
If, then, Britain has a demand of debt against us, and
we a demand of a different nature, but superiour in value,
against her ; with what propriety or justice can she expect
payment, when siie refuses to allow us our superiour de-
mand ? We must certainly, agreeable to the strictest rules
of honesty, and the general practice between neighbour
and neighbour, have clearly a riglu to withhold payment
until she condescends to come to a settlement. When this
settlement is obtained, and the demands on each side are
fully and fairly stated, and ttie balance struck ; this balance,
whether it falls in favour of her or of us, will be the sum
total that ought to be paid. But as the articles of our de-
mand against her are inconceivably valuable, being no less
than liberty, peace, and a free trade, I believe we may
venture to anticipate the settlement, and safely conclude
that the balance will certainly prove in our Aivour ; and
that it will be by much too high for all the wealth in Britain
to pay. And if this be the case, as I presume it is, then it
will necessarily follow that she can never have a balance in
her favour, nor equitable demand of debt against us, until
those three articles of our demand are again restored to our
possession.
As these articles, however, are seldom if ever met with
in books of account, some people may, perhaps, affect to
sneer at their being considered as articles of charge, proper
to balance the demand of debt the mother country has
against us. But whatever ideas, with regard to proper ar-
ticles of charge, custom may have riveted in these men's
beads, I imagine the unprejudiced will conceive with me,
that whatsoever is of value to mankind is, with mankind, a
proper article of charge. And our lawyers will tell these
gentlemen, that whoever illegally deprives another of his
libeity, peace, or trade, is not only liable to a charge tliere-
for, but to an action also.
And if Britain denies us the benefit of the law, for the
recovery and enjoyment of those invaluable articles of our
demand against her ; totally refusing to listen to our plea
of legal constitutional rights — of solemnly granted Charter
privileges, and of her faith plighted and confirmed to our
forefathers, she sets us a striking example to deny her mer-
chants the benefit of the law and the assistance of our
courts, for the recovery of their demands against us ; even
though we had no equitable right to withhold them. Such
equitable right, however, I suppose really and fairly to
exist ; and yet am I far from holding it just, that those mer-
chants, if innocent with regard to the rnalepractices which
gave that right existence, should bear the loss ; for their
rulers, who iiave so wantonly and wickedly brought the
mischief on them, ought, no doubt, upon the purest prin-
ciples of equity, to make them whole.
And now, before I conclude, let me just observe, that I
remember to have seen in some of our papers, a very
sounding protest against a resolution of a respectable
county, in a neighbouring Colony, in favour of shutting our
courts against the British merchants, in order to withhold
payment for a time. The protesters might possibly imagine
that such high terms of censure as they were pleased to
express their disapprobation in, would awe people into a
detestation of the measure, without considering the ground
on which it was proposed. In this, perhaps, they were
not wholly mistaken. It frequently happens that we are
misled to condemn an effect, without first comparing it with
and weighing it against the cause that produced it. To
withhold a just debt without just cause, would certainly be
wrong ; but then, to withhold a just debt with just cause,
would as certainly be right. I have not only endeavoured
to show that such just cause may exist, but also that it
really does exist, in the case now depending between us
and the mother country, and which gave rise to the resolve
I just now mentioned. If 1 have been so happy as to suc-
ceed in these two points, then I presume it will follow, that
to stop payment agreeable to the spirit and design of that
resolve, will neither injure our consciences as Christians,
nor our credit as traders.
EXTHACT OF A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLE GOVER-
NOUR GAGE TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED
BOSTON, OCTOBER 3, 1774.
My Lord : Your Lordship's letter of the 3d of August,
No. 8, was received on the 27th ultimo, and its duplicate
by packet next day. The change that has happened in
the affairs of this country, your Lordship will have been
made acquainted with, since the date of the above de-
spatch, from various parts, and know with what violence
the other Colonies have espoused the cause of the Mas-
sachusetts Bay, though some more moderate than others.
The Congress is still sitting, and from some previous re-
solves they have published, particularly one transmitted
your Lordship, approving the resolves of Suffolk County,
and another recommending non-importation, we do not
expect much good from their deliberations.
1 mentioned to your Lordship my intention to postpone
meeting the Assembly, and you will see the Proclamation
to that end in the enclosed papers, together with the re-
solves of Worcester, and some publications against supply-
ing the King's troops with necessaries ; so that I was pre-
mature in telling your Lordship that the Boston artificers
would work for us. This refusal of all assistance has
thrown us into difficulties, but 1 hope to get through them,
815
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
816
and to be able to put ihe troops under cover, though not
so comfortably as I could wish.
I do not find that the spirit abates any where, for it is
kept up with great industry.
They are shortly to have a Provincial Congress in this
Colony, composed chiefly of the Representatives lately
chosen to meet at Concord, where it is supposed measures
will be taken for the government of tlie Province.
DEPtJTT GOVERNOUR PKNN TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
Pliiladelphia, October 3, 1774.
Mv Lord : Since I had the honour to write to your
Lordship on the (idi of last month, the Congress of Depu-
ties from the several Colonies have continued sitting in this
city ; but as they have agreed to keep all their proceed-
ings secret, I have it not as yet in my power to transmit
to your Lordship any account thereof, except what they
tliemselves have published in the news))apers, which is
comprised in three resolves. One of them is a request to
the merchants in the several Colonics not to send any
orders to Great Britain for goods, and to direct tiie exe-
cution of all orders already sent to be suspended until the
sense of the Congress, on the means to be taken for the
preservation of the liberties of America be made publick.
The other two are expressive of dieir feelings for the suf-
ferings of the people of Massachusetts Bay; their appro-
bation of a set of resolves entered into by the Delegates
of the County of Suffolk, in that Province, and their opin-
ion that the contributions from all the Colonies for supply-
ing the necessities of the people of Boston, ought to be
continued as long as their occcasions may require. But as
these resolves, as well as those of the County of Suffolk,
are inserted at large in the public newspapers, I beg leave
to enclose two of the papers which contain them, and as
soon as any further transactions of the Congress are made
known, 1 shall not fail to communicate them to your Lord-
ship by the first opportunity.
1 have the honour to be, fee,
John Penn.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LONDON, TO A GENTLEMAN
IN NEW-YORK, DATEp OCTOBER 3, 1774.
The critical situation of affairs at present, and the im-
portant consequences which will flow from the conduct of
your Congress, are very interesting to every lover of his
country, and have induced me to address to you a few in-
digested sentiments on the topicks of the day.
The grounds on which your opposition to the claims of
Parliament are founded seem to be consonant to natural
equity and the first principles of civil society. The proper
mode of asserting your liberties is at present the material
question. No person loves America and the rights of
mankind more than I do; you will, therefore, if 1 should
happen to differ in sentiment with you, impute that differ-
ence rather to defect of knowledge, than want of zeal for
the interest in the cause in which you are engaged.
I have ever been an enemy to all attempts of deciding
the present contest by violence ; the issue of which is gene-
rally not owing to the goodness of a cause, but to superiour
strength or art, and the ill consequences are as commonly
felt as well by the successful as the subdued. The dispute
between America and Great Britain is a dispute between
two grand branches of the same state, and therefore an
injury done to either must be detrimental to the common
body. In diis view every person of prudence must have
seen the propriety of avoiding the introduction of violence,
and the wisdom of endeavouring lo settle the difference by
friendly debate and argument. On this foot I confess I dis-
approve of the conduct of the Bostonians, in first recurring
to force by violently destroying the teas of ihe Company.
Any excuse drawn from the danger of their being purchas-
ed by their own people is an argument against their virtue,
and an inadmissible j)lea : because, if the teas had been
landed without their consent, and tlie duties (which is put-
tini' it in the most favourable liylit) paid without their con-
currence, it could never have been urged as a precedent
against them. I mean not this as an apology for the
severe measures- which have been adopted against them.
The Boston Port Bill seems to be replete with injustice
and cruelty, and utterly indefensible ; yet as they were
undoubtedly aggressors, by their rashness and violence, it
would have been an honour to your cause if their proceed-
ings had been disavowed, and a compensation made at
the same time that you declared your resolutions of sup-
porting them in defence of the same general rights, and of
uniting in the maintenance of your common liberties.
The instructions of the Philailelphians to their Com-
mittee are drawn up with the true spirit of patriotism, and
have gained more proselytes to your cause than any other
procedure; the prudence, love of liberty, .and attachment
to Great Britain, which they breathe, and the firmness
and moderation which they express, are more alarming to
your opponents tlian all the enthusiastick ravings and indis-
criminate abuse which iiave been poured out from every
quarter. In a letter which I wrote you some time since, I
briefly stated the mode of conduct, which, if your Con-
gress pursued, it was thought by men acquainted with the
views of Government, would tend to the amicable adjust-
ment of the present unhappy dispute : " That if the Mem-
" bers of your Congress unitedly advise their several As-
" semblies lo present an humble and resolute petition,
" stating what you demanded as your rights, and what
" you would concede; such a petition from your As.semblies
" would be attended to, and perhaps produce a Convention
'' which might terminate in a firm and lasting settlement of
" the dispute." 1 am afraid that letter came too late to be
of any service, as well as others on the same subject, ad-
dressed to persons of some weight amongst you.
The Congress has, I suppose, by this time met, and
the decisive measure been adopted. Whatever it may be,
let me conjure you, as a lover of your country, to promote
mild and peaceful measures ; if the sword of civil war is
once unsheathed, mutual injuries will but produce the more
raging animosity, and those who are now your friends may
become your enemies.
Some time since I scarce met a person who was not
violently opposed to you from indignation at the insult
which they conceived was offered by the destruction of
the teas at i?oston ; since that time their resentment has
been subsiding, and an unforeseen incident made them loud
in your favour, and as vindictive against the Ministry.
You have undoubtedly seen the Quebec Bill, and carefully
considered its contents ; occasion has been taken from it to
attack the Ministry as friends to Popery, and to represent
them as intending by it to induce the Papists to assist in
reducing the Protestants in America to slavery. The pro-
ject has answ'ered beyond expectation ; the cry of the
enjoyment of Popery, and the cruelties exercised against
you, has reached all parts of the country, and inflamed the
people with zeal in your favour, and indignation against
the Administration.
As the issue of your Congress would be the subject of
the most important debates, and probably require vigorous
measures, it was thought proper to dissolve the present
Parliament, and suddenly issue out writs for a new one ;
for it was judged that if the present, or rather late mem-
bers, had been obliged to use measures against you which
were unpopular, they might not have had a chance of be-
ing re-elected, but a majority unfavourable to the Ministry
brought in, the consequences of which you may easily
conjecture. All parties are now, therefore, busy in making
interest for the ensuing election.
The election for Mayor of London is now carrying on,
and there is no doubt but Mr. Wilkes will be appointed
to that office. Mr. Bull and he are candidates in opposi-
tion to Esdale and Kennet, two Ministerial gentlemen.
You will ask me whether the Ministry will be able to gain
a majority in the ensuing Pariiament ? Had not the House
been so artfully and unexpectedly dissolved, I am of opin-
ion that they would not ; but by this project they will
undoubtedly succeed, as they have had an advantage of
making their interest sure, while their opponents were off
their guard ; and to leave those measures, which would have
been fatal to them, to the sanction of the future Parliament.
The l)ulk of the people, especially of the lower class,
is now in your favour, but if you adopt violent measures,
I dare assert that they will not continue so. Should any
of their countrymen be insulted in America; should the
blood of any of the soldiery be shed, national pride (which
817
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
818
is so characteristick in all their wars) will prompt them to
espouse the cause of this country an;ainst you, and to look
upon the quarrel as not with tiie Ministry only, but with
tliem. On this account, as well as from the uncertainty
and miseries which will flow from a contest by force, I
entreat you to exert your influence in the promotion of
moderate councils and measures ; let not pei-sons who are
desirous of change, and fond of confusion and disorder
(because from them they can expect that eminence which
tliey are not willing to aspire after by the slow methods of
industry) assume the lead in your deliberations, but men
whose honesty and wisdom have been long tried by their
fellow-citizens, and whose property may give you security
of their being really interested in the welfare of the com-
munity."
MEETING OF THE LIVERT OF LONDON, AT GUILDHALL,
OCTOBER 3, 1774.
Pursuant to advertisements in the publick papers for
that purpose, there appeared at Guildhall, on Monday
afternoon, October 3, a very numerous and respectable
part of the Livery, to nominate four gentlemen to repre-
sent this great city in the ensuing Parliament.
Mr. Stavely being voted into the chair, he opened the
business of the meeting in a very spirited speech, wherein
he set forth tiie vast importance of the business about
which they were met ; that the eyes of the whole Nation
were upon them ; and this being the first city .in the world,
it was expected they would set a glorious example, and
not elect any persons but such as were known friends to
liberty, not only by professions, but experience. He
begged the Livery to consider that such another opportuni-
ty would not offer itself for seven years, a time, in his
opinion, much too long ; that they ought to consider and
proceed on their business with coolness, candour, and de-
liberation ; that were we only to cast our eyes to America,
we should see to what a dreadful situation those brave
people were reduced, through the iniquitous conduct of the
late corrupt Houses of Parliament, and the unanimity the
Americans have shewn to resist all such arbitrary acts ; and
tlie noble sti-uggle they make to preserve their liberties,
ought to be an example to us; that we might depend upon
it the persons who wished to enslave America, would, if it
lay in their power, shackle us.
After Mr. Stavely had concluded, Mr. Compton moved,
that a paper of Instructions, which had been drawn up by
a very respectable Committee, for the candidates to sign
before they were put in nomination, might be read ; which
was accordingly read, and is as follows:
" We do most solemnly promise and engage ourselves
to our constituents, if we have the honour of being chosen
to represent this city in Parliament, that we will endeavour,
to the utmost of our power, to restore and defend the ex-
cellent form of Government modelled and established at
the Revolution; and promote and procure, and having
procured, to maintain and continue Acts of the Legislature
for shortening the duration of Parliaments ; for excluding
pensioners and placemen from sitting in the House of Com-
mons ; for subjecting each candidate for a seat in Parlia-
ment to an oath against his having used bribery, or any
otlier illegal or unconstitutional means of gaining his elec-
tion ; for establishing a more fair and equal rej)resentation
of the people in Parliament; for vindicating the injured
rights of the freeholders of Middlesex, and through them,
of the whole body of electors in this United Kingdom ; for
restoring to our fellow-subjects the essential right of taxa-
tion by Representatives of their own free election, and for
repealing the universal excise which has lately been substi-
tuted in the Colonies instead of the laws of Customs ; for
repealing the four late iniquitous Acts respecting America,
viz : the Qiiebec Act, establishing Popery, and the arbitrary
system of French Canadian laws in that extensive Prov-
ince ; the Boston Port Act ; the Act for altering the
Charter of the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; and the
Act for the trial in Europe of persons accused of criminal
oflences in America ; being fully persuaded that the pass-
ing such Acts will be of the utmost importance for the
security of our excellent Constitution, and the restoration
of the rights and liberties of our fellow-subjects in America.
"VVe do also solemnly promise never to accept from the
FouBTH Sebies. 52
Crown, or its Ministers, place, pension, contract, title,
gratuity, or emolument of any kind whatsoever ; and we
do farther promise to follow, on all occasions, such instruc-
tions as our constituents, in Common Hall assembled, shall
think proper to give us."
Mr. Wilkes then came forward, and addressed the
Livery to the following purport :
" Gentlemen of the Livery: Last year, on the vacan-
cy of a person to represent you in Parliament, I had the
honour to nominate our present excellent Chief Magistrate,
knowing him to be a person of an upright, honest, and fair
character. I so far succeeded, gentlemen, in my wishes,
as to see him elected ; and I trust that his conduct, through
a long and interesting session of Parliament, has been such
as will merit your future favours : therefore, gentlemen, if
he has no objection to sign the articles proposed, I will,
with your permission, nominate him again for the same im-
portant trust."
After Mr. WiUces had concluded, the Chairman ac-
quainted the Livery, that the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen
Crosby, Saiobridge, and Hayley, had subscribed to the
articles proposed.
On this declaration of the Chairman, W. Baker, "Esquire,
came forward, and informed the Livery that it might ap»
pear rather extraordinary that he should offer himself a
candidate, and at the same time refuse to sign their articles.
He commented upon each article separately, and objected
to that one which obliges the candidate to vote for the ex-
pulsion of all placemen and pensioners ; observing, that
some men in ofiice were necessary for the carrying on busi-
ness, therefore, in his opinion, the number ought to be
limited ; that as to repealing the Quebec Act, the Boston
Port Bill, the Bill for regulating the Government of Mas-
sachmetts Bay, and the Bills for trials of persons in Eng-
land accused of crimes in America, he thought they ought
to be repealed ; that he had given his vote against those
Acts, yet he did not choose to be tied down in articles, as
it was his firm opinion that a Member should approach the
doors of the House of Commons free as the open air. He
was proceeding, but the Livery became very clamorous,
crying out sign or decline. He attempted several times
after to speak, but was not suffered ; upon which fVilliam
Lee, Esquire, one of the late Sheriffs came forward, and
addressed the Livery to the following effect :
" Gentlemen of the Livery : I beg your attention ;
I promise you, on my word, I will not detain you three
minutes. I think there is something so extraordinary in
the behaviour of the gentleman who spoke last as to merit
notice. He solicits your favour, and in the same breath
refuses to sign your requisition. When a person becomes
your Representative he is your servant, and consequently
ought to do as his masters direct."
Mr. Baker attempted to answer him, but the Livery
would not allow him to speak ; upon which the Chairman
put up the Lord Mayor, Aldermen Crosby, Sawbridge,
and Hayley, separately. Each had a very great show of
hands and many loud claps, huzzas, &tc., after which fV.
Baker, Esquire, was nominated, when there appeared for
him a few hands, but many hisses. The Chairman then
called aloud several times to know if any gentleman had
any other person to nominate, when Mr. Townsend nomi-
nated Richard Oliver, Esquire ; but on his name being
put up, there was groaning and hissing for near five
minutes, and but few hands held up.
The Chairman then declared the choice to have fallen
on Messrs. Bull, Crosby, Sawbridge, and Hayley ; upon
which the Lord Mayor came forward and addressed tlie
Livery as follows :
" Gentlemen of the Livery : I return you my
slncerest thanks for the honour you have conferred on me,
by again nominating me to represent you in Parliament.
Should 1 he the happy object of your choice, depend upon
my serving you to the utmost of my abilities."
Mr. Crosby next came forward, and addressed the Live-
ry to the following purport :
" Gentlemen of the Livery : I return you my
sincerest thanks for the honour you have conferred on me,
and I assure you that I will live and die in the cause of
8i9
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
820
lilierty. Should I be so fortunate as to be elected, I will
do the utmost in my power to protect your rigiits aud fran-
chises."
Mr. Sawbridge next came forward, saying,
" Gentlemen of the Livery: I return you my most
cordial thanks for the liigh opinion you have expressed
of my past, and the great confidence you put in my
future conduct. I have been bred up in the principles of
liberty, and I assure you I will remain in the same until the
latest hour of my life."
Mr. Hayley next addressed the Livery, as follows :
" Gentlemen of the Liveky : It is now my turn to
express my duty to you for the generous support I have
met with to-day. Should I gain the honour I now solicit,
depend upon my exerting the utmost of my abilities to do
you justice."
The above speeches were received with loud shouts of
applause, after which a motion was made that the Resolu-
tions and Nominations should be published ; which being
agreed to, Mr. Baker came forward and acquainted the
Livery, that although he had not been fortunate enough to
meet with so cordial a reception as he imagined, owing to
bis not having signed the articles, for reasons which he had
mentioned ; yet at the same time informed the Livery, that
he would stand the poll to the last, and doubted not but
between this and the poll, his character, both in publick
and private life, would be well known, and be of such a
cast as to gain him many friends.
Mr. Lee then moved, that the thanks of the Hall be
given to Mr. Stavely for his impartial and spirited conduct
as Chairman of that meeting, which was unanimously con-
sented to, and thus ended the business of the day.
extract of a letter from lieutenant governour
colden to the earl of dartmouth, dated new-
york, october 5, 1774.
By my letter of the 7th of September your Lordship
would find I entertained hopes that the people of this
Province would adopt moderate measures, and avoid giv-
ing any new offence to the Parliament. I knew such were
the sentiments of the farmers and country people in gene-
ral who make a great majority of the inhabitants.
A great deal of pains has been taken to persuade the
counties to choose Delegates for the Congress, or to adopt
those sent by this city. Several of the counties have re-
fused to be concerned in the measure. In Queen's Coun-
ty, where I have a house, and reside the summer season,
six persons have not been got to meet for the purpose ;
and the inhabitants remain firm in their resolution not
to join in the Congress. In the counties that have joined
in the measures of the city, I am informed the busi-
ness has been done by a very few persons, who took
upon themselves to act for the freeholders. A gentleman
who was present when the Delegates were chosen in
Orange County, says there were not twenty persons at
the meeting, though there are above a thousand freehold-
ers in that county ; and I am told the case was similar in
other counties that are said to have joined in the Con-
gress.
The violent men in this city, who lost the lead among
the people when the Committee of fifty-one were appoint-
ed, as mentioned in my former letters to your Lordship,
hoped they had got an opportunity to regain their imports
ance, and to throw die city into confusion, on occasion of
orders which were received by some of our merchants to
furnish articles wanted by the army at Boston. These
violent men last week called a meeting of the citizens,
which few but the lower class of people attended, and
not a great many of them ; yet they had the impudence
to send a Committee to the merchants who were engaged
in supplying the articles wanted by the army at Boston,
with a very impertinent message, and endeavoured to
deter them and all others from furnishing the army and
transports with any thing whatever. These maoeuvres
occasioned some bustle among the people for a few days,
and obliged the Committee of fifty-one to desire a meeting
of the inhabitants on Friday last, when a large body of
tlie principal people and merchants appeared, and declared,
that those who had taken upon them to threaten the mer-
cliants had acted without any autliority from the publick,
and that they highly disapproved of their conduct, which
has once more silenced the turbulent factious few, who are
never easy when the people are quiet and orderly. The
merchants now go on completing their orders without
farther interruption.
It is my duty to give your Lordship the best informa-
tion I am able of the disposition of the people of this
Province. With this view I mention the most material
transactions among them. It is extremely difficult at
such times to give an opinion of what may happen. The
most trifling unforeseen incident may produce the greatest
events. I have already said, my Lord, that I am well
assured almost the whole inhabitants in the counties wish
for moderate measures ; they think the dispute with Great
Britain is carried far enough, and abhor the thoughts
of pushing it to desperate lengths. In the city, a large
majority of the people wish that a non-importation agree-
ment may not be proposed, and were very much surprised
on finding that such a measure would probably be resolved
on by the Congress. I have some hopes that our merchants
will avoid a non-importation agreement, even if proposed
by the Congress. I am certain a majority of the most
considerable are convinced it is a wrong measure, and wish
not to come into it, but whether they will have resolution
enough to oppose the sentiments of all the other Colonies,
can only be known when they are put to the trial.
The speeches in Parliament, and other inflammatory
papers published in London, and reprinted in America,
make the worst impression on the minds of the people.
They are opposed in this place by publishing more papers
in favour of Administration, and against measures which
must be offensive to Parliament, than in all the other Col-
onies put together.
New. York, October 5, 1774.
By Mr. Revere, who left Boston on Friday last, and
arrived here last night, in his way to the general Congress,
we have received certain intelligence that the Carpenters
and Masons, who had inadvertently undertaken to erect
barracks for the soldiers in that town, upon being informed
that it was contrary to the sentiments of their countrymen,
unanimously broke up, and returned to their respective
homes, on the 26th of last month ; which, it is hoped, will
convince the mechanicks of this city, how disagreeable it
will be to the inhabitants of that place, for them to afford
any manner of assistance to those who are made subser-
vient to the destruction of our American brethren.
The following Handbill was brought by Mr. Revere from
Boston :
Whoever has candidly traced the rapid growth of these
Colonies from their little beginnings to their present flour-
ishing statein wealth and population, must eye the distin-
guished hand of Heaven, and impress everj' mind with a
humble confidence that " no design formed against us shall
prosper." The poor devoted town of Boston has suffered,
and is still suffering all that the unmerited malice of men
and devils could invent for her destruction ; but although
impoverished and distressed, she is not yet subjugated and
enslaved ; though immured within the fortresses of their
enemies, the free and generous bosoms of the inhabitants
beat strongly in the cause of liberty. But it appears that
the measure of Ministerial wrath is not yet full ; tliat de-
tested parricide Hutchinson has vaunted to his few friends,
that should the people submit to the villainous exactions
of the present Governmental knot of tyrants,* " yet still
" the town of Boston would forever remain a garrisoned
" town," as a check upon the country, lest they should
hereafter be induced to clamour against the edicts of their
sovereign lords and masters the British Prliament.
Tlielfollowing plan was providentially detected, and is
now offered to the publick, with this solemn question — Will
the people sit tame and inactive spectators of the hostile
designs of our inveterate enemies, and exercise such de-
grees of moderation and forbearance as to suffer those
• This is a fact founded on the authority of a respectable gentleman
of this town, lately arrived from London, who there liad it from Mr.
Hutchinson's own moutli.
821
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, OCTOBER, 1774.
822
enemies to complete their works, and so far effect their
dangerous purpose, tliat resistance would finally be in vain ?
" Memorandums for a Report.— We have agreeably
to your commands viewed and inquired what cover can be
hired, with the consent of the proprietors, for the troops
next winter.
" We find that out-houses, distilleries and store houses can
be hired to contain the Sergeants Sic, and private men of
four regiments. That as these want fire-places, windows,
and even floors, the expense of setting up these, and for
rent and returning them in the condition they now stand,
will be nearly to one thousand pounds a regiment. This
expense would be greatly lessened, and the troops more
comfortably quartered, if the publick buildings, such as the
manufacturing house, Stc, can be appropriated for the
accommodation of the troops.
" It appears that barracks can be built on a more thrifty
footing than they can be hired, and fitted up. But as
nobody in this place will aid such works, Captain Mon-
trefor with the assistance he can at present depend upon,
thinks he cannot undertake to furnish barracks before the
end of November, for more than three regiments; the
officers of one of these regiments to be quartered.
" It appears, on inquiry, difficult to find houses for quar-
tering officers of the regiments, whose private men are to
be lodged in out-houses ; lodging money should be given
to officers whom we cannot provide for.
" In choosing situajions for barracks to be built, it might be
wished to place them so as to make the present erection
part of some general plan that may be formed, with a view
of commanding the obedience of the town on future oc-
casions ; but if they are confined to situations where the
ground is reputed to belong to the publick, we would pro-
pose to build barracks for two regiments, including officers,
on the Common, or on a field near it, which could be hired
or purchased from Mr. Srattle.
" To put two companies into a solid barrack or block
house, on the top of Bacon Hill, which should be enclosed
with a trench and pallisade.
'•' A barrack should be built on Fort Hill, which might
lodge eight companies and the Artillery.
" As soon as it is proper to let each regiment have its
quarters, their efforts to get themselves lodged would con-
tribute greatly to have the work finished eai'ly."
TO THE INHABITANTS OF NEW-TORK.
New- York, October 6, 1774.
It has been clearly and fully proved that the Assemblies
or Parliaments of the British Colonies in America have
an exclusive right, not only of taxation, but of legislation
also ; and that the British Parliament, so far from having
a right to make laws binding upon those Colonies in all
cases whatsoever, has really no just right to make any
laws at all binding upon ihe Colonies.
Yet, notwithstanding this inherent right of the Colonies,
and their having, by their Representatives, actually assert-
ed their sole right of taxation, the writers in favour of the
British Administration generally take for granted the right
of Great Britain as claimed by her Parliament, and em-
phatically call that Administration Government. One who
styles himself a Nexv- York Freeholder, is of that class.
In Mr. Gaine's paper of 19th September, after painting
the hon'ours of a civil war, he asserts, that "America is
now tlireatened with a civil war," which he seems to con-
found with a foreign invasion ; for he presently terms it
entering " into a war with Great Britain." As he has
displayed his eloquence in describing the calamities of a
civil war, it would have been but fair in him, with equal
elegance, to have painted the miseries of slavery ; for the
Americans can be no other than slaves, in the most abso-
lute sense, if a British or any foreign power has a right
to their all. I shall, without attempting a description
of the horrours of slavery, only observe, that even a civil
war, which is the most cruel of all wars, is a less evil than
slavery ; for that can be only temporary, but slavery, once
established, becomes an entail upon ywsterity, perhaps per-
petual ; and certainly that evil which is entailed for gener-
ations is more to be dreaded than an evil that in its nature
can be only for a timej nor does a civil war always ter-
minate in tyranny. If it was fatal to the liberties of Rome,
it was propitious of those of England, The Romans
contended for ambitious citizens, the English for their
liberties.
After alarming us with the miseries of civil war, he would
terrify us with the power of Great Britain. I believe no one
doubts the naval power of Great Britainhemg very great.
They may beat down all the sea-port towns which are
accessible to large ships ; a French fleet may do the same,
though they have not so formidable a fleet as the English.
But to what purpose ? Will the destroying one or more
towns on the sea-coast give any Nation the possession of
this country without the consent of the inhabitants ? If it
will not, to what end destroy ? This is really describing
the British Nation as more cruel than any of their neigh-
bours, contrary to their natural character. For since the
reformation of manners in Europe, I don't recollect an
instance of a declared enemy destroying open towns by
any of their Princes. This is a piece of barbarity that
some bucaniers have exercised upon the Spanish settle-
ments in America, but surely they are not an example to
one of the first Kingdoms in Europe. But supposing an
event so unlikely to happen, the consequences are not so
much to be dreaded as slavery. Earthquakes, hurricanes,
conflagrations, are terrible things, and produce still more
dire effects than a bombardment, yet, in a very few years,
many cities that have suffered these calamities, have risen
again to splendour. The instances are too many and recent
to require illustration. But from slavery when have a
people recovered ? how rare the instances 1 As for the
" veterans now in the country or that may be sent here-
after," allowing them all due merit as mere soldiers, they
can do very little harm ; but it ought to be remembered
that they are men as well as soldiers ; it is not to be pre-
sumed that their profession as soldiers will generally divest
them of a prior character which they derive from human
nature ; it is not to be supposed they would act contrary
to the latter, their superiour character. The Indians are
now held up in terrorem; they may do some mischief to
the back settlements, they have heretofore done it — yet
population has increased in this country at a rapid rate.
The Neiv England Colonies had to deal with both French
and Indians, without assistance from Great Britain, and
drove them back to the interiour parts ; this they did, and
still more, they even assisted their neighbours. It is only
of late years that any of the old Colonies had any British
troops (excepting four independent companies in New-
York Government.) They, however, did very well with-
out them, although the Indians were then more numerous,
and assisted by the French. But why is mention made of
the Indians 1 Are the British troops now employed
against them? or are they placed in the frontiers for garri-
sons ? They have been withdrawn from those places, at
least from many of them, to protect the tax gatherers of
the duties, in consequence of British usurpation.
Whether or not the Indians are now " let loose on our
back settlements," or may be hereafter let loose, for the
horrid purpose of scalping, they are not more formidable
at this time than they were formerly, when the first Eng-
lish settlers, though few in number, were more than a
match for them and drove them out. However, Mr.
Freeholder does not pay any great compliment to British
Administration by saying the Indians would infallibly be
let loose on our back settlements to scalp, &,c.* Although
* The Britiek Colonies in America have been, for many years past,
not only injured and oppressed, but treated with every species of inso.
lence and contempt by the Ministry in England, who have frequently
insulted them, even with wantonness. Among numerous instances
of this that might bo produced, I think the following a remarkable
one : We all remember that a few years ago, we were told by the
Ministry that his Majesty had been graciously pleased to resign the
management of Indian affairs to the Colonies contiguous to the several
Indian Nations respectively. The favour thus conferred upon tlio
Colonies I take to be, that of allowing them to bo at the expense of
making presents to the Indians, which they, tlirough an absurd custom,
conceived to bo rightfully due to them, or of guarding against tho
effects of their resentment if those presents were withheld. Accord-
ing to tiiis new regulation, the presents from England to tho Indiana
were discontinued, tho regular troops from the outposts and forts on
the back settlements and frontiers, the only places in America where,
in time of peace, they could be of any manner of service, were with,
drawn ; the fortifications were demolished, and tho inhabitants left
defenceless, and exposed to a cruel and exasperated enemy. These
were all the advantages, that I know of, that his Majesty's Ministers
were graciously pleased to confer upon the Colonies by this new reg.
ulation, for wliicli, it was intimated, that they were expected to be ei.
823
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, OCTOBER, 1774.
824
they and the Canadians should be " at the beck of Gov-
ernment." Tiie regular troops introduced here last war,
were rather for conquest than defence, and that conquest
Avas in a good measure effected by the assistance oi' the
Colonists, who, for their pains, have those very conquests
which were partly achieved with their own blood and trea-
sure, now held up as a rod to subjugate tiiem to their fel-
low-subjects in Cfreat Britain. For which purpose tlie
regular troops have been kept in this country ever since
the last war.
Notwithstanding the New-York Freehohler has so ele-
gantly described the miseries of a civil war, he says,
" what has been said hitherto is on the supposition that all
tlie British Americans would unite in a war against Great
Britain." How then would it be a civil war ? He thinks,
however, that this could not happen, and asks, " are not
" several Provinces as mucii in the hands of Government as
" Canada?" 1 know of none that are; most of the Gov-
ernments are indeed Royal Governments, but surely that
don't affect their rights — would that tie their hands from
asserting and defending their liberlies? The contrary is,
I appreiiend, generally understood here. He indeed says,
" were a war to break out the ^nicncnns themselves would
be divided." Very truly said, if a civil war should happen
to break out tliere would be a civil war. Wiierefore llien
would he insinuate that an opposition to the tyrannical
claims and usurpations of Great Britain, should be deemed
a civil war? Or, if the Americans should be compelled to
take up arms to defend their liberties, why must it be con-
strued that they make war against the King? Should
the British Parliament think proper to legislate for, and
tax Hanover, and die Act should be signed by the King,
does any one imagine the Hanoverians would pay any re-
gard to such Act ? Or, if the British Parliament should
take upon themselves to alter the form of their Government,
would they submit ? There can be no doubt but that they
would defend their Constitution with arms against whoever
was to attempt enforcing their submission ; nor by their do-
ing so would they forfeit their allegiance to their Prince.
The introducing the last rebellion in Scotland as a case
in point, or as any parallel to the present disputes, is not
a mark of the Freeholder's candour, even if a civil war was
certain ; and if he does not adduce it as a case in point, it
is invidious; that it is not a parallel case, is plain to the
most common underetanding ; foi' the rebellion in Scotland
was not for grievances unredressed, liberties invaded, or
oppression ; no, it was an attachment to the person of the
Pretender, a competitor to the British Crown against the
late King. What is there similar between that rebellion
and the disputes in America 1 The Americans are loyal
to their Sovereign King George the Third. It is much to
be doubted if there is a single native of North America,
who is a Jacobite ; they have no dispute with the King as
exercising his rightful authority as King of these Colonies;
it is against the usurpations of the Parliament of Great
tremely tliankfiil to his Majesty ; and thanks were accordingly returned
for the supposed favour by some of the Colony Assemblies — when, by
the following anecdote, and many other circumstances, we have the
greatest reason to think tlAt tliis very measure, for which the thanks
of the Colonies were required and obtained, was planned with the
most hostile intentions against them, or to subject tlieni to the uncon-
stitutional, arbitrary power of a British Parliajnent, and reduce them
to the condition of slaves.
The substance of tlie following Conversation happened to be in the
hearing of an inhabitant of New-York, of which he is willing to
make oath if necessary :
Sometime in March, 1769, being in company with Colonel 7? ,
(tbon quartered in Philadelphia, but since embarked for Ireland) in the
course of conversation, ho mentioned the breaking up of the frontier
garrisons, recalling the troops, and discontinuance of the usual pre-
sents to the Indians, as measures that would certainly be attended
with very serious consequences to the Colonies ; for that the Indians
were very insolent before ho luft Michilimackinack, and that ho daily
expected to hear of their committing hostilities.
Using asked by an inferiour officer, what could be the reason of such
a great and sudden alteration in Indian affjirs? Ho replied, it was
supposed to originate at Head Quarters, as a scheme that would inev-
itably eng,ig3 the attention of the Colonies, and of which Adminis-
tration might avail itself. That in all probability it woulil lossen Sir
William Juhnsnn's influence and income, of wliich the Commauder-
in-ohief was then supposed tobe joalous.
The foregoing intelligence from Colonel R , was confirmed to
the person who heard it, by two other officers with whom lie was soon
after in company.
Query. Is not the above account of the design of the .\cts, relative
to Indian affiiirs further corroberatod by tbe Acts thoiiisolves, not-
withstanding the ministerial putTa of the iiiajcstick emanation wliich
graciously favoured the Colonies, with tlie liberty of providing for tlie
exigencies of the Indian trade, &.C.
Britain — they contend for their most sacred rights as free-
men, invaded by that Parliament — which claims the dis-
posal of them as their slaves, and are doing their utmost
effectually to exert those claims. Therefore, to introduce
the tears of Scotland, seems merely for the sake of the
unhappy issue to the Pretender and his adherents. Had the
Freeholder been candid enough to introduce a case in point,
he could not well be at a loss for one — he cannot be supposed
ignorant of the rise of the states of Holland; the encroacli-
ments which Fhilip the Second, King of Spain, made
on the civil and religious liberties of his subjects in the
Netherlands, produced a revolt of seven from seventeen
Provinces ; and notwithstanding the very great power of
Fhilip, his having an army of twenty thousand veterans
(esteemed the best soldiers in Europe) in tbe neighbour-
hood, commanded by the ablest General of his time, and
the assistance he drew from the Provinces which did not
revolt, yet, under all these disadvantages, in the course
of some years (with some small assistance from England
and France) they efiiected their liberty, though not without
spending some of their best blood ; nor could it be expect-
ed otherwise in a contest of such importance, against a
Prince as obstinate and cruel as he was powerful.
This case, although it be very much like the present dis-
pute between Great Britain and the Colonies— save only
that Fhilip was the lawful Sovereign of those Provinces,
and the Parliaments of Great Britain have only their own
claim of sovereignty, yet, the Freeholder did not choose
it for a parallel, perhaps, because it had an happy issue,
which would not so well answer the intention of intimida-
ting the Americans, in order to their submission to tlie
usurpations of the British Parliament.
In Mr. Gaine's paper of the 26th September is another
letter from a Netv- York Freeholder, who again introduces
his subject with a pathetick declaration on the miseries of
a civil war. It might be imagined that, by a civil war, he
would mean any forcible resistance to the unconstitutional
measures pursued by the British Administration, did he
not make mention of, " friends, brethren, parents, and
children imbruing their hands in each others' blood." If
the inhabitants of this Continent were not very generally
determined to oppose those measures ; if they were not
resolved to refuse submission to the usurpations of the
British Parliament ; or that the advocates for despotism
were numerous, and would risk their all in favour of those
usurpations, there might perhaps be some reason to fear a
civil war ; but such a fear will appear to be groundless,
when it is considered that by far the most of the Colonies,
although not absolutely unanimous, yet have so very great
a majority who are ready to defend their liberties, tliat the
very few who may differ from them would hardly attempt
to counteract their brethren and friends with force. In a
single Colony, or perhaps a few Colonies, though the ma-
jority, in support of their liberlies, may not appear so gi'eat,
it is, however, by much too formidable for the few enemies
ot American liberty to venture upon so hardy an undertak-
ing, as by force of arms to oppose such measures as may
be adopted by the great number of the friends of freedom
in defence of their liberties. If such enemies there be,
their situation must be truly deplorable, as they would be
deemed traitors to their King and country, notwithstanding
their acting in virtue of any commission from Administra-
tion, founded on unconstitutional Acts of the British Par-
liament ; " for an illegal commission is so far from con-
" veying a power unto any man to act, that it is a greater
" crime to do any thing upon the imaginary audiority of it,
" than it w^oidd be to commit the same fact without all
" colour and pretence of power and warrant, seeing, the in-
" jury of the one case dotli affect and termiuate in him that
" receives it ; whereas, in the other, it affects the King,
" the Government, and the whole body of the people." —
Lord SoMMERs's Judgment, fyc.
Now as the King cannot lawfully in Great Britain, by
his sole authority, make any law that an officer can be
either bound or authorized lo act ujion, (seeing a law to
be binding there must have tiie sanction of Parliament) in
like manner, the King with his British Pailiamcnl cannot
rightfully make any law which ought to be binding upon
the Colonies. As the King with his Parliament of Great
Britain will be, at most, to the Colonies, what the King
alone is to Great Britain ; but lo speak more properly,
829
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, OCTOBER, 1774.
826
the Lords and Commons of Great Britain having no con-
stitutional right to act or do any tiling tiiat will be binding
upon the Colonies, the only legal power in Great Britain
respecting the Colonies, centres in the person of the King
our Sovereign ; and every Act passed there which respects
America, receives no more authority than what it may
derive from tlie King's assent to such Act ; but as that
amounts really to no more than a law made by the King's
sole authority, which by the Constitution is not l)inding on
tlie subject, the Colonies cannot in duty be bound to obey
any such law. The law binding of right in the Colonies
is that law only which is enacted in the Colonies, and re-
ceives the King's assent, either in person or by his Repre-
sentative; and all officers acting by virtue of any other
tlian a law according to the Constitution, will fall within
the description above cited from Lord Sommers.
The New- York Freeholder has with much art endeav-
oured to reduce the rise of the present disputes with Great
Britain to the tlu-ee penny duty on tea. It is a pity that
abilities should be ])rostituted to give a false colouring to
facts, which, without that disguise, apj)ear in their true light
to a common understanding ; without it, it is very clear
tliat the contention is not about the three penny duty only,
but the claim of taxation by the British Parliament, and
tlieir actual exercise of the powers founded on that claim,
over the Colonies. The precedents which he has alleged
do not invalidate my preceding argument ; for though it be
granted that the Colonies have not opposed the operation
of those precedents, it neither proves the Parliamentary
right for having exercised that power, nor deprives the
Colonists of their right of asserting and resuming all those
rights usurped from them ; and they are at any time at full
liberty to oppose their future operation ; any acquiescence
on their part in time passed notwithstanding ; for the bare
submission to power unconstitutionally exercised, does in
no wise confer right to those who thus exercise it, any
more than it confers right to a robber, who by force obtains
a submission from those whom he despoils ; nor will it
render the case better if the submission be obtained by
deception ; nor indeed may any people rightfully surrender
any of their rights, further than necessary for the publick
good ; if they do, such surrender will be a mere nullity.
The Freeholder very kindly assigns a reason in behalf of
the British Parliament for the Tea Act. He says, " that
*' commercial states should always encourage the consump-
" tion of their own manufactures, which is of general utility,
"as it promotes industry; but articles of foreign luxury,
" and tea is one, are the proper objects of taxation, &c."
I don't recollect to have any where read that the British
Parliament ever pretended this as the motive for their tax-
ation of tlie Americans, but rather have avowed it as a
test of their right to tax them. Be their motive what it
may, he treats the Act as if made by rightful authority,
when he knows that the right to that authority is the very
thing which the Colonists disclaim.
In the same manner he takes it for granted that the Fkist
India Company had a good right to send their tea to
America; when it is well known that the intention of it
was generally understood to be exjiressly to enforce the
Tea Act, as the duty was payable when the tea was landed.
This was clearly the view of the Ministry ; and the East
India Company's tea was made use of as an instrument for
affecting that purpose. Why then talk of individuals?
It was in the light of an instrument of destruction to
American liberty that their tea was considered ; yet not-
withstanding it was thus considered, the people at Boston
made use of every method in their power for its preserva-
tion, consistent with their getting clear of it, without having
it landed there ; but that was the point insisted on — that
was the desirable thing so earnestly sought for by die Min-
isterial agents ; otherwise the tea might have been pre-
served by being secured in the Castle, or by the King's
ships. These agents therefore left the people no alterna-
tive but to destroy it, or suffer it to be entered for duty. —
To compare it then with the Stamp papers shows what
candour may be expected from this writer. The Stamp
papers were liable to no duty on being landed and stored —
tlie tea was liable ; whether that at Charlestown paid the
duty, is what I cannot aflirni or deny ; the Act requires
the payment.
The Freeholder's feeble attempt to apologize for the
severity of the Boston Port Bill, and other Acts relative to
that Province, is at once a proof of his willingness for that
service, and of the indefensibility of those tyrannical Acts,
since even with his abilities he passes over them briefly.
But what can be said in the defence of them which may not
with equal propriety be said in defence of every species
of usurpation and cruelty which disgrace the history of
mankind ? — the difference between them being rather in
degree than kind. The severity of the Bosto7i Port Bill,
singly considered, will render it the abhorrence of all good
men, even supposing the British Parliament had a just
right to the sovereignty of that Province ; but when viewed
in the light of usurpation, as having no rightful authority
to act as they have, it adds the highest injustice to cruelty.
The opposition to the Board of Commissioners, Sic, the
impeachment of the Chief Justice of both Houses, has been
vindicated, and the two Houses have fully justified their
conduct, notwithstanding any thing " determined after a
full hearing." After the Freeholder's declaration of his
impartiality, &ic., he again recurs to his topick of a civil war,
and asserts that the Colonies South of JSIcw England have
really no other contest with the parent state but the three
penny duty on tea, " and that if they siiould be plunged
" any deeper, or further involved in trouble, they will un-
" denlably be dragged into it by the Massachusetts Bay."
Does he not know the contrary to be true ? Can he expect
this to be believed on his bare assertion? Does he really
believe it himself? His compliments to the American
people will not palliate this insult to their understandings,
nor atone for his apparent design of disuniting them. He
says, " an American Constitution, not a civil war, is what
will relieve them." I have not heard it asserted that a
civil war was to be sought after for relief! But a manly
defence of their sacred rights, even by force of arms,
whenever absolutely necessary against a foreign force, may
and probably will insure effectual relief.
An American Constitution is what is required ; however,
it ought to be remembered, that such a Constitution is
required as a matter of right, not as a grace to be obtained
by petition to the Parliament of Great Britain, who have
indeed no true authority for that purpose. Let that august
Assembly only relinquish all pretence of right to govern
the British Colonies in America, and leave that to whom
it solely and exclusively belongs, namely, the King, our
lawful Sovereign, with his Parliament in the respective
Colonies, and the Americans have a Constitution without
seeking further ; then would the Colonies be united with
Great Britain by the strong tics of mutual interest and
sincere affection, without any jealousies or resentment ; the
cause taken away, the effects would cease ; and the strictest
harmony, cemented by the bands of ancient consanguinity
and similarity of manners, would take place, which would
probably continue for ages united under one and the same
head of the whole British Empire.
He asks, " But does not Parliament claim a right to tax
" the Colonies, which must in the end enslave them ?"
He admits that the Parliament " asserts this claim ;" and
says, " but whilst it proceeds no further, it cannot hurt us.
" It is sufficiently balanced by our assertions to the con-
" trary." Had he been able to prove that they had barely
asserted it, he had done something to the purpose ; but
there being such glaring proofs to the contrary, one may
reasonably ask him what he means by saying, " But
" surely it is time enough to run to extremities when the
" claim is oppressively put in execution." Need he be
told that this is already done ? The Boston Port Bill is a
proof, with a witness. Or does he think, that, not suffi-
ciently oppressive, or oppressively put in execution, but
that the Americans must wait till the " Harpies of taxa-
" tion were actually and every-where tearing our substance
" from us ?" I think it justifiable to say, that then it
would be rather too late for obtaining an adequate remedy.
He asks, " What, is America then to he exempted wholly
" from the burthen of supporting Government ?" Here
again he calls the British Administration (which, with
respect to its exercise in America, is mere tyranny) cm-
jihalically Government ; and from the great obligations he
sup])oses British America lies under to Great Britain,
ho thinks we ought to bear our just share of the burthen of
National expense. Let me ask, wherefore? It is very
certain that British America has her own expenses of
827
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, OCTOBER, 1774.
828
constitutional Government ; which, notwithstanding its
economy, is considerable, and, upon emergencies, so great
as to be burthensome ; and if the American Governments
were to lavish on the administrators of Government large
salaries, and pay a long list of pensionei-s, according to the
present mode in Great Britain, they must be very soon
ruined. What reason then for their contributing towards
tlie extravagance of the parent state ? He says, he is
'•■ not so ungrateful as to forget the vast obligations we are
" under to Great Britain for iier fostering parental protec-
" tion and aid on every occasion, when necessary." He
would have been better understood, had he pointed them
out ; for it is well known that Great Britain, while the
Colonies were really in an infant state, left them to them-
selves ; her attention to them began with their impor-
tance ; when the Parliament of Great Britain found they
could be benefitted by them, and Administration have
places for the support of Court dependents ; and latterly
their fears, lest some other power miglit obtain footing on
this Continent, to their damage, is a sufficient reason for
their occasionally guarding against such an event. Where,
then, the vast obligations 1
An exclusive trade to these Colonies is much more than
an equivalent for the protection afforded. Great Britain
has lent the same, or greater, occasional assistance to Por-
tugal, for only a partial trade, and perhaps on the score of
keeping a balance of power ; and without doubt they find
their account in so doing. Why then sliould the protec-
tion afforded this country be rated so highly ? And yet
highly as this protection is rated, it is certain that in the
war before the last, it afforded the Colonies no security
from an invasion by a very formidable armament ; for,
notwithstanding the naval power of Great Britain, or any
tiling done by the British Government to prevent it, Bos-
ton, which was the designed victim to tliat French arma-
ment, miglit have been laid in ruins. It was the Divine
Providence only that protected that town. The exertions
of the Province of Massachusetts Bay in favour of Great
Britain, rendered her the subject of French resentment at
that time ; at present, the same Province is the object of
resentment of British Administration for her exertions iu
favour of British, as well as American freedom. As her
protection from a French invasion was not the arm of
jlesh, so, may the same Divine protection shield her and
all these Colonies from the dominion of tyranny ; and may
virtue, liberty, and peace, have their abode, and flourish in
this land for ages yet to come.
STAMFORD (CONNECTICUT) TOWN MEETING.
At a Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Town of Stam-
ford, legally warned and convened on the 7th day of
October, 1774.
The inhabitants of this town, sensibly affected with the
distresses to which the town of Boston and Province of
Massachusetts Bay are subjected by several late unconsti-
tutional Acts of tlie British Parliament, and also viewing
the (Quebec Bill, whereby the Roman Catholick religion is
established over a great part of his Majesty's extensive
Continent of America, as an attempt not barely to de-
stroy our civil liberties, but as an open declaration that
our religious privileges, wliicli our fathers fled their native
country to enjoy, are very soon to be abolished, (hoping
to convince the people of this extensive Continent, that,
notwithstanding our long silence, we are by no means un-
willing to join with our sister towns to assert our just
rights, and oppose every design of a corrupt Ministry to
enslave America,) do declare, that we acknowledge our
subjection to the Crown of Great Britain, and all the
constitutional powers thereto belonging, as established in
the illustrious House of Hanover, and tliat it is our earnest
desire that the same peaceable connection should subsist
between us and the mother country that has subsisted for
a long time before the late unconstitutional measures
adopted by the Parliament of Great Britain; and we
hope that some plan will be found out by the general Con-
gress to effect the reconciliation we wish for. Yet we are
determined, in every lawful way, to join with our sister
Colonies, resolutely to defend our just rights, and oppose
all illegal and unconstitutional Acts of the British Parlia-
ment that respect America.
That we are pleased that a Congress of Deputies from
the Colonies is now met at Philadelphia, and, relying
upon the wisdom of that body, we declare that we are
ready to adopt such reasonable measures as shall by them
be judged lor the general good of the inhabitants of
America.
Voted, That Messrs. John Lloyd and Samuel Hulton,
Captain Samuel Youngs, Captain David Hait, and
Charles Weed, be a Committee to receive subscriptions
for the supply of the poor in the town of Boston, who suf-
fer in consecjuence of an Act of Parliament, called the
Port Act ; and that the said Committee cause any thing
that shall be collected to be transported to the care of the
Committee of Ways and Means in the town of Boston,
to be employed by them as they shall think fit.
The above is a true copy of record, it being a very full
meeting — almost an unanimous vote.
S. Jarvis, Town Clerk.
EXTRACT or A LETTER, DATED LONDON, OCTOBER 8, 1774.
Never did I feel myself so anxious about publick af-
fairs as at this moment. Our own interest is intimately
connected with the perseverance of our American brethren
in their opposition to tliH tyranny of our Government.
Should they continue firm, it will be scarcely possible that
they should not succeed in preserving their liberties: and
the preservation of their liberty ought to be an object of
the last concern to all in this country ; for it is only among
them we can hope to find it, after luxury, dissipation, a
servile Parliament, and an overwhelming load of debts and
taxes have completed its ruin here, I cannot help believ-
ing that this will be the last struggle which America will
have with us ; if they are now steady, and succeed, they
will have no reason to fear any future attempts to enslave
them. But if they now submit, they will be subdued for
ever, and the only nursery of freemen now in the world
will be lost. May Heaven avert such a calamity ! I can-
not indeed imagine a state of worse slavery than that in
which the Colonies would be were they, on this occasion,
to submit, — to be not only subject to many hard restraints
in acquiring their property, but to hold it, after being acquir-
ed, at the discretion of our rulers; to have no constitution
of Government of their own, but to have their laws made
and their Governments modelled by a Legislature on the
other side of the Atlantic, which cannot judge of their cir-
cumstances, in which they have no voice, and all whose
acts are but little more than the echoes to the will of the
fool of the tyrant who happens to be Minister in this
country. Wiiat an abject condition would this be ! The
present state of our Parliament is such that it is our own
greatest calamity to be govered by it. How base would
it be to wish the Americans involved in the same calam-
ity ? The mode of opposition which the Americans are
likely to adopt must do them the greatest service, by
checking luxury among them, and obliging them to save
the money they now spend among us in purchasing super-
fluities, at the same time it must eventually injure us ; for
such are our present circumstances, that we hang upon the
American trade, and the loss of it would sink the revenue,
and soon bring on riots and insurrections, and a publick
bankruptcy. But I am not frightened by these conse-
quences; the preservation oi American liberty I think of
unspeakably more importance than any temporary suffer-
ings which can come upon us. I also consider our present
slate as so corrupt, and our excellent Constitution of Gov-
ernment as so entirely subverted by the unbounded influ-
ence of the Crown, that my only hope arises from the
prosj)ect of a convulsion (dreadful while it lasts) which
shall destroy artificial wealth and all the means of corrup-
tion ; reduce us to poverty and simplicity, overturn the
whole present system of i)olicy, and be followed by the re-
establishment of publick liberty and virtue.
I have been concerned to see in the Pennsylvania In-
structions to their Deputies, a proposal that, previous to
any other measures, a memorial or remonstrance should be
presented to our Government. The Colonies have, I
think, already sufficiently tried such methods as these.
Our Government, if consistent, would not receive any
memorial from an Assembly which they consider as illegal ;
it is now too late for negotiation ; nor can it issue in any
829
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
830
good to the American cause. Vigorous measures alone
can be successful ; and some think that, had the Ameri-
cans fled inmiediately to the last resource the quarrel
might by this time have been almost decided; for the pre-
sent Ministry could not have found supplies for so horrid
a service, and a change of men and measures must have
soon taken place.
The sentiments I have expressed are those of the
greatest part of my acquaintance, some of whom are per-
sons of the first weight. I choose to mention this because I
wish the Americans not to direct their resentment against
all, indiscriminately, in this country ; they may be assured
that they have a large body of friends here, who, from a
sense they have of the rights of human nature, detest what
has been done against them. Perhaps die most provoking
and mean of all the measures against them is the (Quebec
Bill, the plain design of which is to fix a body of Popish
slaves behind them, subject to the King's will, who may
serve as a curb upon them.
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.
Wednesday, October 5, 1774, the Members chosen in
consequence of Governour Gage's last writs for calling a
General Assembly, met at the Court House in Salem, pur-
suant to the precepts ; and, after waiting a day without be-
ing admitted to the usual oaths, which should have been
administered by the Governour or odier constitutional offi-
cers ; and having chosen the Honourable John Hancock,
Esq., to be their Chairman, and Benjamin Lincoln, Esq.,
Clerk, they proceeded to business, and passed the following
Resolves :
Province of the Massachusetts Bat,
In the Court House at Salem, October 7, 1774.
Whereas, his Excellency Thomas Gage, Esq., did issue
writs bearing date the first of September last, for the elec-
tion of Members to serve as Representatives in a Great
and General Court, which he did " think fit and appoint"
to be convened and holden the fifth day of October instant,
at the Court House in this place. And whereas, a majority
of Members duly elected in consequence of said writs, did
attend at said Court House the time appointed, there to be
qualified according to Charter for taking seats and acting as
Representatives in said Great and General Court ; but
were not met by the Governour, or other constitutional offi-
cer or officers by him appointed for administering the usual
oaths, and qualifying them thereto. And whereas, a Proc-
lamation, bearing date the 28th day of September last,
and published in sundry newspapers, with the signature of
his Excellency, contains many reflections on this Province,
as being in a tumultuous and disorderly state ; and appears
to have been considered by his Excellency as a constitu-
tional discharge of all such persons as have been elected
in consequence of his Excellency's said writs. The Mem-
bers aforesaid so attending, having considered the measures
which his Excellency has been pleased to take by his said
Proclamation, and finding them to be unconstitutional, un-
just, and disrespectful to the Province, think it their duty to
pass the following Resolves :
Therefore, resolved, As the opinion of said Members :
1st. That by the Royal Charter of the Province, the
Governour, for the time being, is expressly obliged to con-
vene, " upon every last Wednesday in the month of May,
" every year forever, and at such other times as he shall
" think fit, and appoint a Great and General Court." And,
therefore, diat as his Excellency had thought fit, and by
his writ appointed a Great and General Court to be con-
vened on the fifth day of October, instant, his conduct in
preventing the same, is against the express words, as well
as true sense and meaning of the Charter, and unconstitu-
tional ; more especially as, by Charter, his Excellency's
power " to adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve, all Great and
General Courts," doth not take place after said Courts shall
be appointed, until they have first " met and convened."
2dly. That the constitutional Government of the inhab-
itants of this Province, being by a considerable military
force at this time attempted to be superseded and annulled ;
and the people, under the most alarming and just apprehen-
sions of slavery, having, in their laudable endeavours to
preserve themselves therefrom, discovered, upon all occa-
sions, the greatest aversion to disorder and tumult, it must be
evident to all attending to his Excellency's said Proclama-
tion, that his representations of the Province as being in a
tumultuous and disordered state, are reflections the inhab-
itants have by no means merited ; and, therefore, that they
are highly injurious and unkind.
3dly. That, as the pretended cause of his Excellency's
Proclamation for discharging the Members elected by the
Province in pursuance of his writs, has for a considerable
time existed, his Excellency's conduct in choosing to issue
said Proclamation, (had it been in other respects unexcep-
tionable,) but a few days before the Court was to have been
convened, and thereby unavoidably putting to unnecessary
expense and trouble a great majority of Members from the
extremities of the Province, is a measure by no means con-
sistent with the dignity of the Province ; and, therefore, it
ought to be considered as a disrespectful treatment of the
Province, and as an opposition to that reconciliation be-
tween Great Britain and the Colonies so ardently wished
for by all the friends of both.
4thly. That some of the causes assigned as aforesaid for
this unconstitutional and wanton prevention of the General
Court, have, in all good Governments, been considered
among the greatest reasons for convening a Parliament or
Assembly ; and, therefore, the Proclamation is considered
as a further proof, not only of his Excellency's disafiection
towards the Province, but of the necessity of its most vig-
orous and immediate exertions for preserving the freedom
and Constitution thereof.
Upon a motion made and seconded,
Voted, That the Members aforesaid do now resolve them-
selves into a Provincial Congress, to be joined by such other
persons as have been or shall be chosen for that purpose, to
take into consideration the dangerous and alarming situa-
tion of publick affairs in this Province, and to consult and
determine on such measures as they shall judge will tend
to promote the true interest of his Majesty, in the peace,
welfare, and prosperity of the Province.
Benja. Lincoln, Clerk.
At a Congress of Delegates for the several Towns and
Districts, in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in
New England, convened at Salem, on Friday the seventh
day of October, A. D., 1774 ; with a list of persons chosen
to represent them in the same.
for the county of SUFFOLK.
Boston. — The Honourable Thomas Curbing, Esquire,
Mr. Samuel Adams, the Honourable John Hancock, Esq.,
Doctor Joseph Warren, Doctor Benjamin Church, Mr.
Nathaniel Appleton.
RoxBURY. — Captain William Heath, Mr. Aaron Davis.
Dorchester. — Captain Samuel Robinson.
Milton. — Captain David Rawson, Mr. James Boice.
Braintree. — Ebenezer Thayer, Esquire, Mr. Joseph
Palmer, John Adams, Esquire.
Weymouth. — Mr. Nathaniel Bailey.
Hingham. — Benjamin Lincoln, Esquii'e.
CoHASSET. — Mr. Isaac Lincoln.
Dedham. — The Honourable Samuel Dexter, Esquire,
Mr. Abner Ellis.
Medfield. — Mr. Moses Bullin,CsL\)tdim Sefh Clark.
Wrentham. — Mr. Jabez Fisher, Mr. Lemuel Collock.
Brookline. — Capt. Benjamin White, William Thomp-
son, Esquire, Mr. John Goddard.
Stoughton and Stoughtonham. — Mr. Thomas Crane,
Mr. John Withington, Mr. Job Swift.
Walpole. — Mr. Enoch Ellis.
Medway. — Captain Jonathan Adams.
Needham. — Captain Eleazcr Kingsbury.
Bellingham. — Mr. Luke Holhrook.
Chelsea. — Mr. Samuel Watts.
Hull.— (None.)
county of ESSEX.
Salem. — Mr. John Pickering, Junior, Mr. Jonathan
Ropes, Junior.
Danvers. — Doctor Samuel Holten.
Ipswich. — Capt. Michael Farley, Mr. Daniel Noyce,-
Newbury. — Honourable Joseph Gerrish, Esq.
831
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
832
INEWBrRYPonT. — Captain Jonathan Grecnlcaf.
Marbukheaii. — Jeremiah Lee, Esq., Azor Ornc, Esq.,
Mr. Elbridge Gerry.
Lynn. — Ebenczer Burrill, Esq., Captain John Mans-
field.
An DOVER. — I\Ir. Moody Bridges.
Beverly. — Captain Josiah Batcheldor.
Rowley. — Mr. Nathaniel McghilL
Salisbury. — 'Mr. Samuel Smith.
Haverhill. — Samuel White, Esquire, Mr. Joseph
Haynes.
Gloucester. — Captain Peter CoJJin.
TopsFiELD. — Captain Sitmuel Smith.
BoxFORD. — Aaron Wood, Esquire.
Amesbury. — Isaac Merrill, Esquire.
Bradford. — Captain Daniel Thurston.
Wenham. — Mr. Benjamin Fairfield.
Manchester. — Mr. Andrew Woodbury.
Methuen. — Mr. James Ingles.
MiDDLETON. — Captain Archelus Fuller.
county of MIDDLESEX.
Cambridge. — Honourable John fVinthrop, Esq., Cap-
tain Thomas Gardner, Mr. Abraham Watson.
Charlestown. — Mr. Nathan Gorham, Mr. Bichard
Devetis, Doctor Isaac Foster, David Cheever, Esquire.
Watertown. — Captain Jonathan Brown, Mr. Johi
Remington, Mr. Samuel Fisk.
WoBURN. — Mr. Samuel Wyman.
Concord. — Captain James Barrett, Mr. Samuel Whit-
ney, Mr. Ephraim Wood, Junior.
Newton. — Abraham, Fuller, Esq., Mr. John Pigeon,
Mr. Edward Durant.
Reading. — Mr. John Temple, Mr. Benjamin Browne.
Marlborough. — Mr. Peter Bent, Mr. Edward Barnes,
Mr. George Brigham.
Billerica. — William Stickney, Esq., Mr. Ebenezer
Bridge.
Framingham. — Joseph Haven, Esq., Mr. Browne,
Captain Josiah Stone.
Lexington. — Mr. Jonas Stone.
Chelmsford. — Mr. Simeon Spaulding, Mr. Jonathan
Williams Austin, Mr. Samuel Perham.
Sherbukn. — Captain Samuel Bullard, Mr. Jonathan
Lealand.
Sudbury. — Mr. Thomas Plimpton, Captain Richard
Heard, Mr. James Mosman.
Malden. — Captain Ebenezer Harnden, Captain John
Dexter.
Medford. — Mr. Benjamin Hall.
Weston. — Samuel P. Savage, Esq., Captain Braddyl
Smith, Mr. Josiah Smith.
HoPKiNTON. — Captain Thomas Mellin, Captain Roger
Dench, Mr. James Mellin.
Waltham. — Mr. Jacob Bigelow.
Groton. — James Prescott, Esquire.
Shirley. — Captain Francis Harris.
Pepperell. — Captain William Prescott.
Stow. — Henry Gardner, Esquire.
Townshend. — Mr. Jona. iS'^ow, Captain Daniel Taylor.
AsHBY. — Mr. Jonathan Locke, Captain Stone.
Stoneham. — Captain Samuel Spraguc.
Wilmington. — Mr. Timothy Walker.
Natick. — Mr. Hezekiah Broad.
Dbacut. — Mr. IVilliam Hildreih.
Bedford. — Mr. Joseph Ballard, John Read, Esq.
Holliston. — Captain Abner Perry.
Tewksbuby. — Mr. Jonathan Brown.
Acton. — Mr. Josiah Hayward, Mr. Francis Faulkner,
Mr. Ephraim Hapgood.
Westford. — Mr. Joseph Reed, Mr. Zaccheus Wright.
Littleton. — Mr. Abel Jewctt, Mr. Robert Harris.
Dunstable. — John Tyng, Esq., James Tyng, Esq.
LiNcot-N. — Captain Eleazer Brooks, Mr. Samuel Far^
rar, Captain Abijah Pierce.
county of Hampshire.
Springfield. — Doctor Charles Pynchon, Captain
George Pynchon, Mr. Jonathan Hah, Junior.
Wilbraham. — Mr. John Bliss.
Ludlow. — Mr. Joseph Miller.
West Springfield. — Mr. Benjamin Ely, Doctor
Chauncy Brewer.
Northampton. — Seth Pomeroy, Esquire, Honourable
Joseph Hawley, Esquire.
Southampton. — Mr. Elias Lyman.
Hadley. — Mr. Josiah Pierce.
South Hadley. — Mr. Noah Goodman.
Amherst. — Mr. Nathaniel Dickerson, Junior.
Granby. — Mr. Phineas Smith.
Hatfieu). — Mr. John Dickerson.
Whately. — (None,)
Williamsburgh. — (None.)
Deerfield. — Mr. Samuel Barnard, Junior.
Greenfield. — Mr. Daniel Nash.
Shelburn. — Mr. John Taylor.
Conway. — Mr. Thomas French.
Westfield and Southwick. — Captain John Mosely,
Mr. misha Park.
Sunderland. — Mr. Israel Hubbard.
Montague. — Doctor Moses Gunn.
Brimfield. — Mr. Timothy Danielson.
South Brimfield. — Mr. Daniel Winchester.
MoNsoN. — Mr. Abel Goodale.
NoRTHFiELD. — Mr. Phineas Wright.
Greenville. — Timothy Robinson, Esquire.
New Salem. — Mr. William Page, Junior,
CoLRAiN. — Captain Thomas McGee.
Belchertown. — Captain Samuel Hotve.
Ware. — Mr. Joseph Foster.
MuRRAYSFIELD. (NoUC.)
Warwick. — Captain Samuel Williams.
Charlemont. — Mr. Hugh Maxwell.
AsHFiELD. — (None.)
Worthington. — Captain Nahum Eager.
Greenwich. — Mr. John Rea.
Shutesbury. — (None.)
Chesterfield. — (None.)
NoRTHwicH. — Mr. Ebenezer Meacham.
Edgecomb. — (None.)
Leverett. — (None.)
Palmer. — Mr. David Spear.
COUNTY OF PLYMOUTH.
Plymouth. — Honourable James Warren, Esquire, Mr.
Laac Lothrop.
Scituate. — Nathan Gushing, Esquire, Mr. Gideon
Vinal, Mr. Barnaby Little.
Marshfield. — Mr. Nchemiah Thomas.
MiDDLEBOROUGH. — Captain Ebenezer Sprout.
Hanover. — Captain Joseph Ctishing.
Rochester. — Captain Ebenezer White.
Plympton. — Mr. Samuel Lucas.
Pembroke. — Mr. John Turner, Captain Seth Hertch.
Abincton. — Captain Woodbridge Brown, Doctor Da-
vid Jones.
Bridgewater. — Captain Edward ^Rtchell, Doctor
Richard Perkins.
Kingston. — John Thomas, Esquire.
DuxBURY. — Mr. George Partridge.
Halifax. — (None.)
Wareham. — (None.)
county of BARNSTABLE.
Barnstable. — Daniel Davis, Esquire.
Sandwich. — Mr. Stephen Nye.
Yarmouth. — Captain Elisha Bassett.
Eastham and Welfleet. — Mr. Naaman Holbrook.
Harwich. — Mr. Benjamin Freeman.
Falmouth. — Mr. Moses Swift.
Chatham. — Captain Joseph Doane.
Truro. — Mr. Benjamin Atkins.
county of BRISTOL.'
Taunton. — Robert Treat Paine, Esquire, Doctor Da-
vid Cobb.
Rehoboth. — Captain Thomas Carpenter, Timothy
Walker, Esquire.
Swansey and Shawamet. — Colonel Cole, Captain
Levi Wheaton.
Dartmouth. — Benjamin Aikin, Esquire.
Norton aiid Mansfield. — Mr. Eleazer Clap.
838
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
834
Attleborough. — Mr. Ebenezer Lane, Captain John
Daggett.
DiGHTON. — Elnathan Walker, Esquire, Doctor Wil-
liam Baylies.
Freetown. — (None.)
Easton. — Mr. Eliphalet Leonard, Capt. Zeph. Keith.
Raynham. — Mr. Benjamin King.
Berkley. — '(None.)
COUNTY OF YORK.
York. — Captain Daniel Bragilon.
KiTTERY. — Charles Chaunaj, Esquire, Edward Cutts,
Esquire.
Wells. — Mr. Ebenezer Sayer.
Berwick. — Captain William Gerrish.
BiDDEFORD. — Mr. James Sullivan.
Peperelborough — ^(None.)
Lebanon. — (None.)
Sandford. — (None.)
Buxton. — (None.)
COUNTY OF dukes.
Edgartown. — (None.)
Chilmark. — Joseph Mayheio, Esquire.
TisBURY. — Mr. Ranford Smith.
COUNTY OF NANTUCKET.
Sherburn. — (None.)
COUNTY or WORCESTER.
Worcester. — Mr. Joshua Bigelow, Mr. Timothy
Bigelow.
Lancaster. — Captain Asa Whitcomb, Doctor William
Dunsmore.
Mendon. — Joseph Dorr, Esq., Mr. Edward Rowson.
Brookfield. — Jedediah Foster, Esquire, Captain
Jeduthan Baldwin, Captain Phineas Upham.
Oxford. — Captain Ebenezer Learned, Doctor Alex-
ander Camel.
Charlton. — Captain Jonathan TucJcer.
Sutton. — Captain Henry King, Mr. Edward Putnam.
Leicester, Spencer, and Paxton. — Colonel Thomas
Dennie, Captain Joseph Henshaw.
Rutland. — Mr. Daniel Clap.
Rutland District. — Mr. John Mason.
Oakham. — Mr. Jonathan Bullard.
Hubbari>ston. — Mr. John Clark.
Westborough. — Captain Stephen Maynard, Doctor
James Hawse.
Northbohough. — Mr. Levi Bridgham.
Shrewsbury. — Honourable Artemas Ward, Esquire,
Mr. Phineas Hayward.
Lunenburgh and Fitcheurgh. — Captain George
Campbell, Captain Abijah Sterns, Captain David Good-
ridge.
Uxbridge. — Captain Joseph Reed.
Harvard. — Mr. Joseph Wheeler.
Bolton. — Captain Samuel Baker, Mr. Ephraim Fair-
banks.
Petersham. — Captain Ephraim Doolittle.
Southborough. — Captain Jonathan Ward.
Hardwick. — Capt. Paid Mendal, Mr. Stephen Rice,
Western. — Mr. Gershom Makepeace.
Sturbridge. — Captain Timothy Parker.
Leominster. — Thomas Legate, Esquire, Mr. Israel
J^ichols.
Dudley. — Tfiomas Cheney, Esquire.
Upton. — ^Mr. Abiel Sadler.
New-Braintree. — Captain James Wood.
HoLDEN. — Mr. John Child.
Douglass. — Mr. Samuel Jenison.
Grafton. — Captain John Goulden.
Royalston. — Mr. Henry Bond.
Westminster. — Mr. Nathan Wood, Mr. Abner
Holden.
Templeton. — Mr. Jonathan Baldwin.
Athol. — Mr. William Bigelow.
Princeton. — Mr. Moses Gill, Captain Benjamin
Holden.
Ashburnham. — Mr. Jonathan Taylor.
WiNCHENDON. — Mr. Moset Hale.
Woodstock. — (None.)
Northbridge. — Mr. Samuel Baldwin.
Fourth Series. 53
county of CUMBERLAND.
Falmouth and Cape Elizabeth. — Enoch Freeman,
Esquire.
Scarborough. — Mr. Samuel March,
North Yarmouth. — Mr. John Lewis.
GoRHAM. — Solomon Lombard.
Brunswick and Habpswell. — Mr. Samuel Thompson.
county of LINCOLN. (NoHC.)
COUNTY of BERKSHIRE.
Sheffield, Great Barrington, Egremont, and Al-
FORD. — John Fellows, Esquire, Doctor William Whiting.
Stockbridge and West Stockbridge. — Mr. Thomas
Williams.
Tyringham. — Captain Giles Jackson.
PiTTSFiELD. — John Browne, Esquire.
Richmond. — (None.)
Lenox. — Mr. Joh7i Patterson.
Becket. — Mr. Jonathan Wadsivorth. /
The Congress proceeded to the choice of a Chairman,
when the
Honourable John Hancock, Esquire, was elected.
Benjamin Lincoln, Esquire, was chosen Clerk.
Upon a motion. Voted, That the Congress be adjourned
to the Meeting House in Contord.
Tuesday, October 11, 1774.
The Congress having met at Salem,
Upon a motion, the question was put, whether they
would reconsider their vote relative to the appointing a
Chairman, and then proceed to the choice of a President,
by written votes, and passed in the affirmative.
Upon a motion, Ordered, That Captain Heath, the
Honourable Mr. Dexter, and the Honourable Colonel
Ward, be a Committee to count and sort the votes for a
President.
The Congress proceeded to bring in their votes for a
President, and the Committee having counted and sorted
the same, reported that the Honourable John Hancock,
Esquire, was chosen.
The Congress then appointed Benjamin Lincoln, Esq.,
Secretary.
Upon a motion. Ordered, That Captain Barret, Doctor
Warren, and the Honourable Colonel Ward be a Commit-
tee to wait on the Reverend Mr. Emerson, and desire his
attendance on the Congress, that the business might be
opened with Prayer.
The Committee appointed to wait on the Reverend Mr.
Emerson, reported that they had attended to that service,
and that the Reverend Mr. Emerson would soon attend on
the Congress agreeable to their desire.
Adjourned to three o'clock this afternoon.
Three o'clock, P. M. — The Congress is further adjourn-
ed to half after eight o'clock to-morrow morning.
Wednesday, October 12, 1774.
Congress met agreeable to adjournment.
Upon a motion, Ordered, That Major Fuller, Colonel
Prescott, Doctor Warren, and Doctor Holten, be appointed
to return the Congress when necessary, in order the more
easily to ascertain a vote, and that they observe the fol-
lowing Divisions, viz :
The wall pews on the right of the desk for one division ;
those on the left for another ; the men's seats and the pews
adjoining them, a third ; the women's seats and the pews
adjoining them, the fourth.
Upon a motion, the question was put whether the
several Resolutions entered into by the Counties respective-
ly, be now read, and passed in the affirmative. They werfe
read accordingly.
Resolved, That a Doorkeeper be appointed.
Resolved, That Captain Barret be desired to appoint
some suitable person for a Doorkeeper ; he appointed ac-
cordingly Mr. Jeremiah Hunt for that purpose.
Ordered, That the Honourable John Hancock, Esquire,
Honourable Joseph Hawley, Esquire, Doctor Warren,
Honourable Samuel Dexter, Esquire, Honourable Colonel
Ward, Honourable Colonel Wan-en, Captain Heath,
88S
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
836
Colonel Lee, Doctor Church, Doctor Holten, Mr. Gerry,
Colonel 'I'yng, Captain Robcrson, Major Foster, and Mr.
Gorham, be a Committee to take into consideration the
state of the Province, and report as soon as may be.
Adjourned to three o'clock this afternoon.
Aflemoon.
Adjourned to nine o'clock to-morrow morning.
Tliureday, October 13, 1771.
Congress met agreeable to adjournment.
Adjourned to three o'clock this afternoon.
AAemoon.
The Committee on tlie State of the Province, reported
the following Message to his Excellency. The same was
eonsidered and accepted by the Congress, with one dis-
senting voice only, and the President requested to attest
the same.
May it please your ErccUency :
The Delegates from the several Towns in the Pro^'ince
of the Massachusetts Bay, having convened in general
Congress, beg leave to address your Excellency : — The
distressed and miserable state of the Province, occasioned
by the intolerable grievances and oppressions to which the
people are subjected, and the danger and destruction to
which they are exposed, of which your Excellency must
be sensible, and the want of a General Assembly have
rendered it indispensably necessary to collect the wisdom
of the Province by their Delegates in this Congress, to
concert some adequate remedy for preventing impending
ruin, and providing for the publick safety.
It is with the utmost concern we see your hostile prepar-
ations which have spread such alarm throughout this Prov-
ince and the whole Continent, as threatens to involve us
in all the confusion and horrours of a civil war ; and while
we contemplate an event so deeply to be regretted by
every good man, it must occasion the surprise and aston-
ishment of all mankind, that such measures are pursued
against a people whose love of order, attachment to
Britain, and loyalty to their Prince, have ever been truly
exemplary. Your Excellency must be sensible that the
sole end of Government is the protection and security of
the people. Whenever therefore that power, which was
originally instituted to effect these important and valuable
purposes, is employed to harass, distress or enslave the
people, in this case it becomes a curse rather than a bless-
The most painful apprehensions are excited in our minds
by the measures now pursuing. The rigorous execution of
the Port Bill, with improved severity, must eventually re-
duce the capital and its numerous dependencies to a state
of poverty and ruin. The Acts for altering the Charter
and the administration of justice in the Colony, are mani-
festly designed to abridge this people of their rights, and to
license murders; and if carried into execution, will reduce
them to a state of slavery. The number of Troops in the
capital, increased by daily accession drawn from the whole
Continent, together with the formidable and hostile prepa-
rations which you arc now making on Boston Neck, in our
opinion greatly endanger the lives, liberties and properties,
not only of our brethren in the town of Boston, but of
this Province in general. Permit us to ask your Excellen-
cy, whether an inattentive and unconcerned acquiescence
to such alarming, such menacing measures, would not evi-
dence a state of insanity; or, whether the delayini^ to
take every possible precaution for the security of this Prov-
ince, would not be the most criminal neijlect in a people
heretofore rigidly and justly tenacious of their constitu-
tional rights ?
Penetrated with the most poignant concern, and ar-
dently solicitous to preserve union and harmony between
Great Britain and the Colonies, so indispensalily neces-
sary to the wellbeing of both, we entreat your Excellency
to remove that brand of contention, the Fortress at the
entrance oi' Boston. We are much concerned that you
should have been induced to construct it, and tiiereby
causelessly excite such a spirit of resentment and indig-
nation as now generally prevails.
We assure you sir, that the good pco|)le of this Colony
never have had the least intention to do any injury to his
Majesty's troops ; but on the contrary most earnestly desire
that every obstacle to treating them as fellow-si\bject5
may be immediately removed ; but are constrained to tell
your Excellency, that the minds of the people will never
be relieved till those hostile works are demolished ; and
we reijuest you, as you regard his Majesty's honour and
interest, the dignity and happiness of the Empire, and the
peace and welfare of this Province, that yoii immediately
desist from the Fortress now constructing at the South
entrance into the town of Boston, and restore the pass to
its natural state.
Upon a motion,
Ordered, Tiiat a fair copy of the foregoinw^ Report
be taken and presented to his Excellency Thomas Gage,
Esquire, and that a Committee Ix; appointed to wait u))on
him early to-morrow morning with the same. According-
ly, Colonel Lee, Honourable Colonel fVard, Colonel Orne,
Captain Gardner, Henry Gardner, 12sq., Mr. Devens,
Mr. Gorham, Captain Brown, Colonel Pomeroy, Hon-
ourable Colonel Frescott, Colonel 'Fhaycr, Mr. VVilliams,
Captain Heath, Captain L'pham, Mr. Barnes, Cajjtaiii
Doolittle, Mr. Lothrop, Major Thompson, Mr. Palmer,
ftlr. Pickering, and Captain Thompson, were appointed.
Resolved, That when this Congress shall adjourn over
the Sabbath, that it be adjourned to the Court House in
Cambridge,
Then the Congress adjourned till to-morrow morning,
nine o'clock.
Friday, October 14, 1774. '
Resolved, That the JNTessage of his Excellency be print-
ed in the Boston newspapers.
Adjourned to three o'clock this afternoon.
Afternoon.
The Committee on the State of the Province reported
the following Resolve, which was read, considered and
accepted, and ordered that it be printed in the Boston
newspapers, and attested by the Secretary.
Resolved, That the several Constables and Collectors
of Taxes throughout the Province, who have or shall have
any Moneys in their hands collected on Province Assess-
ments, be advised not to pay the same, or any part thereof,
to the Honourable Harrison Gray, Esq., hut that such
Constables and Collectors, as also such Constables and
Collectors as have or shall have any County Moneys in
their hands, take and observe such ordei-s and directions
touching the same, as shall be given them by the several
Towns and Districts by whom they were chosen. And
that the Sheriffs and Deputy Sheriffs of the several Coun-
ties in the Province, who have in their hands any Prov-
ince Moneys, be also advised not to pay the same to the
said Harrison Gray, Esq., but that they retain the same
in their hands respectively, until the further advice of a
Provincial Congress, or order from a constitutional As-
sembly of this Province. And that the present Assessors
of the several Towns and Districts in the Province be
advised to proceed to make assessments of the Tax granted
by the Great and General Court of the Province at their
last 3Jay session, and that such assessments be duly paid
by the persons assessed, to such person or persons as shall
be ordered by the said Towns and Districts respectively.
And the Congress strongly recommend the payment of the
Tax accordingly.
The Congress then adjourned to the Court House in
Cambridge, there to meet on Monday next, at ten o'clock
in die forenoon.
.■Monihiy, October 17, 1774.
The Congress met according to adjournment, and ad-
journed to the Meeting House in Cambridge.
Upon a motion.
Ordered, That Ca|)tain Gardner, Mr. Watson, and Mr.
Cheevcr, be a Connnittee to wait on the Reverend Dr.
Apphton, and desire that he would attend the Congress
and open the meeting with Prayer.
The Committee reported that they had waited on the
Reverend Dr. Apphtun, and delivered the message, and
that he would wait on the Congress iminechately.
Upon a motion, the ([uesiion was put, whether applica-
tion be made to the Governoiu- of the College, for leave
837
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
838
for the Congress to sit in the New Chapel, and passed in
the negative.
Resolved, That the seats now chosen by the Members
in Congress, and tliose wliich may be chosen by them in
future upon tlieir first coming into the same, be their seats
during the session thereof.
Resolved, Tliat tlie Congress be returned in Divisions
as agreed on at Concord.
Mr. President informed tiie Congress lliat lie liad in his
hand his Excellency's Answer to our Message to him of
the diirteentii instant, directed to Colonel Lee, the Hon-
ourable Colonel Ward, Colonel Ornc, Captain Gardner,
Henry Gardner, Esq., Mr. Dcvens, Mr. Gorhain, Cap-
tain Brown, Colonel Fomeroy, Honourable Colonel Pres-
coH, Colonel Thayer, Mr. Williams, Captain Heath, Cap-
tain Upham, Mr. Barnes, Captain DooUttle, Mr. Lothrop,
Major Thompson, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Pickering, and Cap-
tain Thompson, said to be a Committee to wait on his
Excellency with a Message.
Gentlemen : The previous menaces daily thrown out,
and tiie unusual wai'like preparations throughout the coun-
try, make it an act of duty in me to pursue the measures I
have taken in constructing what you call a Fortress, which,
unless annoyed, will annoy nobody.
It is surely highly exasperating, as well as ungenerous,
even to hint that the lives, liberties or properties of any
persons, except avowed enemies, are in danger from Bri-
tains; Britain can never harbour the black design of
wantonly destroying, or enslaving, any people on earth.
And notwithstanding the enmity shewn the King's Troops,
by withholding from them almost every necessary for their
preservation, they have not as yet discovered the resent-
ment which might justly be expected to arise from such
hostile treatment.
No person can be more solicitous than myself to pro-
cure union and harmony between Great Britain and her
Colonies, and I ardently wish to contribute to the comple-
tion of a work so salutary to both countries : But an open
and avowed disobedience to all her authority, is only bid-
ding defiance to the mother country, and gives little hopes
of bringing a spirited Nation to that favourable disposition,
which a more decent and dutiful conduct might effect.
Whilst you complain of Acts of Parliament that make
alterations in your Charter, and put you in some degree
on tlie same footing with many other Provinces, you will
not forget that by your assembling, you are yourselves
subverting that Charter, and now acting in violation of
your own Constitution.
It is my duty therefore, however irregular your applica-
tion is, to warn you of the rock you are upon, and to re-
quire your to desist from such illegal and unconstitutional
proceedings. Thomas Gage.
Province House, October 17, 1774.
Resolved, That his Excellency's Answer be committed
to the Committee on the State of the Province.
Ordered, That the Letters on his Honour's table, said
to be wrote by the Reverend Mr. Peters, be committed to
the Committee on the State of the Province.
Adjourned to three o'clock this afternoon.
Afternoon.
Resolved, That in the absence of the President, the
Secretary have power to adjourn the Congress.
Ordered, That the Committee appointed to wait on the
Reverend Dr. Appleton this morning to desire his attend-
ance on tlie Congress, and open the meeting with Prayer,
again wait on him, and return him the Thanks of this
Congress for his attendance and prayer with them this
morning ; and desire that he would officiate as dieir Chap-
lain during their session here.
Adjourned until to-morrow morning, nine o'clock.
Tuesday, October 18, 1774.
Congress met pursuant to adjournment.
Ordered, That the Galleries now be cleared, and the
Doors of the House be kept shut, during the debates of
the Congress, until the further order thereof.
Resolved, That a Doorkeeper be appointed ; and that
the Jiembers of the Town of Cambridge appoint some
suitable person for that purpose. Mr. Darling was ap-
pointed accordingly.
Adjourned to three o'clock this afternoon.
Afternoon.
Moved, That the Congress now determine v\ liether they
will, or will not, reply to his Excellency's Answer.
After some debate thereon, the question was put, whe-
ther the Congress will make a Reply to his Excellency's
Answer ; and it passed in the affirmative.
Adjourned to ten o'clock to-morrow morning.
Wednesday, October 19, 1774.
Ordered, That the Doorkeeper see that the Galleries
be now cleared.
The Committee on the State of the Province reported
a Reply to his Excellency's Message. The same was
read and ordered to be recommitted.
Ordered, That Captain Heath, Major Fellows, Colo-
nel Thomas, Captain Gardner, and Colonel Pomcroy, be a
Committee to make as minute an inquiry into the present
state and operations of the Army as may be and report.
Afternoon.
Ordered, That no Members be called out.
The Committee on the State of the Province reported
an Answer to his Excellency's Message ; which, having
been read and considered, paragraph by paragraph, was
ordered to lie on the table.
Adjourned to nine o'clock to-morrow morning.
Thursday, October 20, 1774.
Tlie Committee appointed to make inquiry into the
state and operations of the Army reported. The Report,
after being read, was ordered to lie on the table.
Afternoon.
Resolved, That a Committee be appointed to consider
what is necessary to be how done for the Defence and
Safety of the Province.
Resolved, That the Committee consist of thirteen, viz:
two in the County of Suffolk, and one in each odier
County who have returned Members to this Congress.
Resolved, That each County appoint its own mem-
ber.
Tlie Members of the several Counties retired, soon
returned and reported that they had made choice of the
following gentlemen respectively, viz :
Suffolk. — The Honourable Samuel Dexter, Esq., and
Captain Heath;
Middlesex. — Captain Gardner ;
Essex. — Colonel Ome;
Hampshire. — Major Hawley ;
Plymouth. — Colonel Thomas;
Barnstable. — Daniel Davis, Esq.;
Bristol. — Colonel Walker ;
York. — Edward Cutts, Esq.;
Dukes. — Mr. Smith ;
Worcester. — Colonel Ward ;
Cumberland. — Mapr Freeman;
Berkshire. — Major Fellows;
Upon a motion,
Ordered, That the gendemen appointed by the several
Counties respectively be a Committee for the purpose
aforesaid.
The Committee on the State of the Province reported
a Resolve relative to the payment and collecting of the
outstanding Rates and Taxes; the same being read was
ordered to be recommitted.
Upon a motion.
Ordered, That the Answer to his Excellency's Message
remain on die table.
Adjourned to nine o'clock to-morrow morning.
Friday, October 21, 1774.
Congress met agreeable to adjournment.
Ordered, That Mr. Gerry, Colonel, Warren and
Colonel Lee, be a Committee to report a Letter to the
Selectmen, Overseers of the Poor, Committee of Corres-
pondence, and Committee of Donations, for the Town of
8S9
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
840
Boston, desiring their attendance at tliis Congress, to con-
suit measures lor the preservation of the Town of Boston
at this alanning crisis.
Upon a motion, llie question was put, whether the
Congress will now assign a time when tiioy will take into
consideration the propriety of recommending a day of
Pubiick Thanksgiving throughout this Province, and pass-
ed in the affirmative ; and three o'clock this afternoon was
assigned for tiiat purpose.
Upon a motion, the question was put, wliether a time
be now assigned to take into consideration the propriety of
appointing an Agent or Agents, to repair to the Government
of Canada, in order to consult with the inhabitants thereof
and settle a friendly correspondence and agreement with
them, and passed in the affinnative ; accordingly five o'clock
this afternoon was appointed for that purpose.
The Committee appointed to report a Letter to the
Selectmen of the town of Boston, and others, reported a
Letter accordingly, which was read and accepted, and the
President requested to sign the same.
Ordered, That the gentlemen wrote to and expected
from Boston, be requested to bring with them six or eight
of Rivington's late newspapers.
The Committee on the State of the Province, reported
several Resolves relative to the Counsellors and others who
have acted in obedience to the late Act of Parliament for
altering the Civil Constitution of this Government, and are
now in Boston. The same being read and considered, was
ordered to be recommitted for amendments ; which was ac-
cordingly recommitted, amended, reported, accepted, and
ordered to be printed in all the Boston newspapers, and is
as followeth, viz:
Whereas, sundry persons now in Boston, have, as man-
damus Counsellors, or in other capacities, accepted or acted
under commissions or authority derived from the Act of
Parliament passed last session, for changing the form of
Government and violating the Charter of this Province ;
and by such disgraceful, such detestable conduct, have
counteracted not only the sense of this Province, but of the
United American Colonies, in Grand Congress expressed :
.Therefore, Resolved, That the persons aforesaid who
shall not give satisfaction to this injured Province and Con-
tinent, within ten days from the publication of this Resolve,
by causing to be published in all the Boston newspapers,
acknowledgments of their former misconduct, and renuncia-
tions of tiie commissions and authority mentioned, ought to
be considered as infamous betrayers of their country ; and
that a Committee of Congress be ordered to cause their
names to be published repeatedly, that the inhabitants of
this Province, by having them entered on the Records of
each town, as Rebels against the State, may send them
down to posterity with the infamy they deserve ; and that
other parts of America may have an opportunity of stig-
matizing them in such way as shall effectually answer a
similar purpose.
Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the
good people of this Province, so far to forgive such of the
obnoxious persons aforesaid, who shall have given the satis-
faction required in the preceding Resolve, as not to molest
them for their past misconduct.
Ordered, That Major Thompson, Mr. Dcvens, and Mr.
Watson, be a Committee to cause the names of sundry
persons now in Boston, having, as mandamus Counsellors,
or in other capacities, accepted or acted under commission
or autliority derived from the Act of Parliament passed
last session, for changing the form of Government and vio-
lating the Charter of this Province, to be published re-
peatedly, in case they shall not, within ten days, give satis-
faction to this injured Province, by causing to be published
in all the Boston newspapers, acknowledgments of their
misconduct, and renunciations of the commissions and au-
thority aforesaid.
Ordered, That Mr. Appleton, Mr. Gill. Mr. PicJceriiig,
Mr. Legate, and Major Thompson, be a Committee to re-
port a Non-consumption Agreement relative to British and
India goods.
Ordered, That Mr. Palmer, Captain Doolittle, Captain
Greenleaf, Doctor Foster, and Colonel Daniclson, be a
Committee to report a Resolve reconunending the total
disuse of India Teas.
Adjourned to tluee o'clock this afternoon.
Aflornoon.
Mr. President informed the Congress that he had in his
hands a number of Rivington's newspapers ; Whereupon,
Ordered, That Mr. Gerry, Captain Farley, and Doctor
Church, be a Committee to look over the same ; and if any
thing tiierein should appear to have been written with a de-
sign to injure this Province, that they report it to the Con-
gress.
Ordered, That Mr. Gill, Major Fuller, Colonel Pres-
cott, Mr. Hall, Mr. Gardner, of Stow, Mr. Davis, and
Captain Upham, be a Committee to wait on the gentlemen,
Selectmen, and others, expected from Boston, and conduct
them to this body.
The gentlemen Selectmen, Overseers of the Poor, Com-
mittee of Correspondence, and Committee of Donations,
being introduced, a free convereation was had with them
on means for preserving the town of Boston at this alarm-
ing crisis.
The Committee appointed to bring in a Resolve recom-
mending the total disuse of India teas in this Province, re-
ported. The Report was read and accepted, and is as
followeth :
Whereas, the unnecessary and extravagant consumption
of East India Teas in time past, has much contributed to
the political destruction of tliis Province ; and as Tea has
been the mean by which a corrupt Administration have at-
tempted to tax, enslave, and ruin us ; Therefore,
Resolved, That this Congress do earnestly recommend
to the people of this Province an abhorrence and detesta-
tion of all kinds of East India teas, as the baneful vehicle of
a corrupt and venal Administration, for the purpose of in-
troducing despotism and slavery into this once happy
country ; and that every individual in this Province ought
totally to disuse the same. And it is also recommended
that every Town and District appoint a Connnittee to post
up in some pubiick place the names of all such in their re-
spective Towns and Districts, who shall sell or consume so
extravagant and unnecessary an article of luxury.
The Committee appointed to consider wliat is necessary
to be done for the defence and safety of this Province, re-
ported. The Report was read, and ordered that the con-
sideration thereof be referred until to-morrow morning.
Adjourned to nine o'clock to-morrow morning.
Saturday, October 22, 1774.
The Congress resumed the consideration of the Report
of the Committee appointed to consider what is necessary
to be done for the defence and safety of this Province ; and
ordered the same to be recommitted for amendments.
Ordered, That the Honourable John Winthrop, Esq.,
Mr. Wheeler, and Mr. Lombard, be a Committee to bring
in a Resolve recommending to the people of this Province
that they observe a day of Pubiick Thanksgiving through-
out the same ; and that they sit immediately.
Resolved, That the consideration of the propriety of
sending Agents to Canada be referred to the next meeting
of this Congress.
Ordered, That Mr. Gushing, of Scituate, Captain Doo-
little, Mr. Williams, and Mr. Palmer, be joined to the
Committee appointed to prepare a Non-consumption Agree-
ment relative to British and India goods ; and that the
Committee sit forthwith.
Moved, That a Committee be appointed to bring in a
Resolve relative to the King's Troops providing themselves
with straw. After a long debate had thereon, the question
was ordered to subside.
The Committee appointed to bring in a Resolve recom-
mending to the people of this Province to observe a day
of Pubiick Thanksgiving throughout the same, reported ;
which Report was read, amended, and accepted, and is as
followeth, viz:
From a consideration of the continuance of the Gospel
among us, and the smiles of Divine Providence upon us
with regard to the seasons of the year, and the general
health which has been enjoyed ; and in particular, from a
consideration of the union which so remarkably prevails,
not only in this Province, but throughout the Continent,
at this alarming crisis, it is resolved, as the sense of this
Congress, that it is highly jiroper that a day of Pubiick
Thanks'^iving should be observed throughout this Prov-
841
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
ince ; and it is accordingly recommended to the several
religious assemblies in the Province, that Thursday, the
fifteenth day of December next, be observed as a day of
Thanksgiving, to render thanks to Almighty God for all
the blessings we enjoy; and, at the same time, we think it
incumbent on this people to humble themselves before God,
on account of their sins, for which he hath been pleased, in
his righteous judgment, to suffer so great a calamity to befall
us as the present controversy between Great Britain and
the Colonies ; as also to implore the Divine blessing upon
us, that, by the assistance of his grace, we may be enabled
to reform whatever is amiss among us, that so God may be
pleased to continue to us the blessings we enjoy, and re-
move the tokens of his displeasure, by causing harmony
and union to he restored between Great Britain and these
Colonies, that we may again rejoice in the smiles of our
Sovereign, and in possession of those privileges which have
been transmitted to us, and have the hopeful prospect that
they shall be handed down to posterity under the Protest-
ant succession in the illustrious House of Hanover.
Afternoon.
The Report of the Committee appointed to consider
what is necessary to be done for the Defence and Safety
of the Province, being amended, was again read, and or-
dered to be recommitted for further amendment ; and was
committed accordingly.
Resolved, That the order recommending that a day of
Thanksgiving be observed throughout this Province, be
printed, and a copy thereof sent to all the religious assem-
blies in this Province ; and that the President sign the
same.
Ordered, That Mr. Apj}hton, Doctor Foster, and Mr.
Devens, be a Committee to agree with Messrs. Edes and
Gill, to print the Resolve entered into by this Congress,
recommending to the inhabitants of this Province to ob-
serve a day of Publick Thanksgiving ; and that they send
a copy thereof to all the religious assemblies therein.
Adjourned to Monday next, at ten o'clock, A. M.
Monday, October 24, 1774.
The Report of the Committee appointed to consider
what is necessary to be done for die defence and safety of
the Province, being amended, was taken into consideration,
and a long debate had thereon.
Adjourned to three o'clock, P. M.
Afternoon.
Congress met pursuant to adjournment.
Ordered, That Colonel Lee, Mr. Palmer, Captain Bat-
cheldor, Captain Keith, and Colonel Orne, be a Committee
to consider of and report to this Congress the most proper
time for this Province to provide a stock of Powder, Ord-
nance, and Ordnance Stores; and that they sit forthwith.
Ordered, That the Committee appointed to brincr in a
Non-consumption Agreement, report forthwith.
Resolved, That the debates had in Congress this after-
noon, and that all those which may be had in future, be
kept secret by the Members thereof, until leave shall be
had from the Congress to disclose the same.
Ordered, That Mr. Bliss wait upon the Committee ap-
pointed to consider of the most proper time for this Prov-
ince to provide themselves with Powder, Ordnance, &;c.
He waited on the Committee accordingly, and reported
that they would attend on the Congress in a few minutes.
The Committee came in accordingly, and reported, as their
opinion, that now was the proper time for the Province to
procure a stock of powder, ordnance, and ordnance stores.
Ordered, That Colonel Lee, Mr. Palmer, Captain Bat-
cheldor, Ca[)tain Keith, Colonel Orne, Captain Gardner,
Captain Heath, Colonel Warren, and Colonel Pomeroy,
be a Committee to take into consideration and determine
what number of Ordnance, what quantity of Powder and
Ordnance Stores will be now necessary for the Province
stock, and estimate the expense thereof.
The Congress resumed the consideration of the Report
of the Committee appointed to consider what is necessary
to be done for the defence and safety of the Province, and
ordered it to be recommitted for further amendments, and
that Captain Roberson, Major Foster, Captain Bragdon,
and Mr. Gerry, be added to the Committee.
Adjourned till to-morrow morning, nine o'clock.
Tuesday, October 25, 1774. i
Congress met agreeable to adjournment.
Ordered, That the Committee appointed to report a
Non-consumption Agreement, sit forthwith.
Mr. Wheeler brought into Congress a Letter directed to
Doctor Appleton, purporting the propriety, that while wo
are attempting to free ourselves from our present embar-
rassments, and preserve ourselves from slavery, that we
also take into consideration the state and circumstances of
the Negro Slaves in this Province. The same was read,
and it was moved that a Committee be appointed to take
the same into consideration. After some debate thereon,
the question was put, whether the matter now subside, and
it passed in the affirmative.
Ordered, That Mr. Patterson, Mr. Devens, and Doctor
Holten, be a Committee to inquire into the state of all the
stores in the Commissary General's office.
Upon a motion, the question was put, whether a Com-
mittee be appointed to take into consideration the propriety
of having the Donations which shall be made to the Poor of
the town of Boston, stored in the country, and passed in
the negative.
Resolved, That four o'clock this afternoon be assigned
to take into consideration the state of the Executive Courts
throughout this Province.
Ordered, That the Committee appointed to inquire into
the state of all the Stores in the Commissary General's of-
fice, report forthwith.
Afternoon.
Ordered, That the Doorkeeper be directed to call in
the Members.
The Committee appointed to take into consideration
what number of Ordnance, what quantity of Powder and
Ordnance Stores are now necessary for the Province stock,
and estimate the expense thereof, reported. The Report
was read, considered, and accepted ; which is as followeth :
The Committee appointed to take into consideration and
determine what number of Ordnance, quantity of Powder
and Ordnance Stores will be necessary for the Province
stock at this time, and estimate the expense, beg leave to
report the following schedule of articles as necessary to be,
procured at this time, in addition to what we are already
possessed of, with the estimate of expenses attendant,
amounting in the whole to ten thousand seven hundred
and thirty-seven pounds, viz :
16 field pieces, 3 pounders, with carnages,
irons, he. ; wheels for ditto, irons, sponges,
ladles, &c., a £30 - - - £480 0 0
4 ditto, 6 pounders, with ditto, a £38 - 152 0 0
Carriages, irons, he, for 12 battering cannon,
a £30 - - - - - 360 0 0
4 mortars, and appurtenances, viz : 2 8-inch
and 2 13-inch, o £20 - - - 80 0 0,
20 tons grape and round shot, from 3 to 24
lb., a £15 - - - - 300 0 0
10 tons bomb-shells, a £20 - - 200 0 0
5 tons lead balls, a £33 - - - 165 0 0
1,000 barrels powder, a £8 - - 8,000 0 0
Contingent charges ... 1,000 0 0
10,737 0 0
In addition to the above estimate.
Ordered, That there be procured 5,000
arms and bayonets, a £2 - - 10,000 0 0
And 75,000 flints ... iqq q q
£20,837 0 0
Ordered, That all the matters which shall come under
consideration before this Congress, be kept secret, and that
they be not disclosed to any but the Members thereof, until
the further order of this body.
The Committee appointed to consider what is necessary
to be done for the defence and safety of the Government,
reported. The Report was read.
Adjourned to eight o'clock to-morrow morning.
Wednesday, October 26, 1774.
Congress met pursuant to adjournment.
The Congress resumed the consideration of the Report
843-
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
844
of the Committee appointed to consider wl)at is necessary
to be done for tlie defence and safety of the Province, and
ordered that it be read and considered by paragraphs.
Adjourned to three o'clock this afternoon.
Afternoon.
Ordered, That the Doorkeeper be directed to call in
the Members.
The Congress then resumed the consideration of the
above Report, relative to what is necessary to be done for
the defence and safety of the Province, and ordered that
it be recommitted lor amendments ; which was amended,
read, and accepted, almost unanimously, and is as fol-
loweth, viz ;
Whereas, in consequence of the unhappy disputes be-
tween Great Britain and the Colonies, a formidable body
of troops, with warlike preparations of every sort, are al-
ready arrived at, and others destined for the metropolis of
this Province ; and the express design of their being sent is
to execute Acts of the British Parliament utterly subver-
sive of the Constitution of the Province. And whereas,
his Excellency General Gage has attempted, by his troops,
to disperse the inhabitants of Salem, whilst assembled to
consult measures for preserving their freedom, and to sub-
jugate the Province to arbitrary govemnient ; and proceed-
ing to still more unjustifiable and alarming lengths, has for-
tified against the country tiie capital of the Province, and
thus greatly endangered the lives, liberties, and properties
of its oppressed citizens ; invaded private property, by un-
lawfully seizing and retaining large quantities of ammuni-
tion in the arsenal at Boston, and sundry pieces of ordnance
and warlike stores of all sorts, provided at the publick ex-
pense for the use of the Province; and by all possible
means endeavoured to place the Province entirely in a de-
fenceless state ; at the same time having neglected and
altogether disregarded the assurances from this Congress of
the pacifick disposition of the inhabitants of the Province,
and entreaties that he would cease from measures which
tended to prevent a restoration of harmony between Great
Britain and the Colonies.
Wherefore, it is the opinion of this Congress, that not-
withstanding nothing but slavery ought more to be depre-
cated than hostilities with Great Britain; notwithstanding
the Province has not the most distant design of attacking,
annoying, or molesting his Majesty's troops aforesaid; but,
on the other hand, will consider and treat every attempt of
the kind, as well as all measures tending to prevent a re-
conciliation between Great Britain and the Colonies, as
the highest degree of enmity to the Province ; neverthe-
less, there is great reason, from the consideration aforesaid,
to be apprehensive of the most fatal consequences, and that
the Province may be in some degree provided against the
same ; and under full persuasion that the measures express-
ed in the following Resolutions are perfectly consistent with
such Resolves of the Continental Congress, as have been
communicated to us ;
Resolved, That »»»»»»»»»»*»»••»»»»»
be a Committee of Safety, to continue in office until the
further orders of this or some other Congress or House of
Representatives of the Province ; whose business it shall
be most carefully and diligently to inspect and observe all
and every such person and persons as shall, at any time,
attempt or enterprise the destruction, invasion, detriment,
or annoyance of this Province, &tc. ; which said Commit-
tee, or any five of them, (provided always, that not more
than one of the said five sliall be an inhabitant of the town
of Boston,) shall have power, and they are hereby direct-
ed, whenever they shall judge it necessary for the safety
and defence of the inhabitants of this Province, and tiieir
property, against such person or persons as aforesaid, to
alarm, muster, and cause to be assembled, with the utmost
expedition, and completely armed, accoutred, and supplied
with provisions sufficient for tlieir support in tlieir inarch
to the place of rendezvous, such and so many of the militia
of this Province, as tiiey shall judge necessary for the ends
aforesaid, and at such place or ])laces as they shall judge
proper, and then to discharge them as soon as the safely of
the Province shall permit. And this body do most ear-
nestly recommend to all the officers and soldiers of the
militia in this Province, who shall from time lo time, du-
ring the conunission of the said Committee, receive any
call or order from the said Committee, to pay the strictest
obedience thereto, as they regard the liberties and lives of
themselves and the people of this Province.
Also, Itesolved, That •»»»••»•»•••»••»»
or the major part of them, be a Committee, in case of any
such muster and assembling of the militia as aforesaid, to
make such provision as shall be necessary for their recep-
tion and support, until they shall be discharged by the or-
der of the said Committee of Safety ; and also sufficient
provisions to support them in their return to their respective
homes ; and shall also, w itliout delay, purchase and provide,
upon the credit of the moneys already granted by the Prov-
ince, not paid into the Treasury, so many pieces of cannon
and carriages for the same, small arms, such quantities of
ammunition and ordnance stores as they shall judge neces-
sary, not exceeding the value of twenty tiiousand eight
hundred and thirty-seven pounds, to be deposited in such
secure places as the said Committee of Safety shall direct.
Also, Resolved, That »»«»»•»»»•»•»»»»•
be and they hereby are appointed officers to command,
lead, and conduct, such of the militia as shall be mustered
and assembled by order of the said Committee of Safely, in
manner and for the purposes aforesaid, so long as they shall
be retained by the said Committee of Safety, and no
longer, who sliall, while in the said service, command in
the order in which they are above named.
Also, Resolved, That all the said officers and soldiers
who may be mustered and retained in service by the above
said Committee of Safety, for the purpose aforesaid, shall
be entitled to such an allowance from this Province, as
shall be adequate to their services from the time that they
shall march from their respective places of abode, until
they shall be discharged from the said service, and reason-
able time for their return home.
Also, Resolved, That it be recommended to the several
companies of militia in this Province, who ha\o not already
chosen and appointed officers, that they meet forthwith and
elect officers to command their respective companies ; and
that the officers so chosen assemble as soon as may be ; and
where the said officers shall judge the limits of the present
regiments too extensive, that they divide them and settle
and determine their limits, and proceed to elect field officers
to command the respective regiments so formed ; and that
the field officers so elected, forthwith endeavour to enlist
one quarter, at the least, of the number of the respective
companies, and form them into companies of fifty privates,
at the least, who shall equip and hold themselves in readi-
ness, on the shortest notice from the said Committee of
Safety, to march to the place of rendezvous ; and that each
and every company so formed choose a captain and two
lieutenants to conmiand them on any such emergent and
necessary service as they may be called by the Com-
mittee of Safety aforesaid ; and that the said captains
and subalterns so elected from the said companies into bat-
talions, to consist of nine companies eacli ; and the said
captains and subalterns of eacii battalion so formed, pro-
ceed to elect field oflicers to command the same. And this
Congress doth most earnestly recommend that all the afore-
said elections be proceeded in and made with due delibera-
tion and patriotick regard for the publick service.
Also, Resolved, That, as the security of the lives, liber-
ties, and properties of the inhabitants of this I'rovince, de-
pend, under Providence, on their knowledge and skill in
the art military, and in their being properly and eifectually
armed and equipped, it is therefore recommended that they
immediately jnovide themselves therewith ; that they use
their utmost diligence to perfect themselves in military
skill ; and that, if any of the inliabitants are not provided
with arms and ammunition according to law, and that, if
any Town or District within the Province, is not provided
with the full town stock of arms and amnnmition, according
to law, that the Selectmen of such Town or District take
effectual care, without delay, to provide the same.
Resolved, That the blanks in the foregoing Report be
filled up to-morrow morning at ten o'clock ; and that the
Committees and Officers therein recommended be chosen
by ballot.
Resolved, That a Committee be appointed to prepare,
in the recess of this Congres, n well digested Plan for the
Regulating and Disciplining the Milili:i, placing them in
every respect on such a pennanent fooiing as shall render
845
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
846
tliem effectual for the preservation and defence of the good
people of this Province.
Ordered, That Captain Heath, Captain Gardner, Mr.
BigcJou', Colonel Orne, and Colonel Thayer, be a Com-
mittee to take into consideration what Exercise will he best
for the people of tliis Province at this time to adopt, and
report.
Adjourned to nine o'clock to-morrow morning.
Tlnirsiliiy, October 27, 1774.
Tlie Order of the Day was moved for.
Ordered, That Colonel Warren, Doctor Holten, and
Colonel Lee, be a Comniittee to sort and count the votes
for the Committees and Officers this day to be elected.
Resolved, That the Congress will proceed to the choice
of the Conmiittce of Safety, which is to consist of nine
membei-s, viz: three in the town of Boston, and six in the
country, in the manner following, viz : they will give their
votes first for the three members of the town of Boston,
and then for the six in the country.
The Congresss accordingly proceeded to bring in their
votes for the three members of the town of Boston, and
the Committee appointed to count and sort the votes, re-
ported that the following gentlemen were chosen, viz :
Honourable John Hancock, Esquire, Doctor Warren, and
Doctor Church.
The Congress then proceeded to bring in their votes for
six gendemen of the country ; after sorting and counting
the same, the Committee reported that the following were
chosen, viz: Mr. Devcns, Captain White, of Brookline,
Mr. Palmer, Norton Qluincy, Esquire, Mr. Watson, and
Colonel Orne.
Afternoon.
The Congress proceeded to bring in their votes for five
Commissaries ; and the Committee having sorted and
counted the votes, reported that the following gentlemen
were chosen, viz : Mr. Cheever, Mr. Gill, Colonel Lee,
Mr. Grecnhaf, Colonel Warren.
Upon a motion made by Colonel Warren, that he might
be excused from serving on the Committee for Supplies ;
and having offered his reasons therefor, the question was
put, whether he be excused from serving on said Commit-
tee, and passed in the affirmative.
The Congress then proceeded to bring in their votes
for a jierson to serve in the place of Colonel Warren, who
hath been excused, and after sorting and counting the
same, they reported that Colonel Lincoln was chosen.
It was then moved, that the Congress proceed to the
choice of three General Officers; and. Resolved, That
they would first make choice of the gentleman who should
have the chief command ; and the Committee having sort-
ed and counted the votes, reported that the Honourable
Jcdediah Preble, Esquire, was chosen.
The Congress then proceeded to bring in their votes for
the second in coirnnand, and the Conmiittee having sorted
and counted the votes, reported the Honourable Artemas
Wa?-d, Escjnire, was chosen.
The Congress then proceeded to bring in their votes for
the third in command, and the Committee having sorted
and counted the votes, reported that Colonel Pomcroy was
cliosen.
The Congress then proceeded to bring in their votes for
a Committee to set in the recess of this Congress, agree-
able to die Resolve of yesterday, and the Committee hav-
ing sorted and counted the votes, reported that the follow-
ing gentlemen were chosen, viz :
The Honourable Joseph Hawley, Esquire, Honourable
John Hancock, Esquire, Honourable Samuel Dexter,
Esquire, Mr. Elbridge Gerry, Captain Heath, Major
Foster, Honourable James Warren, Esijuire.
Resolved, That to-morrow morning, nine o'clock, the
Congress will take into consideration the propriety of ap-
pointing a Receiver General.
Ordered, That die Members be enjoined to attend, and
that they do not absent themselves for any cause save
that of absolute necessity.
Resolved, That the Replication of Iiis Excellency's
Answer which was ordered to lie on the table for the Mem-
bers to review, be now taken up and recommitted for
some amendments. ,.' ■•l' •■■'
Upon a motion the question was put, whether the Hon-
ourable Samuel Danforth, Esquire, be desired to attend
this Congress upon the adjournment, and passed in the
negative.
Upon a motion, the question was put, severally, whether
the Honourable James Pitts, Esquire, Honourable Arte-
mas JVard, Esquire, Honourable Benjamin Greenleaf,
Esquire, Honourable Caleb Gushing, Esquire, Honourable
Samuel Phillips, Esquire, Honourable Richard Derby,
Esquire, Honourable James Otis, Esquire, Honourable
M'illiam Seaver, Esquire, Honourable Walter Spooner,
Esquire, Honourable Benjamin Chadburn, Esquire, Hon-
ourable Jedediah Preble, Esquire, and the Honourable
George Leonard, Esquire, be desired to attend this Con-
gress at the next meeting upon the adjournment, and passed
in the affirmative.
The question was then put, whether the Honourable
John Erving, Esq., and the Honourable JercnM«A Powell,
Esquire be desired also to attend this Congress, upon its
being evident that they had not accepted, and upon their
having given full assurances that they would not accept of
their commission as mandamus Counsellors, and it passed
in the affirmative.
Ordered, That Mr. Gushing, Colonel Prescott, and
Captain Greenleaf, be a Committee to bring in a Resolve
inviting the Counsellors aforesaid to attend accordingly.
Adjourned till to-morrow morning, nine o'clock.
Friday, October 28, 1774.
The Order of the Day was moved for.
Resolved, That the Congress now proceed to the choice
of a Receiver General.
Ordered, That Colonel Warren, Doctor Holten, and
Colonel Lee, be a Committee to count and sort the votes
for a Receiver General.
Tiie Congress then proceeded to bring in their votes for
a Receiver General ; the Committee having counted and
sorted the same, reported that the Honourable Samuel
Dexter, Esquire, was chosen. But upon a motion by him
made, that he might be excused from serving in that office,
and having offered his reasons for his motion, the question
was put, whether he be excused accordingly, and it passed
in the affirmative.
Resolved, That the choice of a Receiver General be
put off till three o'clock this afternoon.
The Committee on the State of the Province reported
a Resolve, relative to the removal of the inhabitants of
the town of Boston from thence, which was read.
Afternoon.
Upon a motion made by Mr. Greenleaf, one of the
Committee for providing stores, that he might be excused
from serving in that office, and having offered his reasons
for his motion, the question was put, whether he be ex-
cused accordingly, and it passed in the affirmative.
The Congress resumed the consideration of the Report
of die Committee, recommending the removal of the in-
habitants of the town of Boston from thence. Ordered to
be recommitted, and that the Committee sit forthwith.
Resolved, That the Congress now proceed to the choice
of a Receiver General. The votes being carried in, and the
Committee having sorted and counted the same, reported
that Henry Gardner, Esquire, was chosen.
Resolved, That the Congress now proceed, according to
their order in the forenoon, to bring in their votes for the
choice of a person to fill up the Committee for providing
stores, in the place of Mr. Greenleaf, who was excused.
The Committee having sorted and counted the same, re-
ported that Mr. Benjamin Hall was chosen.
The Committee on the State of the Province reported
a Resolve relative to the Collecting and Paying the out-
standing Taxes, which was read and accepted ; but, upon a
motion, the above vote was reconsidered, and the Report
was committed to Major Hawley, Mr. Gerry, and Major
Foster, for amendments, which was done, was again con-
sidered and accepted, and is as followeth, viz:
Whereas, the Moneys heretofore granted and ordered to
be assessed by the General Court of this Province, and
not jiaid into the Province Treasury, will be immediately
wanted to supply the unexpected and pressing demands of
this Province, in its present distressed circumstances, and
(847
MASSACHUSETTS PROVIKCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
848
it having been recommended by this Congress tliat tiie
same should not be paid to the Honourable Harrison
Gray, Esquiie, for reasons most obvious ; Therefore,
llesolvtd, That Henry Gardner, Esquire, be, and be
hereby is, appointed Receiver General until the further order
ol this or some other Coni;ross, or House of Representa-
tives of this Province, whose business it shall be to receive
all such moneys as shall be offered to be payed into his
hands for the use of the Province by the several Constables,
Collectors, and other persons, by order of the several Towns
or Districts, and to give his receipt for tiie same ; and the
same moneys to pay out to the Committee of Supplies, or
a major ])art of them, already appointed by this Congress,
or the order of said Committee, or the major part of them,
for the payment of such disbursements as they shall find
to be necessary for the immediate defence of the inhabi-
tants of this Province. And it is hereby recommended to
the several Towns and Districts within this Province, that
they immediately call Town and District Meetings, and give
directions to all Constables, Collectors, and other persons
who may have any part of the Province ]Money collect-
ed by Taxes of such Towns or Districts in their respective
hands or possession, in consequence of any late order and
directions of any Towns or Districts, that he or they im-
mediately pay the same to the said Heiiry Gardner, Esq.,
for the purposes aforesaid.
And it is also recommended, lliat the several Towns and
Districts in said directions signify and expressly engage, to
such Constables, Collectors, or other persons, who shall
have their said moneys in their hands, that their paying
the same in manner as aforesaid, and producing a receipt
therefor, shall ever hereafter operate as an effectual dis-
charge to such persons for the same. And it is hereby
recommended, that the like order be observed respecting
the Tax ordered by the Great and General Court at their
last May session.
And it is hereby further recommended to all SherilFs
who may have in their hands any moneys belonging to the
Province, that they immediately pay the same to the
said Receiver General, for the purposes aforesaid, taking
his receipt therefor.
And the said Henry Gardner, Esquire, the Receiver
General, shall be accountable to this or some other Con-
gress or House of Representatives of this Province, for
whatever they shall do touching the premises. And to
the end that all the moneys heretofore assessed in pursu-
ance to any former grants and orders of the Great and
General Court or Assembly of this Province, and hitherto
uncollected by the several Constables and Collectors, to
whom the several lists of assessments thereof were com-
mitted, may be effectually levied and collected, and also
to the end, that all the moneys granted, and ordered to be
assessed by the General Court at their session in May last,
which have been assessed, or which may be assessed, may
be also speedily and punctually collected, it is earnestly
recommended by this body, to the several Constables and
Collectors respectively, who have such assessments in their
hands, or to whom any assessments yet to be made, may
be committed by the Assessors of any Towns or Districts,
that in the levying and collecting the respective part or pro-
portion of the total of such assessments, therein set down to
the several pei-sons named therein, they should act and
proceed in the same manner as is expressed and prescribed
in the form of a Warrant given and contained in one act or
law of this Province, entitled, " An Act prescribing the
form of a Warrant for collecting of Town Assessments," Sic.
And it is also hereby strongly recommended to all the inha-
bitants of the several Towns and Districts in this Province,
that they, without fail, do afford to their respective Consta-
bles and Collectors all that aid and assistance which shall
be necessary to enable them in that manner to levy the
contents of such assessments, and that they do oblige and
compel the said Constables and Collectors to con)ply with
and execute the directions of this Resolve, inasmuch as
the present most alarn)ing situation and circumstances of
this Province does make it absolutely necessary for the
safety thereof.
Ordered, That Mr. Appleton, Mr. Cushing, and Mr.
Palmer be a Committee to bring in a Resolve relative to a
iN'on-consumption Agreement.
Ordered, That Major Hawley, Mr. Cusldiii^, and Mr.
Gerry, be a Committee to prepare and bring in a Resolve
relative to au Equal Representation of the Province in
Congress at the next meeting thereof.
The Committee appointed to bring in a Resolve inviting
the constitutional Counsellors of this Province to attend
this Congress at the next meeting thereof uj)on adjourn-
ment, reported ; which Report was read and accepted, and
is as followeth, viz :
Resolved, That the Honourable John Erving, Esquire,
Honourable Samuel I'itts, Esquire, Honourable Artemas
Ward, Esquire, Honourable Btujamin Greenlcaf, Esquire,
Honourable Caleb Cushing, Esquire, Honourable Samuel
Phillips, Esquire, Honourable Richard Derby, Esquire,
Honourable James Otis, Esquire, Honourable William
Seaver, Esquire, Honourable Walter Spooner, Esquire,
Honourable Jeremiah Powell, Esquire, Honourable Benr-
jamin Chadburn, Esquire, Honourable Jtdcdiah Preble,
Esquire, and the Honourable George Leonard, Esquire,
constitutional Members of his INIajesty's Council of this
Colony, by the Royal Charter, chosen to said office last
3Iay session, be desired to give their attendance at the
next meeting of this Congress upon adjournment, that this
body may have the benefit of their advice upon tlie impor-
tant matters that may then come under consideration. And
the Secretary of this Congress is hereby directed to trans-
mit to those gentlemen severally a copy of this Resolve.
The Committee appointed to bring in a Resolve relative
to a Non-consumption Agreement, reported. The Report
was read and ordered to be committed for amendments. It
was accordingly amended, read again, and accepted, and is
as followeth, viz :
Whereas, this Province have not, as yet, received from
the Continental Congress such explicit directions respecting
Non-importation and Non-consumption Agreements as are
expected ; and whereas, the greatest part of the inhabitants
of this Colony have lately entered into Non-importation
and Non-consumption Agreements, the goodeffects of which
are very conspicuous. Therefore,
Resolved, That this Congress approve of the said
Agreements, and earnestly recommend to all the inhabit-
ants of this Colony, strictly to conform to the same, until the
further sense of the Continental or the Provincial Congress
is made publick. And further, this Congress highly ap-
plaud the conduct of those patriotick Merchants who have
generously refrained Irom importing British goods since
the commencement of the cruel Boston Port I3ill ; at the
same time reflect with pain on the conduct of those who
have sordidly preferred their private interest to the salvation
of their sulFering country, by continuing to import as usual ;
and recommend it to the inhabitants of the Province that
they discourage the conduct of said Importers by refusing
to purchase any articles whatever of them.
Resolved, That the foregoing Report be published.
The Committee appointed to inquire into the state of
the wariike stores in the Commissary General's office,
reported ; and it was thereupon
Ordered, That Captain Heath, Doctor Warren, and
Doctor Church, be a Committee to take care of, and lodge
in some safe place in the country, the warlike stores now
in the Commissary General's office, and that the matter
be conducted with the greatest secrecy.
Resolved, That the Committee of Correspondence of
the town of Worcester be desired to take proper care that
the bayonets, the property of this Province, now in the
hands of Colonel Chandler, be removed to some safe place
at a distance from his house.
Adjourned to nine o'clock to-morrow morning.
Saturday, October 29, 1774.
The Committee appointed to take into consideration
what ^Military Exercise is best for the people of this Prov-
ince now to adopt, reported ; the Report was read and ac-
cepted, and
Ordered, That Major Foster bring in a Resolve ac-
cordingly ; who, in obedience to the above order, reported
the following Resolve, which was read and accepted, and
ordered to be jjublished in tiie Boston newspapers :
Resolved, That it be recommended to the inhabitants of
this Province, that in order to their perfecting themselves
in the Military Art, they proceed in the method ordered
by his Majesty in the year 1764, it being, in the opinion
848
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
850
of this Congress, best calculated for appearance and
defence.
Upon a motion, the question was put, wliether the Con-
gress will now go into the consideration of the propriety
of keeping the Records of the County of Suffolk in the
Town of Boston, and passed in the affinnative.
After a very considerable debate on the question, it was
ordered that the matter now subside.
Resolved, That the consideration of the state of the
Executive Courts in the Province be referred to the next
meeting of this Congress.
Ordered, That Captain Gardner, Mr. Wheeler, and
Mr. Watson, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend
Doctor Appleton, with Tiiauks of this body for his constant
attendance on, and praying with them, during tlieir session
in the Town of Cambridge.
Ordered, That the payment of the several expenses of
this Congress be referred until the next meeting thereof.
Resolved, That the Committee of Safety be desired to
write to the Continental Congress, showing them the
grounds and reasons of our proceedings, and enclose them
a copy of our Votes and Resolutions.
Ordered, That Major Foster, Doctor Iloltcn, and Mr.
Appleton, be a Committee to look over the Resolves and
Orders of this Congress, and point out what is necessary
now to be made publick.
The Committee appointed to wait on the Reverend
Doctor Appleton with the Thanks of this Congress, reported
that they had attended to that service, and that the Doctor
informed them that the Congress were welcome to his ser-
vices, and that he wished tiiem the blessing of Heaven.
Resolved, That when this Congress shall adjourn that
It be adjourned to the 23d day of JSovembcr next, at ten
o'clock in the forenoon, then to meet at this place.
The Committee on the State of the Province having
amended the Replication to his Excellency's Answer to
our Message to him, the same being read, was accepted
unanimously.
Ordered, That Captain Heath, Captain fVhite, Cap-
tain Gardner, Mr. Cheever, and Mr. Deaven, be a Com-
mittee to wait on his Excellency with the following Re-
plication to his Excellency :
May it please your Excellency :
The Province having been repeatedly alarmed by your
Excellency's unusual and warlike preparations since your
arrival into it, and having by this Congress expressed a
reasonable expectation that you would desist from, and
demolish your Fortifications on Boston Neck, it must afford
matter of astonishment not only to the Province, but the
whole Continent, that you should treat our importunate
applications with manifest insensibility and disregard.
The Congress are possessed of a writing with your sig-
nature, which purports itself to be a Message to this body,
although addressed to sundry gentlemen by name, who,
officiating as our Committee, presented an Address to your
Excellency. We are surprised at your saying, that " what
we call a Fortress, unless annoyed, will annoy nobody ;"
when, from your acquaintance with the Constitution of
Britain, and of the Province over which you have been
by his Majesty commissioned to preside, you must know
that barely keeping a Standing Army in the Province, in
time of peace, without consent of the Representatives, is
against law, and must be considered as a great grievance
to the subject — a grievance which this people could not,
with a due regard to freedom, endure, was there not
reason to hope that his Alajesty, upon liis being unde-
ceived, would order redress? Is it not astonishing then, sir,
that you should have ventured to assert that a "fortress,"
by whatever name your Excellency is pleased to call it,
which puts it in the power of the Standing Army which
you command to cut off the communication between the
country and the capital of this Province ; to imprison the
many thousand inhabitants of the Town of Boston ; to in-
sult and destroy them upon the least, or even without any
provocation, and which is evidently a continual annoyance
to that oppressed community, " unless annoyed, will annoy
nobody ?"
A retrospect of your Excellency's conduct, since your
late residence in this Province, we conclude will convince
you of that truth, the mere hinting of which, you tell us,
FouKTH Series.
" is highly exasperating as well as ungenerous." We pre-
sume your Excellency will not deny that you have exerted
yourself to execute the Acts made to subvert the Constitu-
tion of the Province, although your Excellency's con-
nections with a Ministry inimical to the Province, and your
being surrounded by men of the worst political principles,
preclude a prospect of your fully exercising towards this
Province your wonted benevolence and humanity ; yet,
sir, we pray you to indulge your social virtues so far as
to consider tlie necessary feelings of this people under
the hand of oppression. Have not invasions of private
property, by your Excellency, been repeatedly made at
Boston ! Have not the inhabitants of Salem, whilst peace-
ably assembled for concerting measures to preserve their
freedom, and unprepared to defend themselves, been in
imminent danger from your Troops ? Have you not, by
removing the Ammunition of the Province, and by all other
means in your power, endeavoured to put it in a state
utterly defenceless ? Have you not expressly declared
that " resentment might justly be expected " from your
Troops, merely in consequence of a refusal of some inha-
bitants of the Province to supply them with property
undeniably their own ? Surely these are questions founded
on incontestible facts, which, we think, must prove that
while the "avowed enemies" of Great Britain and the
Colonies are protected by your Excellency, the lives, liber-
ties, and properties of the inhabitants of the Province, who
are real friends to the British Constitution, are greatly en-
dangered, whilst under the control of your Standing Army.
It must be matter of grief to every true Britain, that
the honour of British Troops is sullied by the infamous
errand on which they are sent to America ; and whilst in
the unjust cause, in which you are engaged, menaces will
never produce submission from the people of this Province.
Your Excellency as well as the Army can only preserve
your honour by refusing to submit to the most disgraceful
prostitution of subserving plans so injurious, so notoriously
iniquitous and cruel to this people.
Your Excellency professes to be solicitous for " preserv-
" ing union and harmony between Great Britain and the
" Colonies ;" and we sincerely hope that you will distin-
guish yourself by exertions for this purpose ; for should
you be an instrument of involving in a civil war this op-
pressed and injured land, it must forever deprive you of
that tranquillity which finally bids adieu to those whose
hands have been polluted with innocent blood.
Your Excellency reminds us of the spirit of the British
Nation ; we partake, we rejoice in her honours, and espe-
cially revere her for her great national virtues ; we hope
she never will veil her glory, or hazard success by exert*
ing that spirit in support of tyranny. j
Your Excellency's strange misconception of facts is not
less conspicuous in the close of your Message than in
many other parts of it. You have suggested that the
conduct of the Province, for supporting the Constitution,
is an instance of its violation. To declare the truth, rela-
tive to this matter, must be a full vindication of our con-
duct therein.
The powers placed in your Excellency, for the good of
the Province, to convene, adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve
the General Court, have been perverted to ruin and en-
slave the Province, while our constituents, the loyal sub-
jects of his Majesty, have been compelled for the laudable
purposes of preserving the Constitution, and therein their
freedom, to obtain the wisdom of the Province in a way
which is not only justifiable by reason, but under the pre-
sent exigencies of the State, directed by the principles of
the Constitution itself; wareanted by the most approved
precedent and examples, and sanctified by the British
Nation, at the Revolution ; upon the strength and validity
of which precedent the whole British Constitution now
stands, his present Majesty wears his Crown, and all
subordinate officers hold their places. And although we
are willing to put the most favourable construction on the
warning you have been pleased to give us of the " rock
on which we are," we beg leave to inform you that our
constituents do not expect that, in the execution of that
important trust which they have reposed in us, we should
be wholly guided by your advice. We trust, sir, that
we shall not fail in our duty to our country and loyalty to
our King, or in a proper respect to your Excellency.
54
851
MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER, 1774.
852
Resolved, That the foregoing Replication to his Excel-
lency's Answer be published in the newspapers.
Ordered, That Major Hawhy, Colonel Lee, and Mr.
Gerry, be a Committee to extract such parts of the Re-
solves which passed in this Congress, the 26th and 28tii
current, and are necessary now to be published ; who re-
ported as followeth ;
Wiiereas it has been recommended by this Congress
that the Moneys heretofore granted and ordered to be
assessed by the General Court of this Province, and not
paid into the Province Treasury, should not be paid to
the Honourable Harrison Gray, Esquire, for reasons
most obvious.
Therefore, Resolved, That Henry Gardner, Esquire,
of Stow, be, and hereby is, appointed Receiver General
until the further order of this or some other Congress or
House of Representatives of this Province, whose business
it shall be to receive all such Moneys as shall be offered to
be paid into his hands for the use of the Province, by the
several Constables, Collectors, or other persons, by order of
the several Towns or Districts, and to give his receipt for
the same. And it is hereby recommended to the several
Towns and Districts, within this Province, tliat they imme-
diately call Town and District Meetings, and give direc-
tions to all Constables, Collectors, and other persons who
may have any part of the Province Tax of such Town
or District in their respective hands or ]jossession, in con-
sequence of any late order and directions of any Town or
District, that he or they immediately pay the same to the
said Henry Gardner, Esquire, for the purjxises aforesaid.
And it is also recommended that the several Towns and
Districts in said directions signify and expressly engage to
such Constable, Collector, or other persons as shall have
their said Moneys in their hands, that their paying the
same to Henry Gardner, Esquire, aforesaid, and produc-
ing his receipt therefor, shall ever thereafter operate as an
effectual discharge to such persons for the same. And it
is hereby recommended that the like order be observed
respecting the Tax ordered by the Great and General
Court at their last May sessions. And it is further recom-
mended to all Sheriffs or Deputy Sheriffs, or Coroners
who may have in their hands any Moneys belonging to the
Province, that they immediately pay the same to the
said Receiver General, taking his receipt therefor. And
the said Henry Gardner, Esquire, the Receiver General,
shall be accountable to this or some other Congress or
House of Representatives of this Province.
And to the end that all the Moneys heretofore assessed in
pursuance of any former grants and orders of the Great and
General Court or Assembly of this Province, and hitherto
uncollected by the several Constables and Collectors to
whom the several lists of assessment thereof were com-
mitted, may be effectually levied and collected ; and also
to the end that all the Moneys granted or ordered to be
assessed by the General Court at their sessions in May
last, which have been assessed, or which may be assess-
ed, may be also speedily and punctually collected, it is
earnestly recommended by this body to the several Con-
stables and Collectors, respectively, who have such as-
sessments in their hands, or to whom any assessments yet
to be made may be committed by the assessors of any
Towns or Districts, that, in levying and collecting the re-
spective part or proportion of the total of such assessments
therein set down to the several persons named therein,
they should act and proceed in the same way and manner
as is expressed and provided in the form of a warrant,
given and contained in one Act or Law of this Province,
entitled " An Act prescribing the form of a Warrant for
collecting of Town Assessments," &.c.
And it is hereby strongly recommended to all the inha-
bitants of the several Towns and Districts in this Province,
that they without fail do afford to their respective Con-
stables and Collectors all that aid and assistance which
shall be necessary to enable them in that manner to levy
the contents of such assessments ; and that they do oblige
and compel the said Constables and Collectors to comply
with and execute the directions of this Resolve ; and inas-
much as the present most alarming situation and circum-
stances of this Province do make it absolutely necessary
for the safety thereof.
Whereas, in consequence of tlie present unhappy dis-
putes between Great Britain and the Colonies, a formi-
dable body of Troops, with warlike preparations of every
sort, are already arrived at, and others destined for the
metropolis of this Province; and the express design of
their being sent is to execute Acts of the British Parlia-
ment utterly subversive of the Constitution of the Prov-
ince ; and whereas his Excellency General Gage has
attempted by his Troops to disperse the inhabitants of
Salem, whilst assembled to consult measures for preserving
their freedom, and to subjugate the Province to arbitrary
Government; and, proceeding to still more unjustifiable
and alarming lengths, has fortified against the country the
capital of the Province, and thus greatly endangered the
lives, liberties, and properties of its oppressed citizens;
invaded private property by unlawfully seizing and retain-
ing large quantities of Ammunition in the arsenal at Bos-
ton, and sundry pieces of Ordnance in the same Town ;
committed to the custody of his Troops the Arms, Ammu-
nition, Ordnance, and warlike Stores of all sorts, provided
at the publick expense, for the use of the Province ; and
by all possible means endeavoured to place the Province
entirely in a defenceless state, at the same time having
neglected and altogether disregarded assurances from this
Congress of the pacifick dispositions of the inhabitants of
the Province, and entreaties that he would cease from
measures which tended to prevent a restoration of har-
mony between Great Britain and the Colonies :
Wherefore it is the opinion of this Congress, that not-
withstanding nothing but slavery ought more to be depre-
cated than hostilities with Great Britain, notwitstanding
the Province has not the most distant design of attacking,
annoying, or molesting his Majesty's Troops, aforesaid, but
on the other hand will consider and treat every attempt of
the kind, as well as all measures tending to prevent a
reconciliation between Great Britain and the Colonies as
the highest degree of enmity to the Province, nevertheless
there is great reason, from the considerations aforesaid, to
be apprehensive of the most fatal consequences ; and that
the Province may be in some degree provided against the
same, and under full persuasion that the measures expres-
sed in the following Resolves are perfectly consistent with
such Resolves of the Continental Congress as have been
communicated to us, it is resolved, and hereby recom-
mended to the several Companies of Militia in this Prov-
ince, who have not already chosen and appointed officers,
that they meet forthwith, and elect officers to command
their respective Companies ; and that the officers so chosen
assemble as soon as may be ; and where the said officers
shall judge the limits of the present Regiments too exten-
sive that they divide them, and settle and determine their
limits, and proceed to elect field officers to command their
respective Regiments; and that the field officers, so elected,
forthwith endeavour to enlist one-quarter, at least, of the
number of the respective Companies, and form them into
Companies of fifty Privates, at the least, who shall equip
and hold themselves in readiness to march at the shortest no-
tice ; and that each and every Company, so formed, choose
a Captain and two Lieutenants to command them on any
necessary and emergent service, and that the said Captain
and Subalterns, so elected, form the said Companies into
Battalions, to consist of nine Companies each, and that
the Captain and Subalterns of each Battalion, so formed,
proceed to elect field officere to command the same.
And the Congress doth most earnestly recommend that
all the aforesaid elections be proceeded in and made
with due deliberation and generous regard to the publick
service.
Also Resolved, That the security of the lives, liberties,
and properties of the inhabitants of this Province depends,
under Providence, on their knowledge and skill in the Art
Military, and in their being properly and effectually armed
and equipped ; if any of said inhabitants are not provided
with Arms and Ammunition, according to law, that they im-
mediately provide theni'^elves therewith, and that they use
their utmost diligence to perfect themselves in the military
skill ; and that if any Town or District within the Province
is not provided with the full Town stock of Amis and Am-
munition, according to law, that the Selectmen of such
Town or District take effectual care, without delay, to
provide the same.
853
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
854
> The Committee on the State of the Province, reported
a Resolve relative to the Removal of the inhabitants of the
Town of Boston. After the same was read and some debate
had thereon, the question (upon a motion made) was put,
whether the matter now subside, and it passed in the
affirmative.
Resolved, As the opinion of this Congress, that Carn-
hridge is the most eligible place for the Committee of
Safety, at present, to sit in.
Resolved, That two gentlemen be added to the Com-
mittee of Safety.
Ordered, That Colonel Prescott, Doctor Holten, and
Mr. Gill, be a Committee to count and sort the votes focj»
two gentlemen to be added to the Committee of Safety.
The Congress then proceeded to bring in their votes.
After counting and sorting the same, the Committee re-
ported that Mr. Pigeon and Captain Heath were chosen.
Resolved, That the extracts of the Resolves, relative to
the Militia, which passed this day be printed, and a copy
tliereof sent to all the Towns and .Districts in this Prov-
ince.
The Congress adjourned till the 23d day of November
next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, then to meet in this
place.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FHOM A GENTLEMAN IN MON-
TREAL, TO HIS FRIEND IN NEW-YORK, DATED OCTOBER
9, 1774.
I must beg leave to trouble you to get the enclosed
printed in Mr. Holt's Paper as soon as possible. The
paper contains the Resolves of all the English inhabitants
of Montreal, at a full meeting, where they showed their
abhorrence of the (Quebec Act, which establishes the
French laws in this Province, and puts the lives and pro-
perties of every person in it in the power of the Gov-
ernour, who, when the Act takes place, will have a much
greater power than a Spanish Viceroy.
The Canadians, in general, are greatly alarmed at being
put under their former laws, of which they had long se-
verely felt the bad effects ; though the French Noblesse
and gentry, indeed, are very well pleased with the new
Act, which restores the old, as they expect to lord it over
the industrious farmer and trader, and live upon their
spoils, as they did before the conquest. These latter,
tliough greatly dissatisfied and alarmed at this Act, dare
not complain, for fear of the displeasure of their Priests,
who rule and govern this whole country as they please ;
however, all the English in the Province (except a few
tools and dependants of the Govemour) are unanimous,
and determine to struggle hard to obtain a repeal of this
abominable Act ; which, if continued, would greatly hurt
the trade of iSeto- York and the other Colonies joining on
us. It has been said that some Canadian regiments would
be raised and sent against you ; but depend on it none
will go willingly, except their officers ; and for the others,
it will require a regiment of soldiers to a regiment of Cana-
dians, to oblige them to go ; besides, they cannot, without
ruining the country, spare two thousand men out of it.
" At a General Meeting of the English Inhabitants of
the Town of Montreal, to consult on the most proper and
best method to represent to his Majesty and the Parliament
a true state of this Province, by acquainting them of the
share we have of the trade ; the landed property we pos-
sess ; the miserable state we found this Province in, and
the flourishing state we have brought it to; — the recom-
pense we are to receive by a late Act of Parliament, is,
to be deprived of those valuable parts of our Constitution —
the trial by jury and the Habeas Corpus Act, and subjected
to laws made by a Legislative Council, composed of people
entirely dependent on the Governour, and agreeable to the
despotick laws of France. And that if such an Act takes
place, as we shall have no security for our pro])erty nor re-
ligion, (the Roman Catholick religion being by said Act
the established religion of the country,) we must be reduced
to the unhappy necessity of living as slaves, or abandoning
the country and a great part of our property ; and the
Province must return to its former miserable situation.
There was the greatest unanimity amongst the English,
when the following gentlemen, viz : Thomas Walker, Esq.,
Isaac Todd, Esq., Mr. James Price, Mr. John Blake, Mr.
Alexander Paterson, and Mr. John Porteus, were chosen
a Committee to repair to (Quebec, to act in conjunction
with the English there on this alarming occasion. They
likewise entered into a very generous subscription for the
expense that might attend their obtaining relief."
ELIPHALET DYER, ROGER SHERMAN, AND SILAS DEANE,
TO GOVERNOUR TRUMBULL.
PliiUdclpliia, October 10, 1774.
Sir: We arrived in this city the 1st of September last,
and the Delegates from Virginia, North Carolina, and
JSeiv-York, not being come, the Congress was not formed
until the fifth, when the Honourable Peyton Randolph,
Esquire, was unanimously chosen President, and Charles
Thomson, Esquire, Secretary. A list of the Members we
enclose.
The mode of voting in this Congress was first resolved
upon ; which was, that each Colony should have one voice ;
but as this was objected to as unequal, an entry was made
on the Journals to prevent its being drawn into precedent
in future.
Committees were then appointed to state American
rights and grievances, and the various Acts of the British
Parliament which affect the trade and manufactures of these
Colonies. On these subjects the Committees spent several
days, when the Congress judged it necessary, previous to
completing and resolving on these subjects, to take under
consideration that of ways and means for redress.
On the 16th arrived an express from Boston, with let-
ters to the Delegates, and the Suffolk Resolves. These
were laid before the Congress, and were highly approved
of and applauded, as you will see by the enclosed paper of
the 19th, in which the proceedings of the Congress thereon
is ])ublished at large by their order. A general non-im-
portation of British goods and manufactures, or of any
goods from thence, appearing to the Congress one of the
means of redress in our power, and which might probably
be adopted to prevent future difficulties and altercations on
this subject, among those who might now, or for some time
past had been sending orders for goods, the Congress
unanimously came into the enclosed Resolution on the 22d,
and the same was ordered to be published immediately.
Since this a non-importation and non-consumption of goods,
&.C., from Great Britain and Ireland, from and after the
first of December next, has been unanimously resolved on ;
but to carry so important a Resolution into effect, it is ne-
cessary that every possible precaution should now be taken,
on the one hand to prevent wicked and desperate men from
breaking through and defeating it, either by fraud or force,
and on the other, to remove as far as possible every
temptation to or necessity for the violation thereof. For
this a Committee is appointed, who, not having as yet com-
pleted their report, nothing is published particularly on this
subject, more than what we now are at liberty in general to
relate.
We have the pleasure of finding the whole Congress,
and through them the whole Continent, of the same senti-
ment and opinion of the late Proceedings and Acts of the
British Parliament ; but, at the same time, confess our
anxiety for greater despatch of the business before us than
it is in our power, or perhaps in the nature of the subject,
to effect.
An assembly like this, though it consists of less than
sixty members, yet, coming from remote Colonies, each of
which has some modes of transacting publick business pecu-
liar to itself — some particular Provincial rights and interests
to guard and secure, must take some time to become .so ac-
quainted with each one's situations and connections, as to
be able to give an united assent to the ways and means
proposed for effecting what all are ardently desirous of. In
this view, our President, though a gentleman of great worth,
and one W'ho fills and supports the dignity of his station to
universal acceptance, yet cannot urge forward matters to an
issue with that despatch which he might in a different as-
sembly. Nor, considering the great importance of some-
thing more than a majority, an unanimity, would it be safe
and prudent — unanimity being, in our view, of the last im-
portance. Every one must be heard even on those points
or subjects which in themselves are not of the last import-
855
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, OCTOBER, 1774.
856
ance ; and, indeed, it often happens, tliat what is of little
or no consequence to one Colony, is of the last to another.
We have thus hinted to your Honour our general situa-
tion, which we hope will account for our being delayed
here beyond the time which either the Colony or we our-
selves expected.
Though our private concerns and connections, as well as
the publick expectation and interest of the Colony, mge us
to make all possible despatch, yet, as we find it would not
only be of dangerous consequence, but perhaps impractica-
ble to attempt pushing matters to a decision faster than they
now come to it in the course they now are, we find it
most prudent patiently to wait the issue. We shall be able
to write you more particularly in a few days, but could not
omit this opportunity of writing thus far on the subject of
our Delegation here.
We take the liberty to enclose a copy of Lord Dunmore's
Proclamation, [dated Fort Dunmore, September 17,] on
which we shall only say it appears in some parts of it very
extraordinary, and would occasion much greater speculation
here than it does, were it not that few or none, save the
Proprietors, consider themselves interested in the contro-
versy ; and the whole attention of the publick is taken up
on more important subjects.
Laurel Hill is about forty miles on this side of Fort Du
Quesne, alias Fort Pitt, and is a range of mountains run-
ning northerly nearly in a line with the west boundary of
the Province of Mary/and, and cuts off from this Province
one whole County lately erected, by the name of West-
moreland. His Lordship is now in those parts near the
Ohio, with an Army of fifteen hundred Virginians, re-
ducing the Indian Tribes to subjection, or driving them oft'
the land.
We cannot be positive as to the time of our return, but
hope to be at New-Haven before the rising of the Assem-
bly, and may probably be able to write with greater cer-
tainty in our next. We are, with the greatest respect, your
Honour's most obedient and most humble servants,
Eliphalet Dyer,
Roger Sherman,
Silas Deane.
P. S. Since writing the above, we see the Resolutions
of the Congress, Suffolk County, &ic., are printed in the
Commissioners' papers, therefore judge it unnecessary to
enclose them.
Newport (Rhode Island) October 17, 1774.
On Tuesday, the 11th instant, arrived here the ship
Charlotte, Captain Rogers, from London, which he left
the 15th of August, and brought with him Mr. Samuel
Dyre, o( Boston, who gives this account of himself: That,
on the 6th of July last, early in the morning, he was kidnap-
ped by the soldiers in Boston, in consequence of orders from
Colonel Maddison, and carried into the camp, confined in
irons, and kept so till early the next morning, when he was
conveyed on board the Captain, Admiral Montagu, still in
chains. When he was first confined in the camp. Colonel
Maddison asked him who gave him orders to destroy the
tea; to which he replied, nobody. The Colonel said he
was a damned liar, it was King Hancock and the damned
Sons of Liberty ; and if he did not tell he should be sent
home in the ship Captain, where he should be hung like a
dog ; then told him to prepare a good story, as General
Gage would come to examine him, &,c. ; but General Gage
never did come. He was kept on board the Admiral's ship
three or four days, in irons, before she sailed. When the
ship arrived at Fortsmouth, Dyre was sent up to London
in irons, and examined three times before Lord North, Lord
Sandwich, and the Earl of Dartmouth, respecting the de-
struction of the tea ; but finding nothing against him, they
sent him back to the ship in irons ; and when he got on
board again he was discharged, without receiving one far-
thing of wages. He then travelled up to London, seventy
miles, having but six coppers in his ])ocket, and made his
complaint to the Lord Mayor, who treated him with great
humanity, as did the Sheriffs of London, and many other
gentlemen ; who will supply him with any sum of money
to carry on a suit against those Governmental kidnappers
ia Boston, in case he can prove his charge, for wiiich pur-
pose be set out for Boston the day he arrived here. Dyre
farther said, he was ofl^ered purses of guineas in England,
to accuse certain gentlemen in Boston with ordering him
to help to destroy the tea. Mr. Lee, one of the SherifS
of London, wrote several letters by Dyre, in his favour, to
some srentlemen in Boston.
By (he Honourable John Penx, Esquire, Govemour and
Commander-in-chief of the Province q/" Pennsylvania,
and Counties of New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on
Delaware :
A Proclamation.
Whereas, I have received information that his Excel-
lency the Earl of Dunmore, Governour-General in and
over his Majesty's Colony of Virginia, hath lately issued
a very extraordinary Proclamation, setting forth, " that the
" rapid settlement made on the West of the Alleghany
" Mountains, by his Majesty's subjects, within the couree
" of these few years, had become an object of real concern
" to his Majesty's interest in that quarter ; that the Prov-
" ince of Pennsylvania had unduly laid claim to a very
" valuable and extensive quantity of his Majesty's territory;
" and the Executive part of that Government, in conse-
" quence thereof, had most arbitrarily and unwarrantably
" proceeded to abuse the laudable adventurers in that part
" of his Majesty's Dominions, by many oppressive and ille-
" gal measures, in discharge of their imaginary authority ;
" and that the ancient claim laid to that country by the
" Colony of Virginia, founded in reason, upon pre-occupan-
" cy, and the general acquiescence of all persons, together
" with the Instruction he had lately received from his Ma-
" jesty's servants, ordering him to take that country under
" his administration ; and as the evident injustice manifestly
" offered to his Majesty, by the immoderate strides taken
" by the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, in prosecution of
" their wild claim to that country, demanded an immediate
" remedy, he did thereby, in his Majesty's name, require
" and command all his Majesty's subjects west of the Laurel
" Hill, to pay a due respect to his said Proclamation, there-
" by strictly prohibiting the execution of any act of autho-
" rity on behalf of the Province of Pennsylvania, at their
" peril, in that country ; but, on the contrary, that a due
" regard and entire obedience to the laws of his Majesty's
" Colony of Virginia, under his administration, should be
" observed, to the end that regularity might ensue, and a
"just regard to the interest of his Majesty in tliat quarter,
" as well as to his Majesty's subjects, might be the conse-
" quence."
And whereas, although the Western Limits of the Prov-
ince of Pennsylvania, have not been settled by any au-
thority from the Crown, yet it has been sufficiently demon-
strated by lines accurately run by the most skilful artists,
that not only a great tract of country West of the Laurel
Hill, but Fort Pitt also, are comprehended within the
Charter bounds of this Province, a great part of which
country has been actually settled, and is now held under
grants from the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania ; and the
jurisdiction of this Government has been peaceably exer-
cised in that quarter of the country, till the late strange
claim set up by the Earl of Dunmore, in behalf of his Ma-
jesty's Colony of Virginia, founded, as his Lordship is
above pleased to say, "in reason, pre-occupancy, and the
general acquiescence of all persons ;" which claim to lands
within tlie said Cliarter limits, must appear still the more
extraordinary, as his most gracious Majesty, in an Act pas-
sed the very last session of Pariiament, " for making more
" effectual provision for the government of the Province of
" (Quebec," has been pk.'ased, in the fullest manner, to recog-
nise the Charter of the Province of Pennsylvania, by ex-
pressly referring to the same, and binding tlie said Province
of (Quebec by the Northern and Western bounds thereof.
Wherefore, there is the greatest reason to conclude, that
any instructions the Govemour of Virginia may have re-
ceived from his Majesty's servants, to take that country
under his administration, must be founded on some mis-
representation to them respecting the Western extent of
this Province. In justice, therefore, to the Proprietaries of
the Province of Pennsylvania, who are only desirous to
secure their own undoubted property from the encroach-
ment of others, I have thought fit, with the advice of the
857
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
85S
Council, to issue this my Proclamation, hereby requiring
all persons West of the Laurel Hill, to retain their settle-
ments as aforesaid made under this Province, and to pay
due obedience to the laws of this Government ; and all
Magistrates and other Officers who hold commissions or
offices under this Government, to proceed as usual in the
administration of justice, without paying the least regard to
tlie said recited Proclamation, until his Majesty's pleasure
shall be known in the premises ; at the same time strictly
charging and enjoining the said inhabitants and Magistrates
to use their utmost endeavours to preserve peace and good
order.
Given under my hand and the great seal of the said
Province, at Philadelphia, the twelfth day of October, in
the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
seventy-four, and in the fourteenth year of the reign of our
Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the grace of God,
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of
the Faith, and so forth. John Penn.
By his Honour's command,
Edward Shippen, Jr., Secretary.
God save the King.
Charlestown, S. C, October 17, 1774.
On Wednesday last the General Committee of this Col-
ony chose a Committee of Inquiry to see that no India
teas, from any place whatever, be imported or landed here,
and ordered the following Advertisement to be published
in the Gazette :
Charlestown, October 12, 1774.
The General Committee most earnestly recommend and
request of those inhabitants of this Colony, who have not
yet signed an Agreement for Non-consumption of India teas
after the first day of November next, that they will sub-
scribe the said Agreement as soon as possible, for which
purpose copies thereof will be lodged in the hands of the
gentlemen who were chosen to represent the several Par-
ishes on the said Committee.
Information having been this morning given to the Chair-
man of the General Committee, that a day or two ago an
order had been received by a gentleman in trade here, for
the immediate purchase of a very large quantity of gun-
powder for exportation ; and many of the inhabitants ap-
pearing to be greatly alarmed thereat, in order to quiet the
minds of the people, the said Committee was assembled,
made every necessary inquiry, and came to the following
Resolutions, viz:
That, as it appeared to the said Committee, upon the
inquiries they had made, that there is at present a scarcity
of both Arms and Ammunition, so it is their opinion that it
will be extremely imprudent, and might be attended with
very bad consequences to export of either.
That the gentleman to whom the above mentioned order
was sent, be therefore applied to, and requested not to ex-
ecute the same.
(The gentleman being accordingly sent for, he readily
complied with the requisition made.)
That this Committee do also advertise all the gentlemen
in trade, and others, to forbear exporting, or purchasing for
exportation, any arms or ammunition whatsoever, during
the present scarcity and gloomy appearance of publick af-
fairs ; and,
That the above Resolves be forthwith made publick.
One of the reasons which induced the Committee to
come into the foregoing Resolutions, we may presume, was,
that the inhabitants of this Colony, being always in a more
peculiarly critical situation than those of any other, ought,
therefore, never to be without the most ample supply of
Arms and Ammunition, more especially at this time, when
the extraordinary warlike preparations making by the Span-
iards, both in Europe and America, particularly so near as
at the Havana, do not promise a long continuance of
peace, but rather strongly point out to us a necessity of im-
mediately preparing for the defence of this valuable coun-
try, by a diligent application to acquire a thorough knowl-
edge of the use of arms and discipline, which migiit easily
be obtained without materially interfering with business, by
devoting every Saturday afternoon to training, instead of
confining ourselves to the very letter of tlie militia law.
CONNECTICUT ASSEMBLY.
Anno Regni Regis Gcorgii Tertii, 14to.
At a General Assembly of the Governour and Company
of the English Colony of Connecticut, in New England,
in America, holden at New-Haven, in said Colony, on the
second Thursday of October, being the thirteenth day of
said month, and continued by several adjournments, to
tlie fourth day of November next following. Annoq. Dom.
1774.
Resolved by this Assembly, That the several Towns in
this Colony be ordered, and they are hereby ordered to
provide as soon as may be, double the quantity of Powder,
Balls, and Flints, that they were before by law obliged to
provide, under the same directions and penalties as by law
already provided.
Resolved by this Assembly, That his Honour, the Gov-
ernour be, and he is hereby directed to cause six hundred
copies of the Queries from the Secretary of State, dated the
5th July, 1773, and the Answers thereto, prepared by his
Honour, and laid before this Assembly, to be printed, and
cause the same to be distributed to the several Towns in
this Colony in proportion to their list of estates.
Resolved by this Assembly, That proper Carriages for
the Cannon at New-London be procured, and properly
mounted ; and that the Arms and Accoutrements in store
there be cleansed, repaired, and kept fit for service, and
that a suitable quantity of Powder and Cannon Balls be
speedily provided ; and that Jabez Huntington and Joseph
Spencer, Esquires, be a Committee for the purpose afore-
said, to view and examine the state of the Battery at said
New-London, and to report their opinion as to the expedi-
ency of repairing the same, and in what manner, and the
amount of the expense thereof.
Whereas a sum of Money is necessary for payment of
incidental charges of Government, Be it therefore enacted
by the Governour, Council, and Representatives in Gen-
eral Court assembled, and by the authority of the same,
That there be forthwith imprinted the sum of fifteen thou-
sand Pounds, in Bills of Credit in this Colony, equal to
lawful money of suitable denominations, as tlie Committee
herein appointed shall direct, and of the same tenor with
the late emission of Bills of Credit of this Colony, without
interest, payable at or before the second day of January,
1777, and dated the second day of January, 1775; and
William Pitkin, George Wyllys, Elisha Williams, Ben-
jamin Payne, and Thomas Seymour, Esquires, or any
three of them, are appointed a Committee for the purpose
aforesaid, to take care that said Bills be imprinted with all
convenient speed, and to sign and deliver the same to the
Treasurer of this Colony, taking his receipt therefor ; and
the said Committee shall be sworn to a faithful discharge
of their trust ; and the said Treasurer is hereby directed to
pay out said Bills according to the orders of Assembly.
And for providing an ample and sufficient fund to call in,
sink, and discharge the aforesaid sum to be emitted as
aforesaid.
Be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, That a Tax of
one penny on the pound be, and is hereby granted and
ordered to be levied on all the Polls and rateable Estate in
this Colony, according to the list tliereof, brought into this
Assembly, October, A. D. 1774, with the additions, and also
a further Tax of one penny on the pound be, and is hereby
granted and ordered to be levied on ail the Polls and rate-
able Estate in this Colony, according to the list thereof to
be brought into this Assembly, in October, 1775, with the
additions ; which taxes shall be collected and paid into the
Treasury of this Colony, viz .: one half by the last day of
December, 1775, and the other half by the last day of De-
cember, 1776, which taxes may be discharged by paying
the Bills emitted by the Colony, or lawful money ; and the
Treasurer of this Colony is hereby ordered and directed to
send forth the Warrants for collecting the same accord-
ingly.
The Committee appointed by this* Assembly at their
session at Hartford, in May last, on the Memorial of the
Mohegan Indians, having made their Report to this As-
sembly, and the same having been accepted and approved,
it is now
Resolved, That the following Instructions and Regula-
939
CORRESPONDEISCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
860
tjons be given, and they are hereby given to tlie Over-
seers for ti)e time being, appointed or to be appointed by
this Assembly for said Molugan Indians :
1st. That the said Overseers at all times treat the said
Indians with paternal care and tenderness, and are lield
obli|,'ed to assist them by their friendly and parental advice.
'2d. That tlie said Overseers have full power and au-
thority, and they are hereby authorized and empowered in
tlie name of said Indians, to institute, bring forward, and
prosecute to final judgment and execution, any suit or
action against any |)erson or persons that shall commit any
trespass on the lands or possessions of the said Mohegan
Indians, and shall be accountable for any sum or sums they
may recover.
3d. If any Indian shall trespass upon the lands, goods,
or possessions of any other Indian, upon complaint tliereof
made to said Overseers, they or any two of them are hereby
OJ'dered and directed to notify the parties to appear before
them at such time and place as they siiall appoint, when
and where they shall proceed to hear and determine the
case between them, and award such damages as they shall
think just and reasonable to the party injured ; and if the
person adjudged to pay damages, shall neglect or refuse to
pay the same, the said Overseers are hereby empowered
to stop so much of the then next dividend of rent money
belonging to such person so refusing, and pay and deliver
the same over to him or them, to whom the same may be
awarded in satisfaction of such award.
4tii. When it shall so happen that any particular Indian
or Indians shall want to take up any land for improvement
in severalty, such person or persons shall apply to said
Overseers, who are hereby to set out by meets and bounds
to such jierson or persons such a quantity of land for im-
provement as they shall think just and reasonable, and
whoever shall enter on any land without the approbation
of said Overseers shall be deemed trespassers.
5th. And whereas since the death of their late Sachem,
and their declining to choose a successor, there will be
money due for rent of lands to the said Indians, as a com-
mon and undivided interest, the said Overseers are hereby
directed to distribute the same to and among the families
of said Indians, after deducting such sum as the said In-
dians shall agree upon, or shall be found necessary for the
relief of the poor among them, and other publick charges,
and so from time to time hereafter, as they shall have the
common interest in their hands, observing as much as may
be an equality among the families; and when any receive
more benefit in the improvement of the land, it shall be
considered in the distribution of the rent money.
6th. And no person to cut or carry away any timber,
wood, or stones, except for their own buildings, firing, and
fences, without liberty from the Overseers, upon the penal-
ty said Overseers shall lay upon them, not exceeding for
each offence treble the value of the timber, wood, or stone,
so cut or carried away.
MEMORIAL OF ZEBULON BUTLER, OF WESTMORELAND.
To the Honourable General Assembly of (he Colony of
Connecticut, to be holdcn at New-Haven, in said
Colony, on the second Thursday o/" October, instant.
The Memorial of Zebulon Butler, Esquire, and Joseph
Sluman, of Westmoreland, in the County of Litchfield,
and Colony of Connecticut, Agents for said Town of (Vest-
morcland, also for the Proprietors and Settlers of lands
lying within this Colony West of the West line of said West-
moreland, in the name and behalf of their constituents
aforesaid, humbly show : That your Honours from princi-
ples of patriotick affection for the interests and emolument
of tliis Colony, the increase and growth of its wealth and
numbers, by and with advice of the principal Crown law-
yers in England, Council to his Majesty, did at a General
Court liolden at Ncw-IIuven, in said Colony, on the second
Thursday of October, A. D. 1773, resolve and declare
that extent of country lying West of die West line of the
Province of Neiv-York, and within the limits and bounda-
ries of the Charter and Patent of King Charles ihe Second
to the Governour and Company of the English Colony of
Connecticut, made and passed in the fourteenth year of his
reign, was granted and confirmed to this Colony to hold,
and according to the tenour of said Charter and Patent in
free and common soccage, not in capite, &c., according to
the tenour of East Greenwich, in the County of Kent ; and
that the same is within the jurisdiction of this Colony ; and
that your Honours would assert your right to and jurisdic-
tion over the same.
And your Honours, to promote the wealth, increase, and
future glory of this Colony, in pursuance of your Declara-
tion and Resolve aforesaid, did, at a General Court, holden
at Hartford, by adjournment, on the second Wednesday of
January, A. D., 1774, incorporate and constitute a Town
therein by the name of Jf'estmoreland, with all the rights,
franchises, immunities, and prerogatives which other Towns
in this Colony are by law invested, and annex said Town
to the County of Litchfield, and appointed civil authority
therein ; — And your Memorialists with their families, now at
said Town of Westmoreland, consist of about one hundred
and twenty-six persons, whose land that belongs to them
heth on the West Branch of the Susquehannah River, who
are now waiting to remove themselves and settle thereon ; —
And your Memorialists, who are Proprietors and Settlers of
the land lying West of your said Town of Westmoreland,
and within the limits and jurisdiction of the Colony of C'on-
necticut with their families, are upwards of two hundred
families ; — And your Memorialists having (from their birth
and education) a most inviolable attachment to the Con-
stitution and Government of your Honours, and impressed
with sentiments of loyalty, affection, and zeal for the
present and future greatness, tranquillity, and glory of this
Colony ; principles which in a far more eminent manner
reside in your Honours' minds, and guide and influence all
your publick measures, beg leave humbly to approach your
Honours as the great parens patrite, the supreme power
within this Colony, with grateful sentiments for your
Honours' care for our good, peace, and safety heretofore
exercised towards us, by incorporating us of said Westmore-
land into a Town, do trust that the same benevolent inten-
tions still influence your Honours, and that nothing will be
wanting on the part of your Honours, to perfect the good
which is begun tow-ards us your dutiful subjects, who were
but iew in number when we first come up hither, but now
by the good hand of our God upon us, are become a multi-
tude ; and to observe that the jurisdiction erected by your
Honours, is inadequate to answer the ends and ]>urposes of
Government in our situation, for that all our writs which
are not cognizable before a single Minister, are returnable
to Litchfield, which necessarily occasions an enormous
expense to the suiters — And our not having any jail, and
being unable by law to transport any man's person across
the Province of New-Yorlc, it being another jurisdiction,
executions are thereby rendered in a great measure ineffect-
ual ; debtors enabled to avoid payment of their just debts ;
and criminals of every kind, almost, to escape justice ;
by reason whereof, your Memorialists are greatly embar-
rassed, perplexed, and exposed; living under civil Govern-
ments without most of its benefits ; living in such a situa-
tion as that, it cannot w ith only the power already given be
thoroughly administered, nor the noble end and design
thereof fully answered ; — And as many of your Memorial-
ists, who are settlers and proprietors of lands lying West of
said Town of Wtstmoreland within this Colony, labour un-
der great difficulties, in continuing and proceeding in our just
claims and settlements, withoutcivil Government established
amongst us ; — And to relinquish our settlements and lands
acquired with great hazard, labour, and expense, will be
attended with risk of a total loss of them both to this Col-
ony, and your Memorialists. And whereas the constitu-
ting and erecting a County within the following limits and
boundaries, viz : to extend West to t!ie Western boundaries
of the Susquehannah iiurchase ; and to bound North and
South on the Colony line, exclusive of that part of said
purchase, as is taken off by the line lately settled with the
Indians at Fort Stanivij^, invested with powers, privileges,
jurisdictions, Ike, which other Counties in this Colony are,
viz : that of having and holding County Courts, and Courts
of Probate, having a Sheriff, a jail, fee, would remedy
most of the difficulties which your Memorialists labour
under, and make your Memorialists happy and comfortable :
Or if your Honours should not think it best at this time to
erect a County, he, as prayed for, that your Honours
would at this time either extend the limits of said Town of
Westmoreland to the Western boundaries of Susquehannah
861
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
863
purchase, and North and South on the Colony line, ex-
clusive of the land taken oft' by the Indians' line as above,
or divide the same into two Towns by the Easternmost
Branch of said Sasqiiehannah River, and to extend as above
described, or in some other way grant relief to your Memo-
rialists, as in your wisdom you shall think best ; and your
Memorialists as in duty bound shall ever pray.
Dated at New-Haven, October 15, 1774.
Zebulon Butler,
Joseph Sluman.
General Assembly, Mat, 1775. — In the Lotetr House.
Question put, whether any should be granted, or the above, and re.
solved in the affirmative.
Question put, wlietlier Jurisdiction should be extended, and resolved
in the affirmative.
Question put, whether a County Court, with proper power and juris,
diction, and a Court of Probate bj erected, as prayed for, and resolved
in the affirmative ; and also that a Military Establishment be there
made ; and Captain Butler is desired to bring in a Bill for said purpose.
Richard Law, Clerk.
General Assembly, May, 1775. — In the Upper House.
Question put, whether the Bounds of the Town of Westmoreland
shall be extended agreeable to the boundaries mentioned in the Memo,
rial for the limits of a County, &c. ; Resolved iu the affirmative.
Question put, whether a County Court with proper powers, &c.,
should be erected, &.C., and resolved in the negative. And a question
put, whether a Court of Probate, with proper powers should be erected
&-C., and resolved in the affirmative ; and resolved, also, that a military
establishment be there made, and that a Bill, &c.
George Wyllys, Secretary.
Concurred in the Lower House. Richard Law, Clerk.
In the Lower House, question put, whether the consideration of
this Memorial be referred to the General Assembly in May next ; re-
solved in the affirmative. Richard Law, Clerk.
Concurred in the Upper House. George Wvllys, Secretary.
MEMORIAL OF EBENEZER HAZARD, OF NEW-YORK.
To the Honourable the General Assembly of the Colony
of Connecticut, noio convened at Hartford.
The Memorial of Ebenezer Hazard, of the City and
Province of New-Yo'-k, Bookseller and Stationer, as well
in behalf of himself, as of those who now are, or hereafter
may become his associates : Humbly showetb.
That Samuel Hazard, late of the City of Philadelphia,
in the Province of Pennsylvania, Merchant, (father of
your Memorialist,) actuated by motives truly benevolent,
humane, and patriotick, projected a scheme for the settle-
ment of a new Colony to the Westward of the said Province
of Pennsylvania ; — which Scheme was as follows, viz :
Scheme for the Settlement of a new Colony to the Westward of Penn.
sylvania ; for the Enlargement of his Majesty's Dominions in
America ; for the further Promotion of the Christian Religion
among the Indian Natives, and for the more effectual securing them
in his Majesty's Alliance.
That humble application be made either to his Majesty or the Gene-
ral Assembly of Connecticut, or to both, as the case may require, for
a grant of so much land as shall bo necessary for the settlement of an
ample Colony, to begin at the distance of one hundred miles Westward
of the Western boundaries of Pennsylvania, and thence to extend one
hundred miles to the Westward of liie River Mississippi; and to be di-
vided from Virginia and Carolina by the great chain of mountains that
runs along the Continent from the Northeastern to the Southwestern
parts of America.
That humble application be made to his Majesty for a Charter to
erect said Territory into a separate Government, with the same pri-
vileges which the Colony of Connecticut enjoys, and for such supplies
of arms and ammunition as may be necessary for the safety and de-
fence of the settlers, and tliat his Majesty would also be pleased to
take the said new Colony under his immediate protection.
That application be made to the Assemblies of the several British
Colonies in North America to grant such supplies of money and pro.
visions as may enable the settlers to secure the friendship of the Indian
Natives, and support themselves and families till they are established
in said Colony in peace and safety, and can support themselves by
their own industry.
That at least twelve Reverend Ministers of the Gospel be engaged
to remove to the said new Colony, with such numbers of their respec-
tive congregiitions as are willing to go along with them.
That every person from the age of fourteen and upward, (slaves ex-
cepted,) profjseing the Christian Religion, being Protestant subjects of
the Crown of Great Britain, and that will move to said new Colony
with the first settlers thereof, shall be entitled to a sufficient quantity
of land for j good plantation, without any consideration money, and
at the annual rent of a pepper corn ; said plantation to contain at least
three hundred acres, two hundred acres of which to be such land as
is fit for tillage or meadow
That every person under the age of fourteen years (slaves excepted)
who removes to said Province with the first settlers thereof, as well as
such children as shall bo lawfully born to said first settlers in said
Province, or in the way to it, shall bo entitled to three hundred
acres of land when they coiue to the ago of twenty. one years, without
any purchase money, at the annual quit.rent of two shillings for every
hundred acres ; the quit-rent arising from such lands to be applied to
the support of Government, the propagation of the Christian Religion
among the Indian Natives, and the relief of the poor, the encourage-
ment of learning, and in general to such other publick uses as shall Iw
judged by the Legislature of the Province to be most conducive to the
general good.
That every person who is entitled to any land in the Province shall
be at liberty to take it up when they please, but when taken up shall
be obliged to clear and fence at least fifteen acres, on every farm of
three hundred acres, within five years after the appropriation of siiid
land, and also to build a dwelling house of at least fifteen feet square,
with a good chimney, on the premises within the said term, on pain of
forfeiting said land. Tliat the said plantations shall bo laid out in
townships, in such manner as will be most for the safety and conve-
nience of the settlers.
That in order to prevent all jealousies and disputes about the choice
of said plantations, they shall be divided by lot.
That as soon as possible, after a sufficient number of persons are
engaged, a proper Charter obtained, and the necessary preparations are
made for the support and protection of the settlers, a place of rendez-
vous shall be appointed, where they shall all meet, and from whence
they shall proceed in a body to the new Colony ; but that no place of
rendezvous shall be appointed till at least two thousand persons, able to
bear arms, are actually engaged to remove, exclusive of women and
children.
That it be established as one of the fundamental laws of the Prov-
ince, that Protestants of every denomination who profess the Chris-
tian Religion ; believe the Divine authority of the Sacred Scriptures
of the Old and New Testament; the doctrine of the Trinity of per-
sons in the Unity of the Godhead, and whose lives and conversations
are free from immorality and profineness, shall be equally capable of
serving in all posts of honour, trust, or profit, in the Government, not-
withstanding the diversity of their religious principles in other respects.
But that none of any denomination whatsoever who have been guilty
of profaning the name of God, of lying, drunkenness, or any other of
the grosser immoralities, either in their words or actions, shall be
capable of holding any office in or under the Government, till at least
one year after their conviction of such offence. The christianizing
the Indian Natives, and bringing them to be good subjects, not onlyto
the Crown of Great Britain, but to the King of all Kings, being one
of the essential designs of the proposed new Colony, it is a matter of
the utmost importance that these poor ignorant Heathen should not be
prejudiced against the Christian Religion, by the bad lives of those in
authority.
That Protostants of every denomination who profess the Christian
Religion, shall have the free and unlimited exercise of their religion,
and shall bo allowed to defend it, both from the pulpit and the press,
so long as they remain peaceable members of civil society, and do not
propagate principles inconsistent with the safety of the state.
That no member of the Church of Rome shall be able to hold any
lands, or real estate, in the Province, nor be allowed to be owners of, •
or have any arms or ammunition in their possession, on any pretence
whatsoever ; nor shall any Mass Houses or Popish Chapels be allowed
in the Province.
That no person shall bo obliged to pay any thing towards the sup-
port of a Minister of whose congregation he is not a member, or to a
church to which he does not belong.
That the Indians shall, on all occasions, be treated with the utmost
kindness, and every justifiable method taken to gain their friendship ;
and that whoever injures, cheats, or makes them drunk, shall be
punished with peculiar severity.
That as soon as the Province is able to support Missionaries, and
proper persons can be found to engage in the affair, a fund shall be
settled for the purpose, and Missionaries sent among the neighbouring
Indian Nations: that it shall, in all time coming, be esteemed as one
of the first and most essential duties of the Legislature of the Prov-
ince, by every proper method in their power, to endeavour to spread
the light of the glorious Gospel among the Indians in America, even
to its most Western bounds.
That as the conversion of the Indians is a thing much to be desired,
from the weightiest considerations, both of a religious and political na-
ture, and since the Colony, during its infancy, will be unable to pro-
vide the necessary funds for that purpose, some proper person or per-
sons shall be sent to Europe, duly authorized from the Government, to
ask assistance of such as desire to promote that groat and good work.
To his Majesty George the Second, by the grace of God, of Great Bri-
tain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, and sa
forth.
The humble Address of ***** persons. Inhabitants of his Majesty'*
Plantations in North America.
May it please your Majesty :
We, the subscribers, being of the number of your Majesty's most duti-
ful and loyal subjects, inhabiting the British Plantations in North Ame.
rica, beg ler.vo, with the utmost humility, to approach your Majesty's
presence, by this token of our duty and regard, which we are encourag-
ed to lay at the feet of our Sovereign, not only from the ideas we enter,
tain of its being at all tunes agreeable to your Majesty to receive
assurances of the loyalty and affection of your good subjects, but also
from an apprehension that such proofs of sincere regard to the sub.
stantial interests of your Crown and Kingdoms, and thousands of your
good people of America, as we have now to lay before your Majesty,
will afford a more sold satisfaction (at a time when all your American
Dominions are threatened either with present or future ruin) than tho
most pompous professions of duty and loyalty, unaccompanied with cor.
responding actions. Emboldened by this confidence, we beg leave to
assure your Majesty, that we beliold with horrour and indignation
tho schumes which have long been secretly laid (and which our perfi-
dious neighbours at length are openly executing) for tlie ruin and de.
struction of all your Majesty's Dominions in Ameiica. We are aflecte<l
with equal horrour and detestation at the prospect of that slavery to
an arbitrary Prince and Popish church, which the completion of those
schemes would necessarily bring upon us and our posterity ; with a
proportionable gratitude we behold your Majesty's paternal car o in send-
ing fleets and armies for our protection when wk are unable to protect
ourselves, and when it is out of our power, without such aid, to pre.
vent that misery that seems to bo breaking in upon us like a flood, and
863
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
864
whicli, if not seasonably prevented, wonlrt deliigo the wliolo land in
ruin. lu sucli a situation as this we should think ourselves inoxcus.
able if we wore either insensible of your Majesty's kindness, or un.
willing to coatributo our mite towards rejicUing the common danger.
Being bound then by the double ties of duty and gr:ilitude to your
Majesty, and by that regard to tlio dignity of your Crown, to our
country, our |>08terity, and our holy religion, that ought to fill the
breasts of every friend to liberty and tlie Protestant cause, we are now
cOme, with the despest humility, to offer our service in such a way as
we verily believe will (if your Majesty is pleased to accept thereof,)
promote the interest of your Crown and Kingdoms, and contribute to
the safety of your American Plantations in the most effectual manner
within the compass of our power. The service that we humbly otfer,
and of whicli we pray your Majesty's acceptance, is that of laying (as
far as in us lies) a foundation for preventing the encroachments of tlie
French, and for extending your Dominions iu America, by removing
with our families and fortunes to the new Colony beyond the Alle-
ghany Mountains, which tlie scheme that is now laid at your Majcs.
ty's feet proposes, if it shall bi' found agreeable to your Royal pleasure
to order such settlement, and graciously to grant such aid to the design
as will be necessary for carrying it into execution.
And as the wise and seasonable measures which your Majesty, at a
vast expense, has boon pleased to take for the security of your Ameri.
can Dominions, affords the most unquestionable proofs of your Majos.
ty's regard for tlicir safety, so we doubt not your Koyal wisdom and
penetration has discovered the necessity and importance of settling
strong and numerous Colonics in the neighbourhood of the Ohio and
Mi^sisnippi, as well for the securing those important parts of your
Dominions, as for doing it in a manner tlio least burdensome and the
most advantageous to your good subjects of Great Britain and America.
Our most humble prayer therefore is, that your Majesty will gra.
ciously be pleased to grant such countenance and assistance to the
present scheme for settling a new Colony, as will be necessary for the
encouragement of a people on whose ridelily your Majesty may with
the utmost confidence rely, and who, at the same time, esteem them,
selves bound by the most sacred and indissoluble ties, to hand down
the blessings of civil and religious liberty inviolate to their posterity.
And will our gracious Sovereign bo pleased to permit us to hope for
that favour from his Royal benignity which our zeal for his service
and our country's cause inclines us with? Having cheerfully made a
tender of our best service, what now remains is, to offer up our humble
fervent prayers to Almighty God, the Sovereign Ruler of the universe,
by whom Kings reign and Princes decree judgment, that he would be
pleased to crown your Majesty's arms with success, that your enemies
jnay flee away and return no more ; that your Majesty's life may long
be continued a blessing to your people, and full of happiness to your-
self; that when death puts a period to your reign on earth, your Ma-
jesty may receive a crown of immortal glory, and that there never may
be wanting one of your illustrious race to sway the British scepter in
righteousness. These then may it please your Majesty are our wishes,
and these shall be our prayers.
Dated at Philadelphia, July 34, 1735.
That the said Samuel Hazard, sensible of tlie claim of
the Colony of Connecticut to the lands upon which we pro-
posed settling a new Colony, made humble application to
the Honourable the General Assembly of the said Colony
of Connectiait for a release of their claim to the said lands.
His Memorial, containing the application aforesaid, bears
date May 8th, 1755, and is in the words following, viz :
To the Honourable General Assembly of the English Colony of
Connecticut, in New England, in America, now sitting at Hartford,
viz : Thursday, May 2, 1755 :
The Memorial of Samuel Hazqrd, of the City of Philadelphia, in the
Province of Pcn«»y/i;an!a, in ^merico. Merchant : Humbly showeth.
That your Memorialist hath projected a scheme tor the settlement of
a new Colony to the Westward of Pennsylvania, a copy of which is
hereunto annexed.
That he hath already engaged three thousand five hundred and eight
persons, able to bear arms, to remove to the said new Colony, on the
footing of said scheme, and does not in the least doubt of being able to
procure ten thousand if it takes effect.
That among those already engaged are nine Reverend Ministers of
the Gospel; a considerable number of persons who are in publick
ofiices under the Governments of Pennsylcunia and New-Jersey, as
■well as great numbers of persons of good estates, of the best characters
for sobriety and religion in said Provinces, but more especially in the
Province of Pennsylvania.
That it must be manifest to your Honours, and to every thinkino-
person who has the slightest acquaiiitanca with the state of the Ameri.
can Colonies, that it is of the last importance to their safety to have a
new Colony settled in the country, which the jiresent scheme proposes ;
and that such a settlement in the hands of a sober, prudent, and indus-
trious jieople, who would treat the Indians in such a manner as both
the rulofe of the Gospel, and good policy require, would (with the ordi.
nary smiles of Providence) be attended with the happiest consequences
to Great Britain and all the American Plantations.
Tiiat whoever will he at the pains to inform himself of the state and
situation of that country, must be convinced, that if it be not season-
ably settled, it will be impossible to secure it to the Crown of Great
Britain, without running into an expense that would bo an intolerable
burden to the Nation or ruinous to the Plantations.
That as the designs of the French have long been obvious to every
intelligent inquirer, so the fatal conscciucnces of their destructive
schemes are too horrid to be disreg,ird^-d by any whoso breasts are
cap;:hle of those impressions which ought naturally to flow from a well-
guided affection to their Gad, their King, their country, and the
human species. Were your Memorialist to pursue the consequences of
those schemes through all the scenes of blood, of ripinc, and of vio.
lence, and through all the mazes of Popish crrour and superstition, that
they would naturally lead him, it would take up too much of your
Honours' time, and he as disagree ible, as it would be tedious. Your
Memorialist however, begs leave just to remind your Honours, that it
ia easy to demonstrate by rational arguments, that if the French are
suffered to establish themselves in the country about the Ohio and Mit-
sissippi, that all America and Great Britain too must in the end fall a
sacrihce to France, unless some remarkable interposition of Divine
Providence prevent it.
That as these consequences can by no means be prevented, without
prodigious expense, and vast as well as numerous inconveniences, but
by the settlement of a new Colony, so it is absolutely necessary to have
such settlement made by a sober, prudent, and orderly people, who
would treat the Indians in such a manner as would gain their affec-
tions, as well as of those whose fidelity to the King could safely be re.
lied on ; for that the great and important ends which ought principally
to be regarded in settling a new Colony about the Ohio and Missis-
sippi will not be answered cither by a herd of banditti, or a Colony
of foreigners, is obvious at first view. Your Memorialist therefore
persuades himself that such schemes as would engage persons of the
above character, will not be suffered to drop, and become abortive for
want of that assistance which your Honourable Assembly alone can
give.
That as this Colony cannot be supposed to have people enough to spare
to settle such vast Territories as are included within the limits of their
Charter, as your Memorialist conceives, that when your Honours
have considered the character and dispositions of the various Southern
Provinces, it will manifestly appear, that any considerable numbers of
persons fit to be depended upon for their fidelity to the King, cannot
be found among any of the various religious denominations which in.
habit those Provinces, except the Church of England, the Presbyterians,
the Quakers, and the Baptists.
That as the members of the Church of England in those Provinces
have not shown a disposition to remove into the wilderness to settle new
Colonies, but are principally obliged to Presbyterians to the North-
ward for any settlements that are made on the frontiers, even of their
own Provinces, it will be in vain to expect them to settle the proposed
Colony. Nor would it be more reasonable to expect the Quakers, who
are principled against war, to remove and defend the country ; and
since the Baptists are but few in number, and by no means sufficient
for the purpose, it remains that Presbyterians must settle that country,
or it must be left exposed to the French.
That as your Memorialist has already engaged 80 groat a number of
Presbyterians to remove, if this scheme takes effect, so ho humbly
conceives, that if they, and such others as he can still engage, are not
suitably and seasonably encouraged, it will be in vain to attempt to
settle Colonies iVom among thein.
That as tliis Colony cannot settle those lands themselves, so your
Memorialist is far from supposing that they will suffer their claims to
hinder the settlement of that country by others, at a time when the
safety and wcllbeing of all the British Plantations in America, and
even of Great Britain itself, is so highly interested in such settlements,
and this he apprehends there is great reason to fear will in fact be the
case if this Assembly does not at this present session transfer or re.
linquish their right to that country, in such a manner as will remove
all obstacles to their claim out of the w.ay of the present solieme ; for
as your Memorialist has already been at great expense of money and
time to bring the scheme thus far to maturity, he shall (notwithstand.
iug the success he has had in engaging three thousand five hundred
and eight persons to remove,) hardly judge it consistent with the
duties he owes either to them or his own family, to proceed any further
in the affair, if he docs not now succeed in hi? petition to this Hon-
ourable Assembly; and as he must spend the remainder of his days in
this important service if the scheme goes on, so the thoughts of leaving
his children, with many thousands of others, liable to disputes about
every inch of ground that they possess, after liaving purchased it with
tho peril of their lives, would be such an objection both to them and
him, as will hardly be got over. Nor will it be amiss to inform your
Honours, that if those who are now willing to settle that country are
once discouraged, and the spirit which at this time prevails among
them is lost, it will be no easy task to revive it again.
That however arguments of a religious nature are esteemed in some
places, your Memorialist presumes it will be no transgression to lay
some stress upon them before this Honourable Assombly. He there-
fore begs leave to say, that as the Charter of this Colony expressly de.
clarcs, that his Majesty's principal design in the Grant made to them,
was the conversion of the Indians to Christianity, so your Honours
will easily see that this scheme duly executed, would have a happy
tendency to answer that important end; nor can your Memorialist
helj) entertaining some distant hopes that it would be one mean at
least (however small) of preparing the way for carrying the pure Reli.
gion of the Gospel, free from Popish superstition and Pagan idolatry,
to the ends of the American Earth ; for, surely the time will come,
when God's name sliall be great among tho Heathen, from the rising
of the sun to the going down thereof.
That as the mightiest arguments, both of a religious and political
nature, might with the greatest truth and justice be urged in favour of
the present scheme, so your Memorialist persuades himself that the
inclinations of this Honourable Assembly to serve the real and impor.
tant interests of their King and country, and to promote tlio best good
of mankind, will be instead of a thousand arguments to excite them to
it.
That as your Memorialist really means to do an important service
to King and country, and to posterity by his scheme, so he is cheer-
fully willing that your Honours should take any measure they
please to guard against the abuse of any right that they may grant to
the country proposed to be settled, so as it does not prevent or hinder
tho important designs which the scheme proposes ; nor does he desire
that right on any other terms than that of his bona fide procuring the
actual settlement of at least three thousand persons, able to boar arms,
(or even a greater number) in that country, within any reasonable term
that shall be limited and appointed for that purpose.
Your Memorialist therefore humbly prays that this Honourable As.
sembly will lie jileased to transfer or relinquish their right to the lands
mentioned in the scheme hereunto annexed, in such manner as shall be
necessary for carrying said scheme into execution, or to so much of it
as shall be absolutely n.'cessary for answering the ends proposed by
said scheme. And your Memorialist, as in duty bound, shall ever pray.
Dated at Hartford, May 8, 1755. Samuel Hazard.
That the said General Assembly of the Colony of Gm-
necticut, having taken the matter into their serious consid-
865
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
866
eration, and being fully sensible of tbe utility and great im- sons of note and influence in England, who appear to
portance of the design, did, at a meeting at Hartford, on have favoured and encouraged the design ; and that having,
the second Thursday of May, 1755, freely relinquish and as he apprehended, brought the scheme to a proper degree
give up to tlie said iSamuel Hazard, for hiniself and in of maturity, he proposed embarking for England in the
trust for those concerned, all the right, claim, or challenge, fall of the year 1758, in order to procure its final accom-
plishment.
That his death, in July, 1758, prevented his completing
his design, and your Memorialist was left an infant, and his
fatiier's associates without a guide sufficient to conduct so
imj)ortant an enterprise.
That your Honours' Memorialist proposes carrying into
execution the Plan laid by his father, as nearly as the al-
teration of the times and circumstances of things will per-
mit. He does not mean to trouble your Honours with a
tedious repetition of the many and cogent arguments urged
by his deceased father in his Memorial, in favour of such
settlement ; nor minutely to show how far the same reasons
still operate respecting the prosecution of that design.
These must be fresh in your Honours' memories, as the
Petition and Plan annexed have been just now read in your
hearing. He begs leave, however, just to observe, that
they all remain in equal force at this day, that of making
the proposed settlement a frontier against the French, only
excepted ; instead of which the cession of Territory West
of the Mississippi, by the last Treaty of Peace, to the
French, and the subsequent one made by them of the same
territory, to the Crown of Spain, is worthy of serious con-
sideration. He begs leave further to suggest, under this
head, the peculiar necessities of the present times, as an
additional reason for the immediate settlement of the West-
ern lands. Many who are otherwise disposed, are thereby
obliged to turn their attention to agriculture ; and for these
a proper provision is now more than ever become neces-
sary ; as the experience of the present day demonstrates
that populous sea-port Towns cannot now, as formerly, af-
ford employment to multitudes of industrious Mechanicks ;
and, instead of serving as a protection and defence for us,
are used by the enemies of America as their most eflectual
engine at once to crush our manufactures and subvert our
liberty.
That your Mernorialist has already considerable interest
engaged towards making the proposed settlement, and ap-
prehends, that adding such persons in this Colony as would
join in the undertaking, to such of his father's associates as
still remain and are willing to proceed upon this business,
he could, in a reasonable time, have two thousand actual
settlers upon the land, which may now, with great proprie-
ty, be styled a vacuum domicilium, as it has no Christian or
civilized inhabitants, and but very few even of the natives
now remain there.
That your Honours' Memorialist apprehends his Majes-
ty, considering what has been already done respecting this-
matter, and for political reasons, which it is unnecessary to
mention at present, would be easily induced to grant lib-
erty of erecting a new Colony to the Westward of Penn-
sylvania; but, as your Honours' Memorialist considered
himself as under obligations to the Colony of Connecticut,
for their kindness to his father, and thinks himself in honour
bound to consult their interest as well as his own, he wishes
not to be obliged to carry the matter to England; but pro-
poses to your Honours a settlement under the claim and
which was or might be made to such country or territory,
by the Governour and Company of this Colony, as appears
by the following Act, which is of the Record, viz :
At a Meeting of the General Assembly of the Governour and Company
of the Colony of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second
Thursday of May, 1755.
Whereas, Samuel Hazard, of the City of Philadelphia, in the Trovince
of Pennsylmnia, Merchant, by his Petition or Memorial, preferred to
the Governour and Company of tliis Colony, in the sessions of this
present Assembly, hatli shown that he hath projected a scheme for
settling a new Colony witliin his Majesty's Dominions, to begin at the
distance of one hundred miles Westward of the Westerly boundaries of
Pennsylvania, and thence extend one hundred miles to the Westward
of Mississippi, and to be divided from Virginia and Carolina by the
great chain of mountains that run along the Continent from the North,
east to the Southwest parts of America; and hath represented and set
forth the ends and motives, as well as tlie general plan thereof; and
that as it is apprehended the said country, or a considerable part
thereof, is situate and comprehended within the ancient lines and
boundaries of the grant made by the Royal Charter given by his late
Majesty, King Charles the Second, to the Governour and Company of
this Colony, in the year of our Lord 1602 ; so there may arise an ob.
jection against his proceeding in so important an undertaking, unless
tlie same be removed ; and therefore has petitioned this Assembly for a
grant or release to him of such right or claim as is, or maybe supposed
to be vested in said Governour and Company, that he might without
any objections from that quarter, make his humble applications to his
Majesty for his Royal grant and favour in the premises for the end and
purposes aforesaid, as by the said Memorial and Scheme thereto an.
nexed. Reference being thereunto had, may more fully and at large
appear.
Whereupon this Court having taken the matter into their Rerious
consideration, and apprehending the settlement of a Colony in the
country aforesaid, with such limits and boundaries as his Majesty
shall think proper on the plan aforesaid, or in some measure agreeable
thereto, for the investing and securing of tlie rights, propertisB, and
privileges of the Settlers, will greatly promote his Majesty's interest ;
secure his Dominions ; and have a most happy tendency for the protec.
tion and defence of the British Plantations in America, and be an
eminent means to win and invite the Natives of the country to tlie
knowledge and obedience of the only true God and Saviour of man-
kind, and the Christian faith, and therein answer that which is ex-
pressed in the said Royal Charter to be the principal end of tliis Plan-
tation ; therefore this Court do most humbly recommend the said
Samuel Hazard, and those who may undertake with him in this great
and important design, to his sacred Majesty's gracious favour and
notice ; and if it may be consistent with his Royal wisdom and
pleasure to order and direct the settlement of a Colony in the country,
or part thereof; and grant unto said Petitioner, and those wlio shall
engage therein, such lands, rights, privileges, and immunities as his
Majesty shall be graciously pleased to determine for the purpose afore-
said.
This Court do declare their free consent thereunto ; and for promo-
ting so extensive and beneficent a design, do freely relinquish and give
up to the said Samuel Hazard /or himself, and in trust for those con-
cerned, and to he engaged therein, all the right, claim, or challenge
that is or may be made to such country, or territories as his Majesty
shall judge proper to settle as aforesaid, by the Governour and Com-
pany aforesaid, or any from them, that no objection or obstruction may
arise, be made, or suggested against so great a service for our King and
country, on account of such claim or right, or by pretence or colour
thereof.
Provided the Petitioner obtain his Majesty's Royal Grant and order
for settling the said Colony, and proceed therein, under, and according
to such limitations, restrictions, and orders, as his Majesty shall bo
pleased to appoint.
That the said Samuel Hazard having obtained from the
General Assembly the before recited release of their claim ;
and in confident dependence upon it, proceeded in the mat-
ter with a spirit becoming the importance of the under-
taking ; "
and with much trouble, procured the subscription of be
tween four and five thousand persons, able to bear arms,
some of whom were worth thousands, and great numbers
of persons of the best character for sobriety and religion,
among whom were fifteen ministers; and some " bore pub-
lick offices in Pennsylvania and New-Jersey;" all of whom
agreed to remove with their families to the proposed Colo
ny, and become settlers there, as your Honours' Memori
and at a very great expense of money and time, jurisdiction of the Colony of Connecticut, and humbly of-
fers to your Honours' consideration the following condi-
tions, viz :
1st. That whereas the Honourable General Assembly,
at their meeting in May, 1755, released to your Memorial-
ist's father their claim to lands, beginning at the distance of
one hundred miles Westward of the Westerly bounds of
Pennsylvania, and thence to extend one hundred miles to
the Westward of Mississippi. And whereas, by the last
alist collects from copies of his father's Letters now in his Treaty of Peace, the one hundred miles beyond the Missis
possession. sijjjn, included in the aforesaid release, were ceded by the
That, as your Honours' Memorialist well remembers, the Crown of Great Britain to France; that, therefore, a re-
said Samuel Hazard had frequent meetings of Indians at lease or quit-claim may be given by your Honours to your
his house, with whom he treated about the said country Memorialist and his associates, of the right of the Gov-
and territories
That it appears from the said Samuel Hazard's Letters,
that he personally explored that part of the country pro-
posed for the situation of the new Colony ; that he had
corresponded with some of the nobility, and whh other per-
FouiiTH Sekies. 55
ernour and Company to lands beginning at the Western
boundary of Pennsylvania, and thence extending to the
Mississippi.
2d. That your Honours' Memorialist and his associates,
or their attorney, inay have uninterrupted access to and
867
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, Sic, OCTOBER, 1774.
868
the free use of such autlientick documents, conveyances,
records, and other writings, as may be useful in ascertain-
ing, prosecuting, and estaUisiiing the claim under this Col-
ony, whenever it may be necessary to refer thereunto for
those purposes.
3d. That the whole expense of defending the claim of
this Colony to such lands as shall be granted to your Hon-
ours' Memorialist and his associates ; and also the whole
expense attending the exercise of jurisdiction in the pro-
posed settlement, shall be defrayed by your Memorialist
and his associates.
4th. That the purchase of the native right shall be
made wholly at the expense of your Memorialist and his
associates.
5th. That your Memorialist and his associates shall pay
into the Publick Treasury of this Colony ten thousand
pounds lawful money, in such annual payments as your
Honours shall see meet to a])point ; the first annual pay-
ment to be made within one year after the date of the grant
or quit-claim.
Respecting a grant upon the conditions aforesaid, your
Honours' Memorialist begs leave, with due submission, to
suggest, that as it will not interfere with any preceding
grant, either from the Crown of Great Britain or any of
the Colonies, it of consequence cannot involve this Colony
in any dispute or litigation of any kind whatever ; and that
as ail expenses respecting tlie defence of the claim, the
exercise of jurisdiction, and tiie purchase of the native
right, will fall upon your Memorialist and his associates,
the Colony Treasury cannot be impoverished by such a
grant being made ; but, on the contrary, will be much en-
riched by the ten thousand pounds to be paid into it, the
income of which may serve to give additional support to
the College at New-Haven, or the inferiour but important
Seminaries throughout the Colony, or may greatly contri-
bute to the publick emolument, in such other way as to
your Honours' superiour wisdom may seem meet. More
need not be added here, as your Honours will doubtless see
the benign aspect the foregoing Plan has upon the interest
of the Colony in general ; and.
Your Memorialist, therefore, iiumbly prays your Honours
for a release or quit-claim to him and his associates, of the
right of the Governour and Company to the lands before
mentioned, beginning at the Western boundary of Penn-
sylvania, and extending from thence to the River Missis-
sippi, together with your Honours' right to the said River,
upon the foregoing conditions ; or, if your Honours should
not approve of the conditions aforesaid, that a Committee
of your Honourable Body may be appointed to confer with
him, and the grant aforesaid be made upon such conditions
as may be agreed to. And you* Memorialist, as in duty
bound, shall ever pray, &.c. Eben. Hazard.
Hartford, May 27, 1774.
General Assembly, May, 1774.
In the Lower House, the question was put, whether the
prayer of this Memorial should be granted, and resolved in
the negative.
Test, Wm. Williams, Clerk.
In the Upper House, the question was put, whetlier the
prayer of this Memorial should be granted, and resolved in
the negative.
Test, George Wyllts, Secretary.
extract or A LETTER FROM SIR JAMES WRIOtrT, BART.
TO THE EARL or DARTMOUTH, DATED SAVANNAH, OCTO-
BER 13, 1774,
Mr Lord : In my letter of the 24th August, No. 26,
I mentioned that some Protests and Dissents were preparing
in different parts of the Province which were not then
completed. These were not sent to Town till lately, and
only published in yesterday's paper, and which I now en-
close ; they have been wrote by tiie people themselves,
just in their own way, as your Lordship will see by the
style. However they certainly show that the sense of the
people in this Province is against any Resolutions, and that
those attempted by a few in Savannah, are held in con-
tempt.
ADDRESS FROM THE COUNTY OF WORCESTER, PRESENTED
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOUR, OCTOBER 14,
1774.
To his Excellency Thomas Gage, Esquire, Governour of
his Majesty's Province of Massachitsetts Bay, and
Commander-in-chief of the King's Forces in North
America.
31ay it please your Excellency:
The people of the County of Worcester being earnestly
solicitous for the peace and welfare of the Province in
general, cannot view the measures now pursuing by your
Excellency but with increasing jealousy, as they apprehend
there has not, nor does at present exist, any just occasion
for the formidable hostile preparations making on the Neck,
leading to our distressed capital.
It is a matter of such notoriety, that your Excellency
must be sensible there was not the least opposition made
to obstruct the introduction of the King's Troops at their
first landing, nor have the people since that time discovered
any intention to disturb tiiem, till your Excellency was
pleased to order the seizure of the Powder in the Arsenal
at Charlestoicn, in a private manner, which occasioned the
report that a skirmish had happened between a party of
the King's Troops and the people at Cambridge, in which
several of the latter fell; this caused the people to arm and
march from divers parts of the country ; but no sooner was
that report proved false than they returned peaceably to
their respective homes.
The inhabitants of the Province in general, and Town
of Boston, have never given cause for those cruel and
arbitrary Acts for blockading their Harbour and subverting
the Charter, by altering the Civil Government of the
Province, which, however, this people are determined, by
the Divine favour, never to submit to but with their lives,
notwithstanding they are aggrieved at the King's displea-
sure against them, through the instigation of artful and
designing men.
This County finds it difficult to comprehend the motives
for the present hostile parade, unless it be in consequence
of some preconcerted plan to subject the already greatly
distressed Town of Boston to mean compliances or military
contributions. They are equally at a loss to account for
your Excellency's conduct towards the County of Suffolk,
as in your Answer to their Address, remonstrating against
fortifying the only avenue to the Town, which by that
means may, in some future time, be improved to cut off
the communication between town and country, and thereby
reduce the miserable inhabitants to the greatest straits, your
Excellency is pleased, in answer, to observe, that you had
not made it easier to effect this, than what nature has made
it ; if so, the country cannot conceive why this expense
and damage of the Town to no purpose.
Your Excellency is likewise pleased to take notice of
the general good behaviour of the Soldiers, but at the same
time pass over that pari, complaining of the detention of
private property, and proceed to answer by way of quere,
to which you would not permit a reply. This County are
constrained to observe, they apprehend the people justifi-
able in providing for their own defence, while they under-
stood there was no passing the Neck without examination,
the Cannon at the North Battery spiked up, and many
places searched, where Ammunition was suspected to be,
and if found, seized ; yet as the people have never acted
offensively, nor discovered any disposition so to do, till as
above related, the County apprehend this can never justify
the seizure of private property.
It is with great anxiety this County observes the wanton
exercise of power in the Officers of the Customs at Salem,
and on board the King's ships, res|)ecting the article of
Fuel destined for the use of the inhabitants of Boston, who
are obliged to have it with the additional charge of landing
and reloading at Salem, before it can proceed ; when your
Excellency must be sensible the Act, which is the profes-
sed rule of conduct, expressly excepts Fuel and Victuals,
which may be brought to Boston by taking on board one
or more Officers at Salem, (without the aforesaid charge)
while that destined for the Troops |)roceeds direct, free from
the same. There are many other things which bear ex-
tremely hard on the inhabitants, while they are prohibited
869
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, kc, OCTOBER, 1774.
870
from transporting the smallest article from one part of the
Town to another, water-borne, without danger of a seizure,
or to get hay, cattle. Sic, from any of the islands, not-
withstanding tiiere is no other way of transportation.
Your Excellency, we apprehend, must have been greatly
misinformed of the ciiaracter of this people to suppose such
severities tend either to a submission to the Acts, or re-
conciliation with the Troops ; and the County are sorry to
find the execution of the Acts attempted with an higher
hand than was intended, unless the Acts themselves should
be thought too lenient.
Bringing into the Town a number of Cannon from Castle
William, sending for a further reinforcement of Troops,
with other concurring circumstances, strongly indicating
some dangerous design, has justly excited in the minds of
the people apprehensions of the most alarming nature, and
the authoi-s nmst be held accountable for all the blood and
carnage made in consequence thereof Therefore this
County, in duty to God, tiieir country, themselves, and
posterity, do remonstrate to, and earnestly desire your Ex-
cellency, as you regard the service of the King, and the
peace and welfare of the Province, to desist from any
further hostile preparations, and give the people assurances
thereof by levelling the Intrenchments and dismantling the
Fortifications, which will have a tendency to satisfy their
doubts, and restore that confidence so essential to their
quiet and his Majesty's service.
By order of the Convention of Committees for the
County of Worcester.
HIS EXCELLENCY S ANSWER.
Gentlemen: I have repeatedly given the strongest
assurances that I intended nothing hostile against the Town
or Country, and therefore desire you to ease the minds of
the people against any reports that may have been indus-
triously spread amongst them to the contrary ; my wish is
to preserve peace and tranquillity.
With respect to the execution of the Port Bill, it is a
matter belonging to other departments; and if any thing
is done, not warranted by said Act, the law is open for
redress. Thomas Gage.
PENNSYLVANIA ASSEMBLY.
At an Assembly held at Philadelphia, the fourteenth
day of October, Anno Domini 1774, P. M.
By the Returns of the Sheriffs of the several Counties, it
appears that the following gentlemen were duly elected
and chosen to serve in Assembly as Representatives of the
freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, for the ensuing
year, viz:
For the County of Philadelphia. — George Gray,
Henry Pawling, John Dickinson, Joseph Parker, Israel
Jacobs, Jonathan Roberts, Michael Ilillegas, Samuel
Rhoads.
For the City of Philadelphia. — Thomas Mifflin,
Charles Thomson.
For the County of Bucks. — John Brown, John Foulke,
William Rodman, Benjamin Chapman, Joseph Gallotvay,
Robert Kirkbride, Gerardus Wynkoop, John Haney.
For the County of Chester. — Benjamin Bartholo-
mew, John Jacobs, Joseph Pennock, James Gibbons,
Isaac Pearson, Charles Humphreys, John Morton, An-
thony Wayne.
For the County of Lancaster. — James Webb, Joseph
Ferree, Matthias Slough, George Ross.
For the County of York. — Ja7nes Ewing, Michael
Swoope.
For the County of Cumberland. — Wm. Allen, John
Montgomery.
For the County of Berks. — Edward Biddle, Henry
CJtreist:
For the County of Northampton. — Wm. Edmonds.
For the County of Bedford. — Bernhard Dougherty.
For the Ciunty o/ Northumberland. — Sam. Hunter.
For the Coijniy o/ Westmoreland. — Wm. Thompson.
A quorum of the Representatives being met, proceeded,
according to the Charter of Privileges and Laws of this
Province, to the choice of a Speaker, when Edward Bid-
die, Esquire, was unanimously chosen Speaker for the en-
suing year, and placed in the Chair accordingly.
Ordered, That Mr. Gray, Mr. Mifflin, Mr. Brown,
Mr. Bartholomew, Mr. Webb, Mr. Sivoope, and Mr. Ed-
monds, be a Conmiittee to wait on the Govemour and
acquaint him, that, pursuant to the Charter of Privileges
and the Laws of this Province, a quorum of the Represen-
tatives being met, have chosen a Speaker for the ensuing
year, and request to know at what hour to-morrow his
Honour will be pleased to receive the House, that they
may present their Speaker for his approbation.
The House adjourned to nine o'clock, to-morrow morn-
ing.
October 15. — The House met pursuant to adjournment.
The Members appointed to wait on the Govemour with
the Message of last night, reported they had delivered the
same, according to order, and that his Honour was pleased
to say he would be in the Council Chamber at eleven
o'clock this morning, to receive the House with their
Speaker.
A Message by Mr. Secretary :
" Sir : The Govemour is at the Council Chamber, and
" requires the attendance of the House, to present their
" Speaker."
Then Mr. Speaker, with the whole House, waited on
the Govemour, and, being returned from the Council
Chamber, the Speaker resumed the Chair, and reported
that the House had waited on his Honour, and presented
their Speaker, of whom the Govemour had been pleased
to approve, and that he (the Speaker) had then, in the
name and on behalf of the House, claimed their usual
privileges, viz :
First. That the Members of the House, during their
sitting, may enjoy freedom of Speech in all their proposi-
tions and debates.
Secondly. That they may, at all seasonable times, have
free access to the Govemour, the better to enable them to
discharge the business of the publick.
Thirdly. That their persons and estates may be free
from all manner of arrests, molestations, and injuries dur-
ing the time of accustomed privilege.
Fourthly. — That the Govemour would be pleased to
take no notice of any report concerning any matter or thing
moved or debated in the House, until the same shall be
passed into Resolves, nor give the least credit to such report.
Fifthly. That his own (the Speaker's) unwilling mis-
takes may be excused, and not imputed to the House, but
that he may have liberty of resorting to them for an ex-
planation of their true intent and meaning, and of reporting
the same to the Govemour.
All which he had claimed as the just and indefeisible
rights and privileges of the freemen of the Province of
Pennsylvania, derived and confirmed to them by the Laws
and Charter of the said Province ; and that the Govemour
was pleased to say, " They were the undoubted rights and
" privileges of the House, in which they might rely on his
" protection."
The Qualification by law appointed to be taken by
Members of Assembly, and the test of Abjuration, being
prepared, were then taken and subscribed, first by Mr.
Speaker, in the Chair, and afterwards by the Members
present, in their order.
Resolved, unanimously. That John Dickinson, Esquire,
be, and he is hereby, added to the Committee of Depu-
ties appointed by the late Assembly of this Province to
attend the General Congress now sitting in the City of
Philadelphia on American Grievances.
Resolved, That this House will provide an Entertain-
ment, to be given on Thursday next, to the Deputies from
the several Colonies attending publick business in this City.
Ordered, That Mr. Gray, Mr. Hillegas, Mr. Mifflin,
Mr. Rodman, Mr. Pearson, Mr. Wayne, and Mr. Ross,
with the Speaker, be a Committee to provide and super-
intend the said Entertainment, and that Mr. Speaker do
invite the gentlemen of the Congress accordingly.
It being represented by Mr. Hillegas, that Cayashuta,
an Indian Chief of note, and a friend to this Province, is
now in Town and in want of some necessaries :
Ordered, That Mr. Hillegas do procure the necessa-
ries requested by the said Indian Chief, defray his ex-
penses while in Town, and present him with the sum of ten
pounds, in behalf of this Government.
871
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, OCTOBER, 1774.
872
October 17, P. M. — Tlie Govemour, by Mr. Secretary,
sent down a written Message to the House, which was
read by order, and is as follows, viz :
Gentlemen : By the latest intelligence from the West-
ward, the Earl of Dunmore was set out on an expedition
down the Ohio against the Shawancsc Indians, and it is
very uncertain as yet vvhctiier the troubles on the Frontiers
may subside : I therefore find it incumbent on me to
recommend to your consideration the propriety of keeping
in pay, for a longer time, the Rangers employed by this
Government ; or taking such other measures as you may
judge, on this occasion, most proper for the publick se-
curity. John Penn.
October 17, 1774.
October 19, 1774. — The House resumed the consider-
ation of the Goveruour's Message of the seventeenth in-
stant, relative to the Rangers employed on the Frontiers,
and after some time spent therein,
Resolved, That the said Rangers be continued in pay
until the first day of November next, and then disbanded,
it not appearing to the House that their service on the
Frontiers is any longer necessary.
Resolved, That George Gray, Michael Hillcgas, Thos.
MiJJlin, and Charles Humjihrcijs, Esquires, or any three
of them, with the consent and approbation of tlie Govem-
our of this Province for the time being, may draw orders
on the Provincial Treasurer for any sum not exceeding
fourteen hundred and fifty pounds, to be disposed of in
discharging the arrears of pay, and the expense of victual-
ling the said Rangers ; the said sum to be paid out of the
moneys remaining in his hands by virtue of an Act of As-
sembly, passed the twenty-ninth of September last, enti-
tuled " An Act for the Support of the Government of this
" Province, and Payment of the Publick Debts."
Ordered, That Mr. Miffiln, Mr. Thomson, and Mr.
Rodman, be a Committee to prepare and bring in a draught
of an Answer to the Governour's Message.
The Committee appointed to prepare an Answer to the
Governour's Message, reported they had essayed a draught
for that purpose, which being agreed to by the House, was
transcribed by order, and follows in these words, viz :
" May it please your Honour :
" Having taken into our consideration the matter referred
to us, in your Message of the seventeenth instant, we are of
opinion that the Rangers employed by this Government
should be disbanded by the first of November next, as
their service on the Frontiers does not appear to us to be
any longer necessary.
" We have provided, agreeable to the Resolution sent
nerewith, for the payment of the arrears that may be due,
and for the incidental charges that have accrued for this
service.
" As the safety of the Province, in a great measure, de-
pends upon having a supply of Arms ready on any emer-
gency, we trust your Honour will give orders, at the time
of disbanding the men, that the Arms with which you have
supplied them, may be collected and deposited in some
place of security.
" Signed by order of the House,
" Edward Biddle, Spealcer.
" October 19, 1774."
Ordered, That Mr. Gray and Mr. Rodman wait on
the Govemour with the foregoing Answer to his Message,
and acquaint him that the House incline to adjourn to
Monday, the fifth of December next, if he has no objec-
tion thereto.
The Members appointed to wait on the Govemour, re-
ported they had delivered the Answer of the House, and
their Verbal Message, according to order, and that his
Honour was pleased to say he had no objection to the
time of adjournment proposed by the House.
October 21. — The House then adjourned to Monday,
the fifth of December next, at four o'clock, P. M.
Williamsburg, Friday, October 14, 1774.
This day an Express arrived from his Excellency the
Govemour, who has sent copies of several Speeches that
passed between him and the Chiefs of the Six Nations and
Delawares; wherein they greatly disapprove of the mur-
ders and outrages committed by the Shawanese, and pro-
mise to use their best endeavours to bring them to a treaty
with his Excellency, when it is hoped a permanent peace
will be established, and an end put to an Indian war, so
ruinous to the Frontier inhabitants, as well as expensive to
the country.
COUNCIL BETWEEN LORD DUNMORE AND THE INDIANS.
At a Council held with the Indians: Present, his Ex-
cellency the Ri^ht Honourable the Earl of Dunmore,
Lieutenant and Govemour of Virginia, Sic, Alexander
McKce, Esquire, Deputy Agent, Sic. ; Indians — Dela-
wares, King Custologa, Captain Jfhite Eyes, and Pluggy,
a Six Nation Chief, and sundry others.
Captain IMiite Eyes spoke :
First. — Brother : I wipe the sweat and dust from your
eyes by this string, and remove the fatigue that you have
had during your journey ; and also, 1 clear and open your
ears, that you may readily comprehend and hear what your
brothers have now to say to you ; I also remove every con-
cern from your heart, owing to any bad impressions which
have been made upon you during your journey to this
place, that you may believe tlic sincerity of us towards you
and all our brethren the English. (A String.)
Second. — Brother: I will now infonu you of what I
know concerning the Shawanese. Our uncles, the Mo-
haivks, have been sent by the Shawanese here, in order to
know in w hat manner they should act, so as to be admitted
to a conference with their brethren, the English of Vir-
ginia. Our uncles, die Mohatcks, desire to inform you
that the principal men of that Nation continue to hold fast
by the ancient chain of friendship ; but that some foolish
young men had loosened their hands therefrom, and that it
was not in tiieir power to prevent them heretofore. Brother,
I have now told you of what our uncles, the Mohau-ks,
have told us, of what the Chiefs of the Shawanese say,
and hope you will be strong, and consider upon what you
may have to say to them, that whenever you choose to
speak, we may be ready to join you in so doing.
Third. — Brother: 1 desire you to listen to your breth-
ren, the Five Nations and Mohawks, the Wyandots, and
also your brethren the Delawares. These are the people
who have taken pains to keep every thing quiet since those
unhappy troubles. All the Western Nations are quiet, but
keep their eyes fixed upon this quarter. Brother, I am
rejoiced to see you, as I was troubled and afraid before ;
but now my apprehensions are dispersed on seeing you,
which is the cause of my pleasure. Brother, I now es-
teem our women and children restored to life upon your
arrival, and that even the foolisii young people will have
reason to be thankful on the conclusion of the present pros-
pect. (A String.)
Fourth. — Brother: I desire you to listen to us few of the
numerous Chiefs who formerly were of our Nations ; as the
few now remaining have a due remembrance of the friend-
ship subsisting between our forefathers. Brother, during
the trouble which happened, owing to foolish people, I was
apprehensive it might be the cause of universal trouble, so
as to have shook our amity, and weakened the ancient
friendship between us. Brother, I tell you that 1 am ex-
tremely rejoiced at your arrival here, as you are esteemed
our elder brother ; and I hope that, as you have it amply
in your power, you will restore our ancient friendship, and
establish it upon the former good footing ; to promote which
we will contribute our weak endeavours, by afibrding all
our assistance. (A Belt.)
This is what your brethren have to say to you who are
here present.
His Lordship said :
I am much obliged to you for this mark of your friend-
ship, and I will consider of what you have said, and shall
return you an answer hereafter.
His Excellency's Answer to the Delawares and Six Na-
tion Chiefs.
Brethren : I now wipe the tears from your eyes, which
you may have shed for the loss of any of your people. 1
remove'the grief from your hearts which it may have oc-
873
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fcc, OCTOBER, 1774.
874
casioned. I also clear your ears from any bad reports, that
you may now look upon your brethren, tlie Virginians,
with friendshij), and that you may believe what I am about
to say to you in your hearts, and receive it with pleasure.
(A String.)
Brethren : With these trifling goods I cover the graves
of your deceased friends, that the remembrance of your
grief upon that occasion may be buried in total oblivion.
(^Condolence Present.)
Brethren: Your desire is gratified ; I do see clearly, and
the sweat and fatigue 1 have experienced on my journey
here, will be no cause of complaint to me, when 1 find an
opportunity to convince my brethren, the Delawares and
Siv Nations, of my good intentions towards them. You
may be assured, brethren, that as I am now here present, I
shall be able to hear plainly, and to disthiguish clearly
what is just and unjust between me and my brethren, the
Indians. (A String.)
Brethren : I am much obliged to you for the pains you have
taken to heal the sores made by the Shawancse, and would
have been very glad to have now given you a more favour-
able answer as to them ; but you yourselves must be well
acquainted how little the Skaivanese deserve the treatment
or appellation of brethren from me, when, in the first place,
they have not complied with the terms prescribed to them
by Colonel Bouquet, (and to which they assented,) of giv-
ing up the white prisoners ; nor have they ever truly buried
the hatchet ; for the next summer after that treaty, they
killed a man upon the frontiers of my Government ; the
next year they killed eight of my people upon Cumberland
River, and brought their horses to their Towns, where they
disposed of them, (together with a considerable quantity of
peltry) to the traders from Pennsylvania. Some time af-
ter, one Martin, a trader from my Government, was killed
with two men, on Hockhoclcing, by the Shawanese, only
because they were Virginians ; at the same time permit-
ting one Ellis to pass, only as he was a Pennsylvanian.
In the year 1771, twenty of my people were robbed by
tliem, when they carried away nineteen horses, and as
many owned by Indians, with their guns, clothes, Sic,
which they delivered up to one Callender and Spears, and
other Pennsylvania traders in their Towns. In the same
year, on the Great Kenhawa, in my Government, they
killed » • * • » one of my people and wounded his brother ;
and the year following, Adam Stroud, another of my peo-
ple, his wife and seven children, were most cruelly murdered
on Elk waters. In the next year they killed Richards,
another of my people, on the Kenhawa. A kw moons
after, they killed Russell, one of my people, and five white
men and two negroes, near Cumberland Gap; and also
carried their horses and effects into their Towns, where they
were purchased by the Pennsylvania traders. All these, with
many other murders, they have committed upon my people
before a drop of Shawanese blood was spilt by them ; and
have continually perpetrated robberies upon my defenceless
Frontier inhabitants, which at length irritated them so far
that they began to retaliate. I have now stated the dispute
between them and us, and leave it to you to judge what
they merit. (A String.)
Brethren : You desire me to listen to my brethren, the
Five Nations, the Mohawks, the Wyandots, and to my
brethren, the Delawares. 1 do so with the utmost atten-
tion, and am well pleased to return you my thanks for the
pains you have taken, and am extremely happy, and ex-
ceedingly desirous, that the eyes of the Western Nations,
and all others, may be continually fixed upon me ; for then
tliey will plainly see that my real intention and sincere de-
sire is only to do justice to all parties. Brethren, 1 hope
our pleasure at meeting is mutual ; and you may be as-
sured, from my late proceedings, that my good will towards
you is most sincere, and I rejoice equally vvith you at the
new life your women and children have acquired by my
arrival ; and I most sincerely wish that they may long con-
tinue in a full enjoyment of peace and happiness, to which
I will most cheerfully contribute my utmost assistance. (A
String. )
Brethren : I am very glad to find that the Chiefs of the
different Nations have a due and friendly regard to the
friendship formerly subsisting between our forefathers,
which I shall be happy at all times to continue. I am
glad to observe that few (if any) of the foolish people
who have been the authors of the late troubles, were in
any wise particularly connected with you ; and I hope that
our ancient friendship is too strongly linked to be broke by
a few banditti of a distant Nation. I own I am very much
rejoiced at my arrival here, as I hope it will be the means
of adding fresh strength to the ancient chain of friendship
subsisting between us ; and particularly so, as I see your
inclinations are to facilitate this good work. I acknowledge
myself your elder brother, and shall, upon every occasion,
manifest my regard as such towards you ; and I do expect
that you will continually look up to me as your elder
brother, from whom you may be assured of the strongest
marks of brotherly kindness, either in peace or war. And
as you may now be certain of protection from your elder
brother, 1 flatter myself you will continue to tread the an-
cient path towards him here, w hen he will be answerable
that the most ample justice shall be done you. (^A Belt.)
At a Conference held with several of the Delaware and
Mohawk Chiefs.
Intelhgence received from Captain Pike.
At my arrival at the Lower Shawanese Towns, I was
told by the Cornstalk that he was much rejoiced to hear
from his brethren, the white people, in the Spring, upon
the first disturbances; that he had, in consequence thereof,
ordered all his young people to remain quiet, and not to
molest the traders, but to convey them safe to their grand-
fathers, the Delaivares, where they would be safe. The
Shawanese Chiefs declared they were well pleased to hear
from their brethren, the English, and that they had spoke
to all their young people to remain quiet. Upon his ar-
rival at the Standing Stone, he sent word to the Shawa-
nese to assemble their Counsellors ; but, as they were out a
hunting, it could not be immediately effected. The prin-
cipal warriours always listened to the Chiefs, and had no
hostile intentions. The mischiefs which had been done
were perpetrated by the foolish young people ; but that
now, as soon as they were assembled, they would be able
to prevent any thing of that nature for the future. The
Shawanese told me that a party of Twightwees, one of
Tawas, and a party of Wyandots, were as far advanced
on their way to war against the white people, as their
Towns ; but that they had advised them to return ; that
they expected the war which threatened them would be
extinguished, as they now endeavoured at peace.
Pluggy, a Mohawk, who was questioned whether he
knew of these parties, said that some hunters who were of
the Wyandots and Tawas, came to the Shawanese Towns
to hear news, but were sent back.
Speech of the Mohegans to the Shawanese.
Brethren : Formerly you came to us on the other side
of the Mountains, and told us we were your older brothers,
desiring us to come over and show ourselves to your grand-
fathers, the Delatvares, that they might know our relation-
ship. We did so, and as one people held fast the same
chain of friendship ; but now we see you only holding with
one hand, whilst you keep a tomahawk in the other. We
desire you, therefore, to sit down and not be so haughty,
but pity your women and children. We therefore take
the tomahawk out of your hands, and put it into the hands
of your grandfathers, the Delawares, who are good judges,
and know how to dispose of it.
Answer of the Shawanese.
Brethren : We are glad to hear what you have said, and
that you have taken the tomahawk out of our hands and
given it to our grandfathers, the Delawares; but, for our
parts, we are not sensible that we have had the tomahawk
in our hands. It is true some foolish young people may
have found one out of our sight, hid in the grass, and may
have made use of it ; but that tomahawk which we for-
merly held, has been long since buried, and we have not
since raised it.
There w^as a great deal of consultation amongst the dif-
ferent Nations, while I was at their Towns, but nothing par-
ticularly relative to what is now in question.
Colonel Stephen demanded of Captain Pike how he
was received by the Shaieantse, who says that he arrived
there about noon, and after having cleared tlieir eyes and
875
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
876
opened their ears in the common form, that they had a great
(lance, and afterwards came to him ; and, upon healing
what he had to say, expressed their satisfaction by saying
they hoped their friendship was now renewed. Though
he heard some of the young people expressing a threaten-
ing at the Delawares' so much interfering in tiieir quarrel
with tiie white people ; that if they had any thing to say,
tiiey wondered why the white people did not come them-
selves to speak.
The Delawares said, that as the sentiments of the Shaw-
anese were now known, that if the Governour had an in-
clination they would join him in any thing he had to ofl'er
to them for the promotion of peace and the restoration of
harmony to the country.
Reply of the Mohawks and Delaware Chiefs to his Lord-
ship's Answer.
Present : Captain JiTiite Eyes, Captain Pipe, Captain
Wingamm, Delawares ; Captain Pluggy and Big Apple
Tree, Mohawks.
Captain iVhite Eyes spoke in behalf of the Delawares:
Brother : Your brethren here present are very happy to
have heard your good Speeches, and are glad to find you
acknowledge yourself their elder brother. We acquainted
you that our sincere desire was that the peace between us
and our brethren, the £h^//sA, should be upon a lasting
footing. We now are convinced that it will be upon a sure
and permanent foundation, as our children may have an
opportunity of being inslmcted in the Christian religion.
We shall acquaint all the Tribes of Indians of what has
here passed between us, and we are satisfied that it will be
very satisfactory to them to hear the good talk from our
older brother. For my part, I can assure you, brother,
that for my Tribe I can answer, even for the foolish young
people thereof, that they will not be the cause of any dis-
turbance in any manner whatever hereafter, either by theft
or otherwise, or give cause of any trouble to your people.
The Chiefs of the other Tribes of our Nation will confirm
what I have now said, as soon as they have an opportu-
nity. (A String.)
Brother: As your brethren, the Shawanese, are desirous
to speak to you by themselves, 1 hope you will listen to
them. I will desire them to speak to you ; and that you
may there have an opportunity of speaking together, I
would be glad to acquaint them when they could see you to
enter into conference. I am much obliged to you for the
promise you have given me that justice shall be done us in
the trade here, and tliat proper pereons shall be appointed
to see that we are fairly dealt with. I shall acquaint the
young men with it, that they may come to trade in their
usual manner.
The Big Apple Tree, Mohawk, spoke.
Brother : This day it hath pleased God that we should
meet together ; we who are sent on behalf of another Na-
tion. The Shawanese told me that they heard there was
something yet good in the heart of the Big Knife. They
desired me to take their hearts into our hands, and speak
strongly on their behalf to the Big Knife. I am glad the
Shawatiese, my younger brethren, have desired me to un-
dertake this business, if 1 can serve them ; and I am equally
rejoiced at the appearance thereof, from your good Speech-
es. You may be assured, that as they have delivered
themselves into our care, we shall do our endeavour to in-
duce them to pursue proper measures to restore peace.
You may be also assured, that your brother, the Chief of
the Wynndots, will also assist me in taking care that our
younger brothers, the Shawanese, act a prudent part.
Wheresoever, brother, you build your Council Fire to
speak to the Shawanese, you may be assured that we, the
Mohawks, with our bretluen, the Wynndots, will come with
them to speak also ; and that we hope peace then will be
restored and established on a permanent footing. (A
String.)
His Lordship's Answer.
Brethren: I shall consider of what you have said, and
will give you an answer tliis afternoon.
His Lordship's Answer to their Reply.
Brethren : I am glad to find that what I have said in our
late Conference has been satisfactory to you ; and you may
be assured, that whatever I have promised shall be con-
firmed, so that my actions shall convince you of the sin-
cerity of my heart. I am glad to find you have a desire
of instructing your children in the Christian religion, which
will be the cause of peace remaining between us on a last-
ing footing, and of adding happiness to your own Nation.
(A String.)
Brethren : I have already informed you of the evil dis-
position of the Shawanese towards us ; but to convince you
how ready the Big Knife is to do justice, at all times, even
to their greatest enemies, at the request of my good breth-
ren, the Sijc Nations, and you, the Delawares, I will be
ready and willing to hear any good speeches which the
Shaivanese may have to deliver to me, either at Wheeling,
(where I soon purjiose to be ;) or, if they should not meet
me there, at the Little Kcnhawa, or somewhere lower
down the river. (A String.)
Brethren, the Mohaxvks, you will hear by my Speech to
my younger brethren, the Delawares, that I am prevailed
upon to listen to the Shawanese, notwithstanding their bad
behaviour towards my people ; and as I am prevailed upon
merely by the confidence I repose in the friendship of my
brethren, the Wyandots and Five Nations, I expect this
will be looked upon as a strong proof of my regard towards
them. And, as it is your wish, I will meet the Shawanese at
one of the places mentioned in my Answer to my younger
brethren, the Delawares, provided they are led to the Coun-
cil Fire by my brethren, the Mohawks, the Wyandots, and
the Delawares, as 1 shall be satisfied that whatever they
may then promise, you, my brethren, will see them strictly
adhere to. (A String.)
The Delatvares' Reply.
Brother : We are much rejoiced to hear what you have
now said, and believe it to be sincere ; and you may be
satisfied, that I, in behalf of my people, will endeavour to
convince you that we are so. When the Delawares, the
Six Nations, the Shawanese, and you, our elder brother,
meet together, you will then see who are sincere in their
fiiendship. In a short time it will be seen ; for those who
are determined on good, will not fail to meet you. I shall
speak to the Shawanese, and, if their intentions are equal
to their professions, they will see you ; but, on behalf of
my people, I promise to meet you. This is all I have to
say at this time ; but you may be certain that myself. Cap-
tain Pipe, and Captain Winganum, will wait on you.
THE SPEECH OP EDMUND BURKE, ESQUIRE, ON OCCASION
OF OFFERING HIMSELF A CANDIDATE TO REPRESENT THE
CITY OF BRISTOL IN PARLIAMENT, DELIVERED BEFORE
THE HUSTINGS, OCTOBER 16, 1774.
Gentlemen : I am come hither to solicit in person that
favour which my friends have hitherto endeavoured to pro-
cure for me, by the most obliging, and to me the most
honourable exertions.
I have so high an opinion of the great trust which you
have to confer on this occasion, and by long experience,
so just a diffidence in my abilities to fill it in a manner
adequate even to my own ideas, that I should never have
ventured, of myself, to intrude into that awful situation.
But since I am called upon by the desire of several re-
spectable fellow-subjects, as I have done at other times, I
give up my fears to their w ishes. Whatever my other defi-
ciencies may be, I do not know what it is to be wanting to
my friends.
I am not fond of attempting to raise publick expectation
by great promises. At this time there is much cause to
consider and very little to presume. We seem to be ap-
proaching to a great crisis in our affairs, which calls for the
whole wisdom of the wisest among us, without being able
to assure ourselves that any wisdom can preserve us from
many and great inconveniences. You know I speak of
our unhappy contest with America. I confess it is a mat-
ter on which I look down as from a precipice. It is diffi-
cult in itself, and it is rendered more intricate by a great
variety of plans of conduct. I do not mean to enter into
tiiem. I will not suspect a want of good intention in form-
ini' them. But how pure the intentions of their authors
may have been, we all know that event has been unfortun-
ate. The means of recovering our affairs are not obvious.
877
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
878
So many great questions of commerce, of finance, of Con-
stitution, and of policy, are involved in this American de-
liberation, that 1 dare engage for notiiing, but that 1 shall
give it, without any predilection to former opinions, or any
sinister bias whatsoever, the honest and impartial consider-
ation of which 1 am capable. The publick has a full right
to it, and this great city, a main pillar in the commercial
interest of Great Britain, must totter on its base by the
slightest mistake with regard to our American measures.
Thus much, however, I think it not amiss to lay before
you, that 1 am not, 1 hope, apt to take up or lay down
my opinions lightly. 1 have held, and ever shall maintain,
to the best of my power, unimpaired and undiminished,
tlie just, wise, and necessary constitutional superiority of
Great Britain. This is necessary for America as well as
for us. I never mean to depart from it. Whatever may
be lost by it, I avow it. The forfeiture even of your fa-
vour, if by such a declaration 1 could forfeit it, though the
fust object of my ambition, never will make me disguise
my sentiments on this subject.
But 1 have ever had a clear opinion, and have ever held
a constant correspondent conduct, that this superiority is
consistent with all the liberties a sober and spirited Ame-
rican ought to desire. I never meant to put any Colonist,
or any human creature, in a situation not becoming a free
man. To reconcile British superiority with American
liberty, shall be my great object, as far as my little faculties
extend. I am far from thinking that both, even yet, may
not be preserved'.
When I first devoted myself to the publick service, I con-
sidered how I should render myself fit for it; and this I did
by endeavouring to discover what it was ihat gave this coun-
try the rank it holds in the world ; 1 found that our power
and dignity rose principally, if not solely, from two sources,
our Constitution and commerce. Both these 1 have spared
no study to understand, and no endeavour to support.
The distinguishing part of our Constitution is its liberty.
To preserve that liberty inviolate seems the particular duty
and proper trust of a Member of the House of Commons.
But the liberty, the only liberty I mean, is a Uberty con-
nected with order, and that not only exists along with
order and virtue, but which cannot exist at all without
them. It inheres in good and steady -Government, as in
its substance and vital principle.
The other source of our power is commerce, of which
you are so large a part, and which cannot exist, no more
than your liberty, without a connection with many virtues.
It has ever been a very particular and a very favourite
object of my study, in its principles and its details. I
think many here are acquainted with the truth of what I
say. This I know, that I have ever had my house open,
and my poor services ready for traders and manufacturers
of every denomination. My favourite ambition is to have
those services acknowledged. I now appear before you
to make trial, whether rny earnest endeavours have been so
wholly oppressed by the weakness of my abilities, as to be
rendered insignificant in the eyes of a great trading city, or
whether you choose to give weight to humble abilities for
the sake of the honest exertions with which they are ac-
companied. This is my trial to-day. My industry is not
on trial : of my industry I am sure, as far as my constitution
of mind and body admitted.
When I was invited by many respectable merchants,
freeholders, and freemen of this city, to offer them my ser-
vices, I had just received the honour of an election at
another place, at a very great distance from this. I imme-
diately opened the matter to those of my worthy constitu-
ents who were with me, and they unanimously advised me
not to decline it ; that they had elected me with a view to
the publick service ; and that as great questions relative to
our commerce and Colonies were imminent, that in such
matters 1 might derive authority and support from the rep-
resentation of this great commercial city ; they desired me
therefore to set off without delay, very well persuaded that
I never could forget my obhgatious to them or to my
friends, for the choice they have made of me. From tliat
time to this instant I have not slept, and if I should have
the honour of being freely chosen by you, I hope I shall
be as far from slumbering or sleeping when your service
requires me to be awake, as I have been in coming to offer
myself a candidate for your favour.
DOCTOR SAMUEL COOPER TO MR. JOHN ADAMS, DATED
OCTOBER 16, 1774.
Having just been informed that Mr. Tudor is going to
Philadelphia, 1 take this opportunity to thank you for the
obliging favour of your letter of the ii9tb Stptember. The
struggle, as you justly observe, between fleets and armies
and commercial regulations, must be very unequal. We
hope, however, that Congress will carry this mode of
defence as far as it will go, and endeavour to render it as
early effectual as it can be, since the operation of it must
necessarily be slow — were we at ease we would wait — but
being first seized and griped by the merciless hand of power,
we are " tortured even to madness," and yet, perhaps, no
people would give a greater example of patience and firm-
ness could the people be sure of the approbation and coun-
tenance of the Continent, in consolidating themselves in the
best manner they are able, they should have, they say,
fresh spirits to sustain the conflict. The report of an un-
common large quantity of British goods sent to Neiv-
York and Philadelphia naturally carries our thoughts to
a Non-consumption. Nothing could more thoroughly em-
barrass these selfish Importers, and none ever deserved
more such a punishment.
Our Provincial Congress is assembled ; they adjourned
from Concord to Cambridge. Among them, and through
the Province, the spirit is ardent. And I think the inhab-
itants of this Town are distracted to remain in it with such
formidable fortifications at hs entrance. Besides the Regi-
ments expected from the Southward and Canada, we have
several Companies from Newfoundland , of which we had
no apprehension until they arrived. The Tories depend
that the Administration will jaush their point with all the
force that they can spare, and this I think we ought to
expect and take into our account.
PENNSYLVANIA COUNCIL.
At a Council held at Philadelphia, on Monday, Octo-
ber 17, 1774:
Present: The Honourable John Pcnn, Esquire, Gov-
ernour, William Logan, James Tilghman, Richard Peters ^
Edward Shippen, Jun., Benjamin Chew, Esquires.
Upon the application of John Patterson, Esquire, Dep-
uty Collector of his Majesty's Customs for this Port, tlie
Governour, with the advice of the Council, issued the fol-
lowing Proclamation, viz :
By the Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Governour and
Commander-in-chief of the Province of Pennsylva-
nia, and the Counties of New-Castle, Kent, and
Sussex, on Delaware.
A Proclamation.
Whereas an information has been made to me by John
Patterson, Esquire, Collector of his Majesty Customs for
the Port of Philadelphia, supported by depositions taken
before one of the Justices of the Peace for the County of
Philadelphia, that in the night of the twenty-second day
of last month, a considerable number of Hogsheads of for-
eign Sugar were taken from on board the schooner Felicity,
Allen Moore, Master, lately arrived from Hispaniola, and
put into a store in the Northern Liberties of this City, the
said Sugars not having been first entered in the Custom
House, nor the Duties thereof paid before they were land-
ed, and that on the next day a great number of people,
armed with clubs and staves, appeared at the said store and
prevented the Officers of the Customs from breaking open
the doors of the same in order to make seizure of the
said Sugars ; and that afterwards, in the evening of the
same day, the said Sugars were violently and forcibly taken
from the said store and carried away. I have, therefore,
thought fit, with the advice of the Council, to issue this
Proclamation ; and do hereby strictly charge, enjoin, and
require all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, and ail Civil Officers,
as well as all others, his Majesty's subjects within this
Province, to use their utmost endeavours, by all lawful
ways and means, not only to bring to justice all offenders in
the premises, but to discountenance and discourage all such
violent, outrageous, and illegal proceedings for the future,
and also upon all occasions lo afford llie most speedy and
879
CORRESPONDEKCE, PROCEEDINGS, he, OCTOBER, 1774.
880
effectual aid and assistance to tlie Officers of his Majesty's
Customs in the legal discharge of their duty.
Given under my hand and the great seal of the said
Province, at FhUadcJphia, die eighteenth day of October,
in tiie fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign, and in the
year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-
lour. John Penn.
By his Honour's command,
Joseph Shippen, Jan., Secretary.
God save the King.
The Board being of opinion it would be expedient and
necessary to continue in pay for a time longer the Rangers
etnploycd in the protection of the Western Frontiers of
this Province, they advised the Governoiir to recommend
jt to the Assembly, to make provision for tiiat purpose,
and the following Message being prepared at the table,
\vas fairly transcribed and delivered to the House by the
Secretary, viz :
A Message from the Governour to the Assembly,
Gentlemen : By the latest intelligence from the West-
ward, the Earl of Dunmore was set out on an expedition
down the Ohio, against the Shatvanese Indians, and it is
very uncertain as yet whether the troubles on the Frontiers
may subside. I therefore find it incumbent on me to re-
commend to your consideration the propriety of keeping in
pay, for a longer time, the Rangers employed by this Gov-
ernment, or taking such other measures as you may judge
on this occasion most proper for the publick security.
John Penn.
October 17, 1774.
settled at the places our brother the Governour of Virginia
appointed to meet the Shatvanese. but 1 cannot tell
whether they will agree or not. (A String.^
In two nights after my return to Colonel Croghan's,
some bad wiiite man crossed the River in the night and
stole four horses from me, which my friend Mr. Mackay
can inform you of, which 1 hope you will consider and not
let me be at the loss of.
The Pipe, A Chief of the Delaware Nation.
CAPTAIN ST. CLAIR TO JOSEPH SHIPPEN, JR.
Ligonier, October 17, 1774.
Sir : Having accidentally met with my friend Mr. Mac-
kay at this place, I take the liberty to introduce him to
you. He has an answer to the Messages the Governour
sent to the Shaivanese and Dclawares, not unfriendly, but
which you will very well understand. Mr. Mackay is one
of the Magistrates that was sent to Virginia. He is a
warm friend to this Government, and has some idea of his
own importance. I wish you would please to introduce
him to the Governour, and let him tell his story. I need
not tell you how far a little attention will go with people of
a certain character; but this you may depend on, he is an
upright, honest man. Excuse my mentioning it, but these
gentlemen's expenses on that Virginia trip should certainly
be paid them : I know, however, he will not mention it,
nor would he forgive me if he knew that I had done it. I
dont know how it is, but I am very apt to get into matters
I have no sort of business with, and which indeed does not
become me ; but 1 will add that I am with the greatest
esteem, sir, your very humble and most obedient servant,
Ar. St. Clair.
N. B. Past ten o'clock.
SPEECH TO THE GOVERNOUR FROM THE PIPE, A CHIEF OF
TIIE DELAWARE INDIANS.
Brother, the Governour of Pennsylvania : As soon as
the Chiefs of our Nation and the Six Nations had received
your belts from Captain iSV. Clair, I was appointed to
carry them through all our Villages, and from thence to the
Shawanese and Wyandots at Sandusky. I am now re-
turned, and can inform you and your wise men that your
messages were well received by all the Tribes, and tljey all
long to meet you or some of your wise men in Council, to
renew and brighten the chain of friendship so long subsist-
ing between our forefatiiers. For our parts, wo never
mean to let it slip out of our hands ; and it is not our fault
if it should ; it is not in our powers to go to you ; but we
know it's in your power to come or send some of your wise
men to meet us ; and it never was more necessary, as this
difference subsisting between the Goveniour of Virginia
and the Shawanese gives us all great uneasiness in our
minds, and though we have suffered nmch in some of our
people being killed, yet we have done every thing in our
power to get this unhappy difference made up, and have
now sent a number of our wise men to assist in getting it
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE HONOURABLE GOV-
ERNOUR GAGE, TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, DATED
BOSTON, OCTOBER 17, 1774.
My Lord : I transmit your Lordship a number of en-
closures, amongst which you will see the Resolves passed
by the Representatives who met at Salem, notwithstanding
my Proclamation to postpone the Sessions, and adjourned
themselves, as was foreseen, to meet Delegates from the
Counties and Towns, to Concord, there to form themselves
into a Provincial Congress, from whence they ha\'e agreed
to remove to Cambridge. Your Lordship has a Remon-
strance which they have sent to me, and my Answer to it,
which I had some difficulty in contriving, as I cannot con-
sider them as a legal Assembly, and a handle would have
been made of it had I refused ; and it was, moreover, ne-
cessary to warn them of their conduct, and require them to
desist from such unconstitutional proceedings. There are
also copies of two Remonstrances from the County of
Worcester, the first of which was so offensive to the Kinf^,
and not addressed to me as Governour, that I refused to
receive it ; the last was answered, and the answer trans-
mitted.
The above relate to works I have been making at the
entrance of the Town, at which they pretend to be great-
ly alarmed, lest the inhabitants of the Town should be
enslaved, and made hostages of, to force the country to
comply with the late Acts: a scheme which they know is
not feasible ; but I believe the works have hitherto obstruct-
ed some pernicious projects they have had in view, which
has determined me to refuse all applications for their demo-
lition. And whilst tlieir affected apprehensions for the
Town of Boston are held forth, moderation and forbearance
has been put to the test, by burning the straw, and sinking
boats with bricks, coming for the use of the Troops, and
overturning our wood carts. It appears to me to be a part
of their system, to pick a cjuarrel with the Troops, for which
reason 1 was the more cautious to give no pretence for it,
that all misfortunes which might happen should be of their
own seeking.
There aie various reports spread abroad of the motions
made at the Provincial Congress whilst at Concord ; some
it is said moved to attack the Troops in Boston, immediate-
ly ; others to value the estates in the Town, in order to pay
the proprietors the loss they might sustain, and to set the
Town on fire ; and odiers proposed to invite die inhabitants
into tiie country, which has been talked off for some time.
By a Letter from General Carlcton, of the 20th of Sep-
tcmber, he determined to send here the Tenth and Fifty-
second Regiments, and I conclude them on their wav from
Quebec; as also General TIaldimand with the Forty-seventh
Regiment from Neiv- York, where transports have been
laying for some weeks to take on board the stores, and I
apprehend they are mostly secured. I am to acquaint your
Lordship likewise, diat Commodore Shuhlhnm, receiving
intelligence at Neiifoimdland of the extraordinary com-
motions of this country, sent the Rose, man-of-war, imme-
diately here, with two Companies of the Sixty-fifth Regi-
ment, stationed at St. John's, desiring only that they might
be replaced in the Spring. I am, &:c.
Thomas Gage.
P. S. I had once hopes to have sent your Lordship
accounts of some conciliatory measures, which 1 have
urged strongly, and recommended the paying for the Tea
for a beginning of a reconcihation ; but I despair of any
overtures of the kind, unless it comes recommended from
the Continental Congress, by whose Resolves this people
declare their intentions to abide, and use every artifice to
engage the rest of the Condnent in their own disputes with
the modier country. T. G.
881
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
883
THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH TO THE GOVERNOURS OF THE
COLONIES.
[Circular.] Whitehall, October 19, 1774.
Sir : His Majesty having thought fit by his Order in
Council this day to proliibit the exportation from Great
Britain of Gunpowder, or any sort of Arms or Ammunition,
I herewith enclose to you a copy of the Order ; and it is
his Majesty's command that you do take the most effectual
measures for arresting, detaining, and securing any Gun-
powder, or any sort of Arms or Ammunition which may be
attempted to be imported into the Province under your
Government, unless the master of the ship having such
Military Stores on board shall produce a license from his
Majesty or the Privy Council for the exportation of the
same from some of the Ports of this Kingdom.
I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
Dartmouth.
chants. Shopkeepers, and others, as they prize the tran-
quillity and happiness of America, that they will not take
advantage of the distresses ; but that they will be content
with, and demand no more than the usual advance upon
such goods and merchandise as they now have by them, or
hereafter may be allowed to import.
By order of the Committee,
Peter Timothy, Secretary.
A large Committee was at the same time appointed to
see and pursue every measure that shall be necessary for
the due observance of the above recommendations, he.
order in council.
At the Court of St. James's, the 19th day of October,
1774: Present, the King's most Excellent Majesty in
Council, Earl of Rochford, Earl of Dartmouth, Earl of
Suffolk, Lord Viscount Townshend, Lord Mansfield, Lord
North.
Whereas an Act of Parliament was passed in the twenty-
ninth year of the reign of his Majesty King George the
Second, entitled, " An Act to empower his Majesty to
" prohibit the importation of Saltpetre, and to enforce the
" law for empowering his Majesty to prohibit the exporta-
" tion of Gunpowder, or any sort of Arms and Ammunition;
" and also to empower his Majesty to restrain the carrying
" coastwise of Saltpetre, Gunpowder, or any sort of Arms or
" Ammunition :" And his Majesty judging it necessary to
prohibit the exportation of Gunpowder, or any sort of Arms
or Ammunition out of this Kingdom, or carrying the same
coastwise for some time, doth therefore, with the advice of
his Privy Council, hereby order, require, prohibit, and
command, that no person or persons whatsoever (except
the Master General of the Ordnance for his Majesty's
service,) do at any time during the space of six months
from the date of this Order in Council, presume to trans-
jxirt into any parts out of this Kingdom, or carry coastwise
any Gunpowder, or any sort of Arms or Ammunition, or
ship or lade any Gunpowder, or any sort of Arms or Ammu-
nition on board any ship or vessel, in order to transport the
same into any parts beyond the seas, or carrying the same
coastwise, without leave or permission in that behalf, first
obtained from his Majesty or his Privy Council, upon pain
of incurring and suffering the respective forfeitures and
penalties inflicted by the aforementioned Act. And the
Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, the Com-
missioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral
of Great Britain, the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports,
the Master General of the Ordnance, and his Majesty's
Secretary at War, are to give the necessary directions
herein, as to them may respectively appertain.
G. Chetwtnd.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE GENERAL COMMITTEE OF CHARLES-
TOWN, SOUTH CAROLINA, OCTOBER 20, 1774.
Whereas, from the prospect of a Non-Importation Agree-
ment being entered into, there is great reason to appre-
hend that some mercenarj' individuals, intending to take
advantages of the publick distress, are daily engrossing and
buying up large quantities of Goods with a view to keep
the same for sale, and hereafter to raise or regulate the
prices of them ; and it has been suggested, that commis-
sions seeming of this tendency, have been received from
such persons in some of our sister Colonies:
The General Committee having taken the same into
consideration, and being apprehensive of some mischievous
consequences, do recommend to, and request of, the Mer-
chants, Shopkeepers, and others in this Colony:
That they will endeavour to detect all such engrossers,
and, to the utmost of their power, discourage and defeat
their mercenary schemes ; and that if they should receive
any commissions of this tendency, from any place what-
ever, they will decline executing the same.
The General Committee do also recommend to the Mer-
FouKTH Series.
TO THE PEOPLE OF HALIFAX COUNTY, IN VIRGINIA.
October 20, 1774.
My Countrymen : At a time when Ministerial power
is exerting all its art, conjoined with threatened force, to
deprive the Americans of their natural rights and liberties,
and at a time when every true-bom son of freedom, who
has ever been sensible of the heartfelt satisfaction arising
from its enjoyment, ought to unite cheerfully with the ma-
jority of the people of the community, of which he must
consider himself a member, in all such measures as have
been, or may be adopted by those gentlemen, chosen
by the suffrages of the people, to guard against and
defeat the alarming attack made on our liberty by the
hand of arbitrary and unjust power ; I say, when this at
least may be expected of every individual amongst us, at
this alarming conjuncture of affairs, as a duty naturally in-
cumbent on him, how is my soul shocked to find a man,
not long since of good fame, of property, and holding an
office of some importance to the publick good, striving,
with all possible fallacy, to disaffect you, my unsuspecting
countrymen, against the noble and patriotick Resolves of
the late Convention, entered into by our worthy Deputies,
with all that reason and prudence which could possibly
have governed men in their situation ; the adherence to
which, strictly, can alone (in the opinion of those whose
known experience of the Constitution ought to give weight
to their councils) bring us that relief which the people so
ardently pray for, by obtaining a repeal of the oppressive
and odious " Boston Port Act," so much the subject of
consideration, and so much the important object of our
present inquietude ; a law, in short, my dear countrymen,
which strikes at once at the root of our so long boasted
liberties, and which, if submitted to, subjects us to the
most abject state of slavery. Distracting idea ! and suffi-
cient to rouse the attention of the most careless of liberty !
And lives there a man amongst us who dare call himself a
free man, and yet so destitute of those exquisite feelings,
natural to liberty, as to advise you to recede from the
Articles of Association, so solemnly entered into as afore-
said, calculated for your happiness, and thereby yield your-
selves up to those chains which tyranny and art have been
so long preparing for you ? Ignoble attempt ! and worthy
only of that unfortunate wretch who would prefer slavery
to freedom, or, if not preferring it, whose dastardly soul
would shrink into nothing at the bare idea of defending,
with his life and fortune, that liberty which is his birth-
right, and which nothing but the hand of arbitrary power
can tear from him. And if the preservation of all that is
dear to you, my countrymen, your civil rights, liberties,
and property, depend on your strict attention to the Ar-
ticles of Association, how greatly are you, and the cause
of liberty, indebted to Thomas Yu e, of your County,
for the part he has acted towards the completion of this
liberal plan ? Vain, deluded man, who could think him-
self, and a few misguided adherents, of importance suffi-
cient to disjoin that well connected plan of self-preserva-
tion, entered into by the wisest and best of men, and
whose distinguished abilities, displayed on many important
occasions, would do honour to the greatest Senate on
earth.
But, to address myself more particularly to you, Mr.
Yu e, and for a moment to flatter those machiavelian
talents you are known to possess in so great a degree, sup-
pose, by creating a division of the people, (which you
seem so clearly aiming at,) you could thereby blast that
noble plan of unanimity, so essentially necessary at this
time in baffling the attempts of Ministerial tjTanny to re-
56
883
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
884
duce us to slavery, and by wliich means you could be so
happy as to find yourself tiie noble instmment of placing
into the hands of the Ministry the only possible means of
success, in their cruel and unwarrantable schemes against
the now unhappy, but ever brave and loyal Americans ;
supposing, I repeat, you could thus see your favourite
scheme crowned with the wished for success, what great
reward could you promise yourself? Riches and honour ?
No, mistaken man, riches possibly might be the reward of
so heroick an action, but honour would have no connection
with such a dishonourable an action ; and the humane part
of mankind would shun you as the wretch who had been
capable, from the blackest motives, of sacrificing a brave
people to slavery and ruin, and to whom he stood in debt
for his daily bread. Remorse must harrow up your soul,
and as your crime would be equally as atrocious, so, like the
murderer Cain, you would have cause to curse the day
you was born. But to quit this horrid picture. You are,
sir, and have been for many years, settled amongst us, and
for many reasons, although a native of Scotland, you
ought to consider yourself as one of us. You have taken
a lady to wife, a native of the country, by whom you have
several children, who owe their birth to this country, and
whom you, no doubt, as you have possessions here, intend
setding amongst us. Then, sir, (not to say any thing
farther of your being indebted to this country for the for-
tune you now enjoy,) are you not obligated, by the
strongest ties of nature, blood, and gratitude, to defend,
with your hfe and fortune, your now adopted country and
your posterity, from the sword of tyranny ? And, in so
acting, you shew yourself possessed of that gratitude, that
private affection for the rights of a country, by whose laws
your life and proj)erty are protected, and which, above all
things, w'ould strongly recommend you to the admiration
and friendship of mankind.
This is but a faint drawing of the misery that would
certainly follow the one case, or the happiness which
would as certainly attend the other. Though faint as the
delineation may be, common sense, I think, would not
hesitate in her choice ; and it is now submitted to you,
sir, which side to cherish. To conclude, as to you, sir,
let me advise you, as a well-wisher to mankind, to desist
immediately in the ungenerous schemes practised on the un-
wary and unsuspecting people, to persuade, or scare them
them rather, out of that duty which they owe their country,
and which their country at this distracted conjuncture stands
so much in need of; or, otherwise, dread that resentment
natural to a free but deluded people, who will discover, to
your disgrace, that you have been officially active in seduc-
ing them from that love for their country which they had
so long cherished, and which, as good ministers of the
community, they would have brought into action, if they
had not been prevented by your specious art. Permit me
to ask upon what principles you purpose justifying your
strange, presumptuous, and rash conduct ? Upon those of
self-interest ? Sordid man ! who had rather see all America
involved in a general conflagration, than that he should
lose the benefit resulting from his darling cent, per cent.
For shame ! such a wretch ought to howl out his days in a
desert, excluded from all social intercourse with man, as
totally unworthy of their society. There is a maxim,
however, that I will remind you of, and if you are not to-
tally absorbed in the idea of your own importance, per-
haps reflection on your past conduct may induce an atten-
tion to it in future, " That private interest ought to yield to
publick good." The times never more required such a
sacrifice.
And now, my dear countrymen, permit me to conclude
with a few more observations to you, and as they are dic-
tated by an unafi"ected zeal for my country's good, and that
ardent desire (which ought to fire tlie breast of every
American) of seeing unanimity prevail not only through
this country, but that it may spread its benign influence to
every freeborn son of liberty, I hope, therefore, they may
merit your serious attention.
You can no longer doubt, 1 trust, my countrymen, that
our civil rights are now invaded by the hostile attack
made on them, through the channel of the arbitrary law
before alluded to, as by that law not only the right of tax-
ing us when and as they pleased, but the right also of dis-
posing of our private property, is assumed by the British
Parliament ; and to compel a slavish obedience to those
laws, an armed power is sent over ; the Town of Boston
blocked up, and thousands of its inhabitants thereby de-
prived of tliat free trade on which they were immediately
dependent. To descant fully on the arbitrary attempts to
enslave us, by wicked and designing men in Great Bri-
tain, would be going out of the purpose of this address to
you ; indeed, so much has been said on this subject by
abler men by far than myself, that I trust there is not a
man so totally unacquainted willi the principles of our
Constitution as to hesitate now in pronouncing the mea-
sures planned by the Ministry against America to be the
most arbitrary, unconstitutional, and subversive of our com-
mon rights and liberties that the most despotick power on
earth could have concerted against a brave, free, and loyal
people.
Being thus unhappily situated, can your patriotick friend
now stand out in telling you that it is unwarrantable and
repugnant to your common interests to break off all connec-
tion, in the conmiercial way, with Great Britain, until
such time as the Parliament at home can be brought to
a sense of the important injury done America, and as an
act of justice due to an injured people, who have been
misrepresented to our gracious Sovereign, by designing
Ministers, repeal those laws which occasion tlie unhappy
breach between Great Britain and her Colonies, and
thereby restore that harmony which once subsisted between
them, and which every loyal subject to the King of Great
Britain so ardently prays to see take place ?
Your strict attention to the political duties of every
member of the community will, I am persuaded, enable
you to guard yourselves against such flimsy and cobweb
doctrines ; and that you may not mistake the political du-
ties just mentioned, you will direct your attention to the
following lines, which, I trust, will not be thought un-
worthy of your consideration :
" A society, constituted by common reason, and formed
" on the plan of common interest, becomes immediately an
" object of publick attention, veneration, obedience, and
" inviolable attachment, which ought neither to be seduced
" by bribes, or awed by threats ; an object, in fine, of all
" those extensive and important duties which arise from so
" glorious a confederacy ; to watch over such a Constitu-
" tion ; to contribute all he can to promote its good, by his
" reason, his ingenuity, his strength, and every other abil-
" ity, whether natural or acquired ; to resist, and, to the
" utmost of his power, defeat every encroachment upon it,
" whether carried on by secret corruption, or open vio-
" lence, and to sacrifice his ease, his wealth, his power, —
" nay life itself, in the defence of his country, is the duty,
" the honour, the interest, and the happiness of every
" member of it, as it undoubtedly will make him vene-
" rable and beloved while he lives, lamented and honoured
" if he falls in so glorious a cause, and transmit his name,
" with immortal fame, to the latest posterity."
This is, my countryman, a true sketch of the duty we
owe our country, as worthy members of it. He who would
attempt to persuade you from it is your professed enemy ;
and as such you ought to shun and despise him.
You are now put to the grand trial, to acquit yourselves
in which, with honour, requires you to call to your aid all
your prudence, firmness, and perseverance ; for let me
remind you once more, that on the event depends this im-
portant and truly alarming question, whether we are to be
freemen or slaves ? But remember that, whether you are
the one or the other, ultimately depends altogether, in my
humble conception, on tlie part you act with regard to the
Association before spoken of; a steady attention to which
will in time, we trust, awaken the attention of the trading
people in Great Britain, whose united interest might,
more than probable, obtain a repeal of those Acts of Par-
liament which have irresistibly drove us to the lengths we
have now taken for our common preservation. On the
contrary, should you, by too niggardly attention to your
own inunediate private good, violate any of the Articles
of Association, and thereby destroy the purpose tiiey were
calculated to answer, you at once give tlie Minister of
Great Britain an opportunity of humbling you at his feet,
to use his own words, and convinces the world you are
unworthy of that freedom which we are at present strug-
gling to preserve.
885
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, &c., OCTOBER, 1774.
886
These are, my countrymen, the sentiments of a man
who is sincerely devoted to his country's cause, and such
as he dares avow, at the expense of his Hfe, should his
country be so unhappy as to call for it, which may
Heaven avert 1 In perusing of which, should any gram-
matical errour present itself, kindly pass it over, as it is the
substance, and not the form, which he has been labour-
ing to recommend ; and believe him when he tells you
that he long since expected to find some abler pen than
his exercised in this cause, as the object of this address
to you (which he has shortened as much as the subject
would possibly admit of) ought to be held up to publick
view, as an example which others ought carefully to shun.
Brutus.
Annapolis, October 20, 1774.
The Brig Peggy Stewart, Capt. Jackson, from London,
having on board seventeen packages, containing two thou-
sand three hundred and twenty pounds of that detestable
weed Tea, arrived here on Friday last. The Tea was con-
signed to Thomas Charles Williams, and Company, Mer-
chants in this City. Those of the Committee for Anne
Arundel County who were in Town, hearing of the arrival
of said vessel, met in the afternoon, and were informed the
said vessel had been entered in the forenoon of that day, and
the duty on the Tea paid to the Collector by Mr. Anthony
Stewart, one of the owners of said brig. Four only of
the Committee being present, it was thought advisable to
call a meeting of the people. Notice was thereupon im-
mediately given — many of the inhabitants, together with a
number of gentlemen from Anne Arundel, Baltimore, and
other Counties, who were attending the Provincial Court,
met, and having called before them the Importers and the
Captain of the ship, together with the Deputy Collector,
the question was moved and seconded, whether the Tea
should be landed in America or not ? and the question
being put, it was unanimously detennined in the negative.
A Committee of twelve persons was thereupon appointed
to attend landing the other goods on board said vessel, and
to prevent landing the Tea ; after which the meeting ad-
journed to Wednesday, the 19th, at eleven o'clock. At
which time the Members of the Committee and other
the inhabitants of the County, were requested to attend
at this place.
In consequence of this adjournment a great number of
very respectable gentlemen from Anne Arundel, Balti-
more, and Prince George's Counties, met here, and
amongst others, eight of the Committee for A7ine Arundel
County. Those of the Committee proceeded to examine
into the affair, calling before them Messrs. James and
Joseph Williams, and Anthony Stewart, and also took into
consideration an offer made by said Williams's and Stewart
to destroy the Tea, and make such concessions as might be
satisfactory to the Committee and the people assembled.
The Committee were of opinion, if the Tea was destroyed
by the voluntary act of the owners, and proper concessions
made, that nothing further ought to be required. This,
their opinion, being reported to the assembly, was not satis-
factory to all present. Mr. Stewart then voluntarily offered
to burn the vessel and the Tea in her, and that proper
acknowledgments should be made and published in the
Maryland Gazette. Those acknowledgments were ac-
cordingly made, and are as follows :
" We, James Williams, Joseph Williams, and Anthony
Stewart, do severally acknowledge that we have committed
a most daring insult and act of the most pernicious tend-
ency to the liberties of America ; we, the said Williams's
in importing the Tea, and said Stewart in paying the duty
thereon ; and thereby deservedly incurred the displeasure
of the people now convened, and all others interested in
the preservation of the constitutional rights and liberties
of Isorth America — do ask pardon for the same ; and we
solemnly declare, for the future, that we never will infringe
any Resolution by the people for the salvation of their
rights, nor will we do any act that may be injurious to the
liberties of the people ; and to show our desire of living in
amity with the friends to America, we do request this
meeting, or as many as may choose to attend, to be pre-
sent, at any place where die people shall appoint, and we
will there commit to the flames, or otherwise destroy, as
the people may choose, the detestable article which has
been the cause of this our misconduct.
" Anthony Stewart,
" Joseph Williams,
" James Williams."
After which Mr. Stewart, and Messrs. James and Joseph
JVilliams, owners of the Tea, went on board said vessel,
with her sails and colours flying, and voluntarily set fire to
the Tea, and, in a few hours, the whole, together with the
vessel, was consumed in the presence of a great number of
spectators.
Annapolis, October 18, 1774.
The Committee for Anne Arundel County received
information from Baltimore that a considerable quantity of
Tea was expected on board the Generous Friends, Captain
Nairne. The ship arrived on Saturday evening, the 15th
instant, and, on examination, it did not appear by the
cockets, or entry at the Collector's office, that any Tea had
been on board. It appeared by a letter to Mr. Hodglcin,
that six chests of Tea had been shipped, and that Captain
Nairne refused to sail from London until the Tea was re-
landed, for which conduct Captain Nairne had the thanks
of this Committee. By order,
John Ducket, Cl'k Committee.
TO THE merchants AND CITIZENS OF NEW-YORK.
New. York, October 20, 1774.
It has been deemed by some proper and eligible to re-
turn publick thanks to a set of Mechanicks for bravely re-
fusing their assistance in securing their Sovereign's Troops
from the inclemencies of the seasons ; what acknowledg-
ments are not due to you, gentlemen, for asserting and pre-
serving your rights of thinking and acting in a more humane
and reasonable manner, against the unwarrantable and bold
attempts of those persons who use the prostituted name of
liberty only to infringe that of others with success and im-
punity. Suffer not then these sons of licentiousness and
disorder to encroach further. The unbounded and lawless
heights to which they have risen in a neighbouring Prov-
ince, demands your serious attention ; take heed that while
the words tyranny and oppression are bandied about and
fixed on Britain, you are not unawares enthralled at home,
and subjected to a domination the most abject and slavish,
viz : that of the idle, the vicious, and profane, for it is
not among the industrious artisans, the honest farmers, or
frugal tradesmen that you are to look for these children of
mischief, tumult, and riot, but among those who either hav-
ing nothing to lose, or, having wasted their own substance,
would gladly become the masters of yours. These are
the men who excite sedition and commotions, nay, would
even blow the trumpet of rebellion through the land, so
they might in the confusion of the times but divide and
share in your property. Thanks, gentlemen, thanks for
the noble stand on the late occasion, and may every Prov-
ince, after your example, thus uphold the privileges of
freemen and early crush these atrocious intruders on true
and genuine liberty.
TO THE inhabitants OF NEW-YORK.
New- York, October 20, 1774.
Without entering into the dispute as to the right of tiie
British Parliament to impose Duties in America, I would
beg leave to submit some thoughts to consideration, which
good policy and a regard to our own interest, might allow
to have weight in influencing our judgments in this matter.
Before we make an alteration in any circumstance in
life we should consider the value of the good we put to
hazard, and the risk we run of being sufferers by the ex-
change. In the present political case we should place the
benefits arising from obedience against the burthens that we
are compelled to submit to.
To induce us to submit with cheerfulness we should
consider that the Government to which we pay obedience
has the power to protect us ; and that from the genius of
the British Constitution, from the commercial interest and
good policy of that Nation, we have every desirable secu-
rity that its authority over us will be exercised with justness
and gendeness, and for our own real advantage, as that
must be the best means of promoting its own. And to
887
CORRESPONDENCE, PROCEEDINGS, fee, OCTOBER, 1774.
888
make us prize the blessings we enjoy under this Govem-
niem we should consider the circumstances to which we
should be reduced were we withdrawn from the protection
of Great Britain. In the wide spread Colonies of Ame-
rica, where the country is continually increasing in inhab-
itants, and improving in cultivation, there will be frequent
occasion for alterations and amendments in their Govern-
ment, Laws, and Provincial Regulation. And where can
those inhabitants find such a model of good Government
as in the British Constitution ? Where can they be direct-
ed so well as by the wisdom of a British Senate ? How
could the frequent jarring interests of different Provinces
be adjusted without bloodshed, but by the interposition of
the authority of that Government ? And how could tiie
power of the whole Continent be collected and a()piied on
any exigency without its supreme direction ? When we
consider the many encouragements by bounties, and other-
wise given by Great Britain for the cultivation of this
country, and the production of articles of commerce, when
we compare the Duties paid by the subject in Great Bri-
tain with those paid by the subject in America for that pro-
tection whicli is common to both, we shall see great cause
to admire the tenderness and indulgence of Government
towards us. In the infancy of societies, as in tiie early
stage of life, there is an impatience under the restraint of
authority. The violent passions of youth often plunge
into the greatest distresses, and societies have often been
thrown into confusion and disorder by the turbulence of
factious demagogues, who iiave abused the license of the
press and the credulity of the people, to serve their own
interested or ambitious purposes.
If there should be any persons who endeavour to per-
suade us into a confidence of our sufEciency to our own
government, defence, and protection, let us look well
into the characters of such men, and the motives for their
conduct, before we suffer ourselves to be influenced by their
patriotick pretensions. It may answer the purposes of a
present interest to flatter the passions of the multitude, but
lie who would secure a solid reputation to himself, by pro-
moting the real good and happiness of his country, must
not expect a present approbation ; he will have to combat
the views of particular persons and many popular preju-
dices, that will expose him to the reproaches of interested
minds, and the general censure of his cotemporaries. 
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